INAUGUEAL ADDRESS 
 
 DELIVERED TO THE 
 
 UNIVEESITY OF GLASGOW 
 
 November 19, 1873 
 
 BY THE 
 
 EIGHT HON. BENJAMIN DISEAELI, M.P. 
 
 LOUD HECTOR OF THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW 
 
 SE C O KD ED 1 TI O N 
 
 INCLUDING THE 
 
 OCCASIONAL SPEECHES AT GLASGOW 
 
 AUTHORISED EDITIOX, CORRECTED BY THE AUTHOR 
 
 LONDON 
 LONGMANS, GEEEN, AND CO. 
 
 1873 
 
LONDON* : PRINTED BY 
 
 SPOTTIS'VOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE 
 
 AND PARLIAMENT STREET 
 
D (\ 5 
 sl3 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 The Publishers having informed me that there 
 is a demand for the occasional Speeches made 
 by me during the recent visit to Glasgow, I avail 
 myself of the second edition of the ' Inaugural 
 Address ' to comply with their wish that they 
 should be added to it, D. 
 
 HuGIIENDEN : 
 
 December 4, 1873. 
 
INAUGURAL ADDRESS DELIVERED AT THE 
 COLLEGE OF GLASGOW, NOVEMBER 19, 1S73. 
 
 Mr. Principal, Professors, axd Students — 
 
 My first duty, and my deepest gratification, is to thank 
 you for the honour which jow conferred on me two 
 years ago. It is a high one. JSTo one can be insen- 
 sible to sympathy from the unknown, but the pleasure 
 is necessarily heightened when it is offered by the 
 educated and refined ; when that body is representa- 
 tive, and, above all, when it represents the youth of a 
 famous country. 
 
 My next duty, and one of which the fulfilment is 
 scarcely less gratifying, is to avail myself of the privi- 
 lege attendant on the office to which you have raised 
 me, and to offer you sOme observations either on the 
 course of your studies or the conduct of your lives, 
 which, if made by me, will be made without pretence 
 or presumption, quite satisfied if, when we are sepa- 
 rated, any chance remark of mine may recur to your 
 
 B 
 
2 Inaugural Address delivered to 
 
 memory, and lead you to not altogether unprofitable 
 meditation. 
 
 Were I to follow my own bent, I would dwell on 
 those delightful studies which occupy a considerable 
 portion of your time within your academic halls, studies 
 which, while they form your taste and strengthen your 
 intelligence, will prove to you in future years both a 
 guide and a consolation ; but when I recollect the 
 illustrious roll of those who have preceded me in this 
 office, and remember how fully and how recently many 
 of them have devoted their genius and their learning 
 to such an enterprise, I am inclined to think that the 
 field, though in my opinion inexhaustible, has been for 
 the present sufficiently cