COLLECTION OF BEITISII AUTHORS. VOL. CLXXII. THE HISTOEY OF ENGLAND BY TEOMAS BABINGTOX MACAIJLAY. VOL. I. J. PETER MAYER LIBRARY TAUOHNITZ EDITION". By the same Author: CRITICAL AND HISTORICAL ESSAYS . . 5 vols. LAYS OF ANCIENT BOMB 1 vol. SPEECHES 2 vols. BIOGRAPHICAL ESSAYS 1 vol. WILLIAM PITT , ATTEKBURY 1 VOl. THE HISTORY OF mGum FKOM THE ACCESSION OF JAMES THE SECO^T). BY THOMAS BABINGTON MACAULAY, COFYMGET EDITION: VOL. L LEIPZIG BERN n A n D :. T A U C H N I T Z 1849. LIBRARY CNlVERSn Y OF CALIFORNIA SAINTA BAHIJARA CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME, CHAI'TER L PAOH iNTRODrCTlON i Britaio under the Uomans 3 Britain under the Saxons 4 Effect of the Conversion of the Saxons to Christianity ... ft Danish Invasions ^ The Normaas . . . . • 10 The Norman Conquest and its Effects 1- Effects of the Separation of England and Normandy ... 15 Arnaigamation of Races 16 Conquests of the English on the Continent iS Wars of the Roses 20 Extinction of Villenage 21 Beneficial Operation of the Koman Catholic Religion ... 22 The Nature of the ancient English Government often misrepre- sented, and why 24 Description of the limited Monarchies of the Middle Ages . . 27 Prerogatives of the ancient English Kings how limited ... 28 The Limitations not always strictly observed, and why ... 29 Resistance an ordinary Check on Tyranny in the Middle Ages . 33 Peculiar Character of the English Aristocracy .... 3(5 The Government of the Tudors 39 The limited Monarchies of the Middle. 4ges generally turned into absolute Monarchies, and why 4t The English Monarchy a singular Exception, and why ... 42 The Reformation and its Effects 44 TI CONTENTS. I'VCR Origin of the Church of England 50 Her peculiar Character 51 The llelation in which she stood to the Crown .... 53 The Puritans 58 Their Republican Spirit 59 No sysleniaiic Parliamentary Opposition offered to the Govern- ment of Elizabeth, and why 60 The Question of the Monopolies 61 Scotland and Ireland become Parts of the same Empire with England C3 Diminution of the Importance of England after the Accession of James the First 08 The Doctrine of Divine Right 6!) The Separation between the Church and the Puritans becomes wider 13 Accession and Character of Charles the First 82 Tactics of the Opposition in the House of Commons ... 83 Petition of Right . ih. The Petition of Right violated 83 Character and Designs of Wentworth ib. Character of Laud 86 The Star Chamber and liigh Commission Vi Ship-money 89 Resistance to the Liturgy in Scotland 91 A Parliament called and dissolved %A The Long Parliament 95 The first Appearance of the two great English Parlies ... 96 The Irish Rebellion 103 The Remonstrance 104 The Impeachment of the Five Members 106 Departure of Charles from London 108 Commencement of the Civil War Hi Successes of the Royalists ,113 Rise of the Independents 114 Oliver Cromwell 115 The Self-denying Ordinance 116 Victory of the Parliament 117 Domination and Character of the Army 118 Risings against the Military Government suppressed ... 121 The Proceeding against the King 122 His Execution . . 123 Subjugation of Ireland and Scotland 127 Expulsion of the Long Parliament 129 The Protectorate of Oliver 132 Oliver succeeded by Richard 137 Fall of Richard and Revival of the Long Parliament . . <40 Second Expulsion of the Long Parliament .... 141 COKTENTS. VII Monk and the Army of Scotland inarch into Englaiid Monk declares for a free Parlianienl . General Election of 1660 The Kesloratioa PACK 142 145 1» CHAPTER n. The Conduct of those who restored the House of Stuart wn) censured ... ... Abolition of the Tenures by Knight Service . Disbanding of the Army ..... Disputes between the Itoundheads and Cavaliers renewed Religious Dissension Unpopularity of the Puritans Character of Charles the Second .... Characters of the Duke of Y'ork and Earl of Clarendon General Election of 1C61 Violence of the Cavaliers in the new Parliament Persecution of the Puritans Zeal of the Church for hereditary Monarchy Change in the Morals of the Community . Profligacy of the Politicians of that Age . State of Scotland State of Ireland The Government becomes unpopular in England . War with the Dutch Opposition in the House of Commons Fall of Clarendon State of European Politics, and Ascendency of France Character of Lewis the Fourteenth .... The Triple Alliance The Country Party Connection l.>elween Charles the Second and France Views of Lewis with respect to England . Treaty of Dover Nature of the English Cabinet; The Cabal Shutting of the Exchequer War with the Dnited Provinces and their extreme Dar.i William Prince of Orange Meeting of the Parliament Declaration of Indulgence ustly ler ISt «6. 153 155 158 165 169 172 17.^ 174 115 176 179 181 183 185 188 190 191 194 196 199 200 201 203 206 208 212 213 214 216 217 VIII CONTEXTS. PAGR II is cancelled, and Ihe Test Act passed 219 The Cabal dissolved 220 Peace with the United Provinces; Auminislralion of Danby . 221 Enibarrnssinp Situaiion of the Coiinlry Parly 224 Dealings of that Parly with the French Embassy .... ib. Peace of Nimeguen; violent discontents in England ... 226 Fall of Danbv ; the Popish Plot 229 First General Election 011619 .233 Violence of the new House of Commons 235 Temple's Plan of Government 236 Character of Halifax 239 Character of Sunderland .... .... 212 Prorojration ot the Parliament 244 Habeas Corpus Act 245 Second General Election of 1G19; Popularity of Monmouth . . i6. Lawrence Hyde 250 Sidney Godolpbin 251 Violence of Factions on the Subject ol the Exclusion Dill . . 252 Names of Whig and Tory 253 Meeting of Parliament 254 The Exclusion iiill passes (he Commons ib. Exclusion Bill rejected by the Lords 2.%5 Execution of Stafford; General Election of 1081 . . . . n^ Parliament held at Oxford and dissolved; Tory Reaction . . 257 Persecution of the Whigs 2t)0 The Charter of the City confiscated; Whig Conspiracies . . 2(il Detection of the Whig Conspiracies; Severity of the Government. 264 Seizure of Charters 205 Influence of the Duke of York 266 Ue is opposed by Halifax 267 Lord Keeper Guildlord 270 Policy of Lewis 272 Slate of Factions in the Court of Charles at the Time of bis Death 273 CHAPTER III. Great Change in the Stale of England since 1685 .... 276 Population of Engl.md in 1C85 277 The Increase of Population greater in the North than in the South 279 Revenue in 1C85 282 COKT£NTS. IX PACK Military System 285 The Navy 293 The Ordnance 300 Noneffective Charge 30i Charge of Civil Government 302 Great Gains of Courtiers and Ministers 303 State of Agriculture ... 306 Mineral Wealth of the Country .311 Increase of Rent; the Country Gentlemen 313 The Clergy 319 The Yeomanry . 329 Growth of the Towns; Bristol 330 Norwich 332 Other Country Towns 333 Manchester; Leeds 335 Sheffield 336 Birmingham 337 LiTerpool 338 Watering places: Cheltenham; Brighton 339 Buxton; Tunbridge Wells .340 Bath 3« London 342 The City 344 The Fashionable Part of the Capital 350 Police of London 355 The Lighting of London 35G White Friars 357 The Court 358 The Coffee-houses 361 Difficulty of Travelling 365 Badness of the Roads 366 Stage Coaches 371 Highwaymen 374 Inns 377 The Post Office 379 The Newspapers - .... 381 The Newsletters 383 The Observator .385 Scarcity of Boolis in Country Places 386 Female Education 387 Literary Attainments of Gentlemen 389 Influence of French Literature 390 Immorality of the Polite Literature of England .... 399 Staie of Science in England ......... 399 State of the Fine Arts 405 Slate of the Common People; Agricultural Wages ... 408 QONTENTS. PAGE Wages of Manufacturers ... 410 Labour of Children in Faclories 41'^ Number of Paupers 414 Benefits derived by the Common People from ibe Progress of Ci- vilisation 415 Delusion \\birh leads Men to o\errate Ibc Happiness of preceding Generations 418 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAPTER I. I PUKPOSE to write the history of England from the acces- chap. sion of Kineen gra- dually reduced. The condition of the peasant had been gradually elevated. Between the aristocracy and the working people had sprung up a middle class, agricultuial and com- merciaL There was still, it may be, more inequality than is favourable to the happiness and virtue of our species : but no man was altogether above the restraints of la«v; and no man was altogether below its protection. That the political institutions of England were, at this early period, regarded by the English wit! pride and affec- tion, and by the most enlightened men cf neighbouring na- tions with admiration and envy, is proved by the clearest evidence. But touching the nature jf those institutions, there has been much dishonest and acrinonious controversy. Thcoariy The historical literature of Englnnd has indeed suffered p'oiiiy grievously from a circumstance wh'ch has not a little con- Diisrc- tributed to her prosperity. The chinge, great as it is, which present- j^^j, pQ^j^y j^^s Undergone during the last six centuries, has been the effect of gradual development, not of demolition and BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 25 reconstruction. The present constitution of our country is, chap. to the constitution under which she flourished five hundred years ago, what the tree is to the sapling, what the man is to the boy. The alteration has been great. Yet there never was a moment at which the chief part of what existed was not old. A polity thus formed must abound in anomalies. But for the evils arising from mere anomalies we have ample com- pensation. Other societies possess written constitutions more symmetrical. But no other society has yet succeeded in uniting revolution with prescription, progress with stability, the energy of youth with the majesty of immemorial an- tiquity. This great blessing, however, has its drawbacks: and one of those drawbacks is, that every source of information as to our early history has been poisoned by party spirit. As there is no country where statesmen have been so much under the influence of the past , so there is no country where histori- « ans have been so much under the influence of the present. Between these two things, indeed, there Is a natural con- nection. Where history is regarded merely as a picture of life and manners, or as a collection of experiments from which general maxims of civil wisdom may be drawn, a writer lies under no very pressing temptation to misrepresent trans- actions of ancient date. But where history is regarded as a repository of title-deeds, on which the rights of governments and nations depend, the motive to falsification becomes almost irresistible. A Frenchman is not now impelled by any strong interest either to exaggerate or to underrate the power of the kings of the house of Valois. The privileges of the States General, of the States of Britanny, of the States of Burgundy, ave now matters of as little practical importance as the con- stitution of the Jewish Sanhedrim, or of the Amphictyonic Council. The gulph of a great revolution completely se- parates the new from the old system. No such chasm divides 26 HISTORY OP ENGLAND, CHAP, the existence of the English nation into two distinct parts. — '- — Our laws and customs have never been lost in general and irreparable ruin. With us the precedents of the middle ages are still valid precedents, and are still cited, on the gravest occasions, by the most eminent statesmen. Thus, when King George the Tbird was attacked by the malady which made him incapable of performing his regal functions, and when the most distinguished law}'ers and politicians differed widely as to the course which ought, in such circumstances, to be pursued, the Houses of Parliament would not proceed to discuss any plan of regency till all the examples which were to be found in our annals, from the earliest times, had been collected and arranged. Committees were appointed to ex- amine the ancient records of the realm. The first precedent reported was that of the year 1217: much importance was attached to the precedents of 1326, of 1377, and of 1422: but the case which was justly considered as most in point was that of 1455. Thus in our country the dearest interests of parties have frequently been staked on the results of the researches of antiquaries. The inevitable consequence was, that our antiquaries conducted their researches in the spirit of par- tisans. It is therefore not surprising that those who have written concerning the limits of prerogative and liberty in the old polity of England should generally have shown the temper, not of judges, but of angry and uncandid advocates. For they were discussing, not a speculative matter, but a matter which had a direct and practicnl connection with the most momen- tous and exciting disputes of their own day. From the com- mencement of the long contest between the Parliament and the Stuarts down to the time when the pretensions of the Stuarts ceased to be formidable, few questions were practically more important than the question whether the administration of that family had or had not been in accordance with the ancient BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 27 constitution of the kingdom. This question could be decided f^^-^f- only by reference to the records of preceding reigns. Bracton — and Fleta, the Mirror of Justice and the Rolls of Parliament, were ransacked to find pretexts for the excesses of the Star Chamber on one side, and of the High Court of Justice on the other. During a long c»«rse of years every Whig historian was anxious to prove that the old English government was all but republican, every Tory historian to prove that it was all but despotic. With such feelings , both parties looked into the chronicles of the middle ages. Both readily found what they sought; and both obstinately refused to see anything but what they sought. The champions of the Stuarts could easily point out instances of oppression exercised on the subject. The defenders of the i^ound-heads could as easily produce instances of determined and successful resistance offered to the Crown. The Tories quoted, from ancient writings, expressions almost as servile as were heard from the pulpit of Mainwaring. The Whigs dis- covered expressions as bold and severe as any that resounded from the judgment seat of Bradshaw. One set of writers ad- duced numerous instances in which Kings had extorted money without the authority of Parliament. Another set cited cases in which the Parliament had assumed to itself the power of in- flicting punishment on Kings. Those who saw only one half of the evidence would have concluded that the Plantagenets were as absolute as the Sultans of Turkey : those who saw only the other half would have concluded that the Plantagenets had as little real power as the Doges of Venice; and both con- clusions would have been equally remote from the truth. The old English government was one of a class of limited p?""!.''*"* " <5 the limit- tnonarchies which sprang up in Western Europe during the ed monar- middle ages, and which, notwithstanding many diversities, bore the mid- to one another a strong fjimily likeness. That there should have been such a likeness is not strange. The countriea in 28 HISTOUr OF ENGLAND, cuAP. •^vhicli those monarchies arose had been provinces of the same — — great civilised empire, and had been overrun and conquered, about the same time, by tribes of the same rude and warlike nation. They -were members of the same great coalition against Islam. They were in communion with the same superb and ambitious Church. Their polity naturally took the same form. They had institutions derived 'partly from imperial Rome, partly from papal Rome , partly from the old Germany. All had l^gs; and in all the kingly office became by degrees strictly hereditary. All had nobles bearing titles which had originally indicated military rank. The dignity of knighthood, the rules of heraldry, were common to all. All had richly endowed ecclesiastical establishments, municipal coi-jiorations enjoying large franchises, and senates whose consent was ne- cessary to the validity of some public acts. Preroga- Of these kindred constitutions the English was, from an the early early period , justly reputed the best. The prerogatives of the KDgs!'' sovereign were undoubtedly extensive. The spirit of religion, and the spirit of chivalry, concurred to exalt his dignity. The sacred oil had been poured on his head. It was no disparage- ment to the bravest and noblest knights to kneel at his feet. His person was inviolable. He alone was entitled to convoke theEstates of the realm: he could at his pleasure dismiss them; and his assent was necessary to all tlieir legislative acts. He was the chief of the executive administration, the sole organ of communication with foreign powers, the captain of the mili- tary and naval forces of the state, the fountain of justice, of mercy, and of honour. He had large powers for the regulation of trade. It was by him that money was coined, that weights and measures were fixed, that marts and havens were ap- pointed. His ecclesiastical patronage was immense. His he- reditary revenues, economically administered, sufficed to meet the ordinary' charges of government. His own domains were of past extent. He was also feudal lord paramount of the whole BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 29 soil of his kingdom , and, in that capacity, possessed many chap. lucrative and many formidable rights, which enabled him to " annoy and depress those who thwarted him, and to enrich and aggrandise, without any cost to himself, those who enjoyed his favour. But his power, though ample, was limited by three great L'mits- constitutional principles, so ancient that none can say when the pre- they began to exist, so potent that their natural development, continued through many generations , has produced the order of things under which we now live. First, the King could not legislate without the consent of his Parliament. Secondly, he could impose no taxes without the consent of his Parliament. Thirdly, he was bound to con- duct the executive administration according to the laws of the land, and, if he broke those laws, his advisers and his agents were responsible. No candid Tory will deny that these principles had, five hundi'ed years ago, acquired the authority of fundamental rules. On the other hand, no candid Whig will affirm that they were, till a later period, cleared from all ambiguity, or followed out to all their consequences. A constitution of the middle ages was not, like a constitution of the eighteenth or nineteenth century, created entire by a single act, and fully set forth in a single document. It is only in a refined and speculative age that a polity is constructed on system. In rude societies the progress of government resembles the progress of language and of versification. Rude societies have language, and often copious and energetic language: but they have no scientific grammar, no definitions of nouns and verbs, no names for de- clensions, moods, tenses, and voices. Rude societies have versification, and often versification of great power and sweet- ness : but they have no metrical canons ; and the minstrel whose numbers, regulated solely by his ear, are the delight of his audience, would himself be unable to say of how many dactyls 30 HISTORY OP ENGLAND, CHAP, and trochees eacL of his lines consists. As eloquence exists before syntax, and song before prosody, so government may exist in a high degree of excellence long before the limits of legislative, executive, and judicial power have been traced with precision. It was thus in our country. The line which bounded the royal prei-ogative, though in general sufficiently clear, had not ever}"where been drawn with accuracy and distinctness. There was, therefore, near the border some debatable ground on which incursions and reprisals continued to take place, till, after ages of strife, plain and durable landmarks were at length set up. It may be instructive to note in what way, and to what extent, our ancient sovereigns were in the habit of violating the three gi-eat principles by which the liberties of the nation were protected. No English King has ever laid claim to the general legis- lative power. The most violent and imperious Plautagenet never fancied himself competent to enact, without the consent of his great council, that a jury should consist of ten persons instead of twelve, that a widow's dower should be a fourth part instead of a third, that perjury sliould be a felony, or that the custom of gavelkind should be introduced into Yorkshire.* But the King had the power of pardoning offendors ; and there is one point at which the power of pardoning and the power of legislating seem to fade into each other, and may easily, at least in a simple age, be confounded. A penal statute is virtually annulled if tlie penalties which it imposes are regularly re- mitted as oflen as they are incurred. The sovereign was un- doubtedly competent to remit penalties without limit. He was therefore competent to annul virtually a penal statute. It might seem that there could be no serious objection to his doing for- mally what ho might do virtually. Thus, with the help of • This is excpllcnlly put, by Mr. ll.illam in the first cbaplcr of his CoDslitiitional History. BEFOKE THE KESTOKATION. St subtle and courtly lawyers, grew up, on the doubtful frontier c:^. which separates executive from legislative functions, that great anomaly known as the dispensing power. That the King could not impose taxes without the consent of Parliament is admitted to have been, from time immemorial, a fundamental law of England. It was among the articles which John was compelled by the Barons to sign. Edward the First ventured to break through the rule : but, able, power- ful, and popular as he was, he encountered an opposition to which he found it expedient to yield. He covenanted accord- ingly in express terms, for himself and his heirs, that they would never again levy any aid without the assent and good- will of the Estates of the realm. His powerful and victorious grandson attempted to violate this solemn compact: but the attempt was strenuously withstood. At length the Plantage- nets gave up the point in despair; but though they ceased to infringe the law openly, they occasionally contrived, by eva- ding it, to procure an extraordinary supply for a temporary purpose. They were interdicted from taxing ; but they claim- ed the right of begging and borrowing. They therefore sometimes begged in a tone not to be distinguished from that of command, and sometimes borrowed Avith small thought of repaying. But the fact that it was thought necessaiy to dis- guise these exactions under the names of benevolences and loans sufficiently proves that the authority of the great con- stitutional rule was universally recognised. The principle that the King of England was bound to con- duct the administration according to law, and that, if he did anj'thing against law, his advisers and agents were answerable, was established at a very early period, as the severe judg- ments pronounced and executed on many royal favourites sufficiently prove. It is, however, certain that the rights of individuals were often violated by the Plantagenets , and that the injured parties were often unable to obtain redress. Ac- 32 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, cording to law no Englishman could be arrested or detained in confinement merely by the mandate of the sovereign. In fact, persons obnoxious to the government were frequently impri- soned without any other authority than a royal order. Accord- ing to law, torture, the disgrace of the Roman jurisprudence, could not, in any circumstances, be inflicted on an English subject. Nevertheless, during the troubles of the fifteenth century, a rack was Introduced into the Tower, and was occa- sionally used under the plea of political necessity. But it would be a great error to infer from such irregularities that the English monarchs were, either in theory or in practice, absolute. We live in a highly civilised society, in which in- telligence is so rapidly diffused by means of the press and of the post office , that any gross act of oppression committed in any part of our island is, in a few hours, discussed by millions. If the sovereign were now to immure a subject in defiance of the writ of Habeas Corpus, or to put a conspirator to the tor- ture, the whole nation would be instantly electrified by the news. In the middle ages the state of society was widely different. Rarely and with great difficulty did the wrongs of individuals come to the knowledge of the public. A man might be illegally confined during many months in the castle of Carlisle or Norwich; and no whisper of the transaction might reach London. It is highly probable that the rack had been many years in use before the great majority of the nation had the least suspicion that it was ever employed. Nor were our ancestors by any means so much alive as we are to the im- portance of maintaining great general rules. We have been taught by long experience that we cannot without danger suffer any breach of the constitution to pass unnoticed. It is therefore now universally held that a government which un- necessarily exceeds its powers ought to be visited with severe parliamentary censure, and that a government which, under the pressure of a great exigency, and with pure intentions, has BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 33 exceeded its powers, ouglit -vvlthout delay to apply to Parlia- ciup. ment for an act of indemnity. But such were not the feelings • of the Englishmen of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. They were little disposed to contend for a principle merely as a principle, or to cry out against an irregularity which was not also felt to be a grievance. As long as the general spirit of the administration was mild and popular, they were willing to allow some latitude to their sovereign. If, for ends generally acknowledged to be good, he exerted a vigour beyond the law, they not only forgave, but applauded him, and, while they enjoyed security and prosperity under his rule, were but too ready to believe that whoever had incurred his displeasure had deserved it. But to this indulgence there was a limit : nor was that King wise who presumed far on the forbearance of the English people. They might sometimes allow him to overstep the constitutional line; but they also claimed the pri- vilege of overstepping that line themselves, whenever his en- croachments were so serious as to excite alarm. If, not con- tent with occasionally oppressing individuals, he dared to oppress great masses , his subjects promptly appealed to the laws, and, that appeal failing, appealed as promptly to the God of battles. They might indeed safely tolerate aKing in a few excesses : R«s'st- for they had in reserve a check which soon brought the fiercest ordinary and proudest King to reason , the check of physical force. It tyranny in is difficult for an Englishman of the nineteenth century to die ages. image to himself the facility and rapidity with which, four hundred years ago, this check was applied. The people have long unlearned the use of arms. The art of war has been carried to a perfection unknown to our forefathers, and the knowledge of that art is confined to a particular class. A hun- dred thousand troops, well disciplined and commanded, wiU keep down millions of ploughmen and artisans. A few regi- ments of household troops are sufficient to overawe all the dis- Macanlay, IIMnry. I. 3 34 HISTOBY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, contented spirits of a large capital. In the meantime the effect of the constant progress of wealth has been to make in- surrection far more terrible to thinking men than maladmi- nistration. Immense sums have been expended on works which, if a rebellion broke out, might perish In a few hours. The mass of moveable wealth collected in the shops and ware- houses of London alone exceeds fivehundredfold that which the whole island contained in the days of the Plantagenets; and, if the government were subverted by physical force, all this moveable wealth would be exposed to imminent risk of spoliation and destruction. Still greater would be the risk to public credit, on which thousands of families directly depend for subsistence, and with which the credit of the whole commercial world is inseparably connected. It Is no ex- aggeration to say that a civil war of a week on English ground would now produce disasters which would be felt from the Hoangho to the Missouri, and of which the traces would be discernible at the distance of a centurj'. In such a state of society resistance must be regarded as a cure more desperate than almost any malady which can afflict the state. In the middle ages, on the contrary, resistance was an ordinary re- medy for political distempers, a remedy which was always at hand, and which, though doubtless sharp at the moment, pro- duced no deep or lasting ill effects. Ifa popular cliief raised his standard in a popular cause, an Irregular array could be assembled in a day. Regular army there was none. Every man had a slight tincture of soldiership, and scarcely any man more than a slight tincture. The national wealth consisted chiefly in flocks and herds, in the harvest of the year, and In the simple buildings Inhabited by the people. All the furni- ture, the stock of shops, the machinery which could be found in the realm was of less value than the property which some single pai-ishes now contain. Manufactures were rude, credit almost unknown. Society, therefore, recovered from the shock BEFORE THE KESTORAXION. 35 as soon as the actual conflict was over. The calamities of civil chap. war were confined to the slaughter on the field of battle, and to a few subsequent executions and confiscations. In a week the peasant was driving his team and the esquire flying his hawks over the field of Towton, or of Bosworth, as if no extraordinary event had interrupted the regular course of human life. A hundred and sixty years have now elapsed since the English people have by force subverted a government. During the hundred and sixty years which preceded the union of the Roses, nine Kings reigned in England. Six of these nine Kings were deposed. Five lost their lives as well as their crowns. It is evident, therefore, that any com- parison between our ancient and our modern polity must lead to most erroneous conclusions, unless large allowance be made for the effect of that restraint which resistance and the fear of resistance constantly imposed on the Plantagenets. As our ancestors had against tyranny a most important se- curity which we want, they might safely dispense with some securities to which we justly attach the highest importance. As we cannot, without the risk of evils from which the imagi- nation recoils, employ physical force as a check on mlsgo- vernment, it is evidently our wisdom to keep all the consti- tutional checks on misgovemment in the highest state of efficiency, to watch with jealousy the first beginnings of encroachment, and never to sufi'er irregularities, even when harmless in themselves, to pass unchallenged, lest they ac- quire the force of precedents. Four hundred years ago such minute vigilance might seem unnecessary. A nation of hardy archers and spearmen might, with small risk to its liberties, connive at some illegal acts on the part of a prince whose general administration was good, and whose throne was not defended by a single company of regular soldiers. Under this system, rude as it may appear when compared with those elaborate constitutions of which the last seventy 36 HISTORY OP ENGLAND, CHAP, years have been fruitful, the English long enjoyed a large measure of freedom and happiness. Though during the feeble reign of Henry the Sixth the state was torn first by factions, and at length by civil war, though Edward the Fourth was a prince of dissolute and imperious character, . though Richard the Third has generally been represented as a monster of depravity, though the exactions of Henry the Seventh caused great repining, it is certain that our an- cestors, under those Kings, were far better governed than the Belgians under Philip, surnamed the Good, or the French under that Lewis who was styled the Father of his people. Even while the wars of the Roses were actually raging, our country appears to have been in a happier condition than the neighbouring realms during years of profound peace. Comines was one of the most enlightened statesmen of his time. He had seen all the richest and most highly civilised parts of the Continent. He had lived in the opulent towns of Flanders, the Manchesters and Liverpools of the fifteenth century. He had visited Florence, recently adorned by the magnificence of Lorenzo, and Venice, not yet humbled by the confederates of Cambray. This eminent man deliberately pronounced England to be the best governed country of which he had any knowledge. Her constitution he empha- tically designated as a just and holy thing, which, while it protected the people , really strengthened the hands of a prince who respected it. In no other country, he said, were men so elTcctunlly secured from wrong. The calamities pro- duced by our intestine wars seemed to him to be confined to the nobles and the fighting men, and to leave no traces such as he had been accustomed to see elsewhere, no ruined dwellings, no depopulated cities, chafa'c'tor It was not Only by tlie efficiency of the restraints imposed En"irsh '^^ *^'^ royal prerogative that England was advantageously •riato- (listinjruishcd from moat of the neighbouring countries. A cr«cy. ° o o BEFORE THE RESTORATION. S7 peculiarity equally important, though less noticed, was the chap. relation In which the nobility stood here to the commonalty. - — ' — There was a strong hereditary ai-istocracy: but it was of all hereditary aristocracies the least insolent and exclusive. It i had none of the invidious character of a caste. It was con- | stantly receiving members from the people and constantly sending down members to mingle with the people. Any gentleman might become a peer. The younger son of a peer was but a gentleman. Grandsons of peers yielded prece- dence to newly made knights. The dignity of knighthood was not beyond the reach of any man who could by diligence and thrift realise a good estate, or who could attract notice by his valour In a battle or a siege. / It was regarded as no disparagement for the daughter of a Duke, nay of a royal Duke, to espouse a distinguished commoner. Thus, Sir John Howard married the daughter of Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolk. Sir Richard Pole manned the Countess of Salisbury, daughter of George Duke of Clarence. Good blood was indeed held in high respect: but between good blood and the privileges of peerage there was, most for- tunately for our country, no necessary connection. Pedigrees as long, and scutcheons as old, were to be found out of the House of Lords as in it. There were new men who bore the highest titles. There were untitle men well known to be descended from knights who had broken the Saxon ranks at Hastings, and scaled the walls of Jerusalem. There were Bohuns, Mowbrays, De Veres, nay kinsmen of the House of Plantagenet, with no higher addition than that of esquire, and with no civil privileges beyond those enjojed by every farmer and shopkeeper. There was therefore here no line like that which In some other counti'Ies divided the patrician from the plebeian. The yeoman was not inclined to mur- mur at dignities to which his own children might rise. The 38 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CB^' gi-andee Tvas not inclined to insult a class into which his own children must descend. After the wars of York and Lancaster, the links which connected the nobility and the commonalty became closer and more numerous than ever. The extent of the destruction which had fallen on the old aristocracy may be inferred from a single circumstance. In the year 1451 Henry the Sixth summoned fifty-three temporal Lords to parliament. The temporal Lords summoned by Henry the Seventli to the par- liament of 1485 were only twenty-nine, and of these twenty- nine several had recently been elevated to the peerage. During the following century the ranks of the nobility were largely recruited from among the gentrj'. The constitution of the House of Commons tended greatly to promote the salutary intermixture of classes. The knight of the shire was the connecting link between the baron and the shopkeeper. On the same benches on which sate the goldsmiths, drapers, and grocers who had been returned to parliament by the commercial towns, sate also members who, in any other country, would have been called noblemen, hereditary lords of manors, entitled to hold courts and to bear coat armour, and able to trace back an honourable descent through many generations. Some of them were younger sons and brothers of great lords. Others could boast even of royal blood. At length the eldest son of an Earl of Bedford , called in cour- tesy by the second title of his father, offered himself as can- didate for a seat in the House of Commons, and his example was followed by others. Seated in that house, the heirs of the grandees of the realm naturally became as zealous for its privileges as any of the humble burgesses with whom they were mingled. Thus our democracy was, from an early period, the most aristocratic, and our aristocracy the most democratic in the world; a peculiarity which has lasted down BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 39 to the present day, and which has produced many important chap. moral and political effects. The government of Henry the Seventh, of his son, andof^°^"°{" his grandchildren was, on the whole, more arbitrary than that ^q^'"" of the Plantagenets. Personal character may in some degree explain the difference; for courage and force of will were common to all the men and women of the House of Tudor. They exercised their power during a period of a hundred and twenty years, always with vigour, often with violence, some- times with cruelty. They, in imitation of the dynasty which had preceded them, occasionally invaded the rights of the subject, occasionally exacted taxes under the name of loans and gifts, and occasionally dispensed with penal statutes; nay, though they never presumed to enact any permanent law by their own authority, they occasionally took upon themselves, when Parliament was not sitting, to meet temporary exigencies by temporary edicts. It was, however, impossible for the Tudors to carry oppression beyond a certain point: for they had no armed force, and they were surrounded by an armed people. The palace was guarded by a few domestics whom the array of a single shire, or of a single ward of London, could with ease have overpowered. These haughty princes were therefore under a restraint stronger than any which mere laws can impose, under a restraint which did not, indeed, prevent them from sometimes treating an individual in an arbitrary and even in a barbarous manner, but which effec- tually secured the nation against general and long continued oppression. They might safely be tyrants within the precinct of the court: but it was necessary for them to watch with constant anxiety the temper of the country. Henry the Eighth, for example, encountered no opposition when he wished to send Buckingham and Surrey, Anne Boleyn and Lady Salisbury, to the scaffold. But when, without the con- sent of Parliament, he demanded of his subjects a contri- 40 HlSTOllY OF EKGLAKD, CHAP, bution amounting to one sixth of their goods, he soon found - — -- — it necessary to retract. The cry of hundreds of thousands ■was that they were Enghsh and not French , freemen and not slaves. In Kent the royal commissioners fled for their lives. In Suffolk four thousand men appeared in arms. The ling's lieutenants in tliat county vainly exerted themselves to raise an army. Those who did not join in the insurrection declared that they would not fight against their brethren in such a quarrel. Henrj', proud and self-willed as he was, shrank, not ■without reason, from a conflict with the roused spirit of the nation. He had before his eyes the fate of his predecessors who had perished at Berkeley and Porafret. He not only cancelled his illegal commissions; he not only granted ;i general pardon to all the malecontents ; but he publicly and Bolemnly apologized for his infraction of the la^vvs. His conduct, on this occasion, well illustrates the whole policy of his house. The temper of the princes of that line was hot, and their spirit high: but they understood the cha- racter of the nation which tliey governed, and never once, like some of their predecessors, and some of their successors, carried obstinacy to a fatal point. The discretion of the Tudors was sucli, that their power, though it was often resisted, was never subverted. The reign of every one of them was disturbed by formidable discontents: but tlie go- vernment never failed either to sooth the mutineers, or to conquer and punish them. Sometimes, by timely concessions, it succeeded in averting civil hostilities; but in general it stood finn, and called for help on tlie nation. The nation obeyed the call, rallied round the sovereign, and enabled him to quell the disaffected minority. Thus, from the age of Henry the Third to the age of Elizabeth, England grew and flourislied under a polity which contained the germ of our present institutions, and which, though not very exactly defined, or very exactly observed, BEFOKE THE RESTORATION. 41 was yet effectually prevented from degenerating into despo- chap. tism, by the awe in which the governors stood of the spirit and strength of the governed. But such a polity is suited only to a particular stage in the progress of society. The same causes which produce a divi- sion of labour in the peaceful arts must at length make war a distinct science and a distinct trade. A time arrives when the use of arms begins to occupy the entire attention of a separate class. It soon appears that peasants and burghers, however brave, are unable to stand their ground against veteran sol- diers, whose whole life is a preparation for the day of battle, whose nerves have been braced by long familiarity with dan- ger, and whose movements have all the precision of cloek- work. It is felt that the defence of nations can no longer be safely entrusted to warriors taken from the plough or the loom for a campaign of forty days. If any state forms a great regular army, the bordering states must Imitate the example, or must submit to a foreign yoke. But, where a great regular army exists, limited monarchy, such as it was in the middle ages, can exist no longer. The sovereign is at once emanci- pated from what had been the chief restraint on his power; and he inevitably becomes absolute, unless he is subjected to checks such as would be superfluous In a society where aU are soldiers occasionally, and none permanently. With the danger came also the means of escape. In the ^'™l'"* monarchies of the middle ages the power of the sword be- ^'''*^ ."/ ° '■ the nnd- longed to the prince, but the power of the purse belonged to ("e ^g^s the nation; and the progress of civilisation, as it made the turned sword of the prince more and more formidable to the nation, solute made the purse of the nation more and more necessary to the "hie"' prince. His hereditary revenues would no longer suffice, even for the expenses of civU government. It was utterly Impossible that, without a regular and extensive system of taxation, he could keep in constant efficiency a great body of 42 HISTORY OP ENGLAND, CHAP, disciplined troops. The policy -whicli the parliamentary — - — assemblies of Europe ought to have adopted was to take their stand firmly on their constitutional right to give or withhold money, and resolutely to refuse funds for the support of armies, till ample securities had been provided against despo- tism. This wise policy was followed in our country alone. In the neighbouring kingdoms great military establishments were formed; no new safeguards for public liberty were devised; and the consequence was, that the old parliamen- tary institutions everywhere ceased to exist. In France, where they had always been feeble, they languished, and at length died of mere weakness. In Spain, where they had been as strong as in any part of Europe, they struggled fierce- ly for life, but struggled too late. The mechanics of Toledo and Valladolid vainly defended the privileges of the Castilian Cortes against the veteran battalions of Charles tlie Fifth. As vainly, in the next generation, did the citizens of Sara* gossa stand up against Philip the Second, for the old consti- tution of Aragon. One after another, the great national councils of the continental monarchies, councils once scarcely less proud and powerful than those which sate at Westminster, sank into utter insignificance. If they met, tliey met merely as our Convocation now meets , to go through some venerable forms. The In England events took a different course. This singular monarchy fcUcity she owed chiefly to her insular situation. Before the exiep-'^end of the fifteenth century great military establishments "'"'• were indispensable to the dignity, and even to the safety, of the French and Spanish monarchies. If either of those two powers had disarmed, it would soon have been compelled to submit to the dictation of the other. But England, protected by the sea against invasion, and rarely engaged in warlike operations on the Continent, was not, as yet, under the ne- BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 43 eesslty of employing regular troops. The sixteenth century, chap. the seventeenth century, found her still without a standing army. At the commencement of the seventeenth century political science had made considerable progress. The fate of the Spanish Cortes and of the French States General, had given solemn warning to our Parliaments; and our Parlia- ments, fully aware of the nature and magnitude of the danger, adopted, in good time, a system of tactics which, after a contest protracted through three generations, was at length successful. Almost every writer who has treated of that contest has been desirous to show that his own party was the party which was struggling to preserve the old constitution unaltered. The truth however is that the old constitution could not be preserved unaltered. A law, beyond the control of human wisdom, had decreed that there should no longer be govern- ments of that peculiar class which, in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, had been common throughout Europe. The question, therefore, was not whether our polity should undergo a change, but what the nature of the change should be. The introduction of a new and mighty force had dis- turbed the old equilibrium, and had turned one limited mo- narchy after another into an absolute monarchy. What had happened elsewhere would assuredly have happened here, unless the balance had been redressed by a great transfer of power from the crown to the parliament. Our princes were about to have at their command means of coercion such as no Plantagenet or Tudor had ever possessed. They must inevi- tably have become despots, unless they had been, at the same time, placed under restraints to which no Plantagenet or Tudor had ever been subject. It seems certain, therefore, that, had none but political causes been at work, the seventeenth century would not have passed away without a fierce conflict between our Kings and 44 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, tiieir Parliaments. But other causes of perhaps greater po- Jf^g pj,. tency contributed to produce the same effect. While the go- sndTu'"' ^^™™cnt of the Tudors was in its highest vigour took place an effects, event which has coloured the destiniep of all Christian nations, and in an especial manner the destinies of England. Twice during themiddleagesthemind of Europe had risen up against the domination of Rome. The first insurrection broke out in the south of France. The energy of Innocent the Third, the zeal of the young orders of Francis and Dominic, and the ferocity of the Crusaders whom the priesthood let loose on an unwarlike population, crushed the Albigensian churches. The second reformation had Its origin In England and spread to Bohemia. The Council of Constance, by removing some ecclesiastical disorders which had given scandal to Christen- dom, and the princes of Europe, by unsparingly using fire and sword against the heretics, succeeded in arresting and turning back tiie movement. Nor Is this much to be regretted. The sympathies of a Protestant, It is true, will naturally be on the side of the Albigensians and of the Lollards. Yet an enhghtened and temperate Protestant will perhaps be dis- posed to doubt whether the success, either of the Albigen- sians or of the Lollards, would, on the whole, have promoted the happiness and virtue of mankind. Corrupt as the Church of Rome was, there Is reason to believe that, If that Church had been overthrown In the twelfth or even in the fourteenth century, the vacant space woultl have been occupied by some system more corrupt still. There was then, through the greater part of Europe, very little knowledge, and that little was confined to the clergy. Not one man In five hundred could have spelled his way through a psalm. Books were few and costly. The art of printing was unknown. Copies of the Bible, inferior in beauty and clearness to those which every cottager may now command, sold fer prices which many priests could not afford to give. It was obviously Impossible BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 45 that the laity should search the Scriptures for themselves. It chap. is probable therefore, that, as soon as they had put off one spiritual yoke, they -would have put on another, and that the power lately exercised by the clergy of the Church of Rome would have passed to a far worse class of teachers. The six- teenth century was comparatively a time of light. Yet even in the sixteenth century a considerable number of those who quitted the old religion followed the first confident and plau- sible guide who ofl'ered himself, and were soon led into errors far more serious than those which they had renounced. Thus Matthias and Kniperdoling, apostles of lust, robbery, and murder, were able for a time to rule great cities. In a darker age such false prophets might have founded empires; and Christianity might have been distorted into a cruel and licen- tious superstition, more noxious, not only than Popery , but even than Islamism. About a hundred years after the rising of the Council of Constance, that great change emphatically called the Refor- mation began. The fulness of time was now come. The clergy were no longer the sole or the chief depositories of knowledge. The invention of printing had furnished the as- sailants of the Church with a mighty weapon which had been wanting to their predecessors. The study of the ancient writers, the rapid development of the powers of the modern languages , the unprecedented activity which was displayed in every department of literature , the political state of Europe, the vices of the Roman court, the exactions of the Roman chancery, the jealousy with which the wealth and privileges of the clergy were naturally regarded by laymen, the Jealousy with which the Italian ascendency was naturally regarded by men born on our side of the Alps, all these things gave to the teachers of the new theology an advantage which they per- fectly understood how to use. Those vfho hold that the influence of the Church of Roma 46 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, in the dark ages was, on the whole, beneficial to mankind • may yet with perfect consistency regard the Reformation as fin inestimable blessing. The leading strings , which preserve and uphold the infant, would impede the full grown man. And 80 the very means by which the human mind is , in one stage of its progress, suppoi'ted and propelled, may, in another stage , be mere hindrances. There is a point in the life both of an individual and of a society, at which submission and faith, such as at a later period would be justly called servility and credulity, are useful qualities. The child who teachably and undoubtingly listens to the instructions of his elders is likely to improve rapidly. But the man who should receive with childlike docility everj' assertion and dogma uttered by another man no wiser than himself would become con- temptible. It is the same with communities. The childhood of the European nations was passed under the tutelage of the clergy. The ascendency of the sacerdotal order was long the ascendency which naturally and properly belongs to intel- lectual superiority. The priests, with all their faults, were by far the wisest portion of society. It was, therefore, on the whole, good that they should be respected and obeyed. The encroachments of the ecclesiastical power on the pro- vince of the civil power produced much more happiness than misery, while the ecclesiastical power was in the hands of the only class that had studied history, philosophy, and public law, and while the civil power was in the hands of savage chiefs, who could not read their own grants and edicts. But a change took place. Knowledge gradually spread among laymen. At the commencement of the sixteenth century many of them were in every intellectual attainment fully equal to the most enlightened of their spiritual pastors. Thence- forward that dominion, which, during the dark ages, had been, in spite of many abuses, a legitimate and a salutary guardianship, became an unjust and noxious tyranny. liBFOKE THE RESTORATION. ' 47 From the time when the barbarians overran the Western chap. Empii-e to the time of the revival of letters, the influence of ' the Church of Rome had been generally favourable to science, to civilisation , and to good government. But during the last three centuries, to stunt the growth of the human mind has been her chief object. Throughout Christendom, whatever advance has been made in knowledge, in freedom, in wealth, and in the arts of life , has been made in spite of her, and has everywhere been in inverse proportion to her power. The loveliest and most fertile provinces of Europe have, under her rule, been sunk in poverty, in political servitude, and in intellectual torpor, while Protestant countries, once prover- bial for sterility and barbarism, have been turned by skill and industry into gardens, and can boast of a long list of heroes and statesmen, philosophers and poets. Whoever, knowing what Italy and Scotland naturally are, and what, four hun- dred years ago, they actually were, shall now compare the country round Rome with the country round Edinburgh, will be able to form some judgment as to the tendency of Papal domination. The descent of Spain, once the first among monarchies, to the lowest depths of degradation , the eleva- tion of Holland, in spite of many natural disadvantages, to a position such as no commonwealth so small has ever reached, teach the same lesson. Whoever passes in Germany from a Roman Catholic to a Protestant principality, in Switzerland from a Roman Catholic to a Protestant canton, in Ireland from a Roman Catholic to a Protestant county, finds that he has passed from a lower to a higher grade of civilisation. On the other side of the Atlantic the same law prevails. The Protestants of the United States have lefl far behind them the Roman Catholics of Mexico, Peru, and Brazil. The Roman Catholics of Lower Canada remain inert, while the whole continent round them is in a ferment with Protestant activity and enterprise. The French have doubtless shown an energy 48 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, and an intelligence which , even when misdirected , have justly "" entitled them to be called a great people. But tliis apparent exception, when examined, will be found to confirm the rule; for in no country that is called Roman Catholic has the Roman Catholic Church, during several generations, possessed so little authority as in France. It is difficult to say whether England owes more to the Roman Catholic religion or to the Reformation. For the amalgamation of races and for the abolition of villenage , she is chielly indebted to the influence which the priesthood in the middle ages exercised over the laity. For political and intel- lectual freedom, and for all the blessings which political and intellectual freedom have brought in their train , ehe is chiefly indebted to the great rebellion of the laity against the priest- hood. The struggle between the old and the new theology in onr country was long, and the event sometimes seemed doubt- ful. There were two extreme parties, prepared to act with violence or to suffer with stubborn resolution. Between them lay, during a considerable time, a middle party, which blended , very illogically , but by no means unnaturally, lessons learned in the nursery with the sermons of the modern evangelists, and, while clinging with fondness to old obser- vances, yet detested abuses with which those observances were closely connected. Men in such a frame of mind were willing to obey, almost with thanlcfulness, the dictation of an able ruler who spared them the trouble of judging for themselves, and, raiaing a firm and commanding voice above the uproar of controversy, told them how to worship and what to believe. It is not strange, therefore, that the Tudors should have been able to exercise a great influence on ec- clesiastical affairs ; nor is it strange that their influence should, for the most part , have been exercised with a view to theii' own interest. BEFORE THE EESTOKATION. 49 Henry the Eighth attempted to constitute an Anglican cnAP. Church differing from the Roman Catholic Church on the point of the supremacy, and on that point alone. His success in this attempt was extraordinary. The force of his character, the singularly favourable situation in which he stood with respect to foreign powers, the Immense wealth which the spoliation of the abbeys placed at his disposal, and the sup- port of that class which still halted between two opinions, enabled him to bid defiance to both the extreme parties, to burn as heretics those who avowed the tenets of the Re- formers , and to hang as traitors those who owned the autho- rity of the Pope. But Henry's system died with him. Had his life been prolonged, he would have found it difficult to maintain a position assailed with equal fury by all who were zealous either for the new or for the old opinions. The ministers who held the royal prerogatives in trust for his infant son could not venture to persist in so hazardous a policy; nor could Elizabeth venture to return to it. It was necessary to make a choice. The government must either submit to Rome , or must obtain the aid of the Protestants. The government and the Protestants had only one thing in common, hatred of the Papal power. The English reformers were eager to go as far as their brethren on the Continent. They unanimously condemned as Antlchristian numerous dogmas and practices to which Henry had stubbornly ad- hered, and which Elizabeth reluctantly abandoned. Many felt a strong repugnance even to things Indifferent which had formed part of the polity or ritual of the mystical Babylon. Thus Bishop Hooper, who died manfully at Gloucester for his religion, long refused to wear the episcopal vestments. Bishop Ridley, a martjT of stiU greater renown, pulled down the ancient altars of his diocese, and ordered the Eucharist to be administered in the middle of churches, at tables which the Papists IiTeverently termed oyster boards. Bishop Jewel ilacaulay, Hitto^y. I. i 50 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, pronounced the clerical garb to be a stage dress, a fool's coat, '- — a relique of the Amorites, and promised that he -would spare no labour to extirpate such degrading absurdities. Arch- bishop Grindal long hesitated about accepting a mitre from dislike of what he regarded as the mummery of consecration. Bishop Parkhurst uttered a fervent prayer that the Church of England would propose to herself the Church of Zurich as the absolute pattern of a Christian community. Bishop Ponet was of opinion that the word Bishop should be abandoned to the Papists, and that the chief officers of the purified church should be called Superintendents. When it is con- sidered that none of these prelates belonged to the extreme section of the Protestant party, it cannot be doubted that, if the general sense of that party had been followed , the work of reform would have been carried on as unsparingly in Eng- land as in Scotland, origia of But, as the government needed the support of the Pro- cifurchoftestants, so the Protestants needed the protection of the England, government. Much was therefore given up on both sides; an union was effected; and the fruit of that union was the Church of I'vUgland. To the peculiarities of this great institution, and to the strong passions which it has called forth in the minds both of friends and of enemies, arc to be attributed many of tlie most important events which have, since the Reformation, taken place in our country ; nor can the secular history of England be at all undei'Stood by us, unless we study it in constant con- nection with the history of her ecclesiastical polity. The man who took the cliief part in settling the conditions of the alliance which produced the Anglican Cliurch was Tho- mas Cranraer. He was the representative of both the parties which, at that time, nceilcd each other's assistance. He was at once a divine and a courtier. In his character of divine lie was perfectly ready to go as far In the way of change as any BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 51 Swiss or Scottish reformer. In his character of courtier he chap. was desirous to preserve that organization which had, during many ages, admirably served the purposes of the Bishops of Rome, and might be expected now to serve equally well the purposes of the English Kings and of their ministers. His temper and his understanding eminently fitted him to act as mediator. Saintly in his professions, unscrupulous in his dealings, zealous for nothing, bold in speculation, a coward and a timeserver in action, a placable enemy and a lukewarm friend, he was in every way qualified to arrange the terms of the coalition between the religious and the worldly enemies of Popery. To this day the constitution, the doctrines, and the ser-Herpe- vices of the Church, retain the visible marks of the com- character. promise from which she sprang. She occupies a middle position between the Churches of Rome and Geneva. Her doctrinal confessions and discourses, composed by Pro- testants, set forth principles of theology in which Calvin or Knox would have found scarcely a word to disapprove. Her prayers and thanksgivings, derived from the ancient Bre- viaries, are very generally such that Cardinal Fisher or Car- dinal Pole might have heartily joined in them. A contro- versialist who puts an Arminian sense on her Articles and Homilies will be pronounced by candid men to be as un- reasonable as a controversialist who denies that the doc- trine of baptismal regeneration can be discovered in her Liturgy. The Church of Rome held that episcopacy was of divine institution, and that certain supernatural graces of a high order had been transmitted by the imposition of hands through fifty generations , from the Eleven who received their commission on the Galilean mount, to the bishops who met at Trent. A large body of Protestants, on the other hand, regarded prelacy as positively unlawful, and persuaded them- 52 HISTOKV OP ENGLAND, CHAP, selves that they found a very different form of ecclesiastical government prescribed in Scripture. The founders of the Anglican Church took a middle course. They retained epis- copacy; but they did not declare it to be an institution es- sential to the welfare of a Christian society, or to the efficacy of the sacraments. Cranmer, indeed, on one important occasion, plainly avowed his conviction that, in the primitive times, there was no distinction between bishops and priests, and that the laying on of hands was altogether super- fluous. Among the Presbyterians , the conduct of public worship is, to a great extent, left to the minister. Their prayers, therefore , are not exactly the same in any two assemblies on the same day, or on any two days in the same assembly. In one parish they are fervent, eloquent, and full of meaning. In the next parish they may be languid or absurd. The priests of the Roman Catholic Church, on the other hand, have, during many generations, daily chaunted the same ancient confessions, supplications, and thanksgivings, in India and Lithuania, in Ireland and Peru. The service, being in a dead language, is intelligible only to the learned; and the great majority of the congregation may be said to assist as specta- tors rather than as auditors. Here, again, the Church of England took a middle course. She copied the Roman Catho- lic forms of prayer, but translated them into the vulgar tongue, and invited the illiterate multitude to join its voice to that of the minister. In every part of her system the same policy maybe traced. Utterly rejecting the doctrine of transubstantiation, and con- demning as idolatrous all adoration paid to the sacramental bread and wine, she yet, to the disgust of the Puritan, re- quired her cliildrcn to receive the memorials of divine love, meekly kneeling upon their knees. Discarding many rich vestments which surrounded the altars of the ancient faith. BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 53 she yet retained, to the horror of weak minds, a robe of white chap, liaen, typical of the purity which belonged to her as the mystical spouse of Christ. Discarding a crowd of pantomimic gestures which, in the Roman Catholi'c worship, are sub- stituted for intelligible words, she yet shocked many rigid Protestants by marking the infant just sprinkled from the font with the sign of the cross. The Roman Catholic addressed his prayers to a multitude of Saints, among whom were numbered many men of doubtful, and some of hateful, character. The Puritan refused the addition of Saint even to the apostle of the Gentiles, %nd to the disciple whom Jesus loved. The Church of England, though she asked for the intercession of no created being, still set apart days for the commemoration of some who had done and suffered great things for the faith. She retained confirmation and ordina- tion as edifying rites ; but she degraded them from the rank of sacraments. Shrift was no part of her system. Yet she gently invited the dying penitent to confess his sins to a divine , and empowered her ministers to sooth the departing soul by an absolution, which breathes the very spirit of the old religion. In general it may be said, that she appeals more to the under- standing, and less to the senses and the imagination, than the Church of Rome, and that she appeals less to the under- standing, and more to the senses and imagination, than the Protestant Churches of Scotland, France, and Switzerland. Nothing, however, so strongly distinguished the Church fn^'^'h^ch of England from other Churches as the relation in which she «''« jiood " to the stood to the monarchy. The King was her head. The limits crown. of the authority which he possessed, as such, were not traced, and indeed have never yet been traced, with precision. The laws which declared him supreme in ecclesiastical matters were drawn rudely and in general terms. If, for the purpose of ascertaining the sense of those laws, we examine the books and lives of those who founded the English Church, our per- 54 HISTORY OP ENGLAND, CHAP, plexity will be increased. For the founders of the English Church wrote and acted in an age of violent intellectual fermentation, and of constant action and reaction. They therefore often contradicted each other, and sometimes con- tradicted themselves. That the King was, under Christ, sole head of the Church, was a doctrine which they all with one voice affirmed: but those words had very different significa- tions in different mouths, and in the same mouth at different conjunctures. Sometimes an authority which would have satisfied Hildebrand was ascribed to the sovereign: then it dwindled down to an authoril^ little more than that which had been claimed by many ancient English princes, who had been in constant communion with the Church of Rome. What Henry and his favourite counsellors meant, at one time, by the supremacy, was certainly nothing less than the whole power of the keys. The King was to be the Pope of his king- dom, the vicar of God, the expositor of Catholic verity, the channel of sacramental graces. He arrogated to himself the right of deciding dogmatically what was orthodox doctrine and what was heresy, of drawing up and imposing confessions of faith, and of giving religious instruction to his people. He proclaimed that all jurisdiction, spiritual as well as tem- poral, was derived from him alone, and that it was in his power to confer episcopal authority , and to take it away. He actually ordered his seal to be put to commissions by which bishops were appointed, who were to exercise their functions as his deputies, and during his pleasure. According to this system, as expounded by Cranmer, the King was the spiritual as well as the temporal chief of the nation. In both capacities His Highness must have lieutenants. As he appointed civil officers to keep his seal, to collect his revenues, and to dis- pense justice in his name, so he appointed divines of various ranks to preach the gospel, and to administer the sacraments. It was unnecessary that there should be any imposition of BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 55 hands. The King — such was the opinion ofCranmer given chap. in the plainest words — might, in virtue of authority derived from God, make a priest; and the priest so made needed no ordination whatever. These opinions Cranmer, in spite of the opposition of less courtly divines, followed out to every legitimate consequence. He held that his own spiritual functions, like the secular functions of the Chancellor and Treasurer, were at once determined by a demise of the crown. When Henry died, therefore, the Archbishop and his suf- fragans took out fresh commissions, empowering them to ordain and to govern the Church till the new sovereign should think fit to order otherwise. When it was objected that a power to bind and to loose, altogether distinct from temporal power, had been given by our Lord to his apostles, some theologians of this school replied that the power to bind and to loose had descended, not to the clergy, but to the whole body of Christian men, and ought to be exercised by the chief magistrate, as the representative of the society. When it was objected that Saint Paul had spoken of certain persons whom the Holy Ghost had made overseers and shepherds of the faithful, it was answered that King Henry was the very overseer, the very shepherd, whom the Holy Ghost had appointed, and to whom the expressions of Saint Paul ap- plied.* These high pretensions gave scandal to Protestants as well as to Catholics ; and the scandal was greatly increased when the supremacy, which Mary had resigned back to the Pope, was again annexed to the crown, on the accession of Elizabeth. It seemed monstrous that a woman should be the chief bishop of a Church in which an apostle had forbidden her even to let her voice be heard. The Queen, therefore, found it neces- sary expressly to disclaim that sacerdotal character which her * See a very curious paper which Strype believed to be in Gardiner's handwriting. Ecclesiastical Memorials, Book I. Chap. xvii. 56 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, ciup. father had assumed, and which, according to Cranmer, had been inseparably joined, by divine ordinance, to the regal function. When the Anglican confession of faith was revised in her reign, the supremacy was explained in a manner some- what different from that which had been fashionable at the court of Henry. Cranmer had declared , in emphatic terms, that God had immediately committed to Christian princes the whole cure of all their subjects, as well concerning the ad- ministration of God's word for the cure of souls, as concerning the ministration of things political.* The thirty - seventh article of religion, framed under Elizabeth, declares, in terms as emphatic, that the ministering of God's word does not belong to princes. The Queen, however, still had over the Church a visitatorial power of vast and undefined extent. She was entrusted by Parliament -with the of6ce of restraining and punishing heresy and every sort of ecclesiastical abuse, and was permitted to delegate her authority to commissioners. The Bishops were little more than her ministers. Rather than grant to the civil magistrate the absolute power of nominating spiritual pastors, the Church of Rome, in the eleventh cen- tury, set aU Europe on fire. Rather than grant to the civil magistrate the absolute power of nominating spiritual pastors, the ministers of the Church of Scotland, in our own time, resigned their livings by hundreds. The Church of England had no such scruples. By the royal authority alone her prelates were appointed. By the royal authority alone her Convocations were summoned, regulated prorogued, and dissolved. Without the royal sanction her canons had no force. One of the articles of her faith was that without the royal consent no ecclesiastical council could lawfully assemble. From all her judicatures an appeal lay, in the last resort, to the sovereign, even when tlie question was whether an opinion * These are Cranmer's own words. See the Appendix to Iiurnel's Ilislorj of the Reformation, Part I. Book HI. No. 21. Question 9. BEFORE THE RESTOKATION. 57 ought to be accounted heretical, or whether the admimstratlon chap. of a sacrament had been valid. Nor did the Church grudge ' this extensive power to our princes. By them she had been called into existence, nursed, through a feeble infancy, guarded from Papists on one side, and from Puritans on the other, protected against Parliaments which bore her no good will, and avenged on literary assailants whom she found it hard to answer. Thus gratitude, hope, fear, common attach- ments, common enmities, bound her to the throne. All her traditions, all her tastes were monarchical. Loyalty became a point of professional honour among her clergj', the peculiar badge which distinguished them at once from Calvinists and from Papists. Both the Calvinists and the Papists , widely as they differed in other respects , regarded with extreme jealousy all encroachments of the temporal power on the do- main of the spiritual power. Both Calvinists and Papists maintained that subjects might justifiably draw the sword against ungodly rulers. In France Calvinists resisted Charles the Ninth: Papists resisted Henry the Fourth: both Papists and Calvinists resisted Henry the Third. In Scotland Cal- vinists led Mary captive. On the north of the Trent Papists took arms against Elizabeth. The Church of England mean- thne condemned both Calvinists and Papists, and loudly boasted that no duty was more constantly or earnestly incul- cated by her than that of submission to princes. The advantages which the crown derived from thijs close alliance with the Established Church were great; but they were not without serious drawbacks. The compromise arranged by Cranmer had from the first been considered by a large body of Protestants as a scheme for serving two masters, as an attempt to unite the worship of the Lord with the worship of Baal. In the days of Edward the Sixth the scruples of this party had repeatedly thrown great difficulties in the way of the govern- ment. When Elizabeth came to the throne, these difficulties 58 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, were much increased. Violence naturally engenders violence. '- — The spirit of Protestantism -was therefore far fiercer and more ruTns"' intolerant after the cruelties ofMary than before them. Many persons who were warmly attached to the new opinions had, during the evil days, taken refuge in Switzerland and Germany. They had been hospitably received by their brethren in the faith, had sate at the feet of the great doctors of Strasburg, Zurich, and Geneva, and had been, during some years, accustomed to a more simple worship, and to a more democra- tical form of church government than England had yet seen. These men returned to their country, convinced that the reform which had been effected under King Edward had been far less searching and extensive than the interests of pure religion required. But it was in vain that they attempted to obtain any concession from Elizabeth. Indeed her system, wherever it differed from her brother's, seemed to them to differ for the worse. They were little disposed to submit, in matters of faith , to any human authority. They had recently, in reliance on their own interpretation of Scripture, risen up against a Church strong in immemorial antiquity and catholic consent. It was by no common exertion of intellectual energy that they had thrown off the yoke of that gorgeous and imperial superstition; and it was vain to expect that, immediately after such an emancipation, they would patiently submit to a new spiritual tyranny. Long accustomed, when the priest lifted up the host, to bow down with their faces to the earth, as before a present God, they had learned to treat the mass as an idola- trous mummery. Long accustomed to regard the Pope as the successor of the chief of the apostles, as the bearer of the keys of earth and heaven, they had learned to regard him as the Beast, the Antichrist, the Man of Sin. It was not to be ex- pected that they would immediately transfer to an upstart au- thority the homage which they bad withdrawn from the Vati- can; that they would submit their private jmlgment to tlia BEFORE THE RESTOKATION. 59 authority of a Church founded on private judgment alone ; that chap. they would be afraid to dissent from teachers who themselves • dissented from what had lately been the universal faith of western Christendom. It is easy to conceive the indignation which must have been felt by bold and inquisitive spirits, glorj-ing in newly acquired freedom, when an institution younger by many years than themselves, an institution which had, under their own eyes, gradually received its form from the passions and interests of a court, began to mimic the lofty style of Rome. Since these men could not be convinced, it was determined that they should be persecuted. Persecution produced its natural effects on them. It found them a sect: it made them a faction. To their hatred of the Church was now added hatred pnbifcJu' of the crown. The two sentiments were intermingled; and°^^"'' each embittered the other. The opinions of the Puritan con- cerning the relation of ruler and subject were widely different from those which were inculcated in the Homilies. His fa- vourite divines had, both by precept and by example, encou- raged resistance to tjTants and persecutors. His fellow Calvi- nlsts in France, in Holland, and in Scotland, were in arms against idolatrous and cruel princes. His notions, too, respect- ing the government of the state took a tinge from his notions respecting the government of the Church. Some of the sar- casms which were popularly thrown on episcopacy might, without much difficulty, be turned against royalty ; and many of the arguments which were used to prove that spiritual power was best lodged in a synod seemed to lead to the conclusion that temporal power was best lodged in a parlia- ment. Thus, as the priest of the Established Church was, from interest, from principle, and from passion, zealous for the royal prerogatives, the Puritan was, from interest, from prin- riple, and from passion, hostile to them. The power of the "BO mSTOKT OP ENGLAND, CHAP, discontented sectaries was great. They were found in every rank ; but they were strongest among the mercantile classes in the towns, and among the small proprietors in the country. Early in the reign of Elizabeth they began to return a majority No syste- of the House of Commons. And doubtless, had our ancestors pari'ia- been then at liberty to fix their attention entirely on domestic "pposi"? questions, the strife between the crown and the Parliament fered'to "w^ould instantly have commenced. But that was no season for the go- internal dissensions. It might, indeed, well be doubted, vernmenl o » t , of Eliza- whether the firmest union among all the orders of the state teth. '^ could avert the common danger by which all were threatened. Koman Catholic Europe and reformed Europe were struggling for death or life. France, divided against herself, had, for a time, ceased to be of any account in Christendom. The Eng- lish government was at the head of the Protestant interest, and, while persecuting Presbji;erians at home, extended a powerful protection to Presbyterian Churches abroad. At the head of tlie opposite party was the mightiest prince of the age, a prince who ruled Spain , Portugal, Italy, the Netherlands, the East and the West Indies, whose armies repeatedly marched to Paris, and whose fleets kept the coasts of Devonshire and Sussex in alarm. It long seemed probable that Englishmen "would have to fight desperately on English ground for their religion and independence. Nor were they ever for a moment free from apprehensions of some great treason at home. For in that age it had become a point of conscience and of honour with many men of generous natures to sacrifice their country to their religion. A succession of dark plots, formed by Roman Catholics against the life of the Queen and the existence of the nation, kept society m constant alarm. Wliatever might be the faults of Elizabeth, it was plain that, to speak humanly, the fate of the realm aud of all reformed Clmrches was staked on the security of her person and on the success of her admi- nistration. To strengthen her hands was, tlierefore, the first BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 61 duty of a patriot and a Protestant; and that duty -was well per- chap. formed. The Puritans , even in the depths of the prisons to which she had sent them, prayed, and with no simulated fervour, that she might be kept from the dagger of the assassin, that rebellion might be put down under her feet, and that her arms might be victorious by sea and land. One of the most stubborn of the stubborn sect, immediately after his hand had been lopped off for an offence into which he had been hurried by his intemperate zeal, waved his hat with the hand which was still left him , and shouted " God save the Queen I " The senti- ment with which these men regarded her has descended to their posterity. The Nonconformists, rigorously as she treated them, have, as a body, always venerated her memory. * During the greater part of her reign, therefere, the Pu- ritans in the House of Commons, though sometimes mutinous, felt no disposition to array themselves in systematic oppo- sition to the government. But, when the defeat of the Armada, the successful resistance of the United Provinces to the Spanish power, the firm establishment of Henrj' the Fourth on the throne of France, and the death of Philip the Second, had secured the State and the Church against all danger from abroad, an obstinate struggle, destined to last during several generations, instantly began at home. It was in the Parliament of 1603 that the opposition which Question had, during forty years, been silently gathering and bus- "^onopo- banding strength, fought its first great battle and won its * The Puritan historian, Neal, after censuring the cruelty with which she treated the sect to which he belonged, concludes thus: "However, notwithstanding all these blemishes, Queen Elizabeth stands upon record as a wise and politic princess , for delivering her kingdom from the diffi- culties in which it was involved at her accession, for preserving the Pro- lestani reformation against the potent attempts of the Pope, the Emperor, and King of Spain abroad, and the Queen of Scots and her Popish sub- jects at home She was the glory of the age in which she lived, and will be the admiration of posterity." — History of the Puritans, Part. 1. Chap. viii. 62 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, fij-st victory. The ground was well chosen. The English sovereigns had always been entrusted with the supreme direction of commercial police. It was their undoubted pre- rogative to regulate coin, weights, and measures, and to appoint fairs, markets, and ports. The line which bounded their authority over trade had, as usual, been but loosely drawn. They therefore, as usual, encroached on the pro- vince which rightfully belonged to the legislature. The en- croachment was as usual, patiently borne, till it became serious. But at length the Queen took upon herself to grant patents of monopoly by scores. There was scarcely a family in the realm which did not feel itself aggrieved by the op- pression and extortion which this abuse naturally caused. Iron, oil, vinegar, coal, saltpetre, lead, starch, yarn, skins, leather, glass, could be bought only at exorbitant prices. The House of Commons met in an angry and determined mood. It was in vain that a courtly minority blamed the Speaker for suffering the acts of the Queen's Highness to be called in question. The language of the discontented party was high and menacing, and was echoed by the voice of the whole nation. The coach of the chief minister of the crown was surrounded by an indignant populace, who cursed the monopolies, and exclaimed that the prerogative should not be suffered to toucli the old liberties of England. There seemed for ;i moment to be some danjjcr that the lone and glorious reign of Elizabeth would have a shameful and dis- astrous end. She, however, with admirable judgment and temper, declined the contest, put herself at the head of the reforming party, redressed the grievance, thanked the Commons, in touching and dignified language, for their tender care of the general weal, brought back to herself- the hearts of the people, and left to her successor? a memorable example of the way in winch it behoves a rnl<>r to deal with public movements which he has not the means of resisting. BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 63 In the year 1603 the great Queen died. That year is, on chap. many accounts, one of the most important epochs in our^ — j — r history. It was then that both Scotland and Ireland became '"^ '""e- parts of the same empire with England, Both Scotland and come Ireland, indeed, had been subjugated by the Plantagenets; the same but neither country had been patient under the yoke. Scot- wUh'Eng- landhad, with heroic energy, vindicated her independence, '*"■*' had, from the time of Robert Bruce, been a separate king- dom, and was now joined to the southern part of the island in a manner which rather gratified than wounded her national pride. Ireland had never, since the days of Henry the Second, been able to expel the foreign invaders; but she had struggled against them long and fiercely. During the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the English power in that island was constantly declining, and, in the days of Henry the Seventh, had sunk to the lowest point. The Irish domi- nions of that prince consisted only of the counties of Dublin and Louth, of some parts of Meath and Kildare, and of a few seaports scattered along the coast. A large portion even of Leinster was not yet divided into counties. Munster, Ulster, and Connaught were ruled by petty sovereigns, partly Celts, and partly degenerate Normans, who had forgotten their origin and had adopted the Celtic language and manners. But, during the sixteenth century, the English power had made great progress. The half savage chieftains who reigned beyond tlie pale had yielded one after another to the lieute- nants of the Tudors. At length, a few weeks before the death of Elizabeth, the conquest, which had been begun more than four hundred years before by Strongbow, was completed by Mountjoy. Scarcely had James the First mounted the English throne when the last O'Donnell and O'Neill who have held the rank of independent princes kissed his hand at Whitehall. Thenceforward his writs ran and his judges held assizes in every part of Ireland; and the English 64 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, law superseded the customs -whicli had prevailed among the aboriginal tribes. In extent Scotland and Ireland were nearly equal to each other, and were together nearly equal to England, but were much less thickly peopled than England, and were very far behind England in wealth and civilisation. Scotland had been kept back by the sterility of her soil; and, in the midst of light, the thick darkness of the middle ages still rested on Ireland. The population of Scotland, with the exception of the Celtic tribes which were thinly scattered over the Hebrides and over the mountainous parts of the northern shires, was of the same blood with the population of England, and spoke a tongue which did not differ from the purest English more than the dialects of Somersetshire and Lancashire differed from each other. In Ireland, on the contrary, the popu- lation, with the exception of the small English colony near the coast, was Celtic, and still kept the Celtic speech and manners. In natural courage and intelligence both the nations which now became connected with England ranked high. In per- severance, in self-command, in forethought, in all the virtues which conduce to success in life, the Scots have never been surpassed. The Irish, on the other hand, were distineruished by qualities which tend to make men interesting rather than prosperous. They were au ardent and impetuous race, easily moved to tears or to laughter, to fury or to love. Alone among the nations of northern Europe they had the suscep- tibility, the vivacity, the natural turn for acting and rhetoric, which are indigenous on the shores of the Mediterranean Sea. In mental cultivation Scotland had an indisputable superiority. Though that kingdom was then the poorest in Christendom, it already vied in every branch of learning with the most favoured countries. Scotsmen, whose dwellings BEFORB THE RESTORATION. 65 and whose food were as wretched as those of the Icelanders chap. of our time, wrote Latin verse with more than the delicacy- of Vida, and made discoveries in science which would have added to the renown of Galileo. Ireland could boast of no Buchanan or Napier. The genius, with which her aboriginal inhabitants were largely endowed, showed itself as yet only in ballads which, wild and rugged as they were, seemed to the judging eye of Spenser to contain a portion of the pure gold of poetrj'. Scotland, in becoming part of the British monarchy, pre- served all her dignity. Having, during many generations, courageously withstood the English arms , she was now joined to her stronger neighbour on the most honourable terms. She gave a King instead of receiving one. She retained her own constitution and laws. Her tribunals and parlia- ments remained entirely independent of the tribunals and parliaments which sate at Westminster. The administration of Scotland was in Scottish hands; for no Englishman had any motive to emigrate northward , and to contend with the shrewdest and most pertinacious of all races for what was to be scraped together in the poorest of all treasuries. Mean- while Scottish adventurers poured southward, and obtained in all the walks of life a prosperity which excited much envy, but which was in general only the just reward of prudence and industrj-. Nevertheless Scotland by no means escaped the fate ordained for every country' which is connected, but not incorporated, with another country of greater resources. Though in name an independent kingdom, she was, during more than a century, really treated, in many respects, as a subject province. Ireland was undisguisedly governed as a dependency won by the sword. Her rude national institutions had perished. The English colonists submitted to the dictation of the motlii'r country , without whose support they could not Uaeanlay, Hittory. L 5 66 HISTOKT OF ENGLAND, cnAP. exist, and indemnified themselves by trampling on the people — among whom they had settled. The parliaments which met at Dublin could pass no law which had not previously been approved by the English Privy Council. The authority of the English legislature extended over Ireland. The exe- cutive administration was intrusted to men taken either from England or from the English pale, and, in either case, re- garded as foreigners, and even as enemies, by the Celtio population. But the circumstance which, more than any other, has made Ireland to differ from Scotland remains to be noticed. Scotland was Protestant. In no part of Europe had the movement of the popular mind against the Roman Catholic Church been so rapid and violent. The reformers had van- quished, deposed, and imprisoned their idolatrous sovereign. They would not endure even such a compromise as had been effected in England. They had established the Calvinistic doctrine, discipline, and worship; and they made little distinction between Popery and Prelacy, between the Mass and the Book of Common Prayer. Unfortunately for Scot- land, the prince whom she sent to govern a fairer inheritance had been so much annoyed by the pertinacity with which her theologians had asserted against him the privileges of the synod and the pulpit that he hated the ecclesiastical polity to which she was fondly attached as much as it was in his effeminate nature to hate anything , and had no sooner mounted the English throne than he began to show an into- lerant zeal for the government and ritual of the English Church. The Irish were the only people of northern Europe who had remained true to the old religion. This is to be partly ascribed to the circumstance that they were some centuries behind their neighbours in knowledge. But other causes had cooperated. 1'he lieformation had been a national as well as BEFORE THE KESTORATION. 67 a moral revolt. It had been, not only an insurrection of the Cf ap. laity against the clergy, but also an insurrection of all the branches of the great German race against an alien domina- tion. It is a most significant circumstance that no large society of which the tongue is not Teutonic has ever turned Protestant, and that, -wherever a language derived from that of ancient Rome is spoken, the religion of modern Rome to this day prevails. The patriotism of the Irish had taken a peculiar direction. The object of their animosity was not Rome, but England; and they had especial reason to abhor those English sovereigns who had been the chiefs of the great schism, Henrj' the Eighth and Elizabeth. During the vain struggle which two generations of Milesian princes maintained against theTudors, religious enthusiasm and national enthu- siasm became inseparably blended in the minds of the van- quished race. The new feud of Protestant and Papist in- flamed the old feud of Saxon and Celt. The English con- querors, meanwhile, neglected all legitimate means of con- version. No care was taken to provide the vanquished nation with instructors capable of making themselves understood. No translation of the Bible was put forth in the Erse language. The government contented itself with setting up a vast hier- archy of Protestant archbishops, bishops, and rectors, who did nothing, and who, for doing nothing, were paid out of the spoils of a Church loved and revered by the great body of the people. There was much in the state both of Scotland and of Ireland which might well excite the painful apprehensions of a far-sighted statesman. As yet, however, there was the ap- pearance of tranquillity. For the first time all the British isles were peaceably united under one sceptre. It should seem that the weight of England among European nations ought, from this epoch, to have greatly increased. The territory which her new King governed was , in extent, 3' 68 HISTOET OP ENGLAND, CHAP, nearly double that which Elizabeth had inherited. His empire was also the most complete within itself and the most secure from attack that was to be found in the world. The Plan- tageuets and Tudors had been repeatedly under the necessity of defending themselves against Scotland while they were engaged in continental war. The long conflict in Ireland had been a severe and perpetual drain on their resources. Yet even under such disadvantages those sovereigns had been highly considered throughout Christendom. It might, there- fore, not unreasonably be expected that England, Scotland and Ireland combined would form a state second to none that then existed. Diminn- All such expectations were strangely disappointed. On tiiTim- the day of the accession of James the First our country de- of Eng-* Bcended from the rank which she had hitherto held, and began the''ac-" ^o ^^ regarded as a power hardly of the second order. During cession of many years the great British monarchy, under four successive princes of the House of Stuart, was scarcely a more important member of the European system than the little kingdom of Scotland had previously been. This, however, is little to be regretted. Of James the First, as of John, it may be said that, if his administration had been able and splendid, it would probably have been fatal to our country, and that we owe more to his weakness and meanness than to the wisdom and courage of much better sovereigns. He came to the throne at a critical moment. The time was fast approaching when either the King must become absolute, or the Parliament must control the whole executive administration. Had James been, like Henry the Fourth, like Maurice of Nassau, or like • Gustavus Adolphus, a valiant, active, and politic ruler, had he put himself at the head of the Protestants of Europe, ha of divme theories which Filmer afterwards formed into a system, and^s^'. which became the badge of the most violent class of Tories and high churchmen, first emerged into notice. It was grave- ly maintained that the Supreme Being regarded hereditary monarchy, as opposed to other forms of government, with peculiar favour; that the rule of succession in order of primo- geniture was a divine institution, anterior to the Christian, and even to the Mosaic dispensation; that no human power, 70 HTSTORY OF E KG I. AND, CHAP, not even that of the whole lejrislature, no length of adverse • possession, though it extended to ten centuries, could depriTC the legitimate prince of his rights: that his authority was necessarily always despotic; that the laws by which, in Eng- land and in other countries the prerogative was limited were to be regarded merely as concessions which the sovereign had freely made and miglit at his pleasure resume ; and that any treaty into which a king might enter with liis people was merely a declaration of his present intentions, and not a contract of which the performance could be demanded. It is evident that this theory, though intended to strengthen the foundations of government, altogether unsettles them. Did the divine and immutable law of primogeniture admit females, or exclude them? On either supposition half the sovereigns of Europe must be usurpers, reigning in defiance of the com- mands of heaven, and liable to be dispossessed by the rightful heirs. These absurd doctrines received no countenance from the Old Testament; for in the Old Testament we read that the chosen people were blamed and punished for desiring a king, and that they were afterwards commanded to with- draw their allegiance from him. Their whole history, far from favouring the notion that primogeniture is of divine institution, would rather seem to indicate that younger bro- thers are under the especial protection of heaven. Isaac was not the eldest son of Abraham, nor Jacob of Isaac, nor Judah of Jacob, nor David of Jesse, nor Solomon of David. Indeed the order of seniority' among children ia seldom strictly re- garded in countries where polygamy is practised. Nor did the system of Filmer receive any countenance from those passages of the New Testament which describe government as an ordinance of God: for the government nnder which the writers of the New Testament lived was not a hereditary mo- narchy. The Roman Emperors were republican magistrates, named by the Senate. None of them pretended to rule by BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 71 riglit of birth; and, in fact, both Tiberius, to whom Christ chap, commanded that tribute should be given, and Nero, whom — Paul directed the Romans to obey, were, according to the patriarchal theory of government, usurpers. In the middle ages the doctrine of indefeasible hereditary right would have been regarded as heretical: for it was altogether incompatible with the high pretensions of the Clmrch of Rome. It was a doctrine unknown to the founders of the Church of England, The Homily on Wilful Rebellion had strongly, and Indeed too strongly, Inculcated submission to constituted authority, but had made no distinction between hereditary and elective mo- narchies, or between monarchies and republics. Indeed most of the predecessors of James would, from personal motives, liave regarded the patriarchal theory of government witli aversion. William Rufus, Henry the First , Stephen, John, Henry the Fourth, Henry the Fifth, Henry the Sixth, Richard the Third, and Heniy the Seventh, had all reigned in defiance of the strict rule of descent. A grave doubt hung over the legitimacy botii of Mary and of Elizabeth. It was Impossible that both Catharine of Aragon and Anne Boleyn could have been lawfully married to Henry the Eighth; and the highest authority in the realm liad pronounced that neither was so. The Tudors, far from considering the law of succession as a divine and unchangeable institution, were constantly tamper- ing with it. Henry the Eighth obtained an act of parliament, giving him power to leave the crown by will, and actually made a will to the prejudice of the royal family of Scotland. Edward the Sixth, unauthorised by parliament, assumed a similar power, with the full approbation of the most eminent Reformers. Elizabeth, conscious that her own title was open to grave objection, and unwilling to admit even a reversionary right in her rival and enemy the Queen of Scots, induced the Parliament to pass a law, enacting that whoever should deny the competency of the reigning sovereign , with the assent of !ft HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, the Estates of the realm, to alter the succession, should suffer death as a traitor. But the situation of James was widelv different from that of Elizabeth. Far inferior to her in abili- ties and in popularity, regarded by the English as an alien, and excluded from the throne by the testament of Ilenr}' the Eighth, the King of Scots was yet the undoubted heir of William the Conqueror and of Egbert. He had, therefore, an obvious interest in inculcating the superstitious notion that birth confers rights anterior to law, and unalterable by law. It was a notion, moreover, well suited to his intellect and temper. It soon found many advocates among those who aspired to his favour, and made rapid progress among the clergy of the Established Church. Thus, at the very moment at which a republican spirit began to manifest itself strongly in the Parliament and in the country, the claims of the monarch took a monstrous form which would have disgusted the proudest and most arbitrary of those who had preceded him on the throne. James was always boasting of his skill in what he called kingcraft; and yet it is hardly possible even to imagine a course more directly opposed to all the rules of kingcrafl than that which he followed. The policy of wise rulers has always been to disguise strong acts under popular forms. It was thus that Augustus and Napoleon established absolute monarchies, while the pubUc regarded them merely as eminent citizens in- vested with temporar)' magistracies. The policy of James was the direct reverse of theirs. He enraged and alarmed his Par- liament by constantly telling them that they held their privi- leges merely during his pleasure, and that they had no more business to inquire what he might lawfully do than what the Deity might lawfully do. Yet lie quailed before them, aban- doned minister after minister to their vengeance, and suffered them to tease him into acts directly opposed to his strongest inclinations. Thus the indignation excited by his claims and BEFOBB THE RESTORATION. 73 the scorn excited by his concessions went on growing toge- chap. ther. By his fondness for worthless minions, and by the '■ — sanction which he gave to their tyranny and rapacity, he kept discontent constantly alive. His cowardice, his childishness, his pedantry, his ungainly person and manners, his provincial accent made him an object of derision. Even in his virtues and accomplishments there was something eminently un- kingly. Throughout the whole course of his reign, all the venerable associations by which the throne had long been fenced were gradually losing their strength. During two hundred years all the sovereigns who had ruled England, witli the single exception of the unfortunate Henry the Sixth, had been strong-minded, high-spirited, courageous, and of prince- ly bearing. Almost all had possessed abilities above the ordinary level. It was no light thing that, on the very eve of the decisive struggle between our Kings and their Parliaments, royalty should be exhibited to the world stammering, slob- bering, shedding unmanly tears, trembling at a drawn sword, and talking in the style alternately of a buffoon and of a pe- dagogue. In the meantime the religious dissensions, by which, from^'^^f.*" the days of Edward the Sixth, the Protestant body had been between distracted, had become more formidable than ever. The Churcu interval which had separated the first generation of Puritans Puritan* from Cranmer and Jewel was small indeed when compared wide"" with the interval which separated the third generation of Puri- tans from Laud and Hammond. While the recollection of Mary's cruelties was still fresh, while the power of the Catholic party still inspired apprehension, while Spain still retained ascendency and aspired to universal dominion, all the re- formed sects knew that they had a strong common interest and a deadly common enemy. The animosity which they felt towards each other was languid when compared with the ani- mosity which they all felt towards Rome. Conformists and 74 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP. Nonconformists had heartily joined in enacting penal laws of extreme severity against the Papists. But -when more than half a century of undisturbed possession had given confidence to the Established Church, when nine tenths of the nation had become heartily Protestant, when England was at peace with all the world, when there was no danger that Popery would be forced by foreign arms on the nation, when the last confes- sors who had stood before Bonner had passed away, a change took place in the feeling of the Anglican clergy. Their hosti- lity to the Roman Catholic doctrine and discipline was con- siderably mitigated. Their dislike of the Puritans, on the other hand, increased daily. The controversies which bad from the beginning divided the Protestant party took such a form as made reconciliation hopeless ; and new controversies of still gi-eater importance were added to the old subjects of dispute. The founders of the Anglican Church had retained epis- copacy as an ancient , a decent, and a convenient ecclesiastical polity, but had not declared that form of church government to be of divine institution. We have already seen how low an estimate Cranmer had formed of the office of a Bishop. In the reign of Elizabeth, Jewel, Cooper, Wliitgift, and other eminent doctors defended prelacy as innocent, as useful, ag what the state miglit lawfully establish, as what, when estab- lished by the state, was entitled to the respect of every citizen. But they never denied that a Christian community without a Bishop might be a pure Church. On the contrary, they regarded the Prote,«;tants of the Continent as of the same household of faith with themselves. Englishmen in England were indeed bound to acknowledge the authority of the Bishop, as they were bound to acknowledge the authority of the Sheriff and of the Coroner: but tlie obligation was purely local. An English churchman, nay even an English prelate, if he went to Holland, conformed without scruple to the BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 75 established religion of Holland. Abroad the ambassadors of chap- Elizabeth and James went in state to the very worship which Elizabeth and James persecuted at home, and carefully ab- stained from decorating their private chapels after the Angli- can fashion, lest scandal should be given to weaker brethren. In the year 1G03, the Convocation of the province of Canter- bury solemnly recognised the Church of Scotland, a Church in which episcopal control and episcopal ordination were then unknown, as a branch of the Holy Catholic Church of Christ. * It was oven held that Presbyterian ministers were entitled to place and voice in oecumenical councils. When the States General of the United Provinces convoked at Dort a synod of doctors not episcopally ordained, an English Bishop and an English Dean , commissioned by the head of the English Church, sate with those doctors, preached to them, and voted with them on the gravest questions of theology.** Nay, many English benefices were held by divines who had been ad- mitted to the ministry in the Calvinistic form used on the Con- tinent; nor was reordination by a Bishop In such cases then thought necessary , or even lawful. But a new race of divines was already rising in the Church of England. In their view the episcopal office was essential to the welfare of a Christian society and to the efficacy of the most solemn ordinances of religion. To that office belonged certain high and sacred privileges, which no human power could give or take away. A church might as well be without the doctrine of the Trinity, or the doctrine of the Incarnation, as without the apostolical orders; and the Church of Rome, which, in the midst of all her corruj)tIons , had retained the • Canon 55. of 1603. ** Joseph Hall, then dean of Worcester, and afterwards bishop of Norwich , was one of the commissioners. In bis life of himself, he says: " ftly utiworthiness was named for one of the assistants of that honour- able, grave, and reverend meeting." To high churchmeK this humility will seeiQ not a little out of place- 76 HISTORY OP ENGLAND, CHAP, apostolical orders, was nearer to primitive purity than those " reformed societies which had rashly set up, in opposition to the divine model, a system invented by men. In the days of Edward the Sixth and of Elizabeth, the de- fenders of the Anglican ritual had generally contented them- selves with saying that it might be used without sin, and that, therefore, none but a perverse and undutiful subject would refuse to use it when enjoined to do so by the ma- gistrate. Now, however, that rising party which claimed for the polity of the Church a celestial origin began to ascribe to her services a new dignity and importance. It was hinted that, if the established worship had any fault, that fault was extreme simplicity, and that the Reformers had, in the heat of their quarrel with Rome, abolished many ancient ceremo- nies which might with advantage have been retained. Days and places were again held in mysterious veneration. Some practices which had long been disused, and which were com- monly regarded as superstitious mummeries, were revived. Paintings and carvings, which had escaped the fury of the first generation of Protestants, became the objects of a respect such as to many seemed idolatrous. No part of the system of the old Church had been more detested by the Reformers than the honour paid to celibacy. They held that the doctrine of Rome on this subject had been prophetically condemned by the Apostle Paul, as a doctrine of devils; and they dwelt much on the crimes and scandals which seemed to prove the justice of this awful denunciation. Luther had evinced his own opinion in the clearest manner, by espousing a nun. Some of the most illustrious bishops and priests who had died by fire during the reign of Mary had left wives and children. Now, however, it began to bo rumoured that the old monastic spirit had reappeared In the Church of England; that there was in high quarters a pre- judice against married priests; that even laymen, who called BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 77 themselves Protestants, had made resolutions of celibacy chap. which almost amounted to vows; nay, that a minister of the- established religion had set up a nunnery, in which the psalms were chaunted at midnight, by a company of virgins dedicated to God. • Nor was this all. A class of questions as to which the founders of the Anglican Church and the first generation of Puritans had differed little or not at all began to furnish matter for fierce disputes. The controversies which had divided the Protestant body in its infancy had related almost exclusively to church government and to ceremonies. There had been no serious quarrel between the contending parties on points of metaphysical theology. The doctrines held by the chiefs of the hierarchy touching original sin, faith, grace, predesti- nation, and election, were those which are popularly called Calvinistic. Towards the close of Elizabeth's reign her fa- vourite prelate, Archbishop Whitgift, drew up, in concert with the Bishop of London and other theologians, the ce- lebrated instrument known by the name of the Lambeth Articles. In that instrument the most startling of the Cal- vinistic doctrines are affirmed with a distinctness which would shock many who, in our age, are reputed Calvinists. One clergyman, who took the opposite side, and spoke harshly of Calvin , was arraigned for his presumption by the University of Cambridge, and escaped punishment only by expressing his firm belief in the tenets of reprobation and final perseve- rance, and his sorrow for the offence which he had given to pious men by reflecting on the great French reformer. The school of divinity of which Hooker was the chief occupies a middle place between the school of Cranmer and the school of Laud; and Hooker has, in modem times, been claimed by • Peckard's Lire of Ferrar. The Arminian Nunnery, or a Brief De- scription of the late erected monastical Place called the Arminian Nuq- uery, al Little GiddiDg in Huntingdonshire, 1641. ''I 78 HISTOEY OP ENGLAND, CHAP, the Arminians as an ally. Yet Hooker pronounced Calvin to Lave been a man superior in wisdom to any other divine that France had produced, a man to whom thousands were in- debted for the knowledge of divine truth, but who was himself indebted to God alone. When the Arminian controversy arose in Holland, the English government and the English Cliurch lent strong support to the Calvinistic party; nor is the ' English name altogether free from the stain which has been left on that party by the imprisonment of Grotius and the judicial murder of Barneveldt. But, even before the meeting of the Dutch synod, that part of the Anglican clergy which was peculiarly hostile to the Calvinistic church government and to the Calvinistic worship had begun to regard with dislike the Calvinistic metaphysics; and this feeling was very naturally strengthened by the gross injustice, insolence, and cruelty of the party which was pre- valent at Dort. The Arminian doctrine, a doctrine less austerely logical than that of the early reformers , but more agreeable to the popular notions of the divine justice and benevolence, spread fast and wide. The infection soon reached the com't. Opinions which, at the time of the accession of James, no clergyman could have avowed without imminent risk of being stripped of his gown were now the best title to preferment. A divine of that age, who was asked by a simple country gentleman what the Arminians held, answered, with as much truth as wit, that they held all the best bishoprics and deaneries in England. While a section of the Anglican clergy quitted , in one dkection, the position which they had originally occupied, a section of the Puritan body departed, in a dii-ection di- ametrically opposite, from the principles and practices of their fathers. The persecution which the separatists had undergone had been severe enough to irritate, but not severe enough to dcsU-oy. They had not beeu tamed into sub- BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 79 mission , but baited into savageness and stubbornness. After chap. the fashion of oppi'cssed sects, they mistook their own vin- dictive feelings for emotions of piety, encouraged in them- selves by reading and meditation a disposition to brood over their wrongs, and, when they had worked themselves up into hating their enemies, imagined that they were only hating the enemies of heaven. In the New Testament there was little indeed which, even when perverted by the most disingenuous exposition, could seem to countenance the indulgence of malevolent passions. But the Old Testament contained the history of a race selected by God to be witnesses of his unity and ministers of his vengeance, and specially commanded by him to do many things which, if done without his special com- mand, would have been atrocious crimes. In such a history it was not difficult for fierce and gloomy spirits to find much that might be distorted to suit their wishes. The extreme Puritans therefore began to feel for the Old Testament a preference, which, perhaps, they did not distinctly avow even to themselves ; but which showed itself in all their senti- ments and habits. They paid to the Hebrew language a respect which they refused to that tongue in which the dis- courses of Jesus and the epistles of Paul have come down to us. They baptized tlieir children by the names, not of Christian saints, but of Hebrew patriarchs and warriors. In defiance of the express and reiterated declarations of Luther and Calvin, they turned the weekly festival by which the Church had, from the primitive times, commemorated the resurrection of her Lord, into a .Jewish Sabbath. They sought for principles of jm-ispnidence in the Mosaic law, and for precedents to guide their ordinary conduct in the books of Judges and Kings. Their thoughts and discourse ran much on acta which were assuredly not recorded as examples for our imitation. The prophet who liewed in pieces a captive king, the rebel general who gave the blood of a queen to the 80 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, (logg, the matron who, in defiance of plighted faith, and of the laws of eastern hospitality, drove the nail into the brain of the fugitive ally who had just fed at her board, and who was sleeping under the shadow of her tent, were proposetl aa models to Christians suffering under the tjTanny of princeg and prelates. Morals and manners were subjected to a code resembling that of the synagogue, when the synagogue was in its worst state. The dress, the deportment, the language, the studies, the amusements of the rigid sect were regulated on principles resembling those of the Pharisees who, proud of their washed hands and broad phylacteries, taunted the Redeemer as a sabbath-breaker and a wine-bibber. It was a sin to hang garlands on a Maypole , to drink a friend's health, to fly a hawk, to hunt a stag, to play at chess, to wear love- Locks, to put starch into a ruff, to touch the virginals, to read the Fairy Queen. Rales such as these, rules which would liave appeared insupportable to the free and joyous spirit of Luther, and contemptible to the serene and philosophical in- tellect of Zwingle, threw over all life a more than monastic gloom. The learning and eloquence by which the great re- formers had been eminently distinguished, and to which they had been, in no small measure, indebted for their success, were regarded by the new school of Protestants with suspi- cion, if not with aversion. Some precisians had scruples about teaching the Latin grammar because the names of Mars, Bacchus, and Apollo occurred in it. The fine arts were all but proscribed. The solemn peal of the organ was super*" stiUous. The light music of Ben Jonson's masques was dis- solute. Half the fine paintings in England were idolatrous, and the other half indecent. The extreme Puritan was at once known from other men by his gait, his garb, his lank hair, the sour solemnity of his face, the upturned white of his eyes,, the nasal twang with which he spoke, and, above all, by liis peculiar diak-ct. lie employed, on every occasion, tbo BEFOUE THE RESTOKATION. 81 imagery and style of Scripture. Hebraisms violently intro- cn\p. duced into the English language, and metaphors borrowed from the boldest lydc poetry of a remote age and country, and applied to the common concerns of English life, were the most striking peculiarities of this cant, which moved, not with- out cause, the derision both of prelatists and libertines. Thufl the political and religious schism which bad origi- nated in the sixteenth centurj' was, during the first quarter of the seventeenth century, constantly widening. Theories tend- ing to Turkish despotism were in fashion at Wliitehall. Theo- ries tending to republicanism were in favour with a large portion of the House of Commons. The violent Prelatists who were, to a man, zealous for prerogative, and the violent Pmitans who were, to a man, zeidous for the privileges of Par- liament, regarded each other with animosity more intense than that wlilch , in the preceding generation, had existed between Catholics and Protestants. While the minds of men were in this state, the country, after a peace of many years, at length engaged in a war which required strenuous exertions. This war hastened the ap- proach of the great constitutional crisis. It was necessary that the King should have a large military force. He could not have such a force without money. He could not legally raise money without the consent of Parliament. It followed, there- fore, tliat he must either administer the government In confor- mity with the sense of the House of Commons, or must venture on such a violation of the fun« "pp"- sition ia dexterity, coolness, and perseverance. Great statesmen who iLeHouse looked far behind them and far befor^i them were at the head mons. of that assembly. They were resolved to place the King in such a situation that he must either conduct the administration in conformity with the wishes of his Parliament, or make out- rageous attacks on the most sacred principles of the constitu- tion. They accordingly doled out supplies to him very spa- ringly. He found that he must govern either in harmony with the House of Commons, or in defiance of all law. His choice was soon made. He dissolved his first Parliament, and levied taxes by his own authority. He convoked a second Parlia- ment, and found it more, intractable than the first. He again resorted to the expedient of dissolution, raised fresh taxes without any show of legal right, and threw the chiefs of the op- position into prison. At the same time a new grievance, which the peculiar feelings and habits of the English nation made in- Bupportably painful, and which seemed to all discerning men to be of fearful augury, excited general discontent and alarm. Companies of soldiers were billeted on the people; and martial law was, in some places, substituted for the ancient jurisprudence of the realm. The King called a third Parliament , and soon perceived that the opposition was stronger and fiercer than ever. He now determined on a change of tactics. Instead of opposing an inflexible resistance to the demands of the Commons, he, after much altercation and many evasions, agreed to a compro- mise which, if he had faithfully adhered to it, would have avert- ed a long series of calamities. The Parliament granted an ample supply. The King ratified, in the most solemn manner, '''^"!''ri that celebrated law, which is known by the name of the Petition of Eight, and which is the second Great Charter of the liberties 6' 84 niSTOKT OF ENGLAND, CHAP, of England. By ratifying that law he bound himself never again to raise money without the consent of the Houses , never again to imprison any person, except in due course of law, and never again to subject his people to the jurisdiction of courts martial. The day on which the royal sanction was, after many de- lays, solemnly given to this great act, was a day of joy and hope. The Commons, who crowded the bar of the House of Lords, broke forth into loud acclamations as soon as the clerk had pronounced the ancient form of words by which our princes have, during many ages, signified their assent to the wishes of the Estates of the realm. Those acclamations were reechoed by the voice of the capital and of the nation; but within three weeks it became manifest that Charles had no in- tention of observing the compact into which he had entered. The supply given by the representatives of the nation was col- lected. The promise by which that supply had been obtained was broken. A violent contest followed. The Parliament was dissolved with every mark of royal displeasure. Some of the most distinguished members were imprisoned ; and one of them. Sir John Eliot, after years of suffering, died in con- finement. Charles, however, could not venture to raise, by his own mithority, taxes sufiicient for carrying on war. He accordingly hastened to make peace with his neighbours, and thenceforth gave his whole mind to British politics. Now commenced a new era. Many English Kings had occasionally committed unconstitutional acts: but none had ever systematically attempted to make himself a despot, and to reduce the Parliament to a nullity. Such was the end which Charles distinctly proposed to himself. From March 1G29 to April 16i0, the Houses were not convoked. Never in our history had there been an interval of eleven years between Parliament and Parliament. Only once had there been an BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 85 interval of even half thai length. This fact alone is suf- chap. ficient to refute those -who represent Charles as having merely '- trodden in the footsteps of the Plantagenets and Tudors. It is proved, by the testimony of the King's most strenuous Petition supporters, that, during this part of his reign, the provisions yioiaTed. of the Petition of Right were violated by him, not occasionally, but constantly, and on system ; that a large part of the revenue was raised without any legal authority; and that persons ob- noxious to the government languished for years in prison, without being ever called upon to plead before any tri- bunal. For these things history must hold the King himself chiefly responsible. From the time of his third Parliament he was his own prime minister. Several persons, however, whose temper and talents were suited to his purposes, were at the head of different departments of the administration. Thomas Wentworth, successively created LordWentworth ciiaractet , , , arid de- and Earl of Strafford, a man of great abilities, eloquence, and 'igns of . courage, but of a cruel and imperious nature, was the coun- worth. sellor most trusted in political and military affairs. Pie had been one of the most distinguished members of the opposition, and felt towards those whom he had deserted that peculiar malignity which has, in all ages, been characteristic of apos- tates. He perfectly understood the feelings, the resources, and the policy of the party to which he had lately belonged, and had formed a vast and deeply meditated scheme which very nearly confounded even the able tactics of the statesmen by whom the House of Commons had been directed. To this scheme, in his confidential correspondence, he gave the ex- pressive name of Thorough. His object was to do in England all, and more than all, that Richelieu was doing in France; to make Charles a monarch as absolute as any on the Continent; to put the estates and the personal liberty of the whole people at the disposal of the crown; to deprive the courts of law of all TO HISTORY OP ENGLAND, CHAP, independent authority, even in ordinar)' questions of civil right between man and man; and to punish with merciless rigour all who murmured at the acts of the government, or who applied, even in the most decent and regular manner, to any tribunal for relief against those acts. * This was his end; and he distinctly saw in what manner alone this end could be attained. There was, in truth, about all his notions a clearness, coherence, and precision which, if he had not been pursuing an object pernicious to his country and to his kind, would have justly entitled him to high ad- miration. He saw that there was one instrument, and only one, by which his vast and daring projects could be carried into execution. That instrument was a standing army. To the forming of such an army, therefore, he directed all the energy of his strong mind. In Ireland, where he was viceroy, he actually succeeded in establishing a militarj^ despotism, not only over the aboriginal population , but also over the English colonists, and was able to boast that, in that island, the King was as absolute as any prince in the whole world could be. •• o^uud!' The ecclesiastical administration was, in the meantime, principally directed by William Laud, Archbishop of Canter- bury'. Of all the prelates of the Anglican Church, Laud had departed farthest from the principles of the Reformation , and had drawn nearest to Rome. His theology was more remote than even that of the Dutch Arminians from the theologj' of the Calvinists. His passion for ceremonies , his reverence for • Tlie correspondence of Wcnlworlh seems to me fully to bear out what I have said in iLi; icxt. To transcribe all the |)assa{;rs which have led me to the conclusion at which I have arrived, would be impossible; nor would it be easy to make a better selection than has already been made by Mr. Hallain. 1 may, however, direct the attention of the reader particularly to the very able paper which Wentworlh drew up respecting the affairs of the Palatinate. The date is March 31. 1637. ** These are Wentworlh's own words. See bis letter to Laud, dated Dec. 16. 1634. BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 87.. holidays, vigils, and sacred places , his ill concealed dislike of chap. the marriage of ecclesiastics, the ardent and not altogether disinterested zeal with which he asserted the claims of the clergy to the reverence of the laity, would have made him an object of aversion to the Puritans, even if he had used only legal and gentle means for the attainment of his ends. But his understanding was narrow, and his commerce with the world had been small. He was by nature rash, irritable , quick to feel for his own dignity, slow to sjTnpathize with the sufferings of others, and prone to the error, common in superstitious men, of mistaking his own peevish and malignant moods for emotions of pious zeal. Under his direction every comer of the realm was subjected to a constant and minute inspection. Every little congregation of separatists was tracked out and broken up. Even the devotions of private families could not escape the vigilance of his spies. Such fear did his rigour inspire that the deadly hatred of the Church, which festered in innumerable bosoms, was generally disguised under an out- ward show of conformity. On the very eve of troubles , fatal to himself and to his order, the Bishops of several extensive dio- ceses were able to report to him that not a single dissenter was to be found within their jurisdiction.* The tribunals afforded no protection to the subject against the civil and ecclesiastical tyranny of that period. The judges of the common law, holding their situations during the pleasure of the King, were scandalously obsequious. Yet, obsequious as they were, they were less ready and efficient instruments of arbitrary power than a class of courts, the memory of which is still, after the lapse of more than two centuries, held in deep abhorrence by the nation. Foremost among these courts in star power and in infamy were the Star Chamber and theHighCom- »nd'uigh mission, the former a political, the latter a religious inquisition, commis- SIOD. See his report to Charles for the year 1689. 98 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP. Neither was a part of the old constitution of England. The ' Star Chamber had been remodelled, and the High Commission created by the Tiidors. The power whicli these boards had possessed before the accession of Charles had been extensive and formidable, but was small indeed wlien compared with that which they now usurped. Guided chiefly by the violent spirit of the primate, and freed from the control of Parliament, they displayed a rapacity, a violence, a malignant energy, which had been unknown to any former age. The government ■was able, through their instrumentality, to fine, imprison, pil- lory, and mutilate without restraint. A separate council which Bate at York, under the presidency of Wentworth, was armed, in defiance of law, by a pure act of prerogative , with almost boundless power over the horthern counties. All these tribu- nals insulted and defied the authority of Westminster Hall, and daily committed excesses which the most distinguished Royalists have warmly condemned. We are informed by Cla- rendon that there was hardly a man of note in the realm who had not personal experience of the harshness and greediness of the Star Chamber, that the High Commission had so con- ducted itself that it had scarce a friend left in the kingdom, and that the tjTanny of the Council of York had made the Great Charter a dead letter north of the Trent. The government of England was now, in all points but one, as despotic as that of France. But that one point was all im- portant. There was still no standing army. There was, there- fore , no security that the whole fabric of tyranny might not be subverted in a single day; and, if taxes were imposed by the royal authority for the support of an aiTny, it was probable that there would be an immediate and irresistible explosion. This was the difficulty whicli more than any other perplexed Went- worth. The Lord Keeper Finch, in concert with other lawyers who were employed by tlie government, recommended an ex- pedient, which was eagerly adopted. The ancient princes of BEFORE THK RESTORATION. 89 England, as they called on the inhabitants of the counties near chap. Scotland to arm and array themselves for the defence of the border, had sometimes called on the maritime counties to fur- nish ships for the defence of the coast. In the room of ships ^oae- money had sometimes been accepted. This old practice it was now determined, after a long interval, not only to revive but to extend. Former princes had raised ship-money only in time of war; it was now exacted in a time of profound peace. Former princes, even in the most perilous wars, had raised ship-money only along the coasts; it was now exacted from the inland shires. Former princes had raised ship-money only for the maritime defence of the country; it was now exacted, by the admission of the Royalists themselves, with the object, not of maintaining a navy, but of furnishing the King with supplies which might be increased at his discretion to any amount, and expended at his discretion for any purpose. The whole nation was alarmed and incensed. John Hampden, an opulent and well born gentleman of Bucking- hamshire, liighly considered in his own neighbourhood, but as yet little known to the kingdom generally, had the courage to step forward, to confront the whole power of the government, and take on himself the cost and the risk of disputing the pre- rogative to which the King laid claim. The case was argued before the judges in the Exchequer Chamber. So strong were the arguments against the' pretensions of the crown that, de- pendent and servile as the judges were, the majority against Hampden was the smallest possible. Still there was a ma- jority. The interpreters of the law had pronounced that one great and productive tax might be Imposed by the royal au- thority. Wentworth justly observed that it was impossible to vindicate their judgment except by reasons directly leading to a conclusion which they had not ventured to draw. If money might legally be raised without the consent of Parliament for the support of a fleet, it was not easy to deny that money might, 90 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, without consent of Parliament, be legallyraised forthe support — — of ED army. The decision of the judges increased the irritation of the people. A century earlier, irritation less serious would have produced a general rising. But discontent did not now so readily as in former ages take the form of rebellion. The nation had been long steadily advancing in wealth and in civi- lisation. Since the great northern Earls took up arms against Elizabeth seventy years had elapsed; and during those seventy years there had been no civil war. Never, during the whole existence of the English nation, had so long a period passed without intestine hostilities. Men had become accustomed to the pursuits of peaceful industry, and, exasperated as thejf were, hesitated long before they drew the sword. This was the conjuncture at which the liberties of the nation were in the greatest peril. The opponents of the government began to despair of the destiny of their country; and many looked to the American wilderness as the only asylum in which they could enjoy civil and spiritual freedom. There a few resolute Puritans, who, in the cause of their religion , feared neither the rage of the ocean nor the hard- ships of uncivilised life, neither the fangs of savage beasts nor the tomahawks of more savage men, had built, amidst the primeval forest, villages which are now great and opulent cities, but which have, through every change, retained soma trace of the character derived from their founders. The government regarded these infant colonies with aversion, and attempted violently to stop the stream of emigration, but could not prevent the population of New England from being largely recruited by stout-hearted and Godfearing men from cverj' part of the old England. And now Wentworth exulted in the near prospect of Thorough. A few years might pro- bably suffice for the execution of his great design. If strict economy were observed, if all collision with foreign powers BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 91 were carefully avoided, the debts of the crown would be chap. cleared off: there would be funds available for the support of ' a large military force ; and that force would soon break the refractory spirit of the nation. At this crisis an act of insane bigotry suddenly changed J"g'|o the whole face of public affairs. Had the King been wise, he ""* J^'- would have pursued a cautious and soothing policy towards scoiund. Scotland till he was master in the South, For Scotland was of all his kingdoms that in which there was the greatest risk that a spark might produce a flame, and that a flame might become a conflagration. Constitutional opposition, indeed, such as he had encountered at Westminster, he had not to apprehend at Edinburgh. The Parliament of his northern kingdom was a very different body from that which bore the same name in England. It was ill constituted; it was little considered ; and it had never imposed any serious restraint on any of his predecessors. The three Estates sate in one house. The commissioners of the burghs were considered merely as retainers of the great nobles. No act could be introduced till it had been approved by the Lords of Articles, a committee which was really, though not in form, nominated by the crown. But, though the Scottish Parliament was obsequious, the Scottish people had always been singularly turbulent and ungovernable. They had butchered their first James in his bed-chamber: they had repeatedly arrayed themselves in arms against James the Second: they had slain James the Third on the field of battle: their disobedience had broken the heart of James the Fifth : they had deposed and impri- soned Mary: they had led her son captive; and their temper was still as intractable as ever. Their habits were rude and martial. All along the southern border, and all along the line between the highlands and the lowlands, raged an inces- sant predatory war. In every part of the country men were accustomed to redress their wrongs by the strong hand. 92 HISTORY OP ENGLAND, CHAP. Whatever loyalty thft nation had anciently felt to the Stuarts • had cooled during their long absence. The supreme influence over the public mind was divided between two classes of male- contents, the lords of the soil and the preachers; lords animated by the same spirit which had often impelled tlie old Douglasses to withstand the royal house, and preachers who had inherited the republican opinions and the uncon(jncrable spirit of Knox. Both the national and religious feelings of the population had been wounded. All orders of men com- plained that their country, that country which had, with so much glory, defended her independence against the ablest and bravest Plantagenets, had, through the instrumentality of her native princes, become in effect, though not in name, a province of England. In no part of Europe had the Cal- vinistic doctrine and discipline taken so strong a hold on the public mind. The Church of Rome was regarded by the great body of the people with a hatred which might justly be called ferocious; and the Church of England, which seemed to be everj' day becoming more and more like the Church of Rome, was an object of scarcely less aversion. The government had long wished to extend the Anglican system over the whole Island, and had already, with this view, made several changes highly distasteful to every Pres- byterian. One innovation, however, the most hazardous of all, because it was directly cognisable by the senses of the common people, had not yet been attempted. The public worship of God was still conducted in the manner acceptable to the nation. Now, however, Charles and Laud determined to force on the Scots the English liturgy, or rather a liturgy which, wherever it differed from that of England, differed, in the judgment of all rigid Protestants, for the worse. To this step, taken in the mere wantonness of tyranny, and in criminal ignorance or more criminal contempt of public feeling, our country owes her freedom. The first performance CHAP. I. BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 9o of the foreign ceremonies produced a riot. The riot rapidly became a revolution. Ambition, patriotism, fanaticism, were • mingled in one headlong torrent. The -whole nation was in arms. The power of England was indeed, as appeared some years later, sufficient to coerce Scotland: but a large part of the English people sympathized with the religious feelings of the insurgents; and many Englishmen who had no scruple about antiphonies and genuflexions, altars and surplices, saw with pleasure the progress of a rebellion which seemed likely to confound the arbitrary projects of the court, and to make the calling of a Parliament necessary. For the senseless freak which had produced these effects Wentworth is not responsible.* It had, In fact, thrown all his plans into confusion. To counsel submission, however, was not in his nature. An attempt was made to put down the insurrection by the sword: but the King's military means and military talents were unequal to the task. To impose fresh taxes on England in defiance of law would, at this conjuncture, have been madness. No resource was left but a Parliament; ^,„^ and in the spring of 1 648 a Parliament was convoked. diMohe°a The nation had been put into good humour by the pro- spect of seeing constitutional government restored, and grievances redressed. The new House of Commons was more temperate and more respectful to the throne than any which had sate since the death of Elizabeth. The moderation of this assembly has been highly extolled by the most distin- guished royalists, and seems to have caused no small vexation and disappointment to the chiefs of the opposition: but it was the uniform practice of Charles, a practice equally im- politic and ungenerous, to refuse all compliance with the desires of his people, till those desli-es were expressed in a menacing tone. As soon as the Commons showed a dlsposi- • See his letter lo the Earl of Norlhumberland , dated July 30. 1638. A Parlia- ment called and 94 HISTOEY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, tion to take into consideration the grievances under which the - — '■ — country had suffered during eleven years, the King dissolved tlie Parliament with every mark of displeasure. Between the dissolution of this short-lived assembly and the meeting of that ever memorable body known by the name of the Long Parliament, intervened a few months, during which the yoke was pressed down more severely than ever on the nation, while tlie spirit of the nation rose up more angrily than ever against the yoke. Members of the House of Com- mons were questioned by the Privy Council touching their parliamentary conduct, and thrown into prison for refusing to reply. Ship-money was levied with increased rigour. The Lord Mayor and the Sheriffs of London were threatened with imprisonment for remissness in collecting the paj-ments. Soldiers were enlisted by force. Money for their support was exacted from their counties. Torture, which had always been illegal, and which had recently been declared illegal even by the servile judges of that age, was inflicted for the last time in England in the montli of May, 1G40. Everything now depended on the event of the King's mili- tary operations against the Scots. Among his troops there was little of that feeling which separates professional soldiers from the mass of a nation, and attaches them to their leaders. His army, composed for the most part of recruits who re- gretted the plough from which they had been violently taken, and who were imbued with the religious and political senti- ments tlien prevalent tliroughout the countrj', was more formidable to himself than to the enemy. The Scots, en- couraged by the heads of the English opposition, and feebly resisted by the English forces, marched across the Tweed and the Tyne, and encamj^ed on the borders of Yorkshire. And now tlie murmurs of discontent swelled into an uproar by which all spirits save one were overawed. But the voice of Strafford was still for Thorough; and he, even in this extre- BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 95 mity, showed a nature so cruel and despotic, that bis own chap. pikemen were ready to tear him in pieces. There was yet one last expedient which, as the King flattered himself, might save him from tlie misery of facing another House of Commons. To the House of Lords he was less averse. The Bishops were devoted to him; and, though the temporal peers were generally dissatisfied with his ad- ministration, they were, as a class, so deeply interested in the maintenance of order, and in the stability of ancient institu- tions, that they were not likely to call for extensive reforms. Departing from the uninterrupted practice of centuries, he called a Great Council consisting of Lords alone. But the Lords were too prudent to assume the unconstitutional func- tions with which he wished to invest them. Without money, without credit, without authority even in his own camp, he yielded to the pressure of necessity. The Houses were con- voked; and the elections proved that, since the spring, tlie distrust and hatred with which the government was regarded had made fearful progress. In November 1640 met that renowned Parliament wliich, in Jj'riia!"^ spite of many errors and disasters, is justly entitled to the "*"'■ reverence and gratitude of all who, in any part of the world, enjoy the blessings of constitutional government. During the year which followed, no very important divi- sion of opinion appeared In the Houses. The civil and eccle- siastical administration had, through a period of near twelve years, been so oppressive and so unconstitutional that even those classes of which the inclinations are generally on the Bide of order and authority were eager to promote popular reforms, and to bring the instruments of tyranny to justice. It was enacted that no interval of more than three years should ever elapse between Parliament and Parliament, and that, if writs under the Great Seal were not issued at the proper time, the returning officers should, without such writs, call 96 HISTOKT Oh' ENGLAND, CHAP. i\^Q constituent bodies together for the choice of representa* tives. The Star Chamber, the High Commission, the Council of York were swept away. Men who, after suffering cruel mutilations, had been confined in remote dungeons, regained their liberty. On the chief ministers of the crown the ven- geance of the nation was unsparingly wreaked. The Lord Keeper, the Primate, the Lord Lieutenant were impeached. Finch saved himself by flight. Laud was flung into the Tower. Strafford was impeached, and at length put to death by act of attainder. On the same day on which this act passed, the King gave his assent to a law by which he bound himself not to adjourn, prorogue, or dissolve the existing Parliament without its own consent. After ten months of assiduous toil, theHouses, in Septem- ber 1641, adjourned for a short vacation, and the King visited Scotland. He with difficulty pacified that kingdom by con- senting not only to relinquish his plans of ecclesiastical re- form, but even to pass, with a very bad grace, an act declaring that episcopacy was contrary to the word of God. Pirsi ip- The recess of the English Parliament lasted six weeks. of*ihe°iwo The day on which the Houses met again is one of the most Bii£ii8h remarkable epochs in our history. From that day dates the pariiea. corporate existence of the two great parties which have ever since alternately governed the country. In one sense, indeed, the distinction which then became obvious had always existed, and always must exist. For it has its origin in diversities of temper, of understanding, and of interest, which are found in all societies, and which will be found till the human mind ceases to be drawn in opposite directions by the charm of habit and by the charm of novelty. Not only in polities, but in literature, in art, in science, in surgery and mechanics, in navigation and agriculture, nay, even in mathematics, we find this distinction. Everj-wliere there is a class of men who cling with fondness to whatever is ancient, and who, even BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 97 when convinced by overpowering reasons that innovation chap. would be beneficial, consent to it with many misgivings and-^ forebodings. We find also everywhere another class of men sanguine in hope, bold in speculation, always pressing for- ward, quick to discern the imperfections of whatever exists, disposed to think lightly of the risks and inconveniences which attend improvements, and disposed to give every change credit for being an improvement. In the sentiments of both classes there ia something to approve. But of both the best specimens will be found not far from the common frontier. The extreme section of one class consists of bigoted dotards: the extreme section of the other consists of shallow and reck- less empirics. There can be no doubt that in our verj' first Parliaments might have been discerned a body of members anxious to pi-eserve, and a body eager to reform. But, while the ses- sions of the legislature were short, these bodies did not take definite and permanent forms, array themselves under re- cognised leaders, or assume distinguishing names, badges, and war cries. During the first months of the Long Parlia- ment, the indignation excited by many years of lawless op- pression was so strong and general that the House of Com- mons acted as one man. Abuse after abuse disappeared with- out a struggle. If a small minority of the representative body wished to retain the Star Chamber and the High Commission, that minority, overawed by the enthusiasm and by the numeri- cal superiority of the reformers, contented itself with secretly regretting institutions which could not, with any hope of suc- cess, be openly defended. At a later period the Roy.alists found it convenient to antedate the separation between them- selves and their opponents, and to attribute the Act which restrained the King from dissolving or proroguing the Parlia- ment, the Triennial Act, the impeachment of the ministers, and the attainder of Strafl'brd, to the faction which afterwards Macaiilay, History I. 7 98 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, made war on the King. But no artifice could be more dis- - — '■ — ingenuous. Every one of those strong measures was actively promoted by the men who were afterwards foremost among the Cavaliers. No republican spoke of the long misgovem- ment of Charles more severely than Colepepper. The most remarkable speech in favour of the Triennial BUI was made by Digby. The impeachment of the Lord Keeper was moved by Falkland. The demand that the Lord Lieutenant should be kept close prisoner was made at the bar of the Lords by Hyde. Not till tlie law attainting Strafford was proposed did the signs of serious disunion become visible. Even against that law, a law which nothing but extreme necessity could justify, only about sixty members of the House of Commons voted. It is certain that Hyde was not in the minority , and that Falkland not only voted with the majority, but spoke strongly for the bill. Even the few who entertained a scruple about inllicting death by a retrospective enactment thought it necessary to ex- press the utmost abhorrence of Strafford's character and ad- ministration. But under this apparent concord a great schism was latent; and when, in October 1641, the Parliament reassembled after a short recess, two hostile parties, essentially the same with those which, under different names, have ever since con- tended, and are still contending, for the direction of public affairs, appeared confronting each other. During some years they were designated as Cavaliers and Roundheads. They were subsequently called Tories and Whigs; nor does it seem that these appellations are Hkely soon to become obsolete. It would not be difficult to compose a lampoon or a pane- gyric on either of these renowned factions. For no man not utterly destitute of judgment and candour will deny that there are many deep stains on the fame of the party to which he belongs, or that the party to which he Is opposed may justly boast of many Illustrious names, of many heroic actions, and BEFOBB THE KESTOEATION. 99 of many great services rendered to the State. The truth is chap. that, though both parties have often seriously erred, England could have spared neither. If, in her institutions, freedom and order, the advantages arising from innovation and the advantages arising from prescription, have been combined to an extent elsewhere unknown, we may attribute this happy peculiarity to the strenuous conflicts and alternate victories of two rival confederacies of statesmen, a confederacy zealous for authority and antiquity, and a confederacy zealous for liberty and progress. It ought to be remembered that the difference between the two great sections of English politicians has always been a difference rather of degree than of principle. There were certain limits on the right and on the left, which were very rarely overstepped. A few enthusiasts on one side were ready to lay all our laws and franchises at the feet of our Kings. A few enthusiasts on the other side were bent on pursuing, through endless civil troubles, their darling phantom of a republic. But the great majority of those who fought for the crown were averse to despotism; and the great majority of the champions of popular rights were averse to anarchy. Twice, in tho course of the seventeenth century, the two parties suspended their dissensions, and united their strength in a common cause. Their first coalition restored hereditary monarchy. Their second coalition rescued constitutional freedom. It is also to be noted that these two parties have never been the whole nation, nay, that they have never, taken together, made up a majority of the nation. Between them lias always been a great mass, which has not steadfastly ad- hered to either, which has sometimes remained inertly neutral, and has sometimes oscillated to and fro. That mass has more than once passed in a few years from one extreme to the other, and back again. Sometimes it has changed sides, merely 7* 100 HISTORY OP ENGLAND, CHAP, because it was tired of supporting the same men, sometimes because it was dismayed by its own excesses, sometimes because it bad expected impossibilities, and had been disap- pointed. But, whenever it has leaned with its whole weight in either direction, resistance has, for the time, been impos- sible. When the rival parties first appeared in a distinct form, they seemed to be not unequally matched. On the side of the government was a large majority of the nobles, and of those opulent and well descended gentlemen to whom nothing was wanting of nobility but the name. These, with the de- pendents whose support they could command, were no small power in the state. On the same side were the great body of the clergy, both the Universities, and all those laymen who were strongly attached to episcopal government and to the Anglican ritual. These respectable classes found them- selves in the company of some allies much less decorous than themselves. The Puritan austerity drove to the King's faction all who made pleasure their business, who affected gallantry, splendour of dress, or taste in the lighter arts. With these went all who live by amusing the leisure of others, from the painter and the comic poet, down to the rope-dancer and the Merry Andrew. For these artists well knew that they might thrive under a superb and luxurious despotism, but must starve under the rigid rule of the precisians. In the same interest were the Roman Catholics to a man. The Queen, a daughter of France, was of their own faith. Her husband was known to be strongly attaclied to her, and not a little in awe of her. Though undoubtedlv a Protestant on conviction, ho regarded the professors of the old reUgion with no ill will, and would gladly liave granted them a much larger toleration than he was disposed to concede to the Presbyterians. If the opposition obtained the mastery, it was probable that the sanguinary laws enacted against Pa- BEFORE THE EESTOBATION. lOl » pists, in the reign of Elizabeth , wouhi be severely enforced, chap. The Romau Catholics were therefore induced by the strongest motives to espouse the cause of the court. They in general acted with a caution which brought on them the reproach of cowardice and lukewarmness: but it is probable that, in maintaining great reserve, they consulted the King's interest as well as their own. It was not for his service that they should be conspicuous among his friends. The main strength of the opposition lay among the small freeholders in the country, and among the merchants and shopkeepers of the towns. But these were headed by a formidable minority of the aristocracy, a minority which included the rich and powerful Earls of Northumberland, Bedford, Warwick, Stamford, and Essex, and several other Lords of great wealth and influence. In the same ranks was found the whole body of Protestant Nonconformists, and most of those members of the Established Church who still adhered to the Calvinistic opinions which, forty years before, had been generally held by the prelates and clergy. The municipal corporations took, with few exceptions, the same side. In the House of Commons the opposition prepon- derated, but not very decidedly. Neither party wanted strong arguments for the measures which it was disposed to take. The reasonings of the most enlightened Royalists may be summed up thus: — "It is true that great abuses have existed ; but they have been redressed. It is true that precious rights have been invaded ; but they have been vindicated and surrounded with new securities. The sittings of the Estates of the realm have been, in defiance of all precedent and of the spirit of the constitution , intermitted during eleven years ; but it has now been provided that henceforth three years shall never elapse without a Parliament. The Star Chamber, the High Com- mission, the Council of York, oppressed and plundered us; 102 HISTORY OP ENGLAND, CHAP, but those hateful courts have now ceased to exist. Tlie Lord Lieutenant aimed at establishing military despotism; but he has answered for his treason with his head. The Primate tainted our worship with Popish rites, and punished our scruples with Popish cruelty; but he is awaiting in the Tower the judgment of his peers. The Lord Keeper sanctioned a plan, by which the property of every man in England was placed at the mercy of the crown; but he has been disgraced, ruined, and compelled to take refuge in a foreign land. The ministers of tyranny have expiated their crimes. The victims of tjTanny have been compensated for their sufferings. Under such circumstances it would be most unwise to per- severe in that course which was justifiable and necessary when we first met, after a long interval, and found the whole administration one mass of abuses. It is time fS take heed that we do not so pursue our victory over despotism as to run into anarchy. It was not in our power to overturn the bad institutions which lately afflicted our countrj-, without shocks which have loosened the foundations of government. Now that those institutions have fallen we must hasten to prop the edifice which it was lately our duty to batter. Hence- forth it will be our wisdom to look with jealousy on schemes of innovation, and to guard from encroachment all the pre- rogatives with which the law has, for the public good, armed the sovereign." Such were the views of those men of whom the excellent Falkland may be regarded as the leader. It was contended on the other side with not less force, by men of not less abilitj' and virtue, that the safety which the liberties of the English people enjoyed was rather apparent than real, and that the arbitrary projects of the court would be resumed as soon as the vigilance of the Commons was relaxed. Tnie it was, — such was the reasoning of Pj-ra , of Hollis, and of Hampden, — that many good laws had been passed: but, if BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 103 good laws had been sufficient to restrain tlie King, his sub- chap. jects would have had little reason ever to complain of his administration. The recent statutes were surely not of more authority than the Great Charter or the Petition of Right. Yet neither the Great Charter, hallowed by the veneration of four centuries, nor the Petition of Right, sanctioned, after mature reflection, and for valuable consideration, by Charles himself, had been found effectual for the protection of the people. If once the check of fear were withdrawn, if once the spirit of opposition were suffered to slumber, all the securities for English freedom resolved themselves into a single one, the royal word; and it had been proved by a long and severe experience that the royal word could not be trusted. The two parties were still regarding each other with The insh cautious hostility, and had not yet measured their strength, lion. when news arrived which inflamed the passions and confirmed the opinions of both. The great chieftains of Ulster, who, at the time of the accession of James, had, after a long struggle, submitted to the royal autliority, had not long brooked the humiliation of dependence. They had con- spired against the English government, and had been at- tainted of treason. Their immense domains had been for- feited to the crown, and had soon been peopled by thousands of English and Scotch emigrants. The new settlers were, in civilisation and intelligence, far superior to the native population, and sometimes abused their superiority. The animosity produced by difference of race was increased by difference of religion. Under the iron rule of Wentworth, scarcely a murmur was heard: but, when that strong pres- sure was withdrawn, when Scotland had set the example of successful resistance, when England was distracted by in- ternal quarrels , the smothered rage of the Irish broke forth into acts of fearful violence. On a sudden, the aboriginal 104 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, populatioa rose on the colonists. A war to which national and theological hatred gave a character of peculiar ferocity desolated Ulster, and spread to the neighbouring provinces. The castle of Dublin was scarcely thought secure. Every post brought to London exaggerated accounts of outrages which, without any exaggeration, were sufficient to move pity and horror. These evil tidings roused to the height the zeal of both the great parties which were marshalled against each other at Westminster. The Royalists maintained that it was the first duty of every good Englishman and Protestant, at such a crisis, to strengthen the hands of the sovereign. To the opposition it seemed that there were now stronger reasons than ever for thwarting and restraining him. That the commonwealth was in danger was undoubtedly a good reason for giving large powers to a trustworthy ma^s- trate: but it was a good reason for taking away powers from a magistrate who was at heart a public enemy. To raise a great army had always been the King's first object. A great army must now be raised. It was to be feared that, unless some new securities were devised, the forces levied for the reduction of Ireland would be employed against the liberties of England. Nor was this all. A horrible suspicion, unjust indeed, but not altogether unnatural, had arisen in many minds. The Queen was an avowed Roman Catholic: the Jving was not regarded by the Puritans, whom he had mer- cilessly persecuted, as a sincere Protestant; and so notorious was his duplicity, that there was no treachery of which hia subjects might not, with some show of reason, believe hira capable. It was soon whispered that the rebellion of the Roman Catholics of Ulster was part of a vast work of darkness which had been planned at Whitehall. Tiio re- After some weeks of prelude, the first great parliamentary «ir«ace. confllct botwccn the parties which have ever since contended, and are still contending, for the government of the nation, BEFORE THE KESTORATION. 105 took place on the twenty-second of November 1641. It was chap. moved by the opposition, that the House of Commons should present to the King a remonstrance, enumerating the faults of his administration from the time of his accession, and express- ing the distrust with which his policy was still regarded by his people. That assembly, which a few months before had been unanimous in calling for the reform of abuses, was now di- vided into two fierce and eager factions of nearly equal strength. After a hot debate of many hours, the remonstrance was carried by only eleven votes. The result of this struggle was highly favourable to tbe conservative partj'. It could not be doubted that only some great indiscretion could prevent them from shortly obtaining the predominance in the Lower House. The Upper House was already their own. Nothing was wanting to insure their success, but that the King should, in all his conduct, show respect for the laws and scrupulous good faith towards his subjects. His first measures promised well. He had, it seemed, at last discovered that an entire change of system was necessary, and had wisely made up his mind to what could no longer be avoided. He declared his determination to govern in harmony with the Commons, and, for that end, to call to his councils men in whose talents and character the Commons might place confidence. Nor was the selection ill made. Falkland, Hyde, and Colepepper, all three distinguished by the part which they had taken in reforming abuses and in punishing evil minis- ters, were invited to become the confidential advisers of the crown, and were solemnly assured by Charles that he would take no step in any way affecting the Lower House of Parlia- ment without their privity. Had he kept this promise, it cannot be doubted that the reaction which was already in progress would very soon have become quite as strong as the most respectable Royalists 106 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, would have flesired. Already the violent members of the opposition had begun to despair of the fortunes of their party, to tremble for their own safety, and to talk of selling their estates and emigrating to America. That the fair prospects which had begun to open before theKing were suddenly over- cast, that his life was darkened by adversity, and at length shortened by violence, is to be attributed to his own faitliless- ness and contempt of law. The truth seems to be that he detested both the parties into which the House of Commons was divided: nor is this strange; for in both those parties the love of liberty and the love of order were mingled, though in different proportions. The advisers whom necessity had compelled him to call round him were by no means men after his own heart. They had joined in condemning his tj-ranny, in abridging his power, and in punishing his instruments. They were now indeed prepared to defend by strictly legal means his strictly legal preroga- tives; but they would have recoiled with horror from the thought of reviving Wentworth's projects of Thorough. They were, therefore, in the King's opinion, traitors who differed only in the degree of their seditious malignity from Pyra and Hampden. Jr!^nt"f"" -^^ accordingly, a few days after he had promised the tho fito chiefs of the constitutional Royalists that no step of imnor- mcmberj. •' ' • tance should be taken without their knowledge, formed are- solution the most momentous of his whole life, carefully con- cealed that resolution from them , and executed it in a manner which overwhelmed them with shame and dismay. He sent the Attorney General to impeach Pym, Hollis, Hampden, and other members of the House of Commons of high treason at the bar of the House of Lords. Not content with this flag- rant violation of the Great Cliarter and of the uninterrupted practice of centuries, he went in person, accompanied by BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 107 armed men, to seize the leaders of the opposition within the chap. walls of Parliament. The attempt failed. The accused members had left the House a short time before Charles entered it. A sudden and violent revulsion of feeling, both in the Parliament and in the country, followed. The most favourable view that has ever been taken of the King's conduct on this occasion by his most partial advocates is that he had weakly suffered himself to be hurried into a gross indiscretion by the evil counsels of his wife and of his courtiers. But the general voice loudly charged him with far deeper guilt. At the very moment at which his subjects, after a long estrangement produced by his malad- ministration, were returning to him with feelings of confidence and affection, he had aimed a deadly blow at all their dearest rights, at the privileges of Parliament, at the very principle of trial by jury. He had shown that he considered opposition to his arbitrary designs as a crime to be expiated only by blood. He had broken faith , not only with his Great Council and with his people, but with his own adherents. He had done what, but for an unforeseen accident, would probably have produced a bloody conflict round the Speaker's chair. Those who had the chief sway in the Lower House now felt that not only their power and popularity, but their lands and their necks, were staked on the event of the struggle in which they were engaged. The flagging zeal of the party opposed to the court revived in an instant. During the night which followed the outrage the whole City of London was in arms. In a few hours the roads leading to the capital were covered with multitudes of yeomen spurring hard to Westminster with the badges of the parliamentary cause in their hats. In the House of Commons the opposition became at once irresistible, and carried, by more than two votes to one, resolutions of nnprecedented violence. Strong bodies of the trainbands, regularly relieved, mounted guard round Westminster HaU. 108 HISTOKT OP ENGLAND, CHAP. Xhe gates of the Klug's palace were daily besieged by a furious multitude whose taunts aud execrations were heard even in the presence chamber, and who could scarcely be kept out of the royal apartments by the gentlemen of the household. Had Charles remained much longer in his stormy capital, it is probable that the Commons would have found a plea for making him, under outward forms of respect, a state prisoner. Depar- He quitted London, never to return till the day of ater- charies riblc and memorable reckoning had arrived. A negotiation London, began which occupied many months. Accusations and recri- mhiatious passed backward and forward between the con- tending parties. All accommodation had become impossible. The sure punishment which waits on habitual perfidy had at length overtaken the King. It was to no purpose that he now pawned his royal word, and invoked heaven to witness the sincerity of his professions. The distrust with which his ad- versaries regarded him was not to be removed by oaths or treaties. They were convinced that they could be safe only when he was utterly helpless. Their demand, therefore, was, that he should surrender, not only those prerogatives which he had usurped in violation of ancient laws and of his own re- cent promises, but also other prerogatives which the English Kings had possessed from time immemorial, and continue to possess at the present day. No minister must be appointed, no peer created without the consent of the Houses. Above all, the sovereign must resign that supreme military authority wliich , from time beyond all memory , had appertained to the regal office. That Charles would comply with such demands while ho had any means of resistance was not to be expected. Yet it will be difficult to show that the Houses could safely have ex-'' acted leas. They were truly in a most embarrassing position. The great majority of the nation was firmly attached to here- BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 109 ditary monarchy. Those who held republican opinions were chap, as yet few, and did not venture to speak out. It wag there- fore impossible to abolish kingly government. Yet it was plain that no confidence could be placed in the King. It would have been absurd in those who knew, by recent proof, that he was bent on destroying them , to content themselves with pre- senting to him another Petition of Right, and receiving from him fresh promises similar to those which he had repeatedly made and broken. Nothing but the want of an army had pre- vented him from entirely subverting the old constitution of the realm. It was now necessary to levy a great regular army for the conquest of Ireland; and it would therefore have been mere insanity to leave him in possession of that plenitude of military authority which his ancestors had enjoyed. When a country is in the situation in which England then was, when the kingly office is regarded with love and venera- tion, but the person who fills that office is hated and distrusted, it should seem that the course which ought to be taken is ob- vious. The dignity of the office should be preserved; the person should be discarded. Thus our ancestors acted in 1399 an in 1689. Had there been, in 1642, any man occupy- ing a position similar to that which Henry of Lancaster oc- cupied at the time of the deposition of Richard the Second, and which the Prince of Orange occupied at the time of the de- position of James the Second, it is probable that the Houses would have changed the dynasty, and would have made no formal change m the constitution. The new King, called to the throne by their choice, and dependent on their support, would have been under the necessity of governing in confor- mity with their wishes and opinions. But there was no prince of the blood royal in the parliamentary party; and, though that party contained many men of high rank and many men of eminent ability, there was none who towered so conspicuously above the rest that he could be proposed as a candidate for 110 HISTORY OP ENGLAND CHAP. tJfiQ crown. As there was to be a King, and as no new King was to be found, it was necessary to leave the regal title to Charles. Only one course, therefore, was left: and that was to disjoin the regal title from the regal prerogatives. The change which the Houses proposed to make in our Institutions, though it seems exorbitant, when distinctly set forth and digested into articles of capitulation, really amounts to little more than the change which, in the next generation, was effected by the Revolution. It is true that, at the Revolu- tion, the sovereign was not deprived by law of the power of naming his ministers: but it is equally true that, since the Revolution, no ministry has been able to remain in office six months in opposition to the sense of the House of Commons. It is true that the sovereign still possesses the power of crea- ting peers, and the more important power of the sword: but it is equally true that in the exercise of these powei-s the so- vereign has, ever since the Revolution, been guided by ad- visers who possess the confidence of the representatives of the nation. In fact, the leaders of the Roundhead party in 1642, and the statesmen who, about half a century later, effected the Revolution, had exactly the same object in view. That object was to terminate the contest between the crown and the Parliament, by giving to the Parliament a supreme control over the executive administration. The statesmen of the Revolution effected this indirectly by changing the dynasty. The Roundheads of 16-42, being unable to change the dynasty, were compelled to take a direct course towards their end. Wo cannot, however, wonder that the demands of the opposition, importing as they did a complete and formal transfer to the Parliament of powers which had always be- longed to the Crown, should have shocked tliat great party of which the characteristics are respect for constituted authority and dread of violent innovation. That party had recently BEFOKE THE KESTOKATION. Ill been In hopes of obtaining by peaceable means the as- chap. cendency in the House of Commons ; but every such hope had been blighted. The duplicity of Charles had made his old enemies irreconcileable, had driven back into the ranks of the disaffected a crowd of moderate men who were in the very act of coming over to his side, and had so crueUy mortified his best friends that they had for a time stood aloof in silent shame and resentment. Now, however, the constitutional Royalists were forced to make their choice between two dangers ; and they thought it their duty rather to rally round a prince whose past conduct they condemned, and whose word inspired them with little confidence, than to suffer the regal office to be degraded, and the polity of the realm to be entirely remodelled. With such feelings, many men whose virtues and abilities would have done honour to any cause ranged themselves on the side of the King. In August 1642 the sword was at length drawn; and soon, ^°'»- _ in almost every shire of the kingdom, two hostile factions ap- meat of peared m arms agamst each other. It is not easy to say which war. of the contending parties was at first the more formidable. The Houses commanded London and the counties round London, the fleet, the navigation of the Thames, and most of the large towns and seaports. They had at their disposal almost all the military stores of the kingdom, and were able to raise duties, both on goods imported from foreign coun- tries, and on some important products of domestic industry. The King was ill provided with artillery and ammunition. The taxes which he laid on the rural districts occupied by his troops produced, it is probable, a sum far less than that which the Parliament drew from the city of London alone. He relied, indeed, chiefly, for pecuniary aid, on the munificence of his opulent adherents. Many of these mortgaged their land, pawned their jewels, and broke up their silver chargers and christening bowls, in order to assist him. But experience 112 HISTORY OP ENGLAND, CHAP, has fully proved that the voluntary liberality of individuals, " — - — even in times of the greatest excitement, is a poor financial resource when compared with severe and methodical taxation, which presses on the willing and unwilling alike. Charles, however, had one advantage, which, if he had used it well, would have more than compensated for the want of stores and money, and which, notwithstanding his mis- management, gave him, during some months, a superiority in the war. His troops at first fought much better than those of the Parliament. Both armies, it is true, were almost entirely composed of men who had never seen a field of battle. Never- theless, the difference was great. The parliamentary ranks were filled with hirelings whom want and idleness had induced to enlist. Hampden's regiment was regarded as one of the best; and even Hampden's regiment was described by Crom- well as a mere rabble of tapsters and serving men out of place. The royal army, on the other hand, consisted in great part of gentlemen, high spirited, ardent, accustomed to con- sider dishonour as more tenible than death, accustomed to fencing, to the use of fire arms , to bold riding, and to manly and perilous sport, which has been well called the image of war. Such gentlemen, mounted on their favourite horses, and commanding little bands, composed of their younger brothers, grooms, gamekeepers and huntsmen, were, from the very first day on which they took the field, qualified to play their part with credit in a skirmish. The steadiness, the prompt obedience, the mechanical precision of movement, which are characteristic of the regular soldier, these gallant volunteers never attained. But they were at first opposed to enemies as undisciplined as themselves, and far less active, athletic, and daring. For a time, therefore, the Cavaliers were successful in almost every encounter. The Houses had also been unfortunate in the choice of a general. The rank and wealth of the Earl of Essex made BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 113 him one of the most important members of the parliamentary cavp. party. He had borne arms on the Continent with credit, and, • when the war began, had as high a militarj' reputation as any man in the country. But it soon appeared that he was unfit for the post of Commander in Chief. He had little energy and no originality. The methodical tactics which he had learned in the war of the Palatinate did not save him from the disgrace of being surprised and baffled by such a Captain as Rupert, who could claim no higher fame than that of an enterprising partisan. Nor were the officers who held the chief commissions under Essex qualified to supply what was wanting in him. For this, indeed, the Houses are scarcely to be blamed. In a country which had not, within the memory of the oldest person living, made war on a great scale by land, generals of tried skill and valour were not to be found. It was necessary, therefore, in the first instance, to trust untried men ; and the preference was naturally given to men distinguished either by their station, or by the abilities which they had displayed in parliament. In scarcely a single instance, however, was the selection fortunate. Neither the grandees nor the orators proved good soldiers. The Earl of Stamford, one of the greatest nobles of England, was routed by the Royalists at Stratton. Nathaniel Fiennes, inferior to none of his contem- poraries in talents for civil business , disgraced himself by the pusillanimous surrender of Bristol. Indeed, of all the states- men who at this juncture accepted high military commands, Hampden alone appears to have carried into the camp the capacity and strength of mind which had made him eminent in politics. When the war had lasted a year, the advantage was deci- Successes . . •' ' = . of the dedly with the Royalists. They were victorious, both in the Rojaiisu. western and in the northern counties. They had wrested Bristol, the second city in the kingdom, from the Parliament. Macaulay, History I, 8 114 HiSTORT OF ENGLAND, CHAP. They liad -won several battles, and had not sustained a singlo '■ — serious or ignominious defeat. Among the Roundlicads ad- versity had begun to i)roduco dissension and discontent. The Parliament was kept in alarm , sometimes by plots, and some- times by riots. It was thought necessary to fortify London against the royal army , and to hang some disaflected citizens at their own doors. Several of the most distinguished peers who had hitherto remained at AVestminster lied to the court at Oxford; nor can it be doubted that, if the operations of the Cavaliers had, at this season, been directed by a sagacious and powerful mind , Charles would soon have marched in triumph to Whitehall. But the King suffered the auspicious moment to pass away ; and it never returned. In August 1643 he sate down beforo the city of Gloucester. That city was defended by the inha- bitants and by the garrison, with a determination such as had not, since the commencement of the war, been shown by the adherents of the Parliament. The emulation of London was excited. The trainbands of the City volunteered to march wherever their services miglit be required. A great force was epeedily collected, and began to move westward. The siege of Gloucester was raised. The Royalists in every part of the kingdom were disheartened : the spirit of the parliamentary party revived; and the apostate Lords, who had lately fled from Westminster to Oxford, hastened back from Oxford to Westminster, nise of And now a new and alarming class of symptoms began to pendcnrJ! appear in the distempered body politic. There had been, from ' the first, in the parliamentary party, some men whose minds were set on objects from which the majority of that party v;ould have shrunk with horror. These men were, in religion, Independents. They conceived that every Christian congre- gation had, under Christ, supreme jurisdiction in things epiritual ; that appeals to provincial and national synods were BEFOKE THE BESTOKATION. 115 flcarcely less unscriptural than appeals to the Court of Arches, chap. or to the Vatican; and that Popery-, Prelacy, and Presby- terianism were merely three forms of one great apostasy. In politics the Independents were, to use the plirase of their time, root and branch men, or, to use the kindred phrase of our own time, radicals. Not content with limiting the power of the monarch, they were desirous to erect a commonwealth on the ruins of the old English polity. At first they had been incon- siderable, both in numbers and in weight; but before the war had lasted two years they became, not indeed the largest, but the most powerful faction in the country. Some of the old par- liamentary leaders had been removed by death; and others had forfeited the public confidence. Pym had been borne, with princely honours, to a gi'ave among the Plantagenets. Hampden had fallen, as became him, while vainly endeavour- ing, by his heroic example, to inspire his followers vnth courage to face the fiery cavalry of Rupert. Bedford had been untrue to the cause. Northumberland was known to be lukewarm. Essex and his lieutenants had shown little vigour and ability In the conduct of military operations. At such a conjuncture it was that the Independent party, ardent, re- solute, and uncompromising, began to raise its head, both in the camp and in the House of Commons. The soul of that party was Oliver Cromwell. Bred to crom- peaceful occupations, he had, at more than forty years of age, ^^"" accepted a commission in the parliamentary army. No sooner had he become a soldier than he discerned, with the keen glance of genius, what Essex and men like Essex, with all their experience, were unable to perceive. He saw precisely where the strength of the Royalists lay, and by what means alone that strength could be overpowered. He saw that it was neces- eary to reconstruct the army of the Parliament. He saw also that there were abundant and excellent materials for the pur- pose, materials less showy, indeed, but more solid, than those 8« 116 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, of which the gallant squadrons of the King were composed. It was necessary to look for recruits who were not mere mer- cenaries, for recruits of decent station and grave character, fearing God and zealous for public liberty. With such men he filled his own regiment, and, while he subjected them to a discipline more rigid than had ever before been known in Eneland, he administered to their intellectual and moral nature stimulants of fearful potency. The events of the year 164 4 fully proved the superiority of his abilities. In the south, where Essex held the command, the parliamentarj' forces underwent a succession of shameful disasters ; but in the north the victor)' of Rlarston Moor fully compensated for all that had been lost elsewhere. That victory wan not a more serious blow to the Royalists than to the party which had hitherto been dominant at Westminster; for it was notorious that the day, disgracefully lost by the Pres- byterians, had been retrieved by the energy of Cromwell, and by the steady valour of the warriors whom he had trained. Self- These events produced the Self-denying Ordinance and the denying *^ ^ o , . , ordi- new model of the army. Under decorous pretexts, and with every mark of respect, Essex and most of those who had held high posts under hira were removed; and the conduct of the war was intrusted to very different hands. Fairfax, a brave soldier, but of mean understanding und irresolute temper, was the nominal Lord General of the forces ; but Cromwell was their real licad. Cromwell made haste to organize the whole army on the game principles on which he had organized his own regiment. As soon as this process was complete, the event of the war was decided. The Cavaliers had now to encounter natural cou- rage equal to their own, enthusiasm stronger than their own, and discipline such as was utterly wantmg to them. It soon became a proverb that the soldiers of Fairfax and Cromwell were men of a different breed from the soldiers of Essex. At BEFORE THE RESTOKATION. 117 Naseby took place the first great encounter between the chap. Royalists and the remodelled army of the Houses. The^-;;;^, victorv of the Roundheads was complete and decisive. It 'he Par- was followed by other triumphs in rapid succession. In a few months the authority of the Parliament was fully established over the whole kingdom. Charles fled to the Scots, and was by them, in a manner which did not much exalt their national character, delivered up to his English subjects. While the event of the war was still doubtful, the Houses had put the Primate to death, had interdicted, within the sphere of their authority, the use of the Liturgy, and had re- quired all men to subscribe that renowned instrument known by the name of the Solemn League and Covenant. When the struggle was over, the work of innovation and revenge was pushed on with still greater ardour. The ecclesiastical polity of the kingdom was remodelled. Most of the old clergy were ejected from their benefices. Fines, often of ruinous amount, were laid on the Royalists, already impoverished by large aids furnished to the King. Many estates were confiscated. Many proscribed Cavaliers found it expedient to purchase, at an enormous cost, the protection of eminent members of the victorious party. Large domains belonging to the crown, to the bishops, and to the chapters were seized, and either granted away or put up to auction. In consequence of these spoliations, a great part of the soil of England was at once oS'ered for sale. As money was scarce, as the market was glutted, as the title was insecure, and as the awe inspired by powerful bidders prevented free competition, the prices were often merely nominal. Thus many old and honourable fa- milies disappeared and were heard of no more ; and many new men rose rapidly to affluence. But, while the Houses were employing their authority thus, it suddenly passed out of their hands. It had been obtained by calling into existence a power which could not be 118 niSTORT OF ENGLAND, ciTAP. coutroUed. In the summer of 1647, about twelve months after the last fortress of the Cavaliers had submitted to the Parliament, the Parliament was compelled to submit to its own soldiers. Domina- Thirteen years followed, during which England was, under tioii and * 'OB' cbaracter yarious nauics End forms, really governed by the sword. of the . ' . ' . . army. Ncver before that time, or since that time, was the civil power in our country subjected to military dictation. The army which now became supreme in the State was an army very different from any that has since been seen among us. At present the pay of the common soldier is not such as can seduce any but the humblest class of English labourers from their calling. A barrier almost impassable separates him from the commissioned officer. The great majority of those who rise high in the service rise by purchase. So nume- rous and extensive are the remote dependencies of England, that every man who enlists in the line must expect to pass many years in exile, and some years in climates unfavourable to the health and vigour of the European race. The army of the Long Parliament was raised for home service. The pay of the private soldier was much above the wages earned by the great body of the people ; and, if he distinguished himself by intelligence and courage, he might hope to attain high commands. The ranks were accordingly composed of persons superior in station and education to the multitude. These persons, sober, moral, diligent, and accustomed to reflect, bad been induced to take up arms, not by the pressure of want, not by the love of novelty and license, not by the arts of recruiting officers, but by religious and political zeal, mingled with the desire of distinction and promotion. The boast of the soldiers , as we find it recorded in their solemn resolutions, was, that they had not been forced into the ser- vice, nor had enlisted chiefly for the sake of lucre, that they were no janissaries, but freebom Englishmen, who had, of BEFORE THE llESTORATION. 119 their own accord, put their lives in jeopardy for the liberties chap, and religion of England, and whose right and duty it was ' to watch over the welfare of the nation which they had saved. A force thus composed might, without injury to its effi- ciency, be indulged in some liberties which, if allowed to any other troops, would have proved subversive of all dis- cipline. In general, soldiers who should form themselves into political clubs, elect delegates, and pass resolutions on high questions of state, would soon break loose from all control, would cease to form an army, and would become the worst and most dangerous of mobs. Nor would it be safe, in our time, to tolerate in any regiment religious meetings, at which a corporal versed in Scripture should lead the devo- tions of his less gifted colonel, and admonish a backsliding major. But such was the intelligence, the gravity, and the self-command of the warriors whom Cromwell had trained, that in their camp a political organization and a religious organization could exist without destroying military organiza- tion. The same men, who, off duty, were noted as dema- gogues and field preachers, were distinguished by steadiness, by the spirit of order, and by prompt obedience on watch, on drill, and on the field of battle. In war this strange force was irresistible. The stubborn courage characteristic of the English people was, by the system of Cromwell, at once regulated and stimulated. Other leaders have maintained order as strict. Other leaders have inspired their followers with zeal as ardent. But in his camp alone the most rigid discipline was found in company with the fiercest enthusiasm. His troops moved to victory with the precision of machines, while burning with the wildest fa- naticism of Crusaders. From the time when the army waa remodelled to the time when it was disbanded, it never found, either in the British islands or on the Continent, an enemy 120 niSTOKT Of England, CHAP, -who could stand its onset. In England, Scotland, Ireland, '- — Flanders, the Puritan warriors, often surrounded by dif- ficulties, sometimes contending against threefold odds, not only never failed to conquer, but never failed to destroy and break in pieces whatever force was opposed to them. They at lengtli came to regard the day of battle as a day of certain triumph, and marched against the most renowned battalions of Europe with disdainful confidence. Turenne was startled by the shout of stern exultation witli which his English allies advanced to the combat, and expressed the delight of a true soldier, when he learned that it was ever the fashion of Cromwell's pikemen to rejoice greatly when they beheld the enemy; and the banished Cavaliers felt an emotion of national pride, when they saw a brigade of tlieir countrjTnen, out- numbered by foes and abandoned by allies, drive before it in headlong rout the finest infantry of Spain , and force a passage into a counterscarp which had just been pronounced impreg- nable by the ablest of the Marshals of France. But that which chiefly distinguished the army of Cromwell from other arnues was the austere morality and the fear of God which pervaded all ranks. It is acknowledged by the most zealous Royalists that, in that singular camp, no oath was heard, no drunkenness or gambling was seen, and that, during the long dominion of the soldiery, the property of the peaceable citizen and the honour of woman were held sacred. If outrages were committed, they were outrages of a very difl"erent kind from those of which a victorious army is ge- nerally guilty. No servant girl complained of the rough gal- lantry of the redcoats. Not an ounce of plate was taken from the shops of the goldsmiths. But a Pelagian sermon, or a window on which the Virgin and Child were painted, pro- duced in the Puritan ranks an excitement which it required the utmost exertions of the oflicers to quell. One of Crom. well's chief difficulties was to restrain his musketeers and BBFOKE THE RESTORATION. 121 dragoons from invading by main force the pulpits of ministers chap whose discourses, to use the language of that time, were not eavoui-y; and too many of our cathedrals still bear the marks of the hatred with which those stern spirits regarded every vestige of Popery. To keep down the English people was no light task even Kisings for that army. No sooner was the first pressure of military the miii- tyranny felt, than the nation, unbroken to such servitude, v^/nnnMit began to struggle fiercely. Insurrections broke out even in I'i^'"^^''''" those counties which, during the recent war, had been the most submissive to the Parliament. Indeed, the Parliament itself abhorred its old defenders more than its old enemies, and was desirous to come to terms of accommodation with Charles at the expense of the troops. In Scotland, at the eame time, a coalition was formed between the Royalists and a large body of Presbyterians who regarded the doctrines of the Independents with detestation. At length the storm burst. There were risings in Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, Kent, Wales. The fleet in the Thames suddenly hoisted the royal colours, stood out to sea, and menaced the southern coast. A great Scottish force crossed the frontier and advanced into Lan- cashire. It might well be suspected that these movements were contemplated with secret complacency by a majority both of the Lords and of the Commons. But the yoke of the army was not to be so shaken off. While Fairfax suppressed the risings in the neighbourhood of the capital, Oliver routed the Welsh insurgents, and, leaving their castles in ruins, marched against the Scots. His troops were few, when compared with the invaders ; but he was little in the habit of counting his enemies. The Scottish army was utterly destroyed. A change in the Scottish government fol- lowed. An administration , hostile to the King, was formed at Edinburgh; and Cromwell, more than ever the darling of his soldiers , returned in triumph to London. 122 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP. And now a design, to which, at the commencement of the civil war, no man would have dared to allude, and which was Proceed- ings not less inconsistent with the Solemn League and Covenant the iUng. than with the old law of England, began to take a distinct form. The austere warriors who ruled the nation had, during some months, meditated a fearful vengeance on the captive King. When and how the scheme originated; whether it spread from the general to the ranks, or from the ranks to the general; whether it is to be ascribed to policy using fanaticism as a tool, or to fanaticism bearing down policy with headlong impulse, are questions which, even at this day, cannot be answered witli perfect confidence. It seems, however, on the whole, pro- bable that he who seemed to lead was really forced to foUow, and that, on this occasion, as on another great occasion a few years later, he sacrificed his own judgment and hie own incli- nations to the wishes of the army. For the power which he had called into existence was a power which even he could not always control; and, that he might ordinarily command, it was necessarj' that he should sometimes obey. He publicly pro- tested that he was no mover in the matter, that the first steps had been taken without his privity, that he could not advise the Parliament to strike the blow, but that he submitted his own feelings to the force of circumstances which seemed to him to indicate the purposea of providence. It has been the fashion to consider those professions as instances of the hypo- crisy which is vulgarly imputed to him. But even those who pronounce him a hypocrite will scarcely venture to call him a fool. They are therefore bound to show that he had some pur- pose to serve by secretly stimulating the army to take that course which he did not venture openly to recommend. It would be absurd to suppose that he, who was never by his respectable enemies represented as wantonly cruel or im- placably vindictive, would have taken the most important step of his life under the influence of mere malevolence. He was BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 123 far too wise a man not to know, when he consented to shed chap. that august blood, that he was doing a deed which was in- > expiable, and which would move the grief and horror, not only of the Royalists, but of nine tenths of those who had stood by the Parliament. Whatever visions may have deluded others, he was assuredly dreaming neither of a republic on the antique pattern, nor of the millennial reign of the saints. If he already aspired to be himself the founder of a new dynasty, it was plain that Charles the First was a less formidable competitor than Charles the Second would be. At the moment of the death of Charles the First the loyalty of every Cavalier would be trans- ferred, unimpaired, to Charles the Second. Charles the First was a captive; Charles the Second would be at liberty. Charles the First was an object of suspicion and dislike to a large pro- portion of those who yet shuddered at the thought of slaying him; Charles the Second would excite all the interest which belongs to distressed youth and innocence. It is impossible to believe that considerations so obvious, and so important, escaped the most profound politician of that age. The truth is that Cromwell had, at one time, meant to mediate between the throne and the Parliament, and to reorganize the distracted State by the power of the sword, under the sanction of the royal name. In this design he persisted till he was compelled to abandon it by the refractory temper of the soldiers, and by the incurable duplicity of the King. A party in the camp began to clamour for the head of the traitor, who was for treating with Agag. Conspiracies were formed. Threats of impeach- ment were loudly uttered. A mutiny broke out, which all the vigour and resolution of Oliver could hardly quell. And though, by a judicious mixture of severity and kindness, he succeeded in restoring order, he saw that it would be in the highest degree difficult and perilous to contend against the rage of warriors, who regarded the fallen tvrant as their foe, and as the foe of their God. 124 niSTOEY OF ENGLAN1>, CHAP. _A.t the same time it became more evident than ever that the ' King could not be trusted. The vices of Charles had grown upon him. They were, indeed, vices which difficulties and perplexities generally bring out in the strongest light. Cunning is the natural defence of the weak. A prince , therefore, who is habitually a deceiver when at the height of power, is not likely to learn frankness in the midst of embarrassments and distresses. Charles was not only a most unscrupulous but a most unlucky dissembler. There never was a politician to whom so many frauds and falsehoods were brought home by undeniable evidence. He publicly recognised the Houses at Westminster as a legal Parliament, and, at the same time, made a private minute in council, declaring the recognition null. He publicly disclaimed all thought of calling in foreign aid against his people: he privately solicited aid from France, from Den- mark, and from Loraine. He publicly denied that he em- ployed Papists: at the same time he privately sent to his ge- nerals directions to employ every Papist that would serve. He publicly took the sacrament at Oxford, as a pledge that he never would even connive at Popery: he privately assured his wife, that he intended to tolerate Popery in England; and he authorised Lord Glamorgan to promise that Popery should be established inlreland. Thenhe attempted to clearhimself athis agent's expense. Glamorgan received, in the royal hand-writing, reprimands intended to be read by others, and eulogies which were to be seen only by himself. To such an extent, indeed, had insincerity now tainted the King's whole nature, that his most devoted friends could not refrain from complainingto each other, with bitter grief and shame, of his crooked politics. His defeats, they said, gave them less pain than his intrigues. Since he had been a prisoner, there was no section of the victorious party which had not been the object both of his flatteries and of his machinations : but never was he more unfortunate than whenhe attemptedat once to cajoleand to undermine Cromwell. BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 125 Cromwell had to determine whether he would put to hazard chap. the attachment of his party, the attachment of his army, his own greatness, nay his own life, in an attempt, which would probably have been vain, to save a prince whom no engage- ment could bind. With many struggles and misgivings, and probably not without many prayers, the decision was made. Charles was left to his fate. The military saints resolved that, in defiance of the old laws of the realm, and of the almost uni- versal sentiment of the nation, the King should expiate his crimes with his blood. He for a time expected a death like that of his unhappy predecessors, Edward the Second and Richard the Second. But he was in no danger of such treason. Those who had him in their gripe were not midnight stabbers. What they did they did in order that it might be a spectacle to heaven and earth, and that it might be held in everlasting re- membrance. They enjoyed keenly the very scandal which they gave. That the ancient constitution and the public opinion of England were directly opposed to regicide made regicide seem strangely fascinating to a party bent on effecting a complete political and social revolution. In order to ac- complish their purpose, it was necessary that they should first break in pieces every part of the machinery of the govern- ment; and this necessity was rather agreeable than painful to them. The Commons passed a vote tending to accommodation with the King. The soldiers excluded the majority by force. The Lords unanimously rejected the proposition that the King should be brought to trial. Their house was instantly closed. No court, known to the law, would take on itself the office of judging the fountain of justice. A revolutionary tribunal was created. That tribunal pronounced Charles a tyrant, a traitor, a murderer, and a public enemy; and his head was severed ets exe- from his shoulders before thousands of spectators, in front of the banqueting hall of his own palace. In no long time it became manifest that those political and 126 HISXORT OF ENGLAND, CttAP. religious zealots, to -whom this deed is to be ascribed, bad committed, not only a crime, but an error. They had givgn to a prince, hitherto known to his people chiefly by his faults, an opportunity of displaying, on a great theatre, before the eyes of all nations and all ages, some qualities which irre- sistibly call forth the admiration and love of mankind, the high spirit of a gallant gentleman, the patience and meekness of a penitent Christian, li&y, they had so contrived their revenge that the very man whose whole life had been a series of attacks on the liberties of England now seemed to die a martyr in the cause of those liberties. No demagogue ever produced such an impression on the public mind as the captive King who, retaining in that extremitj' all his regal dignity, and confronting death with dauntless courage, gave utterance to the feelings of his oppressed people, manfully refused to plead before a court unknown to the law, appealed from military violence to the principles of the constitution, asked by what right the House of Commons had been purged of its most respectable members and the House of Lords de- prived of its legislative functions, and told his weeping hearers that he was defending not only his own cause, but theirs. His long misgovernment, his innumerable perfidies, were for- gotten. His memory was, in the minds of the great majority of his subjects, associated with those free institutions which he had, during many years, laboured to destroy: for those free institutions had perished with him, and, amidst the mournful silence of a community kept down by arms, had been defended by his voice alone. From that day began a reaction in favour of monarchy and of the exiled house, a reaction which never ceased till the throne had again been set up in all its old dignity. At first, however, the slayers of the King seemed to have derived new energy from that sacrament of blood by which they had bound themselves closely together, and separated BEFORE THE KESTOKATION. 127 themselves for ever from the great body of tbeir countrymen, chap. England was declared a commonwealth. The House of Com- mons, reduced to a small number of members, was nominally the supreme power in the State. In fact, the army and its great chief governed every thing. Oliver had made his choice. He had kept the hearts of his soldiers, and had broken with almost every other class of his fellow-citizens. Beyond the limits of his camps and fortresses he could scarcely be said to have a party. Those elements of force which, when the civil war broke out, had appeared arrayed against each other, were combined against him; all the Cavaliers, the great majority of the Roundheads, the Anglican Church, the Pres- byterian Church, the Roman Catholic Church, England, Scot- land, Ireland. Yet such was his genius and resolution that he was able to overpower and crush everything that crossed his path, to make himself more absolute master of his country than any of her legitimate Kings had been, and to make his country more dreaded and respected tlian she had been during many generations under the rule of her legitimate Kings. England had already ceased to struggle. But the two other kingdoms which had been governed by the Stuarts were hostile to the new republic. The Independent party was equally odious to the Roman Catholics of Ireland, and to the Presbjiicrians of Scotland. Both those countries, lately in rebellion against Charles the First, now acknowledged the authority of Charles the Second. But everything yielded to the vigour and ability of Crom- fj°n^of *" well. In a few months he subjugated Ireland, as Ireland had ■''«''"''. '' " ' and Scot- never been subjugated during the live centuries of slaughter land. which had elapsed since the landing of the first Norman settlers. He resolved to put an end to that conflict of races and religions which had so long distracted the island, by making the English and Protestant population decidedly 128 HISTORY OP ENGLAND, CBAP. predominant. For thia end he gave the rem to the fierce enthusiasm of his followers, waged war resembling that which Israel waged on the Canaanites, smote the idolaters with the edge of the sword , so that great cities were left without in- habitants, drove many thousands to the Continent, shipped off many thousands to the West Indies , and supplied the void thus made by pouring in numerous colonists, of Saxon blood, and of Calvinistic faith. Strange to say, under that iron rule, the conquered country began to wear an outward face of prosperity. Districts which had recently been as wild as those where the first white settlers, of Connecticut were con- tending with the red men were in a few years transformed into the likeness of Kent and Norfolk. New buildings, roads, and plantations were everywhere seen. The rent of estates rose fast; and soon the English land-owners began to complain that they were met in eveiy market by the products of Ireland, and to clamour for protecting laws. From Ireland the victorious chief, who was now in name, as he had long been in reality. Lord General of the armies of the Commonwealth, tm-ncd to Scotland. The young King was there. He had consented to profess himself a Pres- byterian, and to subscribe the Covenant; and, in return for these concessions, the austere Puritans who bore sway at Edinburgh had permitted him to assume the crown, and to hold, under their inspection and control, a solemn and melancholy court. This mock loyalty was of short diu'ation. In two great battles CromweU annihilated the military force of Scotland. Charles fled for his life , and , with extreme diffi- culty, escaped the fate of his father. The ancient kingdom of the Stuarts was reduced, for the first time, to profound submission. Of that independence, so manfully defended against the mightiest and ablest of the Plautageuets , no vestige was left. The English Parliament made laws for Scotland. English judges held assizes in Scotland. Even BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 129 that stubborn Church , which has held its own against so many chap. governments, scarce dared to utter an audible murmur. Thus far there had been at least the semblance of harmony Eipuisioa between the wan-iors who subjugated Ireland and Scotland LongPar- and the politicians who sate at Westminster : but the alliance '"""*"'" which had been cemented by danger was dissolved by victory. The Parliament forgot that it was but the creature of the army. The army was less disposed than ever to submit to the dictation of the Parliament. Indeed the few members who made up what was contemptuously called the Rump of the House of Commons had no more claim than the military chiefs to be esteemed the representatives of the nation. The dispute was soon brought to a decisive issue. Cromwell filled the House with armed men. The Speaker was pulled out of his chair, the mace taken from the table, the room cleared, and the door locked. The nation, which loved neither of the contending parties, but which was forced, in its own despite, to respect the capacity and resolution of the General, looked On with patience, if not with complacency. King, Lords, and Commons, had now in turn been van- quished and destroyed; and Cromwell seemed to be left the sole heir of the powers of all three. Yet were certain limitations still imposed on him by the very army to which he owed his immense authority. That singular body of men was, for the most part, composed of zealous republicans. In the act of enslaving their country, they had deceived themselves into the belief that they were emancipating her. The book which they most venerated furnished them with a precedent which was frequently in their mouths. It was true tliat the ignorant and ungrateful nation murmured against its deliverers. Even so had another chosen nation murmured against the leader who brought it, by painful and dreary paths, from the house of bondage to the land flowing with milk and honey. Yet had that leader rescued his brethren Macaulayi History, l. q 130 BlSl'OBY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, in spite of themselves; nor had he shrunk from making ter- rlble examples of those who contemned the proffered free- dom, and pined for the flesh-pots, the task-masters, and the idolatries of Egj'pt. The object of the warlike saints who surrounded Cromwell was the settlement of a free and pious commonwealth. For that end they were ready to employ, without scruple, any means, however violent and lawless. It was not impossible, therefore, to establish by their aid a monarchy absolute in effect : but it was probable that their aid would be at once withdrawn from a ruler who, even under strict constitutional restraints, should venture to assume the regal name and dignity. The sentiments of Cromwell were widely different. He was not what he had been; nor would it be just to consider the change which his views had undergone as the effect merely of selfish ambition. When he came up to the Long Parliament, he brought with him from his rural retreat little knowledge of books, no experience of great affairs, and a temper galled by the long tyranny of the government and of the hierarchy. He had , during the thirteen years which fol- lowed, gone through a political education of no common kind. He had been a chief actor in a succession of revolutions. He liad been long the soul, and at last the head, of a party, lie had commanded armies, won battles, negotiated treaties, subdued, pacified, and regulated kingdoms. It would have been strange indeed if his notions had been still the same as in the days when his mind was principally occupied by his tlelds and his religion, and when the greatest events which diversified the course of his life were a cattle fair or a prayer meeting at Huntingdon. He saw that some schemes of in- novation for which ho had once been zealous, whether good or bad in themselves, were opposed to the general feeling of the country, and that, if he persevered in those schemes, he had nothing before him but constant troubles, which must BEFORE THE EESTOKATION. 131 be suppressed by the constant use of the sword. He there- chap. fore -wished to restore, in all essentials, that ancient con- " stitution which the majority of the people had always loved, and for which they now pined. The course afterwards taken by Monk was not open to Cromwell. The memory of one terrible day separated the great regicide for ever from the House of Stuart. What remained was that he should mount the ancient P^nglish throne, and reign according to the ancient English polity. If he could effect this, he might hope that tlie wounds of the lacerated State would heal fast. Great num- bers of honest and quiet men would speedily rally round him. Those Royalists whose attachment was rather to institutions than to persons, to the kingly office than to King Charles the First or King Charles the Second, would soon kiss the hand of King Oliver. The peers, who now remained sullenly at their country houses, and refused to take any part in public affairs, would, when summoned to their House by the writ of a King in possession, gladly resume their ancient functions. Northumberland and Bedford, Manchester and Pembroke, would be proud to bear the crown and the spurs, the sceptre and the globe before the restorer of aristocracy. A sentiment of loyalty would gradually bind the people to the new dynasty; and, on the decease of the founder of that dynasty, the royal dignity might descend with general ac- quiescence to his posterity. The ablest Royalists were of opinion that these views were correct, and that, if Cromwell had been permitted to follow his own judgment, the exiled line would never have been restored. But his plan was directly opposed to the feelings of the only class which he dared not offend. The name of King was hateful to the soldiers. Some of them were indeed unwilling to see the administration in the hands of any single person. The great majority, however, were disposed to support their general, as elective first magistrate 9* 132 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, of a commonwealth , against all factions whicli might resist • his authority : but they would not consent that he should assume the regal title, or that the dignity, which was the just reward of his personal merit, should be declared hereditary in his family. All that was left to him was, to give to the new republic a constitution as like the constitution of the old monarchy as the army would bear. That his elevation to power might not seem to be his own mere act, he convoked a council, composed partly of persons on whose support he could depend, and partly of persons whose opposition he might safely defy. This assembly, which he called a Par- liament, and which the populace nicknamed, from one of the most conspicuous members, Barebone's Parliament, after exposing itself during a short time to the public contempt, surrendered back to the General the powers which it had received from him, and left him at liberty to frame a plan of government. The Pro- jjjg pjf^jj bore, from the first, a considerable resemblance tpciorale "^ , "/Oliver to the old English constitution; but, in a few years, he T\cii. tliought it safe to proceed further, and to restore almost every part of the ancient system under new names and forms. The title of King was not revived; but the kingly preroga- tives were intrusted to a Lord Iligh Protector. The sovereign was called not His Majesty, but His Highness. He was not crowned and anointed in Westminster Abbey, but was so- lemnly enthroned, girt with a sword of state, clad in a robe of purple, and presented with a rich Bible, in Westminster Hall. His office was not declared heredit-ary: but he was permitteil to name his successor; and none could doubt that he would name his son. A House of Commons was a necessary part of the new polity. In constituting this body, the Protector showed a wisdom and a public spirit which were not duly appreciated BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 133 by Lis contemporaries. The vices of the old representative chap. system, though by no means so serious as they afterwards " became, had already been remarked by far-sighted men. Cromwell reformed that system ou the same principles on which Mr. Pitt, a hundred and thirty years later, attempted to reform it, and on which it was at length reformed in our own times. Small boroughs were disfranchised even more unsparingly than in 1832 ; and the number of county members was greatly increased. Very few unrepresented towns had yet grown into importance. Of those towns the most con- siderable were Manchester, Leeds, and Halifax. Represen- tatives were given to all three. An addition was made to the number of the members for the capital. The elective fran- chise was placed on such a footing that every man of sub- stance , whether possessed of freehold estates in land or not, had a vote for the county in which he resided. A few Scotchmen and a few of the English colonists settled in Ire- land , were summoned to the assembly which was to legislate, at Westminster, for every part of the British isles. To create a House of Lords was a less easy task. Demo- cracy does not require the support of prescription. Monarchy has often stood without that support. But a patrician order is the work of time. Oliver found already existing a nobility, opulent, highly considered, and as popular with the com- monalty as any nobility has ever been. Had he, as King of England , commanded the peers to meet him in Parliament according to the old usage of the realm, many of them would undoubtedly have obeyed the call. This he could not do; and it was to no purpose that he oflFered to the chiefs of illus- trious families seats in his new senate. They conceived that they could not accept a nomination to an upstart assembly without renouncing their birthright and betraying their order. The Protector was, therefore, under the necessity of filling his Upper House with new men who, during the late stirring 134 HISTORY OP ENGLAND, CHAP, times, had made themselves conspicuous. This was the least happy of his contrivances, and displeased all parties. The Levellers were angry with him for instituting a privileged class. The multitude, which felt respect and fondness for the great historical names of the land, laughed without re- straint at a House of Lords, in which lucky draymen and shoemakers were seated, to which few of the old nobles were invited, and from which almost all those old nobles who were invited turned disdainfully away. How Oliver's Parliaments were constituted, however, was practically of little moment: for he possessed the means of conducting the administration without their support, and in defiance of their opposition. His wish seems to have been to govern constitutionally, and to substitute the empire of the laws for that of the sword. But he soon found that, hated as he was, both by Royalists and Presbyterians, he could be safe only by being absolute. The first House of Commons which the people elected by his command, questioned his authority, and was dissolved without having passed a single act. Hia second House of Commons, though it recognised him as Protector, and would gladly have made him King, obstinately refused to acknowledge his new Lords. He had no course left but to dissolve the Parliament. "God," he exclaimed, at parting, " be judge between you and me ! " Yet was the energy of the Protector's administration in nowise relaxed by these dissensions. Those soldiers who would not suffer him to assume the kingly title stood by him when he ventured on acts of power, as high as any English King has ever attempted. The government, therefore, though in form a republic, was in truth a despotism, moderated only by the wisdom, the sobriety, and the magnanimity of the despot. The country was divided into military districts. Those districts were placed under the command of Major Ge- nerals. Every insurrectionary movement was promptly put BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 135 down and punished. The fear inspired by the power of the chap. sword in so strong, steady, and expert a hand, quelled the spirit both of Cavaliers and Levellers. The loyal gentry declared that they were still as ready as ever to risk their lives for the old government and the old dynasty, if there were the slightest hope of success: but to rush at the head of their serving men and tenants on the pikes of brigades victorious in a hundred battles and sieges, would be a frantic waste of innocent and honourable blood. Both Royalists and Repub- licans, having no hope in open resistance, began to revolve dark schemes of assassination: but the Protector's intel- ligence was good: his vigilance was unremitting; and, when- ever he moved beyond the walls of his palace, the drawn swords and cuirasses of his trusty bodyguards encompassed him thick on every side. Had he been a cruel, licentious, and rapacious prince, the nation might have found courage in despair, and might have made a convulsive effort to free itself from military domina- tion. But the grievances which the country suffered, though such as excited senous discontent, were by no means such as impel great masses of men to stake their lives, their fortunes, and the welfare of their families against fearful odds. The taxation, though heavier than it had been under the Stuarts, was not heavy when compared with that of the neighbouring states and with the resources of England. Property was secure. Even the Cavalier, who refrained from giving distur- bance to the new settlement, enjoyed in peace whatever the civil troubles had left him. The laws were violated only in cases where the safety of the Protector's person and govern- ment was concerned. Justice was administered between man and man with an exactness and purity not before known. Under no English government, since the Reformation, had there been so little religious persecution. The unfortunate Roman Catholics, indeed, were held to be scarcely within the 136 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, pale of Chrlsliaa charity. But the clergy of the fallen Anglican — - — Church were suffered to celebrate their worship on condition that they would abstain from preaching about politics. Even the Jews, whose public worship had, ever since the thirteenth century, been interdicted, were, in spite of the strong op- position of jealous traders and fanatical theologians, per- mitted to build a synagogue in London. The Protector's foreign policy at the same time extorted the ungracious approbation of those who most detested him. The Cavaliers could scarcely refrain from wishing that one who had done so much to raise the fame of the nation had been a legitimate King; and the Republicans were forced to own that the tjxant suffered none but himself to wrong his country, and that, if he had robbed her of liberty, he had at least given her glorj' in exchange. After half a century during which England had been of scarcely more weight in European poli- tics than Venice or Saxony, she at once became the most formidable power in the world, dictated terms of peace to the United Provinces, avenged the common injuries of Christen- dom on the pirates of Barbary, vanquished the Spaniards by land and sea, seized one of the finest West Indian islands, and acquired on the Flemish coast a fortress which consoled the national pride for the loss of Calais. She was supreme on the ocean. She was tlie head of the Protestant interest. All the reformed Churches scattered over Roman Catholic king- doms acknowledged Cromwell as their guardian. The Hu- guenots ofLanguedoc, the shepherds who, in the hamlets of the Alps, professed a Protestantism older than that of Augs- burg, were secured from oppression by the mere terror of his great name. The Pope himself was forced to preach humanity and moderation to Popish princes. For a voice which seldom threatened in vain had declared tliat, unless favour were shown to the people of God, the English guns should be heard in the Castle of Saint Angolo. In truth, there was nothing BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 137 which Cromwell had, for his own sake and that of his family, chap. so much reason to desire as a general religious war in Europe. In such a war he must have been the captain of the Protestant armies. The heart of England would have been with him. His victories would have been hailed with an unanimous enthusiasm unknown in the country since the rout of the Armada, and would have effaced the stain which one act, condemned by the general voice of the nation, has left on his splendid fame. Unhappily for him he had no opportunity of displaying his admirable military talents, except against the inhabitants of the British isles. While he lived his power stood firm, an object of mingled aversion, admiration, and dread to his subjects. Few indeed loved his government; but those who hated it most hated it less than they feared it. Had it been a worse government, it might perhaps have been overthrown in spite of all its strength. Had it been a weaker government, it would certainly have been overthrown in spite of all its merits. But it had moderation enough to abstain from those oppressions which drive men mad; and it had a force and energy which none but men driven mad by oppression would venture to encounter. It has often been affirmed, but apparently with little Oliver reason, that Oliver died at a time fortunate for his renown, eo^ " and that, if his life had been prolonged, it would probably ''"^''"^" have closed amidst disgraces and disasters. It is certain that he was, to the last, honoured by his soldiers, obeyed by the whole population of the British islands, and dreaded by all foreign powers, that he was laid among the ancient sovereigns of England with funeral pomp such as London had never be- fore seen , and that he was succeeded by his son Richard as quietly as any King had ever been succeeded by any Prince of Wales. During five months , the administration of Richard Crom- well went on so tranquilly and regularly that all Europe be- 138 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, lieved him to be firmly established on the chair of state. In — - — truth his situation was in some respects much more advanta- geous than that of his father. The young man had made no enemy. His hands were unstained by civil blood. The Ca- valiers themselves allowed him to be an honest, good-natured gentleman. The Presbyterian party, powerful both in numbers and in wealth, had been at deadly feud with the late Protector, but was disposed to regard the present Protector with favour. That party had always been desirous to see the old civil polity of the realm restored with some clearer defini- tions and some stronger safeguards for public liberty, but had many reasons for dreading the restoration of the old family. Richard was the very man for politicians of this description. His humanity, ingenuousness, and modesty, the mediocrity of his abilities, and the docility with which he submitted to the guidance of persons wiser than himself, admirably qualified him to be the head of a limited mo- narchy. For a time it seemed highly probable that he would, under the direction of able advisers, effect what his father had attempted in vain. A Parliament was called, and the writs were directed after the old fashion. The small boroughs which had recently been disfranchised regained their lost privilege: Manchester, Leeds, and Halifax ceased to return members; and the county of York was again limited to two knights. It may seem strange to a generation which has been excited almost to madness by the question of parliamentary reform that great shires and towns should have submitted with patience, and even with complacency, to this change: but though reflecting men could, even in that age, discern the vices of tlie old representative system, and foresee that those vices would, sooner or later, produce serious practical evil, the practical evil bad not yet been much felt. Oliver's repre- ■entative system, on the other hand, though constructed oa BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 139 the soundest principles , was not popular. Both the events in chap. which it originated, and the effects which it had produced, prejudiced men against it. It had sprung from military violence. It had been fruitful of nothing but disputes. The whole nation was sick of government by the sword, and pined for government by the law. The restoration, therefore, even of anomalies and abuses, which were in strict conformity with the law, and which had been destroyed by the sword, gave general satisfaction. Among the Commons there was a strong opposition , con- sisting partly of avowedRepublicans, and partly of concealed Royalists: but a large and steady majority appeared to be favourable to the plan of reviving the old civil constitution under a new dynasty. Richard was solemnly recognised as first magistrate. The Commons not only consented to transact business with Oliver's Lords, but passed a vote acknow- ledging the right of those nobles who had in the late troubles taken the side of public liberty, to sit in the Upper House of Parliament without any new creation. Thus far the statesmen by whose advice Richard acted had been successful. Almost all the parts of the government were now constituted as they had been constituted at the commencement of the civil war. Had the Protector and the Parliament been suffered to proceed undisturbed, there can be little doubt that an order of things similar to that which was afterwards established under the House of Hanover would have been established under the House of Cromwell. But there was in the State a power more than sufficient to deal with Protector and Parliament together. Over the soldiers Richard had no authority except that which he derived from tlie great name which he had inherited. He had never led them to victory. He had never even borne arms. All his tastes and habits were pacific. Nor were his opinions and feelings on religious subjects approved by the military saints. 140 HISTORY OP ENGLAND, CHAP. That he was a good man he evinced by proofs more satis- ^ — factory than deep groans or long sermons, by humility and suavity when he was at the height of human greatness, and by cheerful resignation under cruel wrongs and misfortunes : but the cant then common in every guard-room gave him a disgust which he had not always the prudence to conceal. The officers who had the principal influence among the troops stationed near London were not his friends. They were men distin- guished by valour and conduct in the field, but destitute of the wisdom and civil courage which had been conspicuous in their deceased leader. Some of them were honest, but fa- natical, Independents and Republicans. Of this class Fleet- wood was the representative. Others were impatient to be what Oliver had been. His rapid elevation, his prosperity and glory, his inauguration in the Hall, and his gorgeous obsequies in the Abbey, had inflamed their imagination. They were as well born as he, and as well educated: they could not understand why they were not as worthy to wear the purple robe, and to wield the sword of state; and they pursued the objects of their wild ambition, not, like him, with patience, vigilance, sagacity, and determination, but with tlie restless- ness and irresolution characteristic of aspiring mediocrity. Among these feeble copies of a great original the most con- spicuous was Lambert. Fall of On the very day of Richard's accession the officers began an.i'r.«i'- to conspIrc against their new master. The good understand- i.o'iixpl'r- ing which existed between him and his Parliament hastened ]i«m..iii. jjjg (jrisis. Alarm and resentment spread through the camp. Both the religious and the professional feelings of the army were deeply wounded. It seemed that the Independents were to be subjected to the Presbyterians, and that the men of the sword were to be subjected to the men of the gown. A coali^ tion was formed between the military malecontcnts and the republican minority of the House of Commons. It may well BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 141 be doubted whether Richard could have triumphed over that chap. coalition, even if he had inherited his father's clear judgment — and iron courage. It is certain that simplicity and meekness like his were not the qualities which the conjuncture required. He fell ingloriously, and witliout a struggle. He was used by the army as an instrument for the purpose of dissolving the Parliament, and was then contemptuously thrown aside. The officers gratified their republican allies by declaring that the expulsion of the Rump had been illegal, and by inviting that assembly to resume its functions. The old Speaker and a quorum of the old members came together and were pro- claimed, amidst the scarcely stifled derision and execration of the whole nation, the supreme power in the State. It was at the same time expressly declared that there should be no first magistrate, and no House of Lords. But this state of things could not last. On the day on which the Long Parliament revived, revived also its old quarrel with the army. Again the Rump forgot that it owed its existence to the pleasure of the soldiers, and began to treat them as subjects. Again the doors of the House of Com- sorond mons were closed by military violence ; and a provisional of ilo government, named by the officers, assumed the direction liament. of affairs. Meanwhile the sense of great evils, and the strong ap- prehension of still greater evils close at hand, had at length produced an alliance between the Cavaliers and the Pres- byterians. Some Presbyterians had , indeed, been disposed to such an alliance even before the death of Charles the First: but it was not till after the fall of Richard Cromwell that the whole party became eager for the restoration of the royal bouse. There was no longer any reasonable hope that the old constitution could be reestablished under a new dynasty. One choice only was left, the Stuarts or the army. The banished family had committed great faults; but it had dearly 142 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, expiated those faults, and had undergone a longj, and, it might be hoped, a salutary training in the school of adversity. It was probable that Charles the Second would take warning by the fate of Charles the First. But, be this as it might, the dangers which threatened the country were such that, in order to avert them, some opinions might well be com- promised , and some risks might well be incurred. It seemed but too likely that England would fall under the most odious and degrading of all kinds of government, under a govern- ment uniting all the evils of despotism to all the evils of anarchy. Anything was preferable to the yoke of a succession of incapable and inglorious tyrants, raised to power, like the Deys of Barbary, by military revolutions recurring at short intervals. Lambert seemed likely to be the first of these rulers; but within a year Lambert might give place to Des- borough, and Desborough to Harrison. As often as the truncheon was transferred from one feeble hand to another, the nation would be pillaged for the purpose of bestowing a fresh donative on the troops. If the Presbyterians obstinately stood aloof from the Royalists, the State was lost; and men might well doubt whether, by the combined exertions of Presbyterians and Royalists , it could be saved. For the dread of that invincible army was on all the inhabitants of the island; and the Cavaliers, taught by a hundred disastrous fields how little numbers can effect against discipline, were even more completely cowed than the Roundheads. The army While the soldiers remained united, all the plots and "and*^"' risings of the malecontents were ineffectual. But a few days marches after the second expulsion of the Rump, came tidings which land. gladdened the hearts of all who were attached either to monarchy or to liberty. That mighty force which had, during many years, acted as one man, and which, while so acting, had been found irresistible, was at length divided against itself. The army of Scotland had done good service to the BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 143 Commonwealth , and was in the highest state of efficiency. It chap, had borne no part in the late revolutions , and had seen them with indignation resembling the indignation which the Roman legions posted on the Danube and the Euphrates felt, when they learned that the empire had been put up to sale by the Praetorian Guards. It was intolerable that certain regiments should, merely because they happened to be quartered near Westminster, take on themselves to make and unmake several governments in the course of half a year. If it were fit that the state should be regulated by the soldiers, those soldiers who upheld the English ascendency on the north of the Tweed were as well entitled to a voice as those who garrisoned the Tower of London. There-appears to have been less fanaticism among the troops stationed in Scotland than in any other part of the army; and their general , George Monk, was himself the very opposite of a zealot. He had, at the commencement of the civil war, borne arms for the King, had been made prisoner by the Roundheads, had then accepted a commission from the Parliament, and, with very slender pretensions to saintship, had raised himself to high commands by his courage and professional skill. He had been an useful servant to both the Protectors, had quietly acquiesced when the officers at Westminster puUed down Richard and restored the Long Parliament, and would perhaps have acquiesced as quietly in the second expulsion of the Long Parliament, if the pro- visional government had abstained from giving him cause of offence and apprehension. For his nature was cautious and somewhat sluggish; nor was he at all disposed to hazard sure and moderate advantages for the chance of obtaining even the most splendid success. He seems to have been impelled to attack the new rulers of the Commonwealth less by the hope that, if he overthrew them, he should become great, than by the fear that, if he submitted to them, he should not even be secure, Whatever were his motives, he declared him- 144 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, geif tije champion of the oppressed civil power, refused to acknowledge the usurped authority of the provisional govern- ment, and, at the head of seven thousand veterans, marched into England. This step was the signal for a general explosion. The people everywhere refused to pay taxes. The apprentices of the City assembled by thousands and clamoured for a free Parliament. The fleet sailed up the Thames, and declared against the tyranny of the soldiers. The soldiers, no longer under the control of one commanding mind, separated into factions. Every regiment, afraid lest it should be left alone a mark for the vengeance of the oppressed nation, hastened to make a separate peace. Lambert, -who had hastened north- ward to encounter the army of Scotland, was abandoned by his troops, and became a prisoner. During thirteen years the civil power had, in every conflict, been compelled to yield to the military power. The military power now humbled itself before the civil power. The Rump, generally hated and despised, but still the only body in the country which had any show of legal authority, returned again to the house from which it had been twice ignominiously expelled. In the mean time Monk was advancing towards London. Wherever he came, the gentry flocked round him, imploring him to use his power for the purpose of restoring peace and liberty to the distracted nation. The General, cold-blooded, taciturn, zealous for no polity and for no religion, maintained an impenetrable reserve. What were at this time his plans, and whether he had any plan, may well be doubted. His great object, apparently, was to keep himself, as long as possible, free to choose between several lines of action. Such, indeed, is commonly the policy of men who are, like him, distinguished rather by wariness than by farsightedness. It was probably not till he had been some days in the capital that he made up his mind. The cry of the whole people was for » BEFORE THE RESTORATION. 145 free Parliament; and there could be no doubt that a Parlia- chap. ment really free would instantly restore the exiled family. " The K.ump and the soldiers were still hostile to the House of Stuart. But the Rump was universally detested and despised. The power of the soldiers was indeed still formidable, but had been greatly diminished by discord. They had no head. They had recently been , in many parts of the country, ar- rayed against each other. On the very day before Monk reached London, there was a fight in the Strand between the cavalry and the infantry. An united army had long kept down a divided nation: but the nation was now united, and the army was divided. During a short time , the dissimulation or irresolution of Monk kept all parties in a state of paiuful suspense. At length Monk de- he broke silence, and declared for a free Parliament. a free As soon as his declaration was known , the whole nation menu was wild with delight. Wherever he appeared thousands thronged round him, shouting and blessing his name. The bells of all England rang joyously: the gutters ran with ale : and , night after night , the sky five miles round London was reddened by innumerable bonfires. Those Presbyterian mem- bers of the House of Commons who had many years before been expelled by the army, returned to their seats, and were hailed with acclamations by great multitudes, which filled Westminster Hall and Palace Yard. The Independent leaders no longer dared to show their faces in the streets, and were scarcely safe within their own dwellings. Temporary pro- vision was made for the government: writs were issued for a general election; and then that memorable Parliament, which had, during twenty eventful years, experienced every variety of fortune , which had triumphed over its sovereign , whicli had been enslaved and degraded by its servants, which had been twice ejected and twice restored, solemnly decreed its own dissolution. Miicaulay, History. I, JO of 1660. 146 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP. Xhe result of the elections was such as might have been 1- expected from the temper of the nation. The new House of election Commons Consisted, with few exceptions, of persons friendly to the royal family. The Presbyterians formed the majority. That there would be a restoration now seemed almost cer- tain; but whether there would be a peaceable restoration was matter of painful doubt. The soldiers were in a gloomy and savage mood. They hated the title of King. They hated the name of Stuart. They hated Presbyterianism much, and Prelacy more. They saw with bitter indignation that the close of their long domination was approaching, and that a life of inglorious toil and penury was before them. They attributed their ill fortune to the weakness of some generals, and to the treason of others. One hour of their beloved Oliver might even now restore the glorj' which had departed. Betrayed, disunited, and left without any chief in whom they could con- fide, they were yet to be dreaded. It was no light thing to encounter the rage and despair of fifty thousand fighting men, whose backs no enemy had ever seen. Monk, and those with whom he acted, were well aware that the crisis was most peri- lous. They employed every art to sooth and to divide the dis- contented warriors. At the same time vigorous preparation was made for a conflict. The army of Scotland, now quar- tered in London, was kept in good humor by bribes, praises, and promises. The wealthy citizens grudged nothing to .t red coat, and were indeed so liberal of their best wine, that warlike saints were sometimes seen in a condition not very honourable either to their religious or to their military cha- racter. Some refractory regiments Monk ventured to dis- band. In the meantime the greatest exertions were made by the provisional government, with the strenuous aid of the whole body of the gentry and magistracy, to organize the militia. In every county the trainbands were held ready to march ; and this force canoot be estimated at less thau a huu- BEFOKE THE RESTORATION. 147 CHAP. I. dred and twenty thousand men. In Hyde Park twenty thou- sand citizens, well armed and accoutred, passed in review," and showed a spirit which justified the hope that, in case of need, they would fight manfully for their shops and firesides. The fleet was heartily with the nation. It was a stirring time, a time of anxiety, yet of hope. The prevailing opinion was that England would be delivered , but not without a desperate and bloody struggle, and that the class which had so long ruled by the sword would perish by the sword. Happily the dangers of a conflict were averted. There was indeed one moment of extreme peril. Lambert escaped from his confinement, and called his comrades to arms. The flame of civil war was actually rekindled ; but by prompt and vigorous exertion it was trodden out before it had time to spread. The luckless imitator of Cromwell was again a pri- soner. The failure of his enterprise damped the spirit of the soldiers ; and they sullenly resigned themselves to their fate. The new Parliament, which, having been called without The Re- ., _ . storation. the royal writ, is more accurately described as a Convention, met at Westminster. The Lords repaired to the hall, from which they had, during more than eleven years, been ex- cluded by force. Both Houses instantly invited the King to return to his country. He was proclaimed with pomp never before known. A gallant fleet convoyed him from Holland to the coast of Kent. When he landed, the cliflTs of Dover were covered by thousands of gamers , among whom scarcely one could be found who was not weeping with delight. The jour- ney to London was a continued triumph. The whole road from Rochester was bordered by booths and tents, and looked like an interminable fair. Everywhere flags were flying, bells and music sounding, wine and ale flowing in rivers to the health of him whose return was the return of peace, of law, and of freedom. But in the midst of the general joy, one spot presented a dark and threatening aspect. On Blackheath 10* 148 HISTORY OP ENGLAND, cnAP. t[ie army was drawn up to welcome the sovereign. lie smiled, bowed, and extended his hand graciously to the lips of the colonels and majors. But all his courtesy was vain. The countenances of the soldiers were sad and lowering; and, had they given way to their feelings, the festive pageant of which they reluctantly made a part would have had a mournful and bloody end. But there was no concert among them. Discord and defection had left them no confidence in their chiefs or in each other. The whole array of the City of London was under arms. Numerous companies of militia had assembled from various parts of the realm, under the command of loyal noble- men and gentlemen, to welcome the King. That great day closed in peace; and the restored wanderer reposed safe in the palace of his ancestors. UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 149 CHAPTER II. The history of England , during the seventeenth century, <^"^P' is the history of the transformation of a limited monarchy, ; Conduct constituted after the fashion of the middle ages, into a limited "f "inse monarchy suited to that more advanced state of society in restored ,,. , , ,, ,, tlie House which the public charges can no longer be borne by theofsman estates of the crown, and in which the public defence can no ceusurcd. longer be entrusted to a feudal militia. We have seen that the politicians who were at the head of the Long Parliament made, in 1642, a great effort to accomplish this change by transferring, directly and formally, to the Estates of the realm the choice of ministers, the command of the army, and the superintendence of the whole executive administration. This scheme was, perhaps, the best that could then be con- trived: but it was completely disconcerted by the course which the civil war took. The Houses triumphed, it is true; but not till after such a struggle as made it necessary for them to call into existence a power which they could not control, and which soon began to domineer over all orders and all parties. For a time, the evils inseparable from military government were, in some degree, mitigated by the wisdom and magnanimity of the great man who held the supreme command. But, when the sword which he had wielded, with energy indeed, but with energy always guided by good sense and generally tempered by good nature, had passed to captains who possessed neither his abilities nor his virtues, it seemed too probable that order and liberty would perish in one ignominious ruin. That ruin was happily averted. It has been too much the practice of writers zealous for freedom to represent the liestoratioD as a disastrous event, and to condemn the folly or 150 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, baseness of that Convention which recalled the royal family without exacting new securities against maladministration. Those who hold this language do not comprehend the real nature of the cnsls which followed the deposition of Richard Cromwell. England was in imminent danger of sinking under the tyranny of a succession of small men raised up and pulled down by military caprice. To deliver the country from the domination of the soldiers was the first object of every enlightened patriot: but it was an object which, while the soldiers were united, the most sanguine could scarcely expect to attain. On a sudden a gleam of hope appeared. General was opposed to general, army to army. On the use which might be made of one auspicious moment depended the future destiny of the nation. Our ancestors used that moment well. They forgot old injuries, waved petty scruples, adjourned to a more convenient season all dispute about the reforms which our institutions needed, and stood together, Cavaliers and Roundheads, Episcopalians and Presbyterians, in firm union, for the old laws of the land against military despotism. The exact partition of power among King, Lords , and Com- mons, might well be postponed till it had been decided whether England should be governed by King, Lords, and Commons, or by cuirassiers and pikemen. Had the statesmen of the Convention taken a different course, had they held long debates on the principles of government, had they drawn up a new constitution and sent it to Charles , had conferences been opened, had couriers been passing and repassing during some weeks between Westminster and the Netherlands, with projecto and counterprojects, replies by Hyde and rejoinders by rr}'nne, the coalition on which the public safety depended would have been dissolved: the Presbyterians and Royalists would certainly have quarrelled: the military factions might possibly have been reconciled: and the misjudging friends of liberty might long have regretted, under a rule worse than UNDER CHARLES THE SECOKD. 151 that of tlift worst Stuart, the golden opportunity wbicb had chap. been suffered to escape. ~~" ^" The old civil polity was, therefore, by the general consent ^f^"".""" of both the great parties, reestablished. It was again exactly ^"^^j''^ what it bad been when Charles the First, eighteen years be- service, fore, withdrew from his capital. All those acts of the Long Parliament which had received the royal assent were admitted to be still in full force. One fresh concession, a concession in which the Cavaliers were even more deeply interested than the Roundheads, was easily obtained from the restored King. Tlie military tenure of land had been originally created as a means of national defence. But in the course of ages what- ever was useful in the institution had disappeared ; and no- thing was left but ceremonies and grievances. A landed pro- prietor who held an estate under the crown by knight service, — and it was thus that most of the soil of England was held, — bad to pay a large fine on coming to his property. He could not alienate one acre without purchasing a license. When he died, if bis domains descended to an infant, the sovereign was guardian, and was not only entitled to great part of the rents during the minority, but could require the ward, under heavy penalties, to marry any person of suitable rank. The chief bait which attracted a needy sycophant to the court was the hope of obtaining as the reward of servility and flattery, a royal letter to an heiress. These abuses bad perished with the monarchy. That they should not revive with it was the wish of every landed gentleman in the king- dom. They were , therefore , solemnly abolished by statute ; and no relic of the ancient tenures in chivalry was suffered to remain, except tliose honorary services which are still, at a coronation, rendered to the person of the sovereign by some lords of manors. The troops were now to be disbanded. Fifty thousand nishami- . ingof the men, accustomed to the profession of arms, were at once army. i52 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, tlirown on the world: and experience seemed to warrant, tlie belief that this change would produce much misery and crime, that the discharged veterans would be seen begging m every street, or that they would be driven by hunger to pillage. But no such result followed. In a few months there remained not a trace indicating that the most formidable army in the world had just been absorbed into the mass of the community. The Royalists themselves confessed that, in every depart- ment of honest industry, the discarded warriors prospered beyond other men, that none was charged with any theft or robbery, that none was heard to ask an alms, and that, ii' a baker, a mason, or a waggoner attracted notice by his dili- gence and sobriety, he was in all probability one of Oliver's old soldiers. The military tyranny had passed away; but it had left deep and enduring traces in the public mind. The name of a standing army was long held in abhorrence: and it is remarkable that this feeling was even stronger among the Cavaliers than among the Roundheads. It ought to be con- sidered as a most fortunate circumstance that, when our country was, for the first and last time, ruled by the sword, the sword was In the hands , not of her legitimate princes, but of those rebels who slew the King and demolished the Church. Had a prince, with a title as good as that of Charles, com- manded an army as good as that of Cromwell, there would have been little hope indeed for the liberties of England. Happily that instrument by which alone the monarchy could be made absolute became an object of peculiar horror and disgust to the monarchical party, and long continued to be inseparably associated in the imagination of Royalists and Prelatists with regicide and field preaching. A century after the death of Cromwell, the Tories still continued to clamour against every augmentation of the regular soldiery, and to sound the praise of a national militia. So late as the year UNDER CHARLES THK SECOND. 153 17S(), a minister who enjoyed no common measure of their chap. coniideuce found it impossible to overcome their aversion to his scheme of fortifying the coast: nor did they ever look with entire complacency on the standing army, till the French Revolution gave a new direction to their apprehensions. The coalition which had restored the King terminated with P'fP"'" " between the danger from which it had sprung ; and two hostile parties ""> again appeared ready for conflict. Both indeed were agreed iieadsand as to the propriety of inflicting punishment on some unhappy renewed. men who were, at that moment, objects of almost universal hatred. Cromwell was no more; and those who had fled be- fore him were forced to content themselves with the miserable satisfaction of digging up, hanging, quartering, and burning the remains of the greatest prince that has ever ruled England. Other objects of vengeance, few indeed, yet too many, were found among the republican chiefe. Soon, however, the con- querors, gluttedwith the blood of the regicides, turned against each other. The Roundheads , while admitting the virtues of the late King, and while condemning the sentence passed upon him by an illegal tribunal, yet maintained that his admi- nistration had been, in many things, unconstitutional, and that the Houses had taken arms against him from good motives and on strong grounds. The monarchy, these politicians con- ceived, had no worse enemy than the flatterer who exalted the prerogative above the law, who condemned all opposition to regal encroachments, and who reviled, not only Cromwell and Harrison, but Pym and Hampden, as traitors. If the King wished for a quiet and prosperous reign, he must confide in those who, though they had drawn the sword in defence of the invaded privileges of Parliament, had yet exposed themselves to the rage of the soldiers in order to save his father, and had taken the chief part in bringing back the royal family. The feeling of the Cavaliers was widely diff"erent. During eighteen years they had, through all vicissitudes, been faithful 154 HTSTORT OF ENGLAND, CHAP, to the crown. Having sliared the distress of their prince, were — they not to share his triumph? Was no distinction to be made between them and the disloyal subject who had fought against his rightful sovereign, who had adhered to Ricliard Cromwell, and who had never concurred in the restoration of the Stuarts, till it appeared that nothing else could save the nation from the tyranny of the army? Grant that such a man liad , by his recent services, fairly earned his pardon. Yet were his services, ren- dered at the eleventh hour, to be put in comparison with the toils and sufTerings of those who had borne the burden and heat of the day? Was he to be ranked with men who had no need of the royal clemency, with men who had, in everj' part of their lives, merited the royal gratitude? Above all, was he to be suffered to retain a fortune raised out of the substance of the ruined defenders of the throne? Was it not enough that his head and his patrimonial estate, a hundred times forfeited to justice, were secure, and that he shared, with the rest of the nation, in the blessings of that mild government of which he had long been the foe? Was it necessary that he should be rewarded for his treason at the expense of men whose only crime was the fidelity with which they had observed their oath of allegiance? And what interest had the King in gorging his old enemies with prey torn from his old friends? What confi- dence could be placed in men who had opposed their so- vereign, made war on him, imprisoned him, and who, even now, instead of hanging down their heads in shame and con- trition, vindicated all that they had done, and seemed to think that they had given an illustrious proof of loyalty by just stopping short of regicide? It was true that they had lately assisted to set up the throne: but it was not less true that they had previously pulled it down, and that they still avowed prin-* ciples which might impel them to pull rt down again. Un- doubtedly it might be fit that marks of royal approbation should be bestowed on some converts who had been eminently UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 155 nseful : but policy, as well as justice and gratitude, enjoined the chap. King to give the highest place in his regard to those who, from — first to last, through good and evil, had stood by his house. On these grounds the Cavaliers very naturally demanded indem- nity for all that they had suffered , and preference in the distri- bution of the favours of the crown. Some violent members of the party went further, and clamoured for large categories of proscription. The political feud was, as usual, exasperated by a religious ^^^^jf^^ feud. The King found the Church in a singular state. A «'»"• short time before the commencement of the civil war, his father had given a reluctant assent to a bill, strongly supported by Falkland, which deprived the Bishops of their seats in the House of Lords: but Episcopacy and the Liturgy had never been abolished by law. The Long Parliament, however, had passed ordinances which had made a complete revolution in Church government and in public worship. The new system was, in principle, scarcely less Erastian than that which it dis- placed. The Houses, guided chiefly by the counsels of the accomplished Selden, had determined to keep the spiritual power strictly subordinate to the temporal power. They had refused to declare that any form of ecclesiastical polity was of divine origin ; and they had provided that, from all the Church courts, an appeal should lie in the last resort to Parliament. With this highly important reservation it had been resolved to set up in England a hierarchy closely resembling that which now exists in Scotland. The authority of councils, rising one above another in regular gradation, was substituted for the authority of Bishops and Archbishops. The Liturgy gave place to the Presbyterian directory. But scarcely had the new regulations been framed, when the Independents rose to su- preme influence in the state. The Independents had no dis- position to enforce the ordinances touching classical, pro- vincial, and national synods. Those ordinances, therefore, 156 HISTOET OF ENGLAND, CHAP, ■vvere never carried into full execution. The Presbyterian — system was fully established nowhere bat in Middlesex and Lancashire. In the other fifty counties, almost every parish seems to have been unconnected with the neighbouring pa- rishes. In some districts, indeed, the ministers formed them- selves into voluntary associations, for the purpose of mutual help and counsel; but these associations had no coercive power. The patrons of livings, being now checked by neither Bishop nor Presbytery, would have been at liberty to confide the cure of souls to the most scandalous of mankind , but for the arbitrary intervention of Oliver. He established, by his own authority, a board of commissioners, called Triers. Most of these persons were Independent divines ; but a few Presby- terian ministers and a fewlajTnen had seats. The ccrtiQcale of the Triers stood in the place both of institution and of in- duction ; and without such a certificate no person could hold a benefice. This was undoubtedly one of the most despotic acts ever done by any English ruler. Yet, as it was generally felt that, without some such precaution, the country would be overrun by ignorant and drunken reprobates, bearing the name and receiving the pay of ministers, some highly respect- able persons, who were not in general friendly to Cromwell, allowed that, on this occasion, he had been a public benefactor. The presentees whom the Triers had approved took possession of the rectories, cultivated the glebe lands, collected the tithes, prayed without book or surplice, and admmistered the Eucharist to communicants seated at long tables. Thus the ecclesiastical polity of the realm was in inex- tricable confusion. Episcopacy was the form of government prescribed by the old law whicli was still unrepealed. The form of government prescribed by parliamentarj' ordinance was Presbyterian. But neither the old law nor the parliamen- tary ordinance was practically in force. The Church actually established may be described as an Irregular body made up of UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 157 a few Presbj-teries, and of many Independent congregations, chap. which were all held down and held together by the authority • of the government. Of those who had been active in bringing back the King, many were zealous for synods and for the directory, and many were desirous to terminate by a compromise the religious dis- sensions which had long agitated England. Between the bigoted followers of Laud and the bigoted followers of Calvin there could be neither peace nor truce: but it did not seem Impossible to effect an accommodation between the moderate Episcopalians of the school of Usher and the moderate Pres- byterians of the school of Baxter. The moderate Episco- palians would admit that a Bishop might lawfully be assisted by a council. The moderate Presbyterians would not deny that each provincial assembly might lawfully have a permanent president, and that this president might lawfully be called a Bishop. There might be a revised Liturgy which should not exclude extemporaneons prayer, a baptismal service in whicli the sign of the cross might be used or omitted at discretion, a communion service at which the faithful might sit if their con- sciences forbade them to kneel. But to no such plan could the great body of the Cavaliers listen with patience. The re- ligious members of that party were conscientiously attached to the whole system of their Church. She had been dear to their murdered King. She had consoled them in defeat and penury. Her service , bo often whispered in an inner chamber during the season of trial , had such a charm for them that they were unwilling to part with a single response. Other Royalists, who made little pretence to piety, yet loved the episcopal Church because she was the foe of their foes. They valued a prayer or a ceremony, not on account of the comfort which It conveyed to themselves, but on account of the vexation which It gave to the Ronndheads, and were so far from being «Iisposed to piurchase union by concteeiou that 158 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP. 11. taas they objected to concession chiefly because it tended to pro- duce union. Kirf°'*of Such feelings, though blamable, were natural and not the Pun wholly inexcusable. The Puritans in the day of their power had undoubtedly given cruel provocation. They ou^ht to have learned, if from nothing else, yet from their own discon- tents, from their own struggles, from their own victor}-, from the fall of that proud hierarchy by which they had been so heavily oppressed, that, in England, and in the seventeenth cen- tury, it was not in the power of the civil magistrate to drill the minds of men into conformity with his own system of theology. They proved, however, as intolerant and as meddling as ever Laud had been. They interdicted under heavy penalties the use of the Book of Common Prayer, not only in churches, but even in private houses. It was a crime in a child to read by the bedside of a sick parent one of those beautiful collects which had soothed the griefs of forty generations of Christians. Severe punishments were denounced against such as should presume to blame the Calvinistic mode of worship. Clergymen of respectable characterwere not only ejected from their bene- fices by thousands, but were frequently exposed to the out- rages of a fanatical rabble. Churches and sepulchres, fine works of art and curious remains of antiquity, were brutally defaced. The Parliament resolved that all pictures in the royal collection which contained representations of Jesus or of the Virgin Mother should be burned. Sculpture fared as ill as painting. Nymphs and Graces, the work of Ionian chisels, were delivered over to Puritan stone-masons to be made decent. Against the lighter vices the ruling faction waged war with a zeal little tempered by humanity or by common sense. Sharp laws were passed against betting. It was enacted that adultery should be punished with death. The illicit intercourse of the sexes, even where neither vio- lence nor seduction was imputed, where no public scandal wa? UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 159 given, where no conjugal right was violate J, was made a mis- chap. demeanour. Public amusements, from the masques which were exhibited at the mansions of the great down to the wres- tling matches and grinning matches on village greens, were vigorously attacked. One ordinance directed that all the Maypoles in England should forthwith be hewn down. An- other proscribed all theatrical diversions. The play-houses were to be dismantled, the spectators fined, the actors whipped at the cart's tail. Rope-dancing, puppet-shows, bowls, horse- racing, were regarded with no friendly eye. But bear-baiting, then a favourite diversion of high and low, was the abomi- nation which most strongly stirred the wrath of the austere sectaries. It is to be remarked that their antipathy to this sport had nothing in common with the feeling which has, in our own time, induced the legislature to interfere for the pur- pose of protecting beasts against the wanton cruelty of men. The'Puritan hated bear-baiting, not because it gave pain to the bear, but because it gave pleasure to the spectators. Indeed, he generally contrived to enjoy the double pleasure of tor- menting both spectators and bear. * •"How little compassion for the bear had to do with the matter is suf- ficiently proved by tiae following extract from a paper entitled. A perfect Diurnal ol some Passages of Parliament, and from other Parts of the Kingdom , from Monday July 24th, to Monday July 31st, 1643. "Upon the queen's coming from Holland, she brought with her, besides a company of savagelike ruffians, a company of savage bears, to what purpose you may judge by the sequel. Those bears were left about Newark, and were brought into country towns constantly on the Lord's day to be baited, such is the religion those hero related would settle amongst us; and, if any went about to hinder or but speuk against their damnable profana- tions, they were presently noted as Roundheads and Puritans, and sure to be plundered for it. But some of Colonel Cromwell's forces coming by accident into Uppingham town, in Rutland, on the Lord's day, found these bears playing there in the usual manner, and, in the height of their sport, caused them to be seized upon , lied to a tree and shot." This was by no means a solitary instance. Colonel Pride, when Sheriff of Surrey, ordered the beasts in the bear garden of Soulbwark to be killed. Ue is represented by a loyal satirist as defending the act thus: — "The first tiling that is upon my spirits is the killing of the bears, for which the 160 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP. Perhaps no single circumstance more strongly illustrates the temper of the precisians than their conduct respecting Christmas day. Christmas bad been, from time immemorial, the season of joy and domestic affection, the season when fa- milies assembled, when children came home from school, when quarrels were made up, when carols were heard in every street, when every house was decorated witli evergreens, and every table was loaded with good cheer. At that seafon all hearts not utterly destitute of kindness were enlarged and softened. At that season the poor were admitted to partake largely of the overflowings of the wealth of the rich, whose bounty was peculiarly acceptable on account of the shortness of the days and of the severity of the weather. At that season the interval between landlord and tenant, master and servant, was less marked than through the rest of the year. Where there is much enjojTnent there will be some excess: yet, on the whole, the spirit in which the holiday was kept was not unworthy of a Christian festival. The Long Parliament gave orders, in 16i4, that the twenty-fifth of December should be strictly observed as a fast, and that all men should pass it in humbly bemoaning the great national sin which they and their fathers had so often committed on that day by romping under the mistletoe, eating boar's head, and drinking ale flavoured with roasted apples. No public act of that time seems to have irritated the common people more. On the next annivcrsaiy of the festival formidable riots broke out in many places. The constables were resisted, the magistrates insulted, the houses of noted zealots attacked, and the proscribed service of the day openly read in the churches. Such was the spirit of the extreme Puritans, both Pres- byterian and Independent. Oliver, indeed, was little disposed people hate me, anrt call me all the names in the rainbow. But did not Uavid kill a hear if DitI not the Lord Uepiily Ireion kill a bcarV Did not anoiber lord of ours kill live bears t" — Last Speech and dying Words of Thomas Pride. DNDEU OHARI-ES TUE SECOND-. l6l to be either a persecutor or a meddler. But Oliver, the Lead chap. of a party, and consequently, to a great extent, the slave ^ of a party, could not govern altogether according to his own inclinations. Even under his administration many magis- trates, within their own jurisdiction, made themselves as odious as Sir Hudibras, interfered with all the pleasures of the neighbourhood, dispersed festive meetings, and put fiddlers in the stocks. Still more formidable was the zeal of the soldiers. In every village where they appeared there was an end of dancing, beU-ringing, and hockey. In London they several times interrupted theatrical performances at which the Protector had the judgment and good nature to connive. With the fear and hatred inspired by such a tyranny con- tempt was largely mingled. The peculiarities of the Puritan, his look, his dress, his dialect, his strange scruples, had been, ever since the time of Elizabeth, favourite Bubjects with mockers. But these peculiarities appeared far more gro- tesque in a faction which ruled a great empire than in obscure and persecuted congregations. The cant which had moved laughter when it was heard on the stage from Tribulation Wholesome, and Zeal-of-the-Land Busy, was still more laughable when it proceeded from the lips of Generals and Councillors of state. It is also to be noted that during the civil troubles several sects had sprung into existence, whose eccentricities surpassed anything that had before been seen in England. A mad tailor, named Lodowick Muggleton, wandered from pot-house to pot-house, tippling ale, and denouncing eternal torments against those who refused to believe, on his testimony, that the Supreme Being was only six feet high, and that the sun was just four miles from the earth. • George Fox had raised a tempest of derision by • See Penn's New Witnesses proved Old Heretics, and Muggleton's works, pattim, Macaulay, Hittory. L H 162 BISTORT OF ENGLAND, CHAP, proclaiming that it was a violation of Christian sincerity to " designate a single person by a plural pronoun, and that it was an idolatrous homage to Janus and Woden to talk about January and Wednesday. His doctrine, a few years later, v/as embraced by some eminent men, and rose greatly in the public estimation. But at the time of the llestoration the Quakers were popularly regarded as the most despicable of fanatics. By the Puritans they were treated with severity here, and were persecuted to the death in New England. Nevertheless the public, which seldom makes nice distinc- tions, often confounded the Puritan with the Quaker. Both were schismatics. Both hated episcopacy and the Liturgy. Both had what seemed extravagant whimsies about dress, diversions, and postures. Widely as the two differed in opinion, they were popularly classed together as canting schismatics; and whatever was ridiculous or odious in either increased the scorn and aversion which the multitude felt for both. Before the civil wars, even those who most disliked the opinions and manners of the Puritan were forced to admit that his moral conduct was generally, in essentials, blame- less; but this praise was now no longer bestowed, and, un- fortunately, was no longer deserved. The general fate of sects is to obtain a high reputation for sanctity while they are oppressed, and to lose it as soon as they become power- ful: and the reason is obvious. It is seldom that a man inrolls himself in a proscribed body from any but conscientious motives. Such a body, therefore, is composed, vrith scarcely na exception, of sincere persons. The most rigid discipline that can be enforced within a religious society is a very feeble instrument of purification, when compared with a little sharp persecution from without. We may be certain that very few persons, not seriously impressed by religious con- victions, applied for baptism while Diocletian was vexing UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 163 the Church, or joined themselves to Protestant congregations <^1^p- at the risk of being burned by Bonner. But, -when a sett becomes powerful, when its favour is the road to riches and dignities, worldly and ambitious men crowd into it, talk its language, conform strictly to its ritual, mimic its peculiari- ties, and frequently go beyond its honest members in all the outward indications of zeal. No discernment, not watch- fulness, on the part of ecclesiastical rulers, can prevent the Intrusion of such false brethren. The tares and the wheat must grow together. Soon the world begins to find out that the godly are not better than other men, and argues, with some justice, that, if not better, they must be much worse. In no long time all those signs which were formerly regarded as characteristic of a saint are regarded as characteristic of a knave. Thus it was with the English Nonconfonnists. They had been oppressed; and oppression had kept them a pure body. They then became supreme in the state. No man could hope to rise to eminence and command but by their favour. Their favour was to be gained only by exchanging with them the signs and pass-words of spiritual fraternity. One of the first resolutions adopted by Barebone's Parliament , the most intensely Puritanical of all our political assemblies, was that no person should be admitted into the public service till the House should be satisfied of his real godliness. What were then considered as the signs of real godliness, the sad co- loured dress, the sour look, the straight hair, the nasal whine, the speech interspersed with quaint texts, the abhor- rence of comedies, cards, and hawking, were easily counter- feited by men to whom all religions were the same. The sincere Puritans soon found themselves lost in a multitude, not merely of men of the world, but of the very worst sort of men of the world. For the most notorious libertine who had fought under the royal standard might justly be thought 11* 164 HISTORY OP ENGLAND, CHAP, virtuous when compared with some of those who, while they talked about sweet experiences and comfortable scriptures, lived in the constant practice of fraud, rapacity, and secret debauchery. The people, with a rashness which we may justly regret, but at which we cannot wonder, formed their estimate of the whole body from these hypocrites. The theology, the manners, the dialect of the Puritan were thus associated in the public mind with the darkest and meanest vices. As soon as the Restoration had made it safe to avow enmity to the party which had so long been predominant in the state, a general outcry against Puritanism rose from every comer of the kingdom, and was often swollen by the voiced of those very dissemblers whose villany had brought disgrace on the Puritan name. Thus the two great parties, which, after a long contest., had for a moment concurred in restoring monarchy, were, both in politics and in religion, again opposed to each other. The great body of the nation leaned to the Royalists. The crimes of Strafford and Laud , the excesses of the Star Chamber and of the High Commission, the great services which the Long Parliament had, during the first year of its existence, rendered to the state, had faded from the minds of men. The execution of Charles the First, the sullen tyranny of the Rump, the violence of the army, were re- membered with loathing; and the multitude was inclined to hold all who had withstood the late King responsible for his death and for the subsequent disasters. ''■> The House of Commons, having been elected while the Presbyterians were dominant, by no means represented the general sense of the people, and showed ;i strong disposition to check the intolerant loyalty of the Cavaliers. One member, who ventured to declare that all who had drawn the sword against Charles the First were as much traitors as those who cut off his head, was called to order, placed at the bar, and UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 165 reprimanded by the Speaker. The general wish of the House chap. undoubtedly was to settle the ecclesiastical disputes in a • manner satisfactory to the moderate Puritans. But to such a settlement both the court and the nation were averse. The restored King was at this time more loved by the f:iiari)cier people than any of his predecessors had ever been. The cuariesli, calamities of his house, the heroic death of his father, his own long sufferings and romantic adventures, made him an object of tender interest. His return had delivered the country from an intolerable bondage. Recalled by the voice of both the contending factions, he was in a position which enabled him to arbitrate between them; and in some respects he was well qualified for the task. He had received froiD nature excellent parts and a happy temper. His education had been such as might have been expected to develope his understanding, and to form him to the practice of every public and private virtue. He had passed through all varieties of fortune, and had seen both sides of human nature. He had, while very young, been driven forth from a palace to a life of exile, penury, and danger. He had, at the age when the mind and body are in their highest perfection , and when the first effervescence of boyish passions should have subsided, been recalled from his wanderings to wear a crown. Ue had been taught by bitter experience how much baseness, perfidy, and ingratitude may lie hid under the obsequious demeanour of courtiers. He had found, on the other hand, in the huts of the poorest, true nobility of soul. When wealth was offered to any who would betray him, when death was de- nounced against all who should shelter him , cottagers and serving men had kept his secret truly, and had kissed liia hand under his mean disguises with as much reverence as if he had been seated on his ancestral throne. From such a school it might have been expected that a young man who wanted neither abilities nor amiable qualities would have come forth 166 HISTOKT OP ENGLAKD, *^"AP- .1 great and good King. Charles came forlli from tliat school with social habits, with polite and engaging manners, and ■with some talent for lively conversation, addicted beyond measure to sensual indulgence, fond of sauntering and of frivolous amusements, incapable of self-denial and of exertion, ■without faith in human virtue or in human attachment, with- out desire of renown, and without sensibility to reproach. According to him, every person was to be bought: but some people haggled more about their price than others ; and when tliis haggling was very obstinate and very skilful it was called by some fine name. The chief trick by which clever men kept up tlie price of their abilities was called integrity. The chief trick by which handsome women kept up the price of their beauty was called modesty. The love of God, the love of country, the love of family, the love of friends, were phrases of the same sort, delicate and convenient synonj-mes for the love of self. Thinking thus of mankind, Charles naturally cared very little what they thought of him. Honour and shame were scarcely more to him than light and darkness to the blind. His contempt of flattery has been highly com- mended, but seems, when viewed in connection with the rest of his character, to deserve no commendation. It is possible to be below flattery as well as above it. One wlio trusts nobody wiU not trust sycophants. One who does not value real glory will not value its counterfeit. It is creditable to Charles's temper that, ill as he thought of his species, he never became a misanthrope. He saw little m men but what was hateful. Yet he did not hate them. Nay, he was so far humane that it was highly disagreeable to Lim to see their suflerings or to hear their complaints. This however is a sort of humanity which, though amiable and laudable in a private man whose power to help or hurt is bounded by a narrow circle, has in i)rinces often been rather a vice than a virtue. More than one well disposed ruler has UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 167 given up -wTiole provinces to rapine and oppression, merely chap. from a -wish to see none but happy faces round his own board • and in his own walks. No man is fit to govern great societies who hesitates about disobliging the few who have access to him for the sake of the many whom he will never see. The facility of Charles was such as has perhaps never been found in any man of equal sense. He was a slave without being a dupe. Worthless men and women to the ver}' bottom of whose hearts he saw, and whom he knew to be destitute of afTection for hira and undeserving of his confidence, could easily wheedle him out of titles, places, domains, state secrets and pardons. He bestowed much ; yet he neither enjoyed the pleasure nor acquired the fame of beneficence. He never gave spontaneously; but it was painful to hira to refuse. The consequence was that his bounty generally went, not to those who deserved it best, nor even to those whom he liked best, but to the most shameless and importunate suitor who could obtain an audience. The motives which governed the political conduct of Charles the Second differed widely from those by which his predecessor and his successor were actuated. He was not a man to be imposed upon by the patriarchal theory of govern- ment and the doctrine of divine right. He was utterly without ambition. He detested business, and would sooner have abdicated his crown than have undergone the trouble of really directmg the administration. Such was his aversion to toil, and such his ignorance of affairs, that the very clerks who attended him when he sate in council could not refrain from sneering at his frivolous remarks, and at his childish im- patience. Neither gratitude nor revenge had any share in determining his course ; for never was there a mind on which both services and injuries left such faint and transitory im- pressions. He wished merely to be a King such as Lewis the Fifteenth of France afterwards was ; a King who could 168 HISTORY OF KNGLAKD, CHAP, clraw -witliout limit on the treasury for the gratification of his — private tastes, who could hire with wealth and honours persons capable oi assisting him to kill the time, and who, oven when the state was brought by maladministration to the depths of humiliation and to the brink of ruin, could still ex- clude unwelcome truth from the purlieus of his own seraglio, ,„ and refuse to see and hear whatever might disturb his luxuri- ous repose. For these ends, and for these ends alone, he wished to obtain arbitrary power, if it could be obtained without risk or trouble. In the religious disputes which divided his Protestant eulyects his conscience was not at all interested. For his opinions oscillated in a state of contented suspense between infidelity and Popery. But, though his coiHscienco was neutral in the quarrel between the Episco- palians and the Presbyterians, his taste was by no means so. His favourite vices were precisely those to which the Puritans were least indulgent. He could not get through one day without the help of diversions wliich the Puritans regarded as sinful. As a man eminently well bred, and keenly sensible of the ridiculous, he was moved to contemptuous mirth by the Puritan oddities. lie had indeed some reason to dislUce the rigid sect. He had, at the age when the pas- sions are most impetuous and when levity is most pardonable^ spent some months in Scotland, a King In name, but In fact a state prisoner in the hands of austere Presbyterians. Not content with requiring him to conform to their worship and to subscribe their Covenant, they had watched all his motions, and lectured him on all his youthful follies. He had been compeUed to give reluctant attendance at endless prayers and sermons , and might think himself fortunate when he was not insolently reminded from the pulpit of his own frailties, of his father's tyranny, and of his mother's idolatry. Indeed he had been so miserable during this part of his life that the defeat which made him again a wanderer might be regarded DNDEB CHARLES THB SBCOND. 169 as a deliverance rather than as a calamity. Under the in- chap- fluence of such feelings as these Charles was desii-ous to depress the party which had resisted his father. The King's brother, James Duke of York , took the same J Cliarac- crs nf side. Though a libertine, James was diligent, methodical, *''«^"''« and fond of authority and business. His understanding was ami r.aci singularly slow and narrow, and his temper obstinate, harsh, icudi>B. and unforgiving. That such a prince should have looked with no good will on the free institutions of England , and on the party which was peculiarly zealous for those institutions, can excite no surprise. As yet the Duke professed himself a member of the Anglican Church : but he had already shown inclinations which had seriously alarmed good Protestants. The person on whom devolved at this time the greatest part of the labour of governing was Edward Hyde, Chancellor of the realm , who was soon created Earl of Clarfendon. The respect which we justly feel for Clarendon as a writer must not blind us to the faults which he committed as a statesman. Some of those faults, however, are explained and excused by the unfortunate position in which he stood. He had, during the first year of the Long Parliament, been honourably distinguished among the senators who laboured to redress the grievances of the nation. One of the most odious of those grievances, the Council of York, had been removed in conse- quence chiefly of his exertions. When the great schism took place, when the reforming party and the conservative party Cxst appeared marshalled against each other, he with many wise and good men took the conservative side. He thence- forward followed the fortunes of the court, enjoyed as large a share of the confidence of Charles the First as the reserved nature and tortuous policy of that prince allowed to any minister, and subsequently shared the exile and directed the political conduct of Charles the Second. At the Restoration Hyde became chief minister. In a few months it was an- 170 HISTOKT OF ENGLANP, cnAP. nounced that he was closely related by afYlnity to the royal house. His daughter had become, by a secret marriage, Duchess of York. His grandchildren might perhaps wear the crown. He was raised by this illustrious connection over the heads of the old nobility of the land, and was for a time sup- posed to be all powerful. In some respects he was well fitted for his great place. No man wrote abler state papers. No man spoke with more weight and dignity in Council and in Parliament. No man was better acquainted with general maxims of statecraft. No man observed the varieties of cha- racter with a more discriminating eye. It must be added that he had a strong sense of moral and religious obligation, a sincere reverence for the laws of his countrj', and a conscien- tious regard for the honour and interest of the crown. But his temper was sour, arrogant, and impatient of opposition. Above all, he had been long an exile; and this circumstance alone would have completely disqualified him for the supreme direction of affairs. It is scarcely possible that a politician, who has been compelled by civil troubles to go into banish- ment, and to pass many of the best years of his life abroad, can be fit, on the day on which he returns to his native land, to be at the head of the government. Clarendon was no exception to this rule. He had left England with a mind heated by a fierce conflict which had ended in the downfall of his party and of his own fortunes. From 1G46 to IGCO he had lived beyond sea, looking on all that passed at home from a great distance, and through a false medium. His notions of public affairs were necessarily derived from the reports of plotters, many of whom were ruined and desperate men. Events naturally seemed to him auspicious, not in proportion as they increased the prosperity and glory of the nation, but in proportion as they tended to hasten the hour of his own return. His wish, a wish which he has not disguised, was that, till his countrymen brought back the old line, they might ITNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 171 never enjoy quiet or freedom. At length he returned; and, ciiap. without having a single week to look about him, to mix with society, to note the changes which fourteen eventful years had produced in the national character and feelings, he was at once set to rule the state. In such circumstances, a minister of the greatest tact and docility would probably have fallen into serious errors. But tact and docility made no part of the cliaracter of Clarendon. To him England was stiU the Eng- land of his youth; and he sternly frowned down every theory and every practice which had sprung up during his own exile. Though Jie was far from meditating any attack on the ancient and undoubted power of the House of Commons , he saw with extreme uneasiness the growth of that power. The royal pre- rogative, for which he had long suffered, and by which he had at length been raised to wealth and dignity, was sacred in his eyes. The Roundheads he regarded both with political and with personal aversion. To the Anglican Church he had always been strongly attached, and had repeatedly, where her interests were concerned, separated himself with regret from his dearest friends. His zeal for Episcopacy and for the Book of Common Prayer was now more ardent than ever, and was mingled with a vindictive hatred of the Puritans , which did him little honour either as a statesman or as a Christian- While the House of Commons which had recalled the royal family was sitting, it was impossible to effect the reestablish- ment of the old ecclesiastical system. Not only were the intentions of the court strictly concealed, but assurances which quieted the minds of the moderate Presbj'terians were given by the King in the most solemn manner. He had pro- mised, before his restoration, that he would grant liberty of conscience to his subjects. He now repeated that promise, and added a promise to use his best endeavours for the pur- pose of effecting a compromise between the contending sects. He wished, he said, to see the spiritual jurisdiction divided 172 UiSTOIlY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, between bishops and synods. The Liturgy should be revised • by a body of learned divines, one half of whom should be Presbyterians. The questions respecting the surplice, tlie posture at the Eucharist, and the sign of the cross in baptism, should be settled in a way which would set tender consciences at ease. Wlien the King had thus laid asleep the vigilance of those whom he most feared, he dissolved the Parliajnent. He had already given his assent to an act by which an amnesty was granted, with few exceptions , to all who, during the late troubles, liad been guilty of political offences. He had also obtained from the Commons a grant for life of taxes, the annual produce ol which was estimated at twelve hundred thousand pounds. The actual income , indeed, during some years, amounted to little more than a million: but this sum, together with the hereditary revenue of the crown, was then sufQcient to defray the expenses of the government in time of peace. Nothing was allowed for a standing army. The nation was sick of the very name ; and the least mention of such a force would have incensed and alarmed all parties. General Earlv iu 1601 took place a general election. The people of 1661. were mad with loyal enthusiasm. The capital was excited by preparations for the most splendid coronation that had ever been known. The result was that a body of representiitlves was returned, such as England had never yet seen. A largo proportion of the successful candidates were men who had fought for the crown and the Church, and whose minds Jiad been exasperated by many injuries and insults suffered at the hands of the Roundheads. When the members met, the passions which animated each individually acquired new strength from sympathy. The House of Commons was, during some years, more zealous for royalty than the King, more zealous for Episcopacy than theBishoj)S. Charles and Clarendon were almost terrified at the completeness of their own success. They found themselves in a situation not unliko UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. • 173 that in which Lewis the Eighteenth and the Duke of Richelieu cnxp. were placed while the Chamber of 1815 was sitting. Even if the King had been desirous to fulfil the promises which he had made to the Presbyterians, it would have been out of his ytower to do so. It was indeed only by the strong exertion of big influence that he could prevent the victorious Cavaliers from rescinding the act of indemnity, and retaliating without mercy all that they had eufTered. The Commons began by resolving that every member violence should, on pain of expulsion, take the sacrament according Cavaiiers to the form prescribed by the old Liturgy, and that the Cove- new Pnr. nant should be burned by the hangman in Palace Yard. An '''""="'• act was passed, which not only acknowledged the power of tlie sword to be solely in the King, but declared that in no ex- tremity whatever could the two Houses be justified in with- standing liim by force. Another act was passed which re- quired every officer of a corporation to swear that he held resistance to the King-'s autliority to be in all cases unlawful. A few hot-headed men wished to bring in a bill, which should at once annul all the statutes passed by the Long Parliament, and should restore the Star Chamber and the High Commis- sion; but the reaction, violent as it was, did not proceed quite to this length. It still continued to be the law that a Par- liament should be held every three years : but the stringent clauses which directed the returning officers to proceed to election at the proper time, even without the royal writ, were repealed. The Bishops wore restored to their seats in the Upper House. The old ecclesiastical polity and the old lii- turgy were revived without any modification which had any tendency to conciliate even the most reasonable Presbyte- rians. Episcopal ordination was now, for the first time, made .in indispensable qualification for church preferment. About two thousand ministers of religion, whose conscience did not surt'or them to conform, were driven from their benefiices in 174 • HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP. ojjQ (Jay, The dominant party exultingly reminded the suf- ferers that the Long Parliament, when at the height of power, had turned out a still greater number of Royalist divines. The reproach was but too well founded: but the Long Parliament had at least allowed to the divines whom it ejected a provision suflicient to keep them from starving; and this example the Cavaliers , intoxicated with animosity, had not the justice and humanity to follow. ppis.i >)- Then came penal statutes against Nonconformists, statutes (he lu.i- for which precedents might too easily be found in tlie Puritan legislation, but to which the King could not give his assent without a breach of promises publicly made, in the most im- portant crisis of his life, to those on whom his fate depended. The Presbyterians, in extreme distress and terror, fled to the foot of the throne, and pleaded their recent services and the royal faith solemnly and repeatedly plighted. The King wavered. He could not deny his own hand and seal. He could not but be conscious that he owed much to the peti- tioners. He was little in the habit of resisting importunate soli- citation. His temper was not that of a persecutor. He dis- lilced the Puritans indeed; but in him dislike was a languid feeling, very little resembling the energetic hatred wliich had burned in the heart of Laud. He was, moreover, partial to the Roman Catholic religion; and he knew that it would be impossible to grant liberty of worship to the professors of that religion without extending the same indulgence to Protestant dissenters. He therefore made a feeble attempt to restrain the intolerant zeal of the House of Commons ; but that House was under the inlluence of far deeper convictions, and far stronger jjassions than his own. After a faint struggle he yielded, and passed, with the show of alacrity, a series of odious acts against the separatists. It was made a crime to attend a dissenting place of worship. A single justice of the peace might convict without a jury, and might, for the third UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 175 offence, pass sentence for transportation beyond sea for seven chap. years. With refined cruelty it was provided that the ofl'euder should not be transported to New England, where he was likely to find sympathizing friends. If he returned to his own country before the expiration of lus term of exile, he was liable to capital punishment. A new and most uni-easonable test was imposed on divines wJio had been deprived of their benefices for nonconformity; and all who refused to take it were prohibited from coming within five miles of any town which was governed by a corporation, of any town which was represented in Parliament, or of any town where they had themselves resided as ministers. The magistrates, by whom these rigorous statutes were to be enforced, were in general men inflamed by party spirit and by the remembrance of wi'ongs which they had themselves suffered in the time of the Commonwealth. The gaols were therefore soon crowded with dissenters; and, among the sufferers, were some of whose genius and virtue any Christian society might well be proud. The Church of England was not ungrateful for the pro- zeai of tection which she received from the government. From the cimrch first day of her existence, she had been attached to monarchy, duarymo- But, during the quarter of a century which followed the"*"*"^" Restoration , her zeal for royal authority and hereditary right passed all bounds. She had suffered with the House of Stuart. She had been restored with that House. She was connected with it by common interests, friendships, and enmities. It seemed impossible that a day could ever come when the ties which bound her to the children of her august martyr would be sundered, and when the loyalty in which she gloried would cease to be a pleasing and profitable duty. She accordingly magnified in fulsome phrase that prerogative which was con- stantly employed to defend and to aggrandise her, and repro- bated, much at her ease, the depravity of those whom oppres- sion, from which she was exempt, had goaded to rebellion. 176 HISTORY OP ENGLAND, CHAP. Hor favourite theme was the doctrine of nonresistance. That - doctrine she taught without any qualification, and followed out to all its extreme consequences. Her disciples were never weary of repeating that in no conceivable case, not even if England were cursed with a King resembling Busiris or Pha- laris, who, in defiance of law, and without the pretence of justice, should daily doom hundreds of innocent victims to torture and death, would all the Estates of the realm united be justified in withstanding his tyranny by physical force. Happily the principles of human nature afford abundant secu- rity that such theories will never be more than theories. The day of trial came: and the very men who had most loudly and most sincerely professed this extravagant loyalty were, in almost every county of England, arrayed in arms against the throne. Property all over the kingdom was now again changing hands. The national sales, not having been confirmed by Parliament, were regarded by the tribunals as nuUitiop, The sovereign, the bishops, the deans, the chapters, the royalist nobility and gentry, reentered on their confiscated estates and ejected even purchasers who had given fair prices. The losses which the Cavaliers had sustained during the ascen- dency of their opponents were thus in part repaired; but in part only. All actions for mesne profits were effectually barred by the general amnesty; and the numerous Royalists who, in order to discharge fines imposed by the Parliament, or in order to purchase the favour of powerful Roundheads , had sold lands for much less than the real value, were not reheved from the legal consequences of their own acts. rimnso Wliile these changes were in progress, a change still more ni'iJs" (if importjint took place in the morals and manners of the com- munu " "^'"^ity* Those passions and tastes which, under the rule of the Purituns, had been sternly repressed, and, if gratified at all, had been gratified by stealth, broke forth with un- UNDETt CHAKI.KS THE SECOND. 177 governable violence as soon as the clieck was witlidrawn. chap. Men flew to frivolous amusements and to criminal pleasures " witli the greediness which long and enforced abstinence na- turally produces. Little restraint was imposed by public opinion. For the nation, nauseated with cant, suspicious of all pretensions to sanctity, and still smarting from the recent tyranny of rulers austere in life and powerful in prayer, looked for a time with complacency on the softer and gayer vices. Still less restraint was imposed by the government. Indeed there was no excess which was not encouraged by the ostenta- tious profligacy of the King and of his favourite courtiers. A few counsellors of Charles the First, who were now no longer young, retained the decorous gravity which had been thirty years before in fashion at Whitehall. Such were Clarendon himself, and his friends, Thomas Wriothesley, Earl of Southampton, Lord Treasurer, and James Butler, Duke of Ormond, who, having through many vicissitudes struggled gallantly for the royal cause in Ireland, now go- verned that kingdom as Lord Lieutenant. But neither the memory of the services of these men, nor their great power in the state, could protect them from the sarcasms which modish vice loves to dart at obsolete virtue. The praise of politeness and vivacity could now scarcely be obtained except by some violation of decorum. Talents great and various assisted to spread the contagion. Ethical philosophy had recently taken a form well suited to please a generation equally devoted to monarchy and to vice. Thomas Hobbes had, in language more precise and luminous than has ever been employed by any other metaphysical writer, maintained that the will of the prince was the standard of right and wrong, and that every subject ought to be ready to profess Popery, Mahometanism, or Paganism at the royal command. Thousands who were incompetent to appreciate what was really valuable in his speculations, eagerly welcomed a tlieory wliich, while it Hacaulay, IHstort). i. 12 178 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, exalted tbe kingly office, relaxed the obligations of morality, and degraded religion into a mere affair of state. Hobbism soon became an almost essential part of the character of the line gentleman. All the lighter kinds of literature were deeply tainted by the prevailing licentiousness. Poetry stooped to be the pandar of every low desire. Ridicule, instead of putting guilt and error to the blush, turned her formidable fchafts against innocence and truth. The restored Church contended indeed against the prevailing immorality, but con- tended feebly, and with half a heart. It was necessary to the decorum of her character that she should admonish her erring children. But her admonitions were given in a somewhat perfunctory manner. Her attention was elsewhere engaged. Her whole soul was in the work of crushing the Puritans , and of teaching her disciples to give unto Caesar the things which were Cajsar's. She had been pillaged and oppressed by the party which preached an austere moi*ality. She had been restored to opulence and honour by libertines. Little as the men of mirth and fashion were disposed to shape their lives according to her precepts, they were yet ready to fight knee deep in blood for her cathedi-als and palaces, for every lino of her rubric and every thread of her vestments. If the de- bauched Cavalier haunted brothels and gambling houses, he at least avoided conventicles. If he never spoke without uttering ribaldry and blasphemy, he made some amends by his eagerness to send Baxter and Howe to gaol for preaching and praying. Thus the clergy, for a time, made war on schism with so much vigour tliat they had little leisure to make war on vice. The ribaldry of Etherege and Wycherley was, in the presence and under the special sanction of the head of the Church, publicly recited by female lips in female ears, while the author of the Pilgrim's Progress languished in a dungeon for tlic crime of proclaiming the gospel to the poor. It is an unquestionable and a most instructive fact that the UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 179 years during which the political power of the Anglican hie- chap. rarchy was in the zenith were precisely the years during which national virtue was at th.e lowest point. Scarcely any rank or profession escaped the infection of ^'j^'^'|j,°'^;J[ the prevailing immorality; but those persons who made po- '^^'^"*- litics their business were perhaps the most corrupt part of the corrupt society. For they were exposed not only to the same noxious influences which affected the nation generally, but also to a taint of a peculiar and of a most malignant kind. Their character had been formed amidst frequent and violent revolutions and counterrevolutions. In the course of a few years they had seen the ecclesiastical and civil polity of their country repeatedly changed. They had seen an Episcopal Church persecuting Puritans, a Puritan Church persecuting Episcopalians , and an Episcopal Church persecuting Puritans again. They had seen hereditary monarchy abolished and restored. They had seen the Long Parliament thrice supreme in the state and thrice dissolved amidst the curses and laughter of millions. They had seen a new dynasty rapidly rising to the height of power and glory, and then on a sudden hurled down from the chair of state without a struggle. They had seen a new representative system devised , tried , and abandoned. They had seen a new House of Lords created and scattered. They had seen great masses of property violently transferred from Cavaliers to Roundheads, and from Roundheads back to Cavaliers. During these events no man could be a stirring and thriving politician who was not pre- pared to change with every change of fortune. It was only in retirement that any person could long keep the character either of a steady Royalist or of a steady Republican. One who, in such an age, is determined to attain civil greatness must renounce all thought of consistency. Instead of affect- ing immutability in the midst of endless mutation , he must be always on the watch for the indications of a coming reaction. n* 180 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CRAP. He must seize the exact moment for deserting a falling cause. Having gone all lengths with a faction while it was uppermost, he must suddenly extricate himself from it when its difficulties begin, must assail it, must persecute it, must enter on a new career of power and prosperity in company with new asso- ciates. His situation naturally developes in him to the higli- cst degree a peculiar class of abilities and a peculiar class of vices. He becomes quick of observation and fertile of re- source. He catches without effort the tone of any sect or party with which he chances to mingle. He discerns the signs of the times with a sagacity which to the multitude appears miraculous, with a sagacity resembling that with which a veteran police officer pursues the faintest indications of crime, or with wliich a Mohawk warrior follows a track through the woods. But we shall seldom find in a statesman so trained, integrity, constancy, any of the virtues of the noble family of Truth. He has no faith in any doctrine, no zeal for any cause. He has seen so many old Institutions swept away, that he has no reverence for prescription. He has seen so many new institutions from which much had been expected produce mere disappointment, that he has no hope of im- provement. He sneers alike at those who are anxious to preserve and at those who are eager to reform. There is nothing in the state which he could not, without a scruple or a blush, join in defending or in destroying. Fidelity to opinions and to friends seems to him mere dulness and wrong- headedness. Politics he regards, not as a science of which the object is the happiness of mankind, but as an exciting game of mixed chance and skill, at which a dexterous and lucky player may win an estate, a coronet, perhaps a crown, and at which one rash move may lead to the loss of fortune and of life. Ambition, which, in good times, and in good minds, is half a virtue, now, disjoined from everj' elevated and philanthropic sentiment, becomes a selfish cupidity scarce- UNDKR CHARLES THE SECOND. 181 ly less ignoble than avarice. Among those politicians who, ceiap. from the Restoration to the accession of the House of Ha- nover, were at the head of the great parties in the state, very few can be named whose reputation is not stained by what, in our age, would be called gross perfidy and corruption. It is scarcely an exaggeration to say that the most unprincipled public men who have taken part in affairs within our memory would, if tried by the standard which was in fashion during the latter part of the seventeenth century, deserve to be re- garded as scrupulous and disinterested. While these political, religious, and moral changes 'w^^re ^^^"^1^"^^^ taking place in England, the royal authority had been without difficulty reestablished in every other part of the British islands. In Scotland the restoration of the Stuarts had been hailed with delight ; for it was regarded as the restoration of national independence. And true it was that the yoke which Cromwell had imposed was, in appearance, taken away, that the Estates again met in their old hall at Edinburgh, and that the Senators of the College of Justice again administered the Scottish law according to the old forms. Yet was the indepen- dence of the little kingdom necessarily rather nominal than real: for, as long as the King had England on his side, he had nothing to apprehend from disaffection in his other dominions. He was now in such a situation that he could renew the attempt which had proved destructive to his father without any danger of his father's fate. Charles the First had tried to force his own religion by his regal power on the Scots at a moment when both his religion and his regal power were unpopular In England ; and he had not only failed, but had raised troubles which had ultimately cost him his crown and his head. Times had now changed : England was zealous for monarchy and prelacy ; and therefore the scheme which in the preceding generation had been in the highest degree imprudent might be resumed with little rhk to the throne. The government resolved to set up a 182 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP. II. prelatlcal cliurcb in Scotland. The design was disapproved by every Scotchman whose judgment was entitled to respect. Some Scottish statesmen who were zealous for the King's pre- rogative had been bred Presbyterians. Though little troubled with scruples, they retained a preference for the religion of their childhood; and they well knew how strong a hold that religion had on the hearts of their countrj-men. They re- monstrated strongly: but, when they found that they remon- strated in vain, they had not virtue enough to persist in an opposition which would have given offence to their master; and several of them stooped to the wickedness and baseness of persecuting what in their consciences they believed to be the purest fonn of Christianity. The Scottish Parliament was so constituted that it had scarcely ever offered any serious oppo- sition even to Kings much weaker than Charles then was. Episcopacy, therefore, was established by law. As to the form of worship , a large discretion was left to the clergy. In some churches the English Liturgy was used. In others, the mi- nisters selected from that Liturgy such prayers and thanks- givings as were likely to be least offensive to the people. But in general the doxology was sung at the close of public wor- ship, and the Apostles' Creed was recited when baptism was administered. By the great body of the Scottish nation the new Church was detested both as superstitious and as foreign; as tainted with the corruptions of Rome, and as a mark of the predominance of England. There was, however, no general insurrection. The country was not what it had been twenty- two years before. Disastrous war and alien domination had tamed the spirit of the people. The aristocracy, which was held in great honour by the middle class and by the populace, liad put itself at the head of the movement against Charles the First, but proved obsequious to Charles the Second. From the English Puritans no aid was now to be expected. They were a feeble party, proscribed both by law and by public UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 183 opinion. The bulk of the Scottish nation, therefore, sullenly chap. submitted, and, with many misgivings of conscience, attended the ministrations of the Episcopal clergy, or of Presbyterian divines who had consented to accept from the government a half toleration, known by the name of the Indulgence. But there were, particularly in the western lowlands, many fierce and resolute men, who held that the obligation to observe the Covenant was paramount to the obligation to obey the ma- gistrate. These people, in defiance of the law, persisted in meeting to worship God after their own fashion. The Indul- gence they regarded, not as a partial reparation of the wrongs inflicted by the magistrate on the Church, but as a new wrong, the more odious because it was disguised ander the appearance of a benefit. Persecution, they said, could only kill the body; but the black Indulgence was deadly to the soul. Driven from the towns, they assembled on heaths and mountains. Attacked by the civil power, they without scruple repelled force by force. At every conventicle they mustered in arms. They repeatedly broke out into open rebellion. They were easily defeated, and mercilessly punished: but neither defeat nor punishment could subdue their spirit. Hunted down like wild beasts, tortured till their bones were beaten flat, imprisoned by hundreds, hanged by scores, exposed at one time to the license of soldiers from England, abandoned at another time to the mercy of bands of marauders from the Highlands, they still stood at bay in a mood so savage that the boldest and mightiest oppressor could not but dread the audacity of their despair. Such was, during the reign of Charles the Second, the state ^^ll^^l\ of Scotland. Ireland was not less distracted. In that island existed feuds, compared with which the hottest animosities of English politicians were lukewarm. The enmity between the Irish Cavaliers and the Irish Roundheads was almost forgotten in the fiercer enmity which raged between the English and the 184 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, ciiAp. Celtic races. The iuterval between the Episcopalian and the ' rresbyterian seemed to vanish, when compared with the in- terval which separated both from the Papist. During the late civil troubles the greater part of the Irish soil had been trans- ferred from the vanquished nation to the victors. To the favour of the crown few either of the old or of the new occu- pants had any pretensions. The despoilers and the despoiled had, for the most part, been rebels alike. Tlie government was soon perplexed and wearied by the conllicting claims and mutual accusations of the two incensed factions. Those colo- nists among whom Cromwell had portioned out the conquered territory, and whose descendants are still called Cromwellians, represented that the aboriginal inhabitants were deadly ene- mies of the English nation under every dynasty, and of the Protestant religion in every form. They described and exag- gerated the atrocities which had disgraced the insurrection of Ulster: they urged the King to follow up with resolution the policy of the Protector ; and they were not asliamed to hint that there would never be peace in Ireland till the old Irish race should be extirpated. The Roman Catholics extenuated their offence as they best might, and expatiated In piteous language on the severity of their punishment, which, in truth, had not been lenient. They implored Chai'Ies not to confound the in- nocent with the guilty, and reminded him that many of the guilty had atoned for their fault by returning to their alle- giance, and by defending his rights against tlie murderers of his father. The court, sick of the importunities of two parties, neither of which it had any reason to love, at lengtli relieved Itself from trouble by dictating a compromise. That cruel, but most complete and energetic system, by which Oliver had pro- posed to make the island thoroughly English, was abandoned. The Cromwellians were Induced to relintiulsh a third part of their actjulsltions. The land thus surrendered was capri- ciously divided among claimants whom the government chose UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 185 to favour. But great numbers who protested that they were chap. innocent of all disloyalty, and some persons who boasted that their loyalty had been signally displayed, obtained neither restitution nor compensation, and filled France and Spain with outcries against the injustice and ingratitude of the House of Stuart. Meantime the government had, even in England, ceased to The go- be popular. The Royalists had begun to quarrel with the iieconij" court and with each other; and the party which had been van- ia7 uf" quished, trampled down, and, as it seemed, annihilated, but *'"°'^'"*" which had still retained a strong principle of life, again raised its head, and renewed the interminable war. Had the administration been faultless, the enthusiasm with which the return of the King and the termination of the mili- tary tyranny had been hailed could not have been permanent. For it is the law of our nature that such fits of excitement shall always be followed by remissions. The manner in which the court abused its victory made the remission speedy and com- plete. Every moderate man was shocked by the insolence, cruelty and perfidy with which the Nonconformists were treated. The penal laws had effectually purged the oppressed party of those insincere members whose vices had disgraced it, and had made it again an honest and pious body of men. The Puritan, a conqueror, a ruler, a persecutor, a sequestra- tor, had been detested. The Puritan, betrayed and evil in- treated, deserted by all the time-servers who, in his prosperity, liad claimed brotherhood with him, hunted from his home, foi'bidden under severe penalties to pray or receive the sacra- ment according to his conscience, yet still firm in his resolution to obey God rather than man, was, in spite of some unpleasing recollections, an object of pity and respect to well constituted minds. These feelings became stronger when it was noised abroad that the court was not disposed to treat Papists with the same rigour which had been shown to Presbyterians. A 186 HISTORY OP ENGLAND, CHAP, vague suspicion that the King and the Duke were not sincere Protestants sprang up In many quarters. Many persons too who had been disgusted by the austerity and hypocrisy of the Pharisees of the Commonwealth began to be still more dis- gusted by the open profligacy of the court and of the Cava- liers, and were disposed to doubt whether the sullen precise- ness of Praise God Barebone might not be preferable to the outrageous profaneness and licentiousness of the Bucking- hams and Sedleys. Even immoral men, who were not utterly destitute of sense and public spirit, complained that the government treated the most serious matters as trifles, and made trifles its serious business. A King might be pardoned for amusing his leisure with wine , wit, and beauty. But it was intolerable that he should sink into a mere saunterer and vo- luptuary, that the gravest affairs of state should be neglected, and that the public service should be starved and the finan- ces deranged in order that harlots and parasites might grow rich. A large body of Royalists joined in these complaints, and added many sharp reflections on the King's ingratitude. His whole revenue, indeed, would not have sufficed to reward them all in proportion to their own consciousness of desert. For to every distressed gentleman who had fought under Rupert or Derby his own services seemed eminently merito- rious, and his own suff"erings eminently severe. Every one had flattered himself that, whatever became of the rest, he should be largely recompensed for all that he had lost during the civil troubles, and that the restoration of the monarchy would be followed by the restoration of his own dilapidated fortunes. None of these expectants could restrain his indlg-r nation, when he found that he was as poor under the King as he had been under the Rump or the Protector. The negli- gence and extravagance of the court excited the bitter Indig- nation of these loyal veterans. They justly said that one half UNDEK CHARLES THE SECOND. 187 of -what His Majesty squandered on concubines and buffoons chap. would gladden the hearts of hundreds of old Cavaliers who, after cutting down their oaks and melting their plate to help his father, now wandered about in threadbare suits, and did not know where to turn for a meal. At the same time a sudden fall of rents took place. The income of every landed proprietor was diminished by five shillings in the pound. The cry of agricultural distress rose from every shire in the kingdom; and for that distress the government was, as usual, held accountable. The gentry, compelled to retrench their expenses for a period, saw with indignation the increasing splendour and profusion of White- hall, and were immovably fixed in the belief that the money which ought to have supported their households had, by some inexplicable process, gone to the favourites of the King. The minds of men were now in such a temper that every public act excited discontent. Charles had taken to wife Catharine Princess of Portugal. The marriage was generally disliked ; and the murmurs became loud when it appeared that the King was not likely to have any legitimate posterity. Dunkirk, won by Oliver from Spain, was sold to Lewis the Fourteenth, King of France. This bargain excited general indignation. Englishmen were already beginning to observe with uneasiness the progress of the French power, and to regard the House of Bourbon with the same feeling with which their grandfathers had regarded the House of Austria. Was it wise, men asked, at such a time , to make any addition to the strength of a monarchy already too formidable? Dun- kirk was, moreover, prized by the people, not merely as a place of arms, and as a key to the Low Countries, but also as a trophy of English valour. It was to the subjects of Charles what Calais had been to an earlier generation, and what the rock of Gibraltar, so manfully defended , through disastrous and perilous years , against the fleets and armies of a mighty 188 HISTORY OP ENGLAND, CHAP, coalition, is to ourselves. The plea of economy might have ' !iad some weight, if it had been urged by an economical government. But it was notorious that the charges of Dun- kirk fell far short of the sums which were wasted at court in vice and folly. It seemed insupportable that a sovereign, profuse beyond example in all that regarded his own plea- sures, should be niggardly in all that regarded the safety and honour of the state. The public discontent was heightened, when it was found that, while Dunkix-k was abandoned on the plea of economy, the fortress of Tangier, which was part of the dower of Queen Catharine, was repaired and kept up at an enormous charge. That place was associated with no recollections gratifying to the national pride: it could in no way promote the national interests : it involved us in inglorious , unprofitable, and inter- minable wars with tribes of half savage Mussulmans; and it was situated in a climate singularly unfavourable to the health and vigour of the English race, wir wiih But the murmurs excited by these errors were faint, when lilt; * nuicii. compared with the clamours which soon broke forth. The government engaged in war with the United Provinces. Tlie House of Commons readily voted sums unexampled in our history, suras exceeding those which had supported the fleets and armies of Cromwell at the time when his power was the terror of all the world. But such was the extravagance, dis- honesty, and incapacity of those who had succeeded to his authority, that this liberality proved worse than useless. The sycophants of the court, ill qualified to contend against the great men who then directed the arms of Holland, against such a statesman as De Witt, and such a commander as De Ruyter, made fortunes rapidly, while the sailors mutinied from very hunger , while the dockyards were unguarded, while the ships wero leaky and without rigging. It was at length determined to abandon all schemes of offensive war; UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 189 and it soon appeared that even a defensive war was a task chap. too hard for that administration. The Dutch fleet sailed up the Thames , and burned the ships of -war which lay at Chatham. It was said that, on the very day of that great humi- liation, the King feasted with the ladies of his seraglio, and amused himself with hunting a moth about the supper room. Then, at length, tardy justice was done to the memory of Oliver. Everywhere men magnified his valour, genius, and patriotism. Everywhere it was remembered how, when he ruled, all foreign powers had trembled at the name of Eng- land, how the States General, now so haughty, had crouched at his feet, and bow, when it was known that he was no more, Amsterdam was lighted up as for a great deliverance, and children ran along the canals, shouting for joy that the devil was dead. Even Royalists exclaimed that the State could be saved only by calling the old soldiers of the Com- monwealth to arms. Soon the capital began to feel the misei'Ies of a blockade. Fuel was scarcely to be procured. Tilbury Fort, the place where Elizabeth had, with manly spirit, hurled foul scorn at Parma and Spain, was insulteil by the invaders. The roar of foreign guns was heard, for the first and last time, by the citizens of London. In the Council it was seriously proposed that , if the enemy ad- vanced, the Tower should be abandoned. Great multitude? of people assembled in the streets crying out that England was bought and sold. The houses and carriages of the mi- nisters were attacked by the populace ; and it seemed likely that the government would have to deal at once with an in- vasion and with an insurrection. The extreme danger, it Is true, soon passed by. A treaty was concluded, verj' different from those which Oliver had been in the habit of signing; and the nation was once more at peace, but was in a mood scarcely less fierce and sullen than in the days of ship-money. The discontent engendered by maladministration was 190 mSXORT OF ENGLAND, CHAP, heightened by calamities which the best administration could not have averted. While the Ignominious war with Holland was raging, London suffered two great disasters, such as never, in so short a space of time, befell one city. A pesti- lence, surpassing in horror any that during three centuries had visited the island, swept away, in six months, more than a hundred thousand human beings. And scarcely had the dead cart ceased to go its rounds, when a fire, such as had not been known in Europe since the conflagration of Rome under Nero, laid in ruins the whole City, from the Tower to the Temple, and from the river to the purlieus of Smith- field. Opposi- Had there been a general election while the nation was House of" smarting under so many disgraces and misfortunes, it is pro- Cojnmous. {jj^j^jg ^]^q^ jj^g Roundheads would have regained ascendency in the state. But the Parliament was still the Cavalier Par- liament, chosen in the transport of loyalty which had followed the Restoration. Nevertheless it soon became evident that no English legislature, however loyal, would now consent to be merely what the legislature had been under the Tudors. From the death of Elizabeth to the eve of the civil war, the Puritans, who predominated in the representative body, had been constantly, by a dexterous use of the power of the purse, encroaching on the province of the executive govern- ment. The gentlemen who, after the Restoration, filled the Lower House, though they abhorred the Puritan name, were well pleased to inherit the fruit of the Puritan policy. They were indeed most willing to employ the power which they possessed in the state for tlio purpose of making their King mighty and honoured, both at homo and abroad: but with (he power itself they were resolved not to part. The great English revolution of the seventeenth century, that is to say, the transfer of the supremo control of the executive ad- ministration from the crown to the House of Commons, was, UNDER CHARLES THE aECOND. 191 through the whole long existence of this Parliament, pro- chkp. ceeding noiselessly, but rapidly and steadily. Charles, kept poor by his follies and vices, wanted money. The Commons alone could legally grant him money. They could not bo prevented from putting their own price on their grants. The price which they put on their grants was this, that they should be allowed to interfere with every one of the King's prero- gatives , to wring from him his consent to laws which he disliked, to break up cabinets, to dictate the course of foreign policy, and even to direct the administration of war. To the royal office, and the royal person, they loudly and sin- cerely professed the strongest attachment. But to Clarendon they owed no allegiance; and they fell on him as furiously as their predecessors had fallen on Strafford. The minister's rail of virtues and vices alike contributed to his ruin. He was the dot. ostensible head of the administration, and was therefore held responsible even for thc«5e acts which he had strongly, but vainly, opposed in Council. He was regarded by the Puri- tans, and by all who pitied them, as an implacable bigot, a second Laud, with much more than Laud's understanding. He had on all occasions maintained that the Act of Indemnity ought to be strictly observed ; and this part of his conduct, though highly honourable to him, made him hateful to all those Royalists who wished to repair their ruined fortunes by suing the Roundheads for damages and mesne profits. The Presbyterians of Scotland attributed to him the downfall of their Church. The Papists of Ireland attributed to him the loss of their lands. As father of the Duchess of York, he had an obvious motive for wishing that there might be a barren Queen; and he was therefore suspected of having pur- posely recommended one. The sale of Dunkirk was justly imputed to him. For the war with Holland he was, with less justice, held accountable. His hot temper, his arrogant de- portment, the indelicate eagerness with which he grasped 192 HISTORY OP ENGLAND, CHAP, at riches , the ostentation -with which he squandered — them, his picture gallery, filled with master-pieces of Vandyke which had once been the property of ruined Ca- valiers, his palace, which reared its long and stately front right opposite to the humbler residence of our Kings, drew on him much deserved , and some undeserved , censure. When the Dutch fleet was in the Thames, it was against the Chancellor that the rage of the populace was chiefly directed. Ills windows were broken, the trees of his garden cut down, and a gibbet set up before his door. But nowhere was he more detested than in the House of Commons. He was unable to perceive that the time was fast approaching when that House, if it continued to exist at all, must be supreme in the state, when the management of that House would be the most important department of politics, and when, without the help of men possessing the ear of that House, it would be impossible to carry on the government. He obstinately persisted in considering theParliaraent as a body in no respect differing from the Parliament which had been sitting when, forty years before, he first began to study law at the Temple, lie did not wish to deprive the legislature of those powers which were inherent in it by the old constitution of the realm : but the new development of those powers, though a develop- ment natural, inevitable, and to be prevented only by utterly destroying the powers themselves, disgusted and alarmed him. Nothing would liave induced him to put the great seal to a writ for raising ship-money, or to give his voice in Council for committing a member of Parliament to the Tower, on account of words spoken in debate: but, when the Commons began to inquire in wltat manner the money voted for the war had been wasted, and to examine into tlie maladministra- tion of the navy, he flamed with indignation. Such inquiry, according to him, wns out of their province. He admitted tliat the House was a most loyal as.'^embly, that it had donQ UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 193 good service to the crown, and that its intentions were ex- chap. cellent. But, both in public and in the closet, he, on every " occasion, expressed his concern that gentlemen so sincerely attached to monarchy should unadvisedly incroach on the prerogative of the monarch. Widely as they differed in spirit from the members of the Long Parliament, they yet, be said, imitated that Parliament in meddling with matters which lay beyond the sphere of the Estates of the realm , and which were subject to the authority of the crown alone. The country, he maintained, would never be well governed till the knights of shires and the burgesses were content to be what their predecessors had been in the days of Elizabeth. All the plans which men more observant than himself of the eigns of that time proposed, for the purpose of maintaining a good understanding between the Court and the Commons, he disdainfully rejected as crude projects, inconsistent with the old polity of England. Towards the young orators, who were rising to distinction and authority in the Lower House, his deportment was ungracious ; and he succeeded in making them, with scarcely an exception, his deadly enemies. In- deed one of his most serious faults was an inordinate con- tempt for youth: and this contempt was the more unjusti- fiable, because his own experience in English politics was by no means proportioned to his age. For so great a part of his life had been passed abroad that he knew less of that world in which he found himself on his return than many who might have been his sous. For these reasons he was disliked by the Commons. For very different reasons he was equally disliked by the Court. His morals as well as his politics were those of an earlier generation. Even when he was a young law student, living much with men of wit and pleasure, his natural gravity and his religious principles had to a great extent preserved him from the contagion of fashionable debauchery- ; and he was ilaeatday, History. I, 13 194 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, cifAP. \jy no means likely, in advanced years and in declining health, '■ — to turn libertine. On the vices of the young and gay he looked with an aversion almost as bitter and contemptuous as that which he felt for the theological errors of the sectaries. He missed no opportunity of showing his scorn of the mimics, revellers, and courtesans who crowded the palace; and the admonitions which he addressed to the King himself were very sharp, and, what Charles disliked still more, very long. Scarcely any voice was raised in favour of a minister loaded with the double odium of faults which roused the fury of the people, and of virtues which annoyed and importuned the sovereign. Southampton was no more. Ormond performed the duties of friendship manfully and faithfully, but in vain. The Chancellor fell with a great ruin. The seal was taken from him: the Commons impeached him: his head was not pafe; he fied from the country: an act was passed which doomed him to perpetual exile; and those who had assailed and undermined him began to stiniggle for the fragments oi liis power. The sacrifice of Clarendon in some degree took off the edge of the public appetite for revenge. Yet was the anger excited by the profusion and negligence of the government, and by the miscarriages of the late war, by no means ex- tinguished. The counsellors of Charles, with the fate of the Chancellor before their eyes, were anxious for their own safety. They accordingly advised their master to soothe the irritation which prevailed both in the Parliament and through- out the country, and for that end, to take a step which has no parallel In the lilstory of the House of Stuart, and which was worthy of the prudence and magnanimity of Oliver. stale of We have now reached a point at which the history of the p.. lilies, <;TC'at English revolution begins to be complicated with the o'nd'cncy hlstory of foreign politics. The power of Spain had, during ""'"""■ many years, been declining. She still, it is true, held ia UNDER OHARLES THE SECOND. 195 Europe the Milanese and the two Sicilies, Belgium, and chap. U'ranche Comt^. In America her dominions still spread, on —"' both sides of the equator, far beyond the limits of the torrid zone. But this great body had been smitten with palsy, and was not only incapable of giving molestation to other states, but could not, without assistance, repel aggression. France was now, beyond all doubt, the greatest power in Europe. Her resources have, since those days, absolutely increased, but have not increased so fast as the resources of England, it must also be remembered that, a hundred and eighty years ago, the empire of Russia, now a monarchy of the first class, V7a8 as entirely out of the system of European politics as Abyssinia or Siam, that the House of Brandenburg was then hardly more powerful than the House of Saxony, and that the republic of the United States had not then begun to exist. The weight of France, therefore, though still very consider- able, has relatively diminished. Her territory was not in the days of Lewis the Fourteenth quite so extensive as at present: but it was large, compact, fertile, well placed both for attack and for defence, situated in a happy climate, and inhabited by a brave, active, and ingenious people. The state im- plicitly obeyed the direction of a single mind. The great liefs which, tliree hundred years before, had been, in all but name, independent principalities, had been annexed to the crown. Only a few old men could remember the last meeting of the States General. The resistance which the Huguenots, the nobles, and the parliaments had oflered to the kingly power, had been put down by the two great Cardinals who had ruled the nation during forty years. The government was now a despotism, but, at least in its dealings with the upper classes, a mild and generous despotism, tempered by courteous manners and chivalrous sentiments. The means at the disposal of the sovereign were, for that age, truly formidable. His revenue, raised, it is true, by a severe and 13" 196 EISTOET OF ENGLAND, CHAP, unequal taxation which pressed heavily on the cultivators of ' — the soil, far exceeded that of any other potentate. His army, excellently disciplined, and commanded by the greatest generals then living, already consisted of more than a hundred and twenty thousand men. Such an array of regular troops had not been seen in Europe since the downfall of the Roman empire. Of maritime powers France was not the first. But, though she had rivals on the sea, she had not yet a superior. Such was her strength during the last forty years of the seventeenth century, that no enemy could singly with- stand her, and that two great coalitions, in which half Christen- dom was united against her, failed of success. Character The personal qualities of the French King added to the XI v.*^" respect inspired by the power and importance of his kingdom. No sovereign has ever represented the majesty of a great state with more dignity and grace. He was Iiis own prime minister, and performed the duties of that arduous situation with an ability and an industry which could not be reasonably expected from one who had in infancy succeeded to a crown, and who had been surrounded by flatterers before he could speak. He had shown, in an eminent degree, two talents in- valuable to a prince, the talent of choosing his servants well, and the talent of appropriating to himself the chief part of the credit of their acts. In his dealings with foreign powers lie liad some generosity, but no justice. To unhappy allies who threw themselves at his feet, and had no hope but in his compassion, he extended his protection with a romantic dis- interestedness, which seemed better suited to a knight errant than to a statesman. But ho broke through the most sacred ties of public faith without scruple or shame, whenever they, interfered with his interest, or with what he called his glory .^ His perfidy and violence, however, excited less enmity than the insolence with which he constantly reminded his neigh- bours of his own greatness and of their littleness. He did UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 197 not at this tim« profess the austere devotion which , at a later chap. period, gave to his court the aspect of a monastery. On the ' contrary, he was as licentious, though by no means as frivolous and indolent, as his brother of England. But he was a sincere Roman Catholic; and both his conscience and his vanity impelled him to use his power for the defence and propagation of the true faith, after the example of his renowned predecessors, Clovis, Charlemagne, and Saint Lewis. Our ancestors naturally looked with serious alarm on the growing power of France. This feeling, in itself perfectly reasonable, was mingled with other feelings less praiseworthy. France was our old enemy. It was against France that the most glorious battles recorded in our annals had been fought. The conquest of France had been twice effected by the Plantagenets. The loss of France had been long remembered as a great national disaster. The title of King of France was still borne by our sovereigns. The lilies of France still ap- peared, mingled with our own lions, on the ehield of the House of Stuart. In the sixteenth century the dread inspired by Spain had suspended the animosity of which France had anciently been the object. But the dread inspired by Spain had given place to contemptuous compassion; and France was again regarded as our national foe. The sale of Dunkirk to France had been the most generally unpopular act of the restored King. Attachment to France had been prominent among the crimes imputed by the Commons to Clarendon. Even in trifles the public feeling showed itself. When a brawl took place in the streets of Westminster between the retinues of the French and Spanish embassies, the populace, though forcibly prevented from interfering, had given unequivocal proofs that the old antipathy was not extinct. France and Spain were now engaged in a more serious contest. One of the chief objects of the policy of Lewis 198 HISTORT OF ENGLAND, cnKP. throughout Ms life was to extend his dominions towards the '■ — Rhino. For this end he had engaged in war with Spain, and he was now in the full career of conquest. The United I'rovinces saw with anxiety the progress of his arms. That renowned federation had reached the height of power, prosperity, and glory. The Batavian temtory, conquered from the waves, and defended against them by human art, was in extent little superior to the principality of Wales. But all that narrow space was a busy and populous hive, in which new wealth was every day created, and in which vast masses of old wealth were hoarded. The aspect of Holland, the rich cultivation, the innumerable canals, the ever whirling mills, the endless fleets of barges, the quick succession of great towns, the ports bristling with thousands of masts, the large and stately mansions, the trim villas, the richly furnished apartments, the picture galleries, the summer houses, the tulip beds, produced on English travellers in that age an effect similar to the effect which the first sight of England now produces on a Norwegian or a Canadian. The States General had been compelled to humble themselves before Cromwell. But after the Restoration they had taken their revenge, had waged war with success against Charles, and had concluded peace on honourable terms. Rich, however, as the Republic was, and highly considered in Europe, she was no match for the power of Lewis. She apprehended, not without good cause, that his kingdom might soon be extended to her frontiers; and she might well dread the immediate vicinity of a monarch so great, so ambitious, and so un- scrupulous. Yet it was not easy to devise any expedient which might avert the danger. The Dutch alone could not turn the scale against France. On the side of the Rhine no help was to be expected. Several German princes had been gained by Lewis; and the Emperor himself was embarrassed by the discontents of Hungary. England was separated from UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 199 the United Provinces by the recollection of cruel Injuries chap. recently inlllcted and endured; andher policy had, since the Restorati'jn , been so devoid of wisdom and spirit, that it was scarcely possible to expect from her any valuable as- sistance. But the fate of Clarendon and the growing ill humour of the Parliiment determined the advisers of Charles to adopt on a suiden a policy which amazed and delighted the nation. The English resident at Brussels , Sir William Temple, The one of the most expert diplomatists and most pleasing writers Aiiioucc. of that age, had ilready represented to his court that it was both desirable anc practicable to enter into engagements with the States General l-)r the purpose of checking the progress of France. For a timt his suggestions had been slighted; but it was now thought exjedient to act on them. He was commis- sioned to negotiate wth the States General. He proceeded to the Hague , and soo\ came to an understanding with John DeWitt, then the chief minister of Holland. Sweden, small as her resources were, Ud, forty years before, been raised by the genius of Gustavo Adolphus to a high rank among European powers, and hal not yet descended to her natural position. She was induced^o join on this occasion with Eng- land and the States. Thus \as formed that coalition known as the Triple Alliance. Lewi, showed signs of vexation and resentment, but did not think it politic to draw on himself the hostility of such a confederao in addition to that of Spain. He consented, therefore, to reLiquish a large part of the territory which his armies had occvjied. Peace was restored to Europe; and the English govern-xent, lately an object of general contempt, was, during a fe> months, regarded by foreign powers with respect scarcely Itig than that which the Protector had inspired. At home the Triple Alliance was popular in the highest 200 HISTORY OP ENGLAND, CHAP, degree. It gratified alike national animosity and aational pride. It put a limit to the encroaclimeuts of a powirful and ambitious neighbour. It bound the leading Protesfcint states together in close union. Cavaliers and Roundheats rejoiced in common: but the joy of the Roundhead was e'en greater than that of the Cavalier. For England had now .-Hied herself strictly with a country republican in governmen/ and Presby- terian in religion, against a country ruled b' an arbitrary prince and attached to the Roman Catholic Church. The House of Commons loudly applauded the tP?aty; and some uncourtly grumblers described it as the only good thing that had been done since the King came in. Tiin The King, however, cared little for tie approbation of I'anj. his Parliament or of his people. The Triple Alliance he regarded merely as a temporary expedient for quieting dis- contents which had seemed likely to bicome serious. The independence, the safety, the dignity ofthe nation over which he presided were nothing to him. -le had begun to find constitutional restraints galling. Already had been formed in the Parliament a strong connection feiown by the name of the Country Party. That party includd all the public men who leaned towards Puritanism andRepiblicanism, and many who, tliough attached to the Church aid to hereditary monarchy, had been driven into opposition \y dread of Popery, by dread of France, and by disgust at th' extravagance, dissoluteness, and faithlessness of the cour' The power of this band of politicians was constantly growing* Every year some of those members who had been reurncd to Parliament during the loyal excitement of IGCi .ropped off; and the vacant seats were generally filled by T^rsons less tractable. Charles did not think himself a Kin/ while an assembly of subjects could call for his accounts b/ore paying his debts, and could insist on knowing which of.»is mistresses or boon companions had intercepted the moi^y destined for the equipping and man- DNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 201 ning of the fleet. Though not very studious of fame , he was chap. galled by the taunts -which were sometimes uttered in the ' discussions of the Commons, and on one occasion attempted to restrain the freedom of speech by disgraceful means. Sir John Coventry, a country gentleman, had, in debate, sneered at the profligacy of the court. In any former reign he would probably have been called before the Privy Council and com- mitted to the Tower. A different course was now taken. A gang of bullies was secretly sent to slit the nose of the offender. This ignoble revenge, instead of quelling the spirit of opposition , raised such a tempest that the King was com- pelled to submit to the cruel humiliation of passing an act which attainted the instruments of his revenge, and which took from him the power of pardoning them But, impatient as he was of constitutional restraints, how was he to emancipate himself from them? He could make himself despotic only by the help of a great standing army; and such an army was not in existence. His revenues did indeed enable him to keep up some regular troops: but these troops, though numerous enough to excite great jealousy and apprehension in the House of Commons and in the country, were scarcely numerous enough to protect Whitehall and the Tower against a rising of the mob of London. Such risings were, indeed, to be dreaded; for it was calculated that in the capital and its suburbs dwelt not less than twenty thousand of Oliver's old soldiers. Since the King was bent on emancipating himself from the Connee- control of Parliament, and since, in such an enterprise, he twe'en'^" could not hope for effectual aid at home, it followed that he l^K^n" must look for aid abroad. The power and wealth of the King P"'":^. of France might be equal to the arduous task of establishing absolute monarchy in England. Such an ally would un- doubtedly expect substantial proofs of gratitude for such a service. Charles must descend to the rank of a great vassal, 202 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, and must make peace and war according to the directions of ' — tlie government which protected him. His relation to Lewis would closely resemble that in which the Rajah of Magpore and the King of Oude now stand to the British government. Those princes are bound to aid tlie East India Company in all hostilities, defensive and offensive, and to have no diplomatic relations but such as the East India Company shall sanction. The Company in return guarantees them against insurrection. As long as they faithfully discharge their obligations to the paramount power, they are permitted to dispose of large revenues, to fill their palaces with beautiful women, to besot themselves in the company of their favourite revellers, and to oppress with impunity any subject who may incur their dis- pleasure. Such a life would be insupportable to a man of high spirit and of powerful understanding. But to Charles, sensual, indolent, unequal to any strong intellectual exertion, and destitute alike of all patriotism and of all sense of personal dignity, the prospect had nothing unpleasing. That the Duke of York should have concurred in the design of degi-ading that crown which it was probable that he "would himself one day wear may seem more extraordinary. For his nature was haughty and imperious; and, indeed, he continued to the very last to show, by occasional starts and struggles, his impatience of the French yoke. But he was almost as much debased by superstition as his brother by indolence and vice. James was now a Roman Catholic. Religious bigotry had become the dominant sentiment of his narrow and stubborn mind, and had so mingled itself with his love of rule, that the two passions could hardly be distin- guished from each other. It seemed highly improbable that, without foreign aid , he would be able to obtain ascendency or even toleration for his OAvn faith: and he was in a temper to eee nothing humiliating in any step which might promote tho interests of the true Churcli. UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 203 A negotiation was opened whicli lasted during several chap. months. The chief agent between the English and French courts was the beautiful, graceful, and intelligent Henrietta, Duchess of Orleans, sister of Charles, sister-in-law of Lewis, and a favourite with both. The King of England offered to declare himself a Roman Catholic, to dissolve the Triple Alliance, and to join with France against Holland, if France would engage to lend him such military and pecuniary aid as might make him independent of his Parliament. Lewis at first affected to receive these propositions coolly, and at length agreed to them with the air of a man who is conferring a great favour: but in truth, the course which he had resolved to take was one by which he might gain and could not lose. It seems certain that he never seriously thought of estab- vie,;", of lishing despotism and Popery in England by force of arms, ^au re- He must have been aware that such an enterprise would be in Fji;,iaud. the highest degree arduous and hazardous, that it would task to the utmost all the energies of France during many years, and that it would be altogether incompatible with more promising schemes of aggrandisement, which were dear to his heart. He would indeed willingly have acquired the merit and the glory of doing a great service on reasonable terms to the Church of which he was a member. But he was little disposed to imitate his ancestors who, in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, had led the flower of French chivalry to die in Syria and Egypt; and he well knew that a crusade against Protestantism in Great Britain would not be less perilous than the expeditions in which the armies of Lewis the Seventh and of Lewis the Ninth had perished. He had no motive for wishing the Stuarts to be absolute. He did not regard the English constitution with feelings at all resembling those which have in later times induced princes to make war on the free institutions of neighbouring nations. At present a great party zealous for popular government has ramifications 204 HISTOET OP ENGLAND, CHAt". in every civilised country. Any important advantage gained anywhere by that party is almost certain to be the signal for general commotion. It is not wonderful that governments threatened by a common danger should combine for the pur- pose of mutual insurance. But in the seventeenth century no such danger existed. Between the public mind of England and the public mind of France, there was a great gulph. Our institutions and our factions were as little understood at Paris as at Constantinople. It may be doubted whether any one of the forty members of the French Academy had an English volume in his library, or knew Shakspeare, Jonson, or Spenser, even by name. A few Huguenots, who had inherited the mutinous spirit of their ancestors, might perhaps have a fellow feeling with their brethren in the faith, the English Roundheads: but the Huguenots had ceased to be formidable. The French, as a body, attached to the Church of Rome , and proud of the greatness of their King and of their own loyalty, looked on our struggles against Popery and arbitrary power, not only without admiration or sympathy, but with strong disapprobation and disgust. It would therefore be a great error to ascribe the conduct of Lewis to apprehen- sions at all resembling those which, in our age, induced the Holy Alliance to interfere in the internal troubles of Naples and Spain. Nevertheless, the propositions made by the court of Whitehall were most welcome to him. He already meditated gigantic designs, which were destined to keep Europe in con- stant fermentation during more than forty years. He wished to humble the United Provinces, and to annex Belgium, Franche Comt^ and Loraine to his dominions. Nor was this all. The King of Spain was a sickly child. It was likely that he would die without issue. His eldest sister was Queen of France. A day would almost certainly come, and might come very soon, when the House of Bourbon might lay claim to that UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 205 past empire on which the sun never set. The union of two chap. great monarchies under one head would doubtless be opposed by a continental coalition. But for any continental coalition France single handed was a match. England could turn the scale. On the course which , in such a crisis, England might pursue, the destinies of the world would depend; and it was notorious that the English Parliament and nation were strongly attached to the policy which had dictated the Triple Alliance. Nothing, therefore, could be more gratifying to Lewis than to learn that the princes of the House of Stuart needed his help, and were willing to purchase that help by unbounded subserviency. He determined to profit by the opportunity, and laid down for himself a plan to which, without deviation, he adhered, till the Revolution of 1G88 disconcerted all his politics. He professed himself desirous to promote the de- signs of the English court. He promised large aid. He from time to time doled out such aid as might serve to keep hope alive, and as he could without risk or inconvenience spare. In this way, at an expense very much less than that which he incurred in building and decorating Versailles or Marli, he succeeded in making England , during nearly twenty years, almost as insignificant a member of the political system of Europe as the republic of San Marino. His object was not to destroy our constitution, but to keep the various elements of which it was composed in a perpetual state of conflict, and to set irreconcilable enmity between those who had the power of the purse and those who had the power of the sword. With this view he bribed and stimulated both parties in turn, pensioned at once the ministers of the crown and the chiefs of tlie opposition, encouraged the court to withstand the seditious encroachments of the Parliament, and conveyed to the Parliament hitimations of the arbitrary designs of the court. One of the devices to which he resorted for the purpose of 206 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, obtaining an ascendency in the English counsels deserves '■ — especial notice. Charles, though incapable of love in the highest sense of the word, was the slave of any woman whose person excited his desires , and whose airs and prattle amused his leisure. Indeed a husband would be justly derided who should bear from a wife of exalted rank and spotless virtue half the insolence which the King of England bore from con- cubines who, while they owed everything to his bounty, ca- ressed his courtiers almost before his face. He had patiently endured the termagant passions of Barbara Palmer and the pert vivacity of Eleanor Gwynn. Lewis thought that the most useful envoy who could be sent to London, Avould be a hand- some, licentious, and crafty Frenchwoman. Such a woman was Louisa, a lady of the House of Querouaille, whom our rude ancestors called Madam CarweU. She was soon trium- phant over all her rivals, was created Duchess of Portsmouth, was loaded with wealth, and obtained a dominion which ended only with the life of Charles. Treaij of The most important conditions of the alliance between the ^''^"' crowns were digested into a secret treaty which was signed at Dover in May 1670, just ten years after the day on which Charles had landed at that very port amidst the acclamations and joyful tears of a too confiding people. By this treaty Charles bound himself to make public pro- fession of the Roman Catholic religion, to join his arms to those of Lewis for the purpose of destro}-ing the power of the United Provinces, and to employ the whole strength of Eng- land, by land and sea, in support of the rights of the House of Bourbon to the vast monarchy of Spain. Lewis, on the other hand, engaged to pay a large subsidy, and promised that, if any insurrection should break out in England, he would send an army at his own charge to support his ally. This compact was made with gloomy auspices. Six weeks after it had been signed and sealed , the charming princess, UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 207 whose influence over her brother and brother-in-law Iiad been ciiap. so pernicious to her country, was no more. Her death gave rise to horrible suspicions which, for a moment, seemed likely to interrupt the newly formed friendship between the Houses of Stuart and Bourbon: but in a short time fresh assurances of undiminished good will were exchanged between the con- federates. The Duke of York, too dull to apprehend danger, or too fanatical to care about it, was impatient to see the article touching the Roman Catholic religion carried into Immediate execution: but Lewis had the wisdom to perceive that, if this course were taken, there would be such an explosion in Eng- land as would probably frustrate those parts of the plan which he had most at heart. It was therefore determined that Charles should still call himself a Protestant, and should still, at high festivals, receive the sacrament according to the ritual of the Church of England. His more scrupulous brother ceased to appear In the royal chapel. About this time died the Duchess of York, daughter of the banished Earl of Clarendon. She had been, during some years , a concealed Roman Catholic. She left two daughters, Mary and Anne, afterwards successively Queens of Great Britain. They were bred Protestants by the positive com- mand of the King, who knew that it would be vain for him to profess himself a member of the Church of England, if chil- dren who seemed likely to inherit his throne were, by his per- mission, brought up as members of the Church of Rome. The principal servants of the crown at this time were men whose names have justly acquired an unenviable notoriety. We must take heed, however, that we do not load their memory with infamy which of right belongs to their master. For the treaty of Dover the King himself Is chiefly answerable. He held conferences on It with the French agents : he wrote many letters concerning it with his own hand: he was the per- 208 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, son who first suggested the most disgraceful articles which it contained; and he carefully concealed some of those articles from the majority of his Cabinet. Niitnro of -pevf thlnffs in our history are more curious than the origin the Eng- r^ J ition as to a pastime. As he had tried to amuse himself with architecture and music, with writing farces and with ilacaulay, History. I. 14 210 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, seeking for the philosopher's stone , so he now tried to amuse ' — liimself with a secret negotiation and a Dutch war. He had already, rather from fickleness and love of novelty than from any deep design, been faithless to every party. At on« time he had ranked among the Cavaliers. At another time warrants had been out against him for maintaining a treasonable cor- respondence with the remains of the Republican party in the city. He was now again a courtier, and was eager to win the favour of the King by services from which the most illustrious of those who had fought and suflfered for the royal house would have recoiled with horror. Ashley, with a far stronger head, and with a far fiercer and more earnest ambition, had been equally versatile. But Ash- ley's versatility was the eflfect, not of levity, but of deliberate selfishness. He had served and betrayed a succession of governments. But he had timed all his treacheries so well that, through all revolutions, his fortunes had constantly been rising. The multitude, struck with admiration by a pro- sperity which, while everything else was constantly changing, remained unchangeable, attributed to him a prescience almost miraculous, and likened him to the Hebrew statesman of whom it Is written that his counsel was as If a man had inquired of the oracle of God. Lauderdale, loud and coarse both In mirth and anger, was perhaps , under the outward show of boisterous frankness , the most dishonest man in the whole Cabal. He had been conspi- cuous among the Scotch Insurgents of 1638, and zealous for the Covenant. He was accused of having been deeply concerned in the sale of Charles the First to the English Parliament, and was therefore, in the estimation of good Cavaliers, a traitor, if jiosslble, of a worse description than those who had sate in the High Court of Justice. He often talked with noisy jocularity of the days when he was a canter and a rebel. He was now the chief instrument employed by the court In the work of forcing U14DEB CHARLES TH£ SECOND. 211 Episcopacy on his reluctant countrymen; nor did he in that cdap. cauEe shrink from the unsparing use of the sword, the halter, and the boot. Yet those who knew him knew that thirty years had made no change in his real sentiments, that he still hated the memory of Charles the First, and that he still preferred the Presbyterian form of church government to every other. Unscrupulous as Buckingham, Ashley, and Lauderdale were, it was not thought safe to entrust to them the King's intention of declaring himself a Roman Catholic. A false treaty, in which the article concerning religion was omitted, was shown to them. The names and seals of CUflbrd and Arlington are affixed to the genuine treaty. Both these states- men had a partiality for the old Church, a partiality which the brave and vehement Clifford in no long time manfuUy avowed, but which the colder and meaner Arlington con- cealed, till the near approach of death scared him into sin- cerity. The three other cabinet ministers , however, were not men to be easily kept in the dark, and probably suspected more than was distinctly avowed to them. They were cer- tainly privy to all the political engagements contracted with France, and were not ashamed to receive large gratifications from Lewis. The first object of Charles was to obtain from the Commons supplies which might be employed in executing the secret treaty. The Cabal, holding power at a time when our govern- ment was in a state of transition , united in itself two different kinds of vices belonging to two different ages and to two diflerent systems. As those five evil counsellors were among the last English statesmen who seriously thought of destroying the Parliament, so they were the first English statesmen who attempted extensively to corrupt It. We find in their policy at once the latest trace of the Thorough of Strafford, and the earliest trace of that methodical bribery which was afterwards practised by Walpole. They soon perceived, however, that, 14* 212 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, though the House of Commons was chiefly composed of Cava- — — — liers , and though places and French gold had been lavished on the members, there was no chance that even the least odious parts of the scheme arranged at Dover would be supported by a majority. It was necessary to have recourse to fraud. The King accordingly professed great zeal for the principles of the Triple Alliance, and pretended that, in order to hold the am- bition of France in check, it would be necessary to augment the fleet. The Commons fell into the snare, and voted a grant of eight hundred thousand pounds. The Parliament was in- stantly prorogued; and the court, thus emancipated from con- trol, proceeded to the execution of the great design, si.utting The financial difficulties were serious. A war with Holland cho'iucrV could be carried on only at enormous cost. The ordinary revenue was not more than sufficient to support the govern- ment in time of peace. The eight hundred thousand pounds out of which the Commons had just been tricked would not defray the naval and military charge of a single year of hosti- lities. After the terrible lesson given by the Long Parliament, even the Cabal did not venture to recommend benevolences or ehip-money. In this perplexity Ashley and Clifford proposed a flagitious breach of public faith. The goldsmiths of London were then not only dealers in the precious metals, but also bankers, and were in the habit of advancing large sums of money to the government. In return for these advances they received assignments on the revenue, and were repaid with in- terest as the taxes came in. About thirteen hundred thousand pounds had been in this way entrusted to the honour of the state. On a sudden it was announced that it was not conve- nient to pay the principal, and that the lenders must content themselves with interest. They were consequently unable to meet their owh engagements. The Exchange was in an up- roar: several great mercantile houses broke; and dismay and distress spread through all society. Meanwhile rapid strides UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 213 were made towards despotism. Proclamations, dispensing cnAP. with Acts of Parliament or enjoining what only Parliament could lawfully enjoin , appeared in rapid succession. Of these edicts the most important was the Declaration of Indulgence. By this instrument the penal laws against Roman Catholics were set aside by royal authority; and, tliat the real object of the measure might not be perceived, the laws against Pro- testant Nonconformists were also suspended. A few days after the appearance of the Declaration of In- '^"^j^ll^^ dulgence, war was proclaimed against the United Provinces. ^1°"'°^'^ Bv sea the Dutch maintained the struggle with honour; but on their ex- land they were at first borne down by irresistible force. A danger. great French army passed the Rhine. Fortress after fortress opened its gates. Three of the seven provinces of the fe- deration were occupied by the invaders. The fires of the hostile camp were seen from the top of the Stadthouso of Amsterdam. The Republic, thus fiercely assailed from with- out, was torn at the same time by internal dissensions. The government was in the hands of a close oligarchy of powerful burghers. There were numerous self-elected town councils, 'each of which exercised, within its own sphere, many of the rights of sovereignty. These councils sent delegates to the Provincial States , and the Provincial States again sent dele- gates to the Slates General. A hereditary first magistrate was no essential part of this polity. Nevertheless one family, singu- larly fertile of great men, had gradually obtained a large and somewhat indefinite authority. William, first of the name, Prince of Orange Nassau, and Stadtholder of Holland, had lieaded the memorable insurrection against Spain. His son Maurice had been Captain General and first minister of the States, had, by eminent abilities and public services, and by some treacherous and cruel actions, raised himself to almost kingly power, and had bequeathed a great part of that power to his family. The influence of the Stadtholders was an object 214 HISTORY OP ENGLAND, CHAP, of extreme jealousy to the municipal oligarchy. But the army, and that great body of citizens which -was excluded from all share in the government, looked on the Burgomasters and De- puties with a dislike resembling the dislike with which the legions and the common people of Rome regarded the Senate, and were as zealous for the House of Orange as the lemons and the common people of Rome for the House of Caesar. The Stadtholder commanded the forces of the commonwealth, dis- posed of all military commands, had a large share of the civil patronage , and was surrounded by pomp almost regal. Prince William the Second had been strongly opposed by the oligarchical party. His life had terminated in the year 1650, amidst great civil troubles. He died childless: the adherents of his house were left for a short time without a head; and the powers which he had exercised were divided among the town councils, the Provincial States, and the States General. But, a few days after William's death, his widow, Mary, daughter of Charles the First, King of Great Britain, gave birth to a son , destined to raise the glor}' and authority of the House of Nassau to the highest point, to save the United Provinces from slavery, to curb the power of France, and to establish the English constitution on a lasting foundation. William, This Princc, named William Henry, was from his birth oranTc*' ^" objcct of scrious apprehension to the party now supreme in Holland, and of loyal attachment to the old friends of his line. He enjoyed high consideration as the possessor of a splendid fortune, as the chief of one of the most illustrious houses in Europe, as a sovereign prince of the German em- pire, as a prince of the blood royal of England, and, above all, as the descendant of the founders of Batavian liberty. Bill the high office which had once been considered as here- ditary in his family, remained in abeyance; and the intention of the aristocratical party was that there should never be UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 215 another StadthoUler. The want of a first magistrate was , to chap. a great extent, supplied by the Grand Pensionary of the Pro- ' vince of Holland, John de Witt, whose abilities, firmness, and integrity had raised him to unrivalled authority in the counsels of the municipal oligarchy. The French invasion produced a complete change. The suffering and terrified people raged fiercely against the go- vernment. In their madness they attacked the bravest captains and the ablest statesmen of the distressed commonwealth. De Ruyter was insulted by the rabble. De Witt was torn in pieces before the gate of the palace of the States General at the Hague. The Prince of Orange, who had no share in the guilt of the murder, but who, on this occasion, as on another lamentable occasion twenty years later, extended to crimes perpetrated in his cause an indulgence which has left a stain on his glory, became chief of the government without a rival. Young as he was, his ardent and unconquerable spirit, though disguised by a cold and sullen manner, soon roused the courage of his dismayed countrymen. It was in vain that both his uncle and the French King attempted by splendid offers to seduce him from the cause of the republic. To the States General he spoke a high and inspiriting language. He even ventured to suggest a scheme which has an aspect of antique heroism, and which, if it had been accomplished, would have been the noblest subject for epic song that is to be found in the whole compass of modern history. He told the deputies that, even if their natal soil and the marvels with which human industry had covered itwerebm-ied under the ocean, all was not lost. The Hollanders might survive Holland. Liberty and pure religion, driven by tyrants and bigots from Europe, might take refuge in the farthest isles of Asia. The shipping in the ports of the republic would suf- fice to carry two hundred thousand emigrants to the Indian Archipelago. There the Dutch commonwealth might com- 216 HISl'OBT OF ENGLAND, CHAP, ixxence a new and more glorious existence, and might rear, under the Southern Cross , amidst the sugar canes and nutmeg trees, the Exchange of a wealthier Amsterdam, and the schools of a more learned Leyden. The national spirit swelled and rose high. The terms offered by the allies were firmly rejected. The dykes were opened. The whole country was one great lake, from which the cities, with their ramparts and steeples , rose like islands. The invaders were forced to save themselves from destruction by a precipitate retreat. Lewis, who, though he sometimes thought it necessary to appear at the head of his troops , greatly preferred a palace to a camp, had already returned to enjoy the adulation of poets and the smiles of ladies in the newly planted alleys of Versailles. And now the tide turned fast. The event of the maritime war had been doubtful : by land the United Provinces had obtained a respite; and a respite, though short, was of in- finite importance. Alarmed by the vast designs of Lewis, both the branches of the great House of Austria sprang to arms. Spain and Holland, divided by the memory of ancient wrongs and humiliations, were reconciled by the nearness of the common danger. From every part of Germany troops poured towards the Rhine. The English government had already expended all the funds which had been obtained by pillaging the public creditor. No loan could be expected from the City. An attempt to raise taxes by the royal authority would have at once produced a rebellion; and Lewis, who had now to maintain a contest against half Europe, was in no condition to furnish the means of coercing the people of Eng- land. It was necessary to convoke the Parliament. Meeting In the Spring of 1 073 , therefore, the Houses reassembled par'iia- after a recess of near two years. Clifford, now a peer and "'^'"' Lord Treasurer, and Ashley, now Earl of Shaftesbury and Lord Chancellor , were the persons on whom the King chiefly UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 217 relied as Parliamentary managers. The Country Party in- cuap. stantly began to attack the policy of the Cabal. The attack ' — was made, not in the way of storm, but by slow and scientific approaches. The Commons at first held out hopes that they would give support to the King's foreign policy , but insisted that he should purchase that support by abandoning his whole system of domestic policy. Their first object was to obtain the revocation of the Declaration of Indulgence. Of all the Deciara- many unpopular steps taken by the government the most un- indui- pepular was the publishing of this Declaration. The most ^'""^®' opposite sentiments had been shocked by an act so liberal, done in a manner so despotic. All the enemies of religious freedom, and all the friends of civil freedom, found them- selves on the same side ; and these two classes made up nineteen twentieths of the nation. The zealous Churchman exclaimed against the favour which had been shown both to the Papist and to the Puritan. The Puritan, though he might rejoice in the suspension of the persecution by which he had been harassed, felt little gratitude for a toleration which he was to share with Antichrist. And all Englishmen who valued liberty and law, saw with uneasiness the deep inroad which the prerogative had made into the province of the legis- lature. It must in candour be admitted that the constitutional question was then not quite free from obscurity. Our ancient Kings had undoubtedly claimed and exercised the right of suspending the operation of penal laws. The tribunals had recognised that right. Parliaments had suffered it to pass unchallenged. That some such right was inherent in the crown, few even of the Country Party ventured, in the face of precedent and authority, to deny. Yet it was clear that, if this prerogative were without limit, the English government could scarcely be distinguished from a pure despotism. That there was a limit was fully admitted by the King and his mi- 218 HISTOEY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, nisters. Whether the Declaration of Indulgence lay within or without the limit was the question ; and neither party could succeed in tracing any line which would bear examina- tion. Some opponents of the government complained that the Declaration suspended not less than forty statutes. But why not forty as well as one ? There was an orator who gave it as his opinion that the King might constitutionally dispense with bad laws, but not with good laws. The absurdity of such a distinction it is needless to expose. The doctrine which seems to have been generally received in the House of Commons was, that the dispensing power was confined to secular matters, and did not extend to laws enacted for the security of the established religion. Yet, as the King was supreme head of the Church, it should seem that, if he pos- sessed the dispensing power at all, he might well possess that power where the Church was concerned. When the courtiers on the other side attempted to point out the bounds of this prerogative, they were not more successful than the opposi- tion had been.* The truth is that the dispensing power was a great anomaly in politics. It was utterly inconsistent in theorj' with the prin- ciples of mixed government: but it had grown up in times when people troubled themselves little about theories. It had not been very grossly abused in practice. It had therefore been tolerated, and had gradually acquired a kind of prescrip- tion. At length it was employed, after a long interval, in an enlightened age, and at an important conjuncture, to an extent never before known, and for a purpose generally abhorred. It was instantly subjected to a severe scrutiny. Men did not, indeed, at first, venture to pronounce it altogether unconstitu- tional. But they began to perceive that it was at direct va- * The most sensible thing said in the House of Commoiifl, on this subject, came from Sir William Coventry: — "Our ancestors never did draw a line to circumscribe prerogative and liberty." UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 219 rianee with the spirit of the constitution, and would, if left chap. unchecked, turn the English government from a limited into an absolute monarchy. Under the influence of such apprehensions, the Commons 'g,',g^*°' denied the King's right to dispense, not indeed with all penal and 'he statutes, but with penal statutes in matters ecclesiastical, and passed, gave him plainly to understand that, unless he renounced that right , they would grant no supply for the Dutch war. He , for a moment, showed some Inclination to put everything to hazard: but he was strongly advised by Lewis to submit to necessity, and to wait for better times, when the French armies, now employed In an arduous struggle on the continent, might be available for the purpose of suppressing discontent in England. In the Cabal Itself the signs of disunion and treachery began to appear. Shaftesbury, with his proverbial sagacity, saw that a violent reaction was at hand, and that all things were tending towards a crisis resembling that of 1640. He was determined that such a crisis should not find him In the situation of Strafford. He therefore turned suddenly round, and acknowledged. In the House of Lords, that the Declara- tion was illegal. The King, thus deserted by his ally and by his Chancellor, yielded, cancelled the Declaration, and so- lemnly promised that it should never be drawn into pre- cedent. Even this concession was Insufficient. The Commons , not content with having forced their sovereign to annul the Indul- gence, next extorted his unwilling consent to a celebrated Inw, which continued in force down to the reign of George the Fourth. This law, known as the Test Act, provided that all persons holding any office, civil or military, should take the oath of supremacy, should subscribe a declaration against transubstantlatlon , and should publicly receive the sacrament according to the rites of the Church of England. The preamble expressed hostility only to the Papists: but the 220 HISTOEY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, enacting clauses were scarcely more unfavourable to the Papists than to the most rigid class of Puritans. The Puri- tans, however, terrified at the evident leaning of tlie court to- wards Popery, and encouraged by some churchmen to hope that, as soon as the Roman Catholics should have been effectually disarmed, relief would be extended to Protestant Nonconformists, made little opposition; nor could the King, who was in extreme want of money, venture to withhold his assent. The act was passed ; and the Duke of York was con- sequently under the necessity of resigning the gi-eat place of Lord High Admiral. Tin- Caiui Hithcrto the Commons had not declared against the Dutch * war. But, when the King had , in return for money cautiously doled out, relinquished his whole plan of domestic policy, they fell impetuously on his foreign policy. They requested him to dismiss Buckingham and Lauderdale from his councils for ever, and appointed a committee to consider the propriety of impeaching Arlington. In a short time the Cabal was no more. Clifford, who, alone of the five, had any claim to be regarded as an honest man, refused to take the new test, laid down his white staff, and retired to his country seat. Arling- ton quitted the post of Secretary of State for a quiet and dig- nified employment in the royal household. Shaftesbury and Buckingham made their peace with the opposition, and ap- peared at the head of the stormy democracy of the city. Lau- derdale, however, still continued to be minister for Scotch affairs, with which the English Parliament could not inter- fere. And now the Commons urged the King to make peace with Holland, and expressly declared that no more supplies should be granted for the war, unless it should appear that the enemy obstinately refused to consent to reasonable terms, Charles found it necessary to postpone to a more convenient season all thought of executing the treaty of Dover, and to cajole the UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 221 nation by pretending to return to the policy of the Triple chap. Alliance. Temple, who, during the ascendency of the Cabal, had lived in seclusion among his books and flower beds, was called forth from his hermitage. By his instrumentality a se- Peace parate peace was concluded with the United rrovmces; and united lie again became ambassador at the Hague, where his presence ,incea. was regarded as a sure pledge for the sincerity of his court. The chief direction of affairs was now entrusted to Sir Adminis- , . tration ol Thomas Osborn, a Yorkshire baronet, who had, m the House oanby, of Commons, shown eminent talents for business and debate. Osborn became Lord Treasurer, and was soon created Earl of Danby. He was not a man whose character, if tried by any high standard of morality , would appear to merit approbation. He was greedy of wealth and honours, corrupt himself , and a corrupter of others. The Cabal had bequeathed to him the art of bribing Parliaments, an art still rude, and giving little promise of tlie rare perfection to which it was brought in the following century. He improved greatly on the plan of the first inventors. They had merely purchased orators: but every man who had a vote, might sell himself to Danby. Yet the new minister must not be confounded with the negotiators of Dover. He was not without the feelings of an Englishman and a Protestant; nor did he, in his solicitude for his own in- terests, ever wholly forget the interests of his country and of his religion. He was desirous, indeed, to exalt the prero- gative : but the means by which he proposed to exalt it were widely different from those which had been contemplated by Arlington and Clifford. The thought of establishing arbitrary power, by calling in the aid of foreign arms, and by reducing the kingdom to the rank of a dependent principality, never entered into his mind. His plan was to rally round the mo- narchy those classes which had been the firm allies of the mo- narchy during the troubles of the preceding generation, and which had been disgusted by the recent crimes and errors oi 222 HISTOBY OF ENGLAND, CDAP. 11. the court. With the help of the old Cavalier interest, of the "nobles, of the country gentlemen, of the clergj', and of the Universities, it might, he conceived, be possible to make Charles, not indeed an absolute sovereign, but a sovereign scarcely less powerful than Elizabeth had been. Prompted by these feelings, Danby formed the design of securing to the Cavalier party the exclusive possession of all political power, both executive and legislative. In the year 1675, accordingly, a bill was offered to the Lords which pro- vided that no person should hold any office, or should sit in either House of Parliament, without first declaring on oath that he considered resistance to the kingly power as in all cases criminal, and that he would never endeavour to alter the government either in Church or State. During several weeks the debates, divisions, and protests caused by this proposition kept the country in a state of excitement. The opposition in the House of Lords, headed by two members of the Cabal who were desirous to make their peace with the nation, Buckingham and Shaftesbury, was beyond all pre- cedent vehement and pertinacious, and at length proved suc- cessful. The bill was not indeed rejected, but was retarded, mutilated, and at length suffered to drop. So arbitrary and so exclusive was Danby's scheme of domestic policy. His opinions touching foreign policy did him more Jionour. They were in truth directly opposed to those of the Cabal, and differed little from those of the Country Party. He bitterly lamented the degraded situation to which England was reduced, and declared, with more energy tlian politeness, that his dearest wish was to cudgel the French into a proper respect for her. So little did he disguise his feelings, that, at a great banquet where the most illustrious dignitaries of the State and of the Church were assembled, he not very decorously filled his glass to the con- fusion of all who were against a war with France. He would UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 223 indeed most gladly have seen his country united with the chap. powers which were then combined against Lewis, and was ' for that end bent on placing Temple, the author of the Triple Alliance , at the head of the department which directed foreign affairs. But the power of the prime minister was limited. In his most confidential letters he complained that the infatuation of his master prevented England from taking her proper place among European nations. Charles was insatiably greedy of French gold : he had by no means relin- quished the hope that he might, at some future day, be able to establish absolute monarchy by the help of the French arms; and for both reasons he wished to maintain a good understanding with the Court of Versailles. Thus the sovereign leaned towards one system of foreign politics, and the minister towards a system diametrically opposite. Neither the sovereign nor the minister, indeed, was of a temper to pursue any object with undeviating con- stancy. Each occasionally yielded to the importunity of the other; and their jarring inclinations and mutual concessions gave to the whole administration a strangely capricious character. Charles sometimes, from levity and indolence, fiufi'ered Danby to take steps which Lewis resented as mortal injuries. Danby, on the other hand, rather than relinquish his great place , sometimes stooped to compliances which caused him bitter pain and shame. The King was brought y.o consent to a marriage between the Lady Mary, eldest (laughter and presumptive heiress of the Duke of York, and William of Orange, the deadly enemy of France, and the hereditary champion of the Reformation. Nay, the brave Earl of Ossory, son of Ormond, was sent to assist the Dutch with some British troops, who, on the most bloody day of the whole war, signally vindicated the national reputation for stubborn courage. The Treasurer, on the other hand, wag induced, not only to connive at some scandalous pecu- 224 HISTORY OP ENGLAND, CHAP, niary transactions which took place between his master and ' — the court of Versailles, but to become, unwillingly indeed and ungraciously, an agent in those transactions. Embar- Meanwhile, the Country Party was driven by two strong situiUon feelings in two opposite directions. The popular leaders f>im*ry were afraid of the greatness of Lewis, who was not only i'*r»y. making head against the whole strength of the continental alliance, but was even gaining ground. Yet they were afraid to entrust their own King with the means of curbing France, lest those means should be used to destroy the liberties of England. The conflict between these apprehensions, both of which were perfectly legitimate, made the policy of the Opposition seem as eccentric and fickle as that of the Court, The Commons called for a war with France, till the King, pressed by Danby to comply with their wish, seemed disposed to yield, and began to raise an army. But, as soon as they saw that the recriiiting had commenced, their dread of Lewis gave place to a nearer dread. They began to fear that the new levies might be employed on a service in which Charles took much more interest than in the defence of Flanders. They therefore refused supplies, and clamoured for dis- banding as loudly as they had just before clamoured for arming. Those historians who have severely reprehended this inconsistency do not appear to have made sufficient allowance for the embarrassing situation of subjects who have reason to believe that their prince is conspiring with a foreign and hostile power against their liberties. To refuse him military resources is to leave the state defenceless. Yet to give him military resources may be only to arm him against the state. In such circumstances vacillation cannot bo con- eidorod as a proof of dishonesty or even of weakness. otvl"^' These jealousies were studiously fomented by the French parly with Kjng. He had long kept England passive by promising to Kiench support the throno against the Parliament. lie now, alarmed tmbsMjr. it CNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 225 at finding that the patriotic counsels of Danby seemed likely chap. to prevail in the closet, began to inflame the Parliament against the throne. Between Lewis and the Country Party there was one thing, and one only, in common, profound distrust of Charles. Could the Country Party have been certain that their sovereign meant only to make war on France, they would have been eager to support him. Could Lewis have been certain that the new levies were Intended only to make war on the constitution of England, he would have made no attempt to stop them. But the unsteadiness and faithlessness of Charles were such that the French go- vernment and the English opposition, agreeing in nothing else, agreed in disbelieving his protestations, and were equally desirous to keep him poor and without an army. Communications were opened between Barillon, the Am- bassador of Lewis, and those English politicians who had always professed, and who Indeed sincerely felt, the greatest dread and dislike of the French ascendency. The most upright member of the Country Party, William Lord Russell, so n of the Earl of Bedford, did not scruple to concert with a foreign mission schemes for embarrassing his own sovereign. This was the whole extent of Russell's oflTence. His principles and his fortune alike raised him above all temptations of a sordid kind: but there is too much reason to believe that some of his associates were less scrupulous. It would be unjust to impute to them the extreme wickedness of taking bribes to injure their country. On the contrary, they meant to serve her: but it is impossible to deny that they were mean and indelicate enough to let a foreign prince pay them for serving her. Among those who cannot be acquitted of this degrading charge was one man who is popularly considered as the personification of public spirit, and who, in spite of some great moral and intellectual faults, has a just claim to be called a hero, a philosopher, ajid a patriot. It is im- Macatilay, History. I. t& Nioia 226 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP- possible to see without pain such a name in the list of tlie pen- — — — gioners of France. Yet it is some consolation to reflect that, in our time, a public man would be thought lost to all sense of duty and of shame, who should not spurn from him a temptation which conquered the virtue and the pride of Algernon Sidney. Peace of The effect of these intrigues was that England, though she occasionally took a menacing attitude , remained inactive till the continental war, having lasted near seven years, was terminated, in 1C78, by the treaty of Nimeguen, The United Provinces, which in 1672 had seemed to be on the verge of utter ruin, obtained honourable and advantageous terms. This narrow escape was generally ascribed to the ability and courage of the young Stadtholder. His fame was great throughout Europe, and especially among the English, who regarded him as one of their own princes , and rejoiced to see him the husband of their future Queen. France retained many important towns in the Low Countries and the great province of Franche Comt^. Almost the whole loss was borne by the decaying monarchy of Spain. Violent A few months after the termination of hostilities on the tl'aiVTn continent came a great crisis in English politics. Towxards Engiind. g^Q^ ^ gj.jgjg things had been tending during eighteen years. The whole stock of popularity, great as it was, with whicli the King had commenced his administration, had long been expended. To loyal enthusiasm had succeeded profound dis- affection- The public mind had now measured back again the space over which it had passed between 1640 and 1660, and was once more in the state In which it had been when tho Long Parliament met. The prevailing discontent was compounded of many feel- ings. One of these was wounded national pride. That genera- tion had seen England, during a few years, allied on equal terms with France, victorioug over Holland and Spain, the UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 227 mistress of the sea, the terror of Rome, the head of the chap. Protestant interest. Her resources had not diminished; and it might have been expected that she would have been at least as highly considered in Europe under a legitimate King, strong in the affection and willing obedience of his subjects, as she had been under an usurper whose utmost vigilance and energy were required to keep down a mutinous people. Yet she had, in consequence of the imbecility and meanness of her rulers, sunk so low that any German or Italian principality which brought five thousand men into the field was a more important member of the commonwealth of nations. With the sense of national humiliation was mingled an- xiety for civil liberty. Rumours, indistinct indeed, but perhaps the more alarming by reason of their indistinctness. Imputed to the court a deliberate design against all the con- stitutional rights of Englishmen. It had even been whispered that this design was to be carried Into effect by the interven- tion of foreign arms. The thought of such intervention made the blood, even of the Cavaliers, boil in their veins. Some who had always professed the doctrine of nonresistance in its full extent were now heard to mutter that there was one limitation to that doctrine. If a foreign force were brought over to coerce the nation, they would not answer for their own patience. But neither national pride nor anxiety for public liberty had so great an inlluence on tlie popular mind as hatred of the Iloman Catholic religion. That hatred had become one of the ruling passions of the community, and was as strong in the ignorant and profane as in those who were Protestants from conviction. The cruelties of Mary's reign, cruelties which even in the most accurate and sober narrative excite just detestation, and which were neither accurately nor soberly related in the popular martyrologies, the conspiracies against Elizabeth, and above all the Gunpowder Plot, had 15* 228 HISTOEY OP ENGLAND, CHAP, left in tlie minds of the vulgar a deep and bitter feeling •which wa3 kept up by annual commemorations, prayers, bonfires, and processions. It should be added that those classes which ■were peculiarly distinguished by attachment to the throne, the clergy and the landed gentry, had peculiar reasons for regarding the Church of Rome with aversion. The clergy trembled for their benefices; the landed gentry for their abbeys and great tithes. While the memory of the reign of the Saints was still recent, hatred of Popery had in soma degree given place to hatred of Puritanism: but, during the eighteen years which had elapsed since the Restoration, the hatred of Puritanism had abated, and the hatred of Popery had increased. The stipulations of the treaty of Dover were accurately known to very few : but some hints had got abroad. The general impression was that a great blow was about to be aimed at the Protestant religion. The King was suspected by many of a leaning towards Rome. His brother and heir pre- sumptive was known to be a bigoted Roman Catholic. The first Duchess of York had died a Roman Catholic. James had then, in defiance of the remonstrances of the House of Commons, taken to wife the Princess Mary of Slodena, an- other Roman Catholic. If there should be sons by this mar- riage, there was reason to fear that they might be bred Roman Catholics, and that a long succession of princes, hostile to the established faith, might sit on the English throne. The constitution had recently been violated for the purpose of protecting the Roman Catholics from the penal laws. The ally by whom the policy of England had, during many years, been chiefly governed was not only a Roman Catholic, but a persecutor of the reformed Churclies. Under such circumstances it is not strange that the common peojilo should have been inclined to apprehend a return of the times of her whom they called Bloody Marj*. Thus the nation was in such a temper that the smallest UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 229 spark might raise a flame. At tbis conjuncture fire was set chap. in two places at once to the vast mass of combustible matter; and in a moment the whole was in a blaze. The French court, which knew Danby to be its mortal Fail of enemy, artfully contrived to ruin him by making him pass for its friend. Lewis, by the instrumentality of Ralph Montague, a faithless and shameless man who had resided in France as minister from England, laid before the House of Commons proofs that the Treasurer had been concerned in an applica- tion made by the court of Whitehall to the court of Versailles for a sum of money. This discovery produced its natural effect. The Treasurer was, in truth, exposed to the ven- geance of Parliament, not on account of his delinquencies, but on account of his merits; not because he had been an accomplice in a criminal transaction, but because he had been a most unwilling and unserviceable accomplice. But of the circumstances, which have, in the judgment of pos- terity, greatly extenuated his fault, his contemporaries were ignorant. In their view he was the broker who had sold England to France. It seemed clear that his greatness was at an end, and doubtful whether his head could be saved. Yet was the ferment excited by this discovery slight, when The Po- compared with the commotion which arose when it was noised abroad that a great Popish plot had been detected. One Titus Gates, a clergj-man of the Church of England, had, by his disorderly life and heterodox doctrine, drawn on him- self the censure of his spiritual superioi-s, had been com- pelled to quit his benefice, and had ever since led an infamous and vagrant life. He had once professed himself a Roman Catholic, and had passed some time on the Continent in English colleges of the order of Jesus. In those seminaries ,,lie had heard much wild talk about the best means of bringing England back to the true Church. From hints thus furnished he constructed a hideous romance, resembling rather the 230 HTSTORT OF ENGLAND, CHj^P- dream of a sick man than any transaction which ever took • place in the real world. The Pope, he said, had entrusted the government of England to the Jesuits. The Jesuits had, by commissions under the seal of their society, appointed Catholic clergymen, noblemen, and gentlemen, to all the highest offices in Church and State. The Papists had burned down London once. They had tried to burn it down again. They were at that moment planning a scheme for setting fire to all the shipping in the Thames. They were to rise at a signal and massacre all their Protestant neighbours. A French army was at the same time to land in Ireland. All the leading statesmen and divines of England were to be murdered. Three or four schemes had been formed for assassinating the King. He was to be stablied. He was to be poisoned in his medicine. He was to be shot with silver bullets. The public mind was so sore and excitable that these lies readily found credit with the vulgar; and two events which speedily took place led even some reflecting men to suspect that the tale, though evidently distorted and exaggerated, might have some foundation. Edward Coleman, a very busy, and not very honest, Roman Catholic intriguer, had been among the persons ac- cused. Search was made for his papers. It was found that he had just destroyed the greater part of them. But a few which had escaped contained some passages which , to mind3 strongly prepossessed, might seem to confirm the evidence of Gates. Those passages indeed, when candidly construed, appear to express little more than the hopes which the posture of affairs, the predilections of Charles, the still stronger pre- dilections of James, and the relations existing between the French and English courts, might naturally excite in the mind of a Roman Catholic strongly attached to the interests of liis Church. But the countrj- was not then inclined to construe the letters of Papists candidly ; and it was urged , with some UNDER CHAKLES THE SECOND. 231 show of reason, that, if papers which had been passed over chap. as unimportant were filled with matter so suspicious, some great mystery of iniquity must have been contained in those documents which had been carefully committed to the flames. A few days later it was known that Sir Edmondsbury God- frey, an eminent justice of the peace who had taken the depositions of Gates against Coleman , had disappeared. Search was made ; and Godfrey's corpse was found in a field near London. It was clear that he had died by violence. It was equally clear that he had not been set upon by robbers. His fate is to this day a secret. Some think that he perished by his own hand; some, that he was slain by a private enemy. The most improbable supposition is that he was murdered by the party hostile to the court, in order to give colour to the story of the plot. The most probable supposition seems, on the whole, to be that some hot-headed Roman Catholic, driven to frenzy by the lies of Gates and by the insults of the multi- tude, and not nicely distinguishing between the perjured accuser and the innocent magistrate, had taken a revenge of which the history of persecuted sects furnishes but too many examples. If this were so , the assassin must have afterwards bitterly execrated his own wickedness and folly. The capital and the whole nation went mad with hatred and fear. The penal laws, which had begun to lose something of their edge, were sharpened anew. Everywhere justices were busied in searching houses and seizing papers. All the gaols were filled with Papists. London had the aspect of a city in a state of siege. The trainbands were under arms all night. Pre- parations were made for barricading the great thoroughfares. Patroles marched up and down the streets. Cannon were planted round Whitehall. No citizen thought himself safe unless he carried under his coat a small flail loaded with lead to brain the Popish assassins. The corpse of the murdered magistrate was exhibited during several days to the gaze of 232 HISTORT OP ENGLAND, c.nKj>, great multitudes, and was then committed to tbe grave with — — strange and terrible ceremonies -which indicated rather fear and the thirst of vengeance than sorrow or religious hope. Tlie Houses insisted that a guard should be placed in the vaults over which they sate, in order to secure them against a second Gunpowder Plot. All their proceedings were of a piece with this demand. Ever since the reign of Elizabeth the oath of supremacy had been exacted from members of the House of Commons. Some Roman Catholics, however, had contrived so to interpret this oath that they could take it with- out scruple. A more stringent test was now added, and the Roman Catholic Lords were for the first time excluded from their seats in Parliament. Strong resolutions were adopted against the Queen. The Commons threw one of the Secre- taries of State into prison for having countersigned commis- sions directed to gentlemen who were not good Protestants. They impeached the Lord Treasurer of high treason. Nay, they so far forgot the doctrine which, while the memory of the civil war was still recent, they had loudly professed, that they even attempted to wrest the command of the militia out of the King's hands. To such a temper had eighteen years of mlsgovernment brought the most loyal Parliament that had ever met in England. Yet it may seem strange that, even in that extremity, the King should have ventured to appeal to the people; for the people were more excited than their representatives. The Lower House, iliscontented as it was, contained a larger number of Cavaliers than were likely to find seats again. But it was thought that a dissolution would put a stop to the pro- secution of the Lord Treasurer, a prosecution which might probably bring to liglit all the guilty mysteries of the French alliance, nnd might thus cause extreme personal annoyance and embarrassment to Charles. Accordingly, in January 1679, the Parliament, which had been in existence ever since UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 238 the beginning of the year 1661, was dissolved; and writs were chap. issued for a general election. ' During some weeks the contention over the wLoIe countr}' First was fierce and obstinate beyond example. Unprecedented eiecuoa sums were expended. New tactics were employed. It was remarked by the pamphleteers of that time as something ex- traordinary that horses were hired at a great charge for the conveyance of electors. The practice of splitting freeholds for the purpose of multiplying votes dates from this me- morable struggle. Dissenting preachers , who had long hid- den themselves in quiet nooks from persecution, now emerged from their retreats, and rode from village to village, for the purpose of rekindling the zeal of the scattered people of God. The tide ran strong against the government. Most of the new members came up to Westminster in a mood little differ- ing from that of their predecessors who had sent Strafford and Laud to the Tower. Meanwhile the courts of justice, which ought to be, in the midst of political commotions , sure places of refuge fbr the innocent of every party, were disgraced by wilder passions and fouler corruptions than were to be found even on the hustings. The tale of Oates, though it had sufficed to con- vulse the whole realm, would not, until confirmed by other evidence, suffice to destroy the humblest of those whom he had accused. For, by the old law of England, two Avitnesses are necessary to establish a charge of treason. But the suc- cess of the first impostor produced its natural consequences. In a few weeks he had been raised from penury and obscurity to opulence, to power which made him the dread of princes and nobles, and to notoriety such as has for low and bad minds all the attractions of glory. He was not long without coadjutors and rivals. A wretch named Carstairs, who had earned a living In Scotland bj- going disguised to conventicles and tlien informing against tl)e preachers , led the way. 234 HISTORY OP ENGLAND, cnAi>, Bedloe, a noted swindler, followed; and soon, from all the brothels, gambling houses, and spunging houses of London, false witnesses poured forth to swear away the lives of Roman Catholics. One came with a story about an army of thirty thousand men who were to muster in the disguise of pilgrims at Corunna, and to sail thence to Wales. Another had been promised canonization and five hundred pounds to murder the King. A third had stepped into an eating house in Covent Garden and had there heard a great Roman Catholic banker vow, in the hearing of all the guests and drawers, to kill the heretical tyrant. Gates, that he might not be eclipsed by his imitators, soon added a large supplement to his original nar- rative. He had the portentous impudence to affinn, among other things, that he had once stood behind a door which was ajar, and had there overheard the Queen declare that she had resolved to give her consent to the assassination of her husband. The vulgar believed, and the highest ma- gistrates pretended to believe, even such fictions as these. The chief judges of the realm were corrupt, cruel, and timid. The leaders of the Country Party encouraged the prevailing delusion. The most respectable among them, indeed, were themselves so far deluded as to believe the greater part of the evidence of the plot to be true. Such men as Shaftesbury and Buckingham doubtless perceived that the whole was a romance. But it was a romance which served their turn ; and to their seared consciences the death of an innocent man gave no more uneasiness than the death of a partridge. The juries partook of the fecliugs then common throughout the nation, and were encouraged by the bench to indulge thoso feelings without restraint. The multitude applauded Oates and liis confederates, hooted and pelted the witnesses who appeared on behalf of the accused, and shouted with joy when the verdict of Guilty was pronounced. It was in vain that the eufferers appealed to tlie respectability of their past UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 235 lives : for the public mind was possessed with a belief that the crap. more conscientious a Papist was, the more likely he must be to plot against a Protestant government. It was in vain that, |ust before the cart passed from under their feet, they re- solutely affirmed their innocence: for the general opinion was that a good Papist considered all lies which were serviceable to his Church as not only excusable but meritorions. While innocent blood was shedding under the forms of violence .of the justice, the new Parhament met; and such was the violence new of the predominant party that even men whose youth had com- been passed amidst revolutions , men who remembered the """"* attainder of Straflford, the attempt on the five members, the abolition of the House of Lords, the execution of the King, stood aghast at the aspect of public affairs. The impeachment of Danby was resumed. He pleaded the royal pardon. But the Commons treated the plea with contempt, and insisted that the trial should proceed. Danby, however, was not their chief object. They were convinced that the only effectual way of securing the liberties and religion of the nation was to exclude the Duke of York from the throne. The King was in great perplexity. He had insisted that his brother, the sight of whom inflamed the populace to madness, should retire for a time to Brussels : but this concession did not seem to have produced any favourable effect. The Roundhead party was now decidedly preponderant. Towards that party leaned millions who had, at the time of the Restoration, leaned towards the side of prerogative. Of the old Cavaliers many participated in the prevailing fear of Popery, and many, bitterly resenting the ingratitude of the prince for whom they had sa- crificed so much, looked on his distress as carelessly as he had looked on theirs. Even the Anglican clergy, mortified and alarmed by the apostasy of the Duke of York, so far coun- tenanced the opposition as to join cordially in the outcry against the Roman Catholics. 236 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP. The King in this extremity had recourse to Sir Williara - — '— Temple. Of all the official men of that age Temple had pre- plan of served the fairest character. The Triple Alliance had been ment. his work. He had refused to take any part in the politics of the Cabal, and had, while that administration directed affairs, lived in strict privacy. He had quitted his retreat at the call of Danby, had made peace between England and Holland, and had borne a chief part in bringing about tlie marriage of the Lady Mary to her cousin the Prince of Orange, Thus he had the credit of everj' one of the few good things which had been done by the government since the Restoration. Of the nu- merous crimes and blunders of the last eighteen years none could be imputed to him. His private life, though not austere, was decorous : his manners were popular; and he was not to be corrupted either by titles or by money. Something, however, was wanting to the character of this respectable statesman. The temperature of his patriotism was lukewarm. He prized his ease and his personal dignity too much, and shrank from responsibility with a pusillanimous fear. Nor indeed had his habits fitted him to bear a part in the conflicts of our domestic factions. He had reached his fiftieth year without having sato in the English Parliament; and his official experience had been almost entirely acquired at foreign courts. He was justly esteemed one of the first diplomatists in Europe: but the talents and accomplishments of a diplomatist are widely difierent from those wliich qualify a politician to lead the House of Commons in agitated times. The scheme which he proposed showed considerable in- genuity. Though not a profound philosopher, he had thought more than most busy men of the world on the general prin- ciples of government; and his mind had been enlarged by historical studies and foreign travel. He seems to have dis- cerned more clearly than most of his contemporaries one cause of the difficulties by which the government was beset. The UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 237 character of the English polity was gradually changing. The chap. parliament was slowly, but constantly, gaining ground on the prerogative. The line between the legislative and executive powers was in theory as strongly marked as ever, but in prac- tice was daily becoming fainter and fainter. The theory of the constitution was that the King might name his own ministers. But the House of Commons had driven Clarendon, the Cabal, and Danby successively from the direction of affairs. The theory of the constitution was that the King alone had the power of making peace and war. But the House of Commons had forced him to make peace with Holland, and had all but forced him to make war with France. The theory of the con- stitution was that the King was the sole judge of the cases in which it might be proper to pardon offenders. Yet he was so much in dread of the House of Commons that, at that moment, he could not venture to rescue from the gallows men whom he well knew to be the innocent victims of perjury. Temple, it should seem, was desirous to secure to the legis- lature its undoubted constitutional powers , and yet to prevent it, if possible, from encroaching further on the province of the executive administration. With this view he determined to interpose between the sovereign and the Parliament a body which might break the shock of their collision. There was a body, ancient, highly honourable, and recognised by the law, which, he thought, might be so remodelled as to serve this purpose. He determined to give to the Privy Council a new character and office in the government. The number of Coun- cillors he fixed at thirty. Fifteen of them were to be the chief ministers of state, of law, and of religion. The other fifteen were to be unplaced noblemen and gentlemen of ample fortune and high character. There was to be no interior cabinet. All the thirty were to be entrusted with every political secret, and summoned to every meeting; and the King was to declare that he would, on every occasion, be guided by their advice. 238 HISTORY OF ENGLAND CHAP. Temple seems to have thought that, by this contrivance, he could at once secure the nation against the tjTanny of the crown, and the crown against the encroachments of the Parlia- ment. It was, on one hand, highly improbable that schemes such as had been formed by the Cabal would be even pro- pounded for discussion in an assembly consisting of thirty emi- nent men, fifteen of whom were bound by no tie of interest to the court. On the other hand, it might be hoped that the Com- mons, content with the guarantee against misgovernment which such a Privy Council furnished, would confine them- selves more than they had of late done to their strictly legis- lative functions, and would no longer think it necessary to pry into every part of the executive administration. This plan, though in some respects not unworthy of the abilities of its author, was in principle vicious. The new board was half a cabinet and half a Parliament, and, like almost every other contrivance, whether mechanical or political, which is meant to serve two purjioses altogether different, failed of accomplishing either. It was too large and too di- vided to be a good administrative body. It was too closely connected with the crown to be a good checking body . It con- tained just enough of popular ingredients to make it a bad council of state, unfit for the keeping of secrets, for the con- ducting of delicate negotiations, and for the administration of war. Yet were these popular ingi-cdients by no means suffi- cient to secure the nation against misgovernment. The plan, therefore, even if it had been fairly tried, could scarcely have succeeded; and it was not fairly tried. The King was fickle and perfidious: the Parliament was excited and unreasonable; and the materials out of which the new Council was made, though perhaps the best which that age afforded, were still bad. The commencement of the new system was, however, hailed with general delight; for the people were in a temper to UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 239 think any change an improvement. They were also pleased by chap. some of the new nominations. Shaftesbury, now their fa- vourite, was appointed Lord President. Russell and some other distinguished members of the Country Party were sworn of the Council. But in a few days all was again in confusion. The inconveniences of having so numerous a cabinet were such that Temple himself consented to infringe one of the fun- damental rules which he had laid down, and to become one of a small knot which really directed everything. With him were joined three other ministers, Arthur Capel, Earl of Essex, George Savile, Viscount Halifax, and Robert Spencer, Earl of Sunderland. Of the Earl of Essex, then First Commissioner of the Trea- sury, it is sufficient to say that he was a man of solid, though not brilliant parts, and of grave and melancholy character, that he had been connected with the Country Party, and that he was at this time honestly desirous to effect, on terms bene- ficial to the State, a reconciliationbetween that party and the throne. Among the statesmen of that age Halifax was. In genius, Charactet the first. His intellect was fertile, subtle, and capacious, fai. His polished, luminous, and animated eloquence, set off by the silver tones of his voice, was the delight of the House of Lords. His conversation overflowed with thought, fancy, and wit. His political tracts well deserve to be studied for their literary merit, and fully entitle him to a place among English classics. To the weight derived from talents so great and various he united all the influence which belongs to rank and ample possessions. Yet he was less successful in poHtics tban many who enjoyed smaller advantages. Indeed, those intellectual peculiarities which make his writings valuable fre- quently impeded him in the contests of active life. For ho always saw passing events , not in the point of view in which they commonly appear toone who bears apart in tliem, but iu 240 HISTORY OP ENGLAND, CHAP, the point of view in which , after the lapse of many years , they appear to the philosophic historian. With such a turn of mind, he could not long continue to act cordially with any body of men. All the prejudices, all the exaggerations of both the great parties in the State moved his scorn. He de- spised the mean arts and unreasonable clamours of dema- gogues. He despised still more the doctrines of divine right and passive obedience. He sneered impartially at the bigotry of the Churchman and at the bigotry of the Puritan. He was equally unable to comprehend how any man should object to Saints' days and surplices , and how any man should persecute any other man for objecting to them. In temper he was what, in our time, is called a Conservative. In theory he was a Re- publican. Even when his dread of anarchy and his disdain for vulgar delusions led him to side for a time with the de- fenders of arbitrary power, his intellect was always with Locke and Milton. Indeed, his jests upon hereditary monarchy were sometimes such as would have better become a member of the Calfs Head Club than a Privy Councillor of the Stuarts. In religion he was so far from being a zealot that he was called by the uncharitable an atheist: but this imputation he vehe- mently repelled; and in truth, though he sometimes gave scandal by the way in which he exerted his rare powers both of argumentation and of ridicule on serious subjects, he seems to have been by no means unsusceptible of religious im- pressions. He was the chief of those politicians whom the two great parties contemptuously called Trimmers. Instead of quar- relling with this nickname, he assumed it as a title of honour, and vindicated, with great vivacity, the dignity of the appel- lation. Every thing good, he said, trims between extremes- The temperate zone trims between the climate in which men are roasted and the climate in which they are frozen. The English Church trims between the Anabaptist madness and UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 241 the Papist lethargy. The English constitution trims between chap. Turkish despotism and Polish anarchy. Virtue is nothing but - a just temper between propensities any one of which, if in- dulged to excess, becomes vice. Nay, the perfection of the Supreme Being himself consists in the exact equilibrium of attributes, none of which could preponderate without disturb- ing the whole moral and physical order of the world. * Thus Halifax was a Trimmer on principle. He was also a Trimmer by the constitution both of his head and of his heart. His understanding was keen, sceptical, inexhaustibly fertile in distinctions and objections; his taste refined ; his sense of the ludicrous exquisite; his temper placid and forgiving, but fastidious , and by no means prone either to malevolence or to enthusiastic admiration. Such a man could not long be con- stant to any band of political allies. He must not, however, be confounded with the vulgar crowd of renegades. For though, like them, he passed from side to side, his transition was always in the direction opposite to theirs. He had nothing in common with those who fly from extreme to extreme, and who regard the party which they have deserted with an animo- sity far exceeding that of consistent enemies. His place was between the hostile divisions of the community, and he never wandered far beyond the frontier of either. The party to which he at any moment belonged was the party which, at that moment, he liked least, because it was the party of which at that moment he had the nearest view. He was therefore always severe upon his violent associates, and was always in friendly relations with his moderate opponents. Every faction in the day of its insolent and vindictive triumph incurred his censure ; and every faction , when vanquished and persecuted, found in him a protector. To his lasting honour it must be • It will be seen that I believe Halifax to hav(* been the author, or at least one of the autbors, of ihe "Character of a Trimmer," which, for a time , went under the name of his kinsman , Sir William Coventry. Uncaulay, lliftory. I. 16 242 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, mentioned that he attempted to save those victims whose fate '■ — has left the deepest stain both on the "WTiig and on the Tory name. He had greatly distinguished himself in opposition, and had thus drawn on himself the royal displeasure , which was indeed so strong, that he was not admitted into the Council of Thirty without much difficulty and long altercation. As soon, however, as he had obtained a footing at court, the charms of his manner and of his conversation made him a favourite. He was seriously alarmed by the violence of the public discon- tent. He thought that liberty was for the present safe, and that order and legitimate authority were in danger. He there- fore, as was his fashion, joined himself to the weaker side. Perhaps his conversion was not wholly disinterested. For study and reflection , though they had emancipated him from many vulgar prejudices, had left him a slave to vulgar desires. Money he did not want; and there is no evidence that he ever obtained it by any means which , in that age, even severe censors considered as dishonourable; but rank and power had strong attractions for him. He pretended, indeed, that he considered titles and great offices as baits which could allure none but fools , that he hated business , pomp , and pageantry, and that his dearest wish was to escape from the bustle and glitter of Whitehall to the quiet woods which surrounded his ancient mansion at RufTord : but his conduct was not a little at variance with his professions. In truth he wished to command the respect at once of courtiers and of philosophers, to be ad- mired for attaining high dignities, and to be at the same time admired for despising them. Chiracicr Sunderland was Secretary of State. In this man the poU- dcriaud. tical immorality of his age was personified in the most lively manner. Nature had given him a keen understanding, a restless and mischievous temper, a cold heart, and an abject epirit. His mind had undergone a training by which all his UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 243 vices Lad been nursed up to the rankest matui-ity At his chap, entrance into public life, he had passed several years in diplo- rnatic posts abroad, and had been, during some time, mi- nister in France. Every calling has its peculiar temptations. There is no injustice in saying that diplomatists, as a class, have always been more distinguished by their address, by the art with -which they -win the confidence of those with whom they have to deal, and by the ease with which they catch the tone of everj' society into which they are admitted, than by generous enthusiasm or austere rectitude; and the relations between Charles and Lewis were such that no English noble- , man could long reside in France as envoy, and retain any pa- triotic or honourable sentiment. Sunderland came forth from the bad school in which he had been brought up, cunning, supple, shameless, free from all prejudices, and destitute of all principles. He was, by hereditary connection, a Ca- valier: but with the Cavaliers he had nothing in common. They vrere zealous for monarchy, and condemned in theory all resistance. Yet they had sturdy English hearts which would never have endured real despotism. He, on the con- trary, had a languid speculative liking for republican institu- tions, which was compatible with perfect readiness to be in practice the most sei-vile instrument of arbitrary power. Like many other accomplished flatterers and negotiators, he was far more skilful in the art of reading the characters and practising on the weaknesses of individuals, than in the art of discerning the feelings of great masses, and of foreseeing the approach of great revolutions. He was adroit in intrigue; and it was difficult even for shrewd and experienced men who had been amply forewarned of his perfidy to withstand the fascination of his manner, and to refuse credit to his profes- sions of attachment. But he was so intent on observing and courting particular persons, that he forgot to study the temper of the nation. He therefore miscalculated grossly with respect 16 • 244 HISTORY OP ENGLAND, CHAP. II. proroga- tion of Ihe Par- liamtnU to all the most momentous events of liis time. Every impor- tant movement and rebound of the public mind took him by surprise; and the world, unable to understand how so clever a man could be blind to what was clearly discerned by the po- liticians of the coffee houses, sometimes attributed to deep design what were in truth mere blunders. It was only in private conference that his eminent abilities displayed themselves. In the royal closet, or in a very small circle, he exercised great influence. But at the Council board he was taciturn ; and in the House of Lords he never opened his lips. The four confidential advisers of the crown soon found that their position was embarrassing and invidious. The other members of the Council murmured at a distinction incon- sistent with the King's promises; and some of them, with Shaftesbury at their head, again betook themselves to strenu- ous opposition in Parliament. The agitation, which had been suspended by the late changes, speedily became more violent than ever. It was in vain that Charles offered to grant to the Commons any security for the Protestant religion which they could devise, provided only that they would not touch the order of succession. They would hear of no com- promise. They would have the Exclusion Bill and nothing but the Exclusion Bill. The King, therefore, a few weeks after he had publicly promised to take no step without the advice of his new Council, went down to the House of Lords without mentioning his intention in Council, and prorogued the Parliament. The day of that prorogation, the twenty-sixth of May 1679, is a great era in our history. For on that day the Habeas Corpus Act received the royal assent. From the time of the Great Charter, the substantive law respecting the per- sonal liberty of Englishmen had been nearly the same as at present: but it had been inefficacious for want of a stringent UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 245 gystein of procedure. What was needed was not a new right, chap. but a prompt and searching remedy; and such a remedy the Habeas Corpus Act supplied. The King would gladly have Habeas refused his consent to that measure: but he was about to aci. appeal from his Parliament to his people on the question of the succession; and he could not venture, at so critical a moment, to reject a bill which was in the highest degree popular. On the same day, the press of England became for a short time free. In old times printers had been strictly controlled by the Court of Star Chamber. The Long Parliament had abolished the Star Chamber, but had, in spite of the philoso- phical and eloquent expostulation of Milton, established and maintained a censorship. Soon after the Restoration, an Act had been passed which prohibited the printing of unlicensed books; and it had been provided that this Act should con- tinue in force till the end of the firt session of the next Parliament. That moment had now arrived ; and the King, in the very act of dismissing the Houses, emancipated the press. Shortly after the prorogation came a dissolution and an- second •/ ^ ^ r^ ^ general other general election. The zeal and strength of the opposi- election gation were at the height. The cry for the Exclusion Bill was loader than ever; and with this cry was mingled another cry, which fired the blood of the multitude, but which was heard with regret and alarm by all judicious friends of freedom. Not only the rights of the Duke of York , an avowed Papist, but those of hlfl two daughters, sincere and zealous Protestants, were assailed. It was confidently affirmed that the eldest natural son of the King had been born in wedlock, and was lawful heir to the crown. Charles, while a wanderer on the Continent, had fallen in Popuia- at the Hague with Lucy Walters, a Welsh girl of great beauty, jion- but of weak understanding and dissolute manners. She ""'""'• 246 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, . CHAP, became his mistress, and presented him with a son. A sus- picious lover might have had his doubts ; for the lady had several admirers, and vras not supposed to be cruel to any. Charles, however, readily took her word, and poured forth on little James Crofts, as the boy was then called, an over- flowing fondness, such as seemed hardly to belong to that cool and careless nature. Soon after the Restoration, the young favourite, who had learned in France the exercises then con- sidered necessary to a fine gentleman, made his appearance at Whitehall. He was lodged in the palace, attended by pages, and permitted to enjoy several distinctions which had till then been confined to princes of the blood royal. He was married, while still in tender youth, to Anne Scott, heiress of the noble house of Buccleuch. He took her name, and received with her hand possession of her ample domains. The estate which he acquired by this match was popularly estimated at not less than ten thousand pounds a year. Titles, and favours more substantial than titles, were lavished on him. He was made Duke of Monmouth in England, Duke of Buccleuch in Scotland, a Knight of the Garter, Master of the Horse, Commander of the first troop of Life Guards, Chief Justice of Eyre south of Trent, and Chancellor of the Uni- versity of Cambridge. Nor did he appear to the public un- worthy of his high fortunes. His countenance was eminently handsome and engaging, his temper sweet, his manners polite and affable. Though a libertine, he won the hearts of the Puritans. Though he was known to have been privy to the shameful attack on Sir John Coventry, he easily obtained the forgiveness of the Country Party. Even austere moralists owned that, in such a court, strict conjugal fidelity was scarce- ly to be expected from one who, while a child, had been married to another child. Even patriots were willing to excuse a headstrong boy for visiting with immoderate ven- geance an iosult offered to bis father. And soon the stain lefl UNDER CHARLES THE SECONIX 247 by loose amours and midnight brawls was effaced by honour- chap. able exploits. Wlien Charles and Lewis united their forces against Holland, Monmouth commanded the English auxi- liaries who were sent to the Continent, and approved himself a gallant soldier and a not unintelligent officer. On his return he found himself the most popular man in the kingdom. Nothing was withheld from him but the crown ; nor did even the crown seem to be absolutely beyond his reach. The distinction which had most injudiciously been made between him and the highest nobles had produced evil consequences. When a boy he had been invited to put on his hat in the presence chamber, while Howards and Seymours stood un- covered round him. When foreign princes died, he had mourned for them in the long purple cloak, which no other subject, except the Duke of York and Prince Rupert, was permitted to wear. It was natural that these things should lead him to regard himself as a legitimate prince of the House of Stuart. Charles, even at a ripe age, was devoted to his pleasures and regardless of his dignity. It could hardly be thought incredible that he should at twenty have secretly gone through the form of espousing a lady whose beauty had fascinated him, and who was not to be won on easier terms. While Monmouth was still a cliild, and while the Duke of York still passed for a Protestant, it was rumoured through- out the countr)', and even in circles which ought to have been well informed, that the King had made Lucy Walters his wife, and that, if every one had his right, her son would be Prince of Wales. Much was said of a certain black box which, according to the vulgar belief, contained the contract of marriage, WTien Monmouth had returned from the Low Countries with a high character for valour and conduct, and when the Duke of York was known to be a member of a church detested by the great majority of the nation, this idle story became important. For it there was not the slightest 248 HISTORY OP ENGLAND , CHAP, evidence. Against it there was the solemn asseveration of the King, made before his Council, and by his order com- municated to his people. But the multitude, always fond of romantic adventures , drank in eagerly the tale of the secret espousals and the black box. Some chiefs of the opposition acted on this occasion as they acted with respect to the more odious fable of Gates , and countenanced a story which they must have despised. The interest which the populace took in him whom they regarded as the champion of the true i-eli- gion, and the rightful heir of the British throne , was kept up by every artifice. When Monmouth arrived in Loudon at midnight, the watchmen were ordered by the magistrates to proclaim the joyful event through the streets of the City: the people left their beds : bonfires were lighted : the windows were illuminated: the churches were opened; and a merry peal rose from all the steeples. When he travelled, he was everywhere received with not less pomp, and with far more enthusiasm, than had been displayed when Kings had made progresses through the realm. He was escorted from mansion to mansion by long cavalcades of armed gentlemen and yeomen. Cities poured forth their whole population to receive him. Electors thronged round him , to assure him that their votes were at his disposal. To such a height were his pre- tensions carried, that he not only exhibited on his escutcheon the lions of England and the lilies of France without the baton sinister under which, according to the law of heraldiy, they were debruised in token of his illegitimate birth, but ventured to touch for the king's evil. At the same time, he neglected no art of condescension by which the love of the multitude could be conciliated. He stood godfather to the children of the peasantry, mingled in every rustic sport, wrestled, played at quarterstaff, and won foot-races in his boots against lleet nmners in shoes. It is a curious circumstance that, at two of the greatest con- UNDER CHABLES THE SECOND. 249 junctures in our history , the chiefs of the Protestant party ca\P- should have committed the same error, and should by that error have greatly endangered their country and their re- ligion. At the death of Edward the Sixth they set up the Lady Jane, without any show of birthright, in opposition, not only to their enemy Mary, but also to Elizabeth, the true hope of England and of the Reformation. Thus the most respecta- ble Protestants , with Elizabeth at their head, were forced to make common cause with the Papists. In the same manner, a hundred and thirty years later, a part of the opposition, by setting up Monmouth as a claimant of the crown, attacked the rights, not only of James, whom they justly regarded as an im- placable foe of their faith and their liberties, but also of the Prince and Princess of Orange, who were eminently marked out, both by situation and by personal qualities, as the defen- ders of all free governments and of all reformed Churches. In a few years the folly of this course became manifest. At present the popularity of Monmouth constituted a great part of the strength of the opposition. The elections went against the court : the day fixed for the meeting of the Houses drew near; and it was necessary that the King should deter- mine on some line of conduct. Those who advised him dis- cerned the first faint signs of a change of public feeling, and hoped that, by merely postponing the conflict, he would be able to secure the victory. He therefore, without even asking the opinion of the Council of the Thirty, resolved to prorogue the new Parliament before it entered on business. At the same time the Duke of York, who had returned from Brussels, was ordered to retire to Scotland, and was placed at the head of the administration of that kingdom. Temple's plan of government was now avowedly aban- doned and very soon forgotten. The Privy Council again became what it had been. Shaftesbury and those who were connected with him in politics resigned their seat. Temple 250 HISTORY OP ENGLAND, CHA?. himself, as was his wont In unquiet times , retired to his garden • and his library. Essex quitted the board of Treasury, and cast in his lot with the opposition. But Halifax, disgusted and alarmed by the violence of his old associates, and Sunderland, who never quitted place while he could hold it, remained in the King's service. In consequence of the resignations which took place at this conjuncture, the way to greatness was left clear to a new set of aspirants. Two statesmen , who subsequently rose to the highest eminence which a British subject can reach, soon began to attract a large share of the public attention. These were Lawrence Hyde and Sidney Godolphin. Lawrence Lawrence Hyde was the second son of the Chancellor Cla- Hydo rendon, and was brother of the first Duchess of York. He had excellent parts, which had been improved by parliamen- tary and diplomatic experience; but the infirmities of his temper detracted much from the effective strength of his abi- lities. Negotiator and courtier as he was, he never learned the art of governing or of concealing his emotions. When prosperous , he was insolent and boastful : when he sustained a check, his undisguised mortification doubled the triumph of his enemies: very slight provocations sufficed to kindle his anger; and when he was angr}' he said bitter things which he forgot as soon as he was pacified, but which others remem- bered many years. His quickness and penetration would have made him a consummate man of business but for his self- sufficiency and impatience His writings prove that he had many of the qualities of an orator: but his irritability pre- vented him from doing himself justice in debate : for nothing was easier than to goad him into a passion ; and, from the mo- ment when he went into a passion, he was at the mercy of op- ponents far inferior to him In capacity. Unlike most of the leading politicians of that generation he was a consistent, dogged, and rancorous party man, a Cavalier UNDER CHARLfiS THE SECOND. 251 of the old school, a zealous champion of the crown and of the chap. Church , and a hater of Republicans and Nonconformists. He had consequently a great body of personal adherents. The clergy especially looked on him as their own man, and ex- tended to his foibles an indulgence of which , to say the truth, he stood in some need : for he drank deep ; and when he was in a rage , — and he very often was in a rage , — he swore like a porter. He now succeeded Essex at the Treasurj% It is to be ob- served that the place of First Lord of the Treasury had not then the importance and dignity which now belong to it. When there was a Lord Treasurer, that great officer was generally prime minister: but, when the white staff was in commission, the chief commissioner did not rank so high as a Secretary of State. It was not till the time of Walpole that the First Lord of the Treasury was considered as the head of the executive administration. Godolphin had been bred a page at Whitehall, and hadsidnoy early acquired all the flexibility and the self-possession of aphin.* veteran courtier. He was laborious, clear-headed, and pro- foundly versed in the details of finance. Every government, therefore , found him an useful servant ; and there was nothing in his opinions or in his character which could prevent him from serving any government. "Sidney Godolphin," said Charles, "is never in the way, and never out of the way." This pointed remark goes far to explain Godolphin's extra- ordinary success in life. He acted at different times with both the great political parties : but he never shared in the passions of either. Like most men of cautious tempers and prosperous fortunes, he had a strong disposition to support whatever existed. He disliked revolutions; and, for the same reason for which he disliked revolutions, he disliked counterrevolutions. His deportment was remarkably grave and reserved: but his 252 HISTORY OP ENGLAND, CHAP, personal tastes were low and frivolous ; and most of the time which he could save from public business was spent in racing, card-playing, and cock-fighting. He now sate below Rochester at the board of Treasury, and distinguished himself there by assiduity and intelligence. Before the new Parliament was suffered to meet for des- pa-tch of business, a whole year elapsed, an eventful year, which has left lasting traces in our manners and language. Never before had political controversy been carried on with so much freedom. Never before had political clubs existed with so elaborate an organisation, or so formidable an in- fluence. The one question of the exclusion occupied the public mind. All the presses and pulpits of the realm took part in the conflict. On one side it was maintained that the constitution and religion of the State would never be secure under a Popish King ; on the other, that the right of James to wear the crown in his turn was derived from God, and could not be annulled, even by the consent of all the branches \ioiene« of the legislature. Every county, every town, every family, lions on was in agitation. The civilities and hospitalities of neigh- ject*ofth«bourhood were interrupted. The dearest ties of friendship Exclusion ^^j of blood were sundered. Even schoolboys were divided into angry parties; and the Duke of York and the Earl of Shaftesbury had zealous adherents on all the forms of West- minster and Eton. The theatres shook with the roar of the contending factions. Pope Joan was brought on the stage by the zealous Protestants. Pensioned poets filled their pro- logues and epilogues with eulogies on the King and the Duke. The malecontents besieged the throne with petitions, de- manding that Parliament might be forthwith convened. The loyalists sent up addresses, expressing the utmost abhorrence of all who presumed to dictate to the sovereign. The citizens of London assembled by tens of thousands to burn the Pope in effigy. The government posted cavalry at Temple Bar, UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 253 and placed ordnance round Whitehall. In that year our chap. tongue was enriched with two words, Mob and Sham, re- markable memorials of a season of tumult and imposture. * Opponents of the court were called Birminghams, Petitioners, and Exclusionists. Those who took the King's side were Antibirminghams, Abhorrers, and Tantivies. These appel- lations soon became obsolete : but at this time were first heard Names ot two nicknames which, though originally given in insult, were Tory. soon assumed with pride, which are still in daily use, which have spread as widely as the English race, and which will last as long as the English literature. It is a curious circum- stance that one of these nicknames was of Scotch, and the other of Irish, origin. Both in Scotland and in Ireland, mis- government had called into existence bands of desperate men whose ferocity was heightened by religious enthusiasm. In Scotland, some of the persecuted Covenanters, driven mad by oppression, had lately murdered the Primate, had taken arms against the government, had obtained some ad- vantages against the King's forces, and had not been put down till Monmouth, at the head of some troops from Eng- land, had routed them at Bothwell Bridge. These zealots were most numerous among the rustics of the western low- lands, who were vulgarly called Whigs. Thus the appella- tion of Whig was fastened on the Presbyterian zealots of Scot- land, and was transferred to those English politicians who showed a disposition to oppose the court, and to treat Pro- testant Nonconformists with indulgence. The bogs of Ire- land, at the same time, afforded a refuge to Popish outlaws, much resembling those who were afterwards known as Whiteboys. These men were then called Tories. The name of Tory was therefore given to Englishmen who refused to concur in excluding a Roman Catholic prince from the throne. • North's Examen , 231. 514. 254 niSTOKY OF England, CHAP. The rage of the hostile factions would have been suf- ficiently violent, if it had been left to itself. But it was stu- diously exasperated by the common enemy of both. Lewis still continued to bribe and llatter both court and opposition. He exhorted Charles to be firm: he exhorted James to raise a civil war in Scotland: he exhorted the Whigs not to flinch, and to rely with confidence on the protection of France. Through all this agitation a discerning eye might have perceived that the public opinion was gradually changing. The persecution of the Roman Catholics went on; but con- victions were no longer matters of course. A new brood of false witnesses, among whom a villain named Dangerfield was the most conspicuous, infested the courts : but the stories of these men, though better constructed than that of Gates, found less credit. Juries were no longer so easy of belief as during the panic which had followed the murder of Godfrey; and Judges who, while the popular frenzy was at the height, had been its most obsequious instruments, now ventured to express some part of what they had from tlie first thought. Meeting At length, in October 1080, the Parliament met. The men"uio Wliigs had so great a majority in the Commons thai the Ex- Exciusion gjugJQjj gm went through all its stages there without difficulty. ?:om-*"'* '^ '^^ ^^^^^ scarcely knew on what members of his own cabinet mons. lie could reckon. Hyde had been true to his Tory opinions, and had steadily supported the cause of hereditary monarchy. But Godolphin, anxious for quiet, and believing that quiet could be restored only by concession, wished the bill to pass. Sunderland, ever false and ever short-sighted, unable to discern the signs of approaching reaction, and anxious to conciliate the party which he believed to be irresistible, determined to vote against the court. The Duchess of Ports- mouth im})lored her royal lover not to rush headlong to destruction. If there were any point on which he had a scruple of conscience or of honour, it was the question of UNDER CHARLES THE SECOND. 255 the Buccesslon; but during some days it seemed that he woukl ^^\f^' submit. He wavered, asked what sum the Commons would give him if he yielded, and suffered a negotiation to be opened with the leading Whigs. But a deep mutual distrust which had been many years growing, and which had been carefully nursed by the arts of France , made a treaty im- possible. Neither side would place confidence in the other. The whole nation now looked with breathless anxiety to the House of Lords. The assemblage of peers was large. The King himself was present. The debate was long, earnest, and occasionally furious. Some hands were laid on the pom- mels of swords, in a manner which revived the recollection of the stormy Parliaments of Henry the Third and Richard the Second. Shaftesbury and Essex were joined by the Exclusion treacherous Sunderland. But the genius of Halifax bore fecteif'by down all opposition. Deserted by his most important col- "jeLord*. leagues, and opposed to a crowd of able antagonists, he de- fended the cause of the Duke of York, in a succession of speeches which, many years later, were remembered as masterpieces of reasoning, of wit, and of eloquence. It is seldom that oratory changes votes. Yet the attestation of contemporaries leaves no doubt that, on this occasion, votes were changed by the oratory of Halifax. The Bishops, true to their doctrines, supported the principle of hereditary right, and the bill was rejected by a great majority. * • A peer who was present has described the effect of Halifax's oratory In words which I will quote, because, though they have been long in print, they are probably known to few even of the most curious and dili- gent readers of history. "Of powerful eloquence and great parts were the Duke's enemies who did assert the bill; but a noble Lord appeared against it who, that day, in all the force of speech, in reason , in argnments of what could concern the public or the prirate interests of men, in honour, in conscience, ia estate, did outdo himself and every other man ; and in fine his conduct and his parts were both victorious, and by hira all the wit and malice of {bat parly was overthrown." This passage is taken from a memoir of Henry Earl of Peterborough, of Slaf. ford, 256 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP. The party which preponderated in tlie House of Commons, Eiecntioo bitterly mortified by this defeat, found some consolation in shedding the blood of Roman Catholics. William Howard, Viscount Stafford, one of the unhappy men who had been accused of a share in the plot, was brought before the bar of his peers; and on the testimony of Oates and of two other false witnesses, Dugdale and Turberville, was found guilty of high treason, and suffered death. But the circumstances of his trial and execution ought to have given an useful warning to the Whig leaders. A large and respectable minority of the House of Lords pronounced the prisoner not guilty. The multitude, which a few months before had received the dying declarations of Oates's victims with mockery and execrations, now loudly expressed a belief that Stafford was a murdered man. When he with his last breath protested his innocence, the cry was, "God bless you , my Lord ! We believe you , my Lord." A judicious observer might easily have predicted that the blood then shed would shortly have blood. Generji The King determined to try once more the experiment of a •f'lMK dissolution. A new Parliament was summoned to meet at Ox- ford, in March 1681. Since the days of the Plantagenets the Houses had constantly sate at Westminster, except when the plague was raging in the capital : but so extraordinaiy a con- juncture seemed to require extraordinary precautions. If the Parliament were held in its usual place of assembling, the House of Commons might declare itself permanent, and might call for aid on the magistrates and citizens of London. The trainbands might rise to defend Shaftesbury as they had risen forty years before to defend Pym and Hampden. The Guards in a volume entillod " Succinct Genealogies, by Robert Halslead," fol. 16S5. The name of ilalstead is fictitious. The real authors were the Karl of Peterborough himself and bl8 chaplain. The book is eitrcmely rare. Onlv twenty-four copie* were printed, two of which are now in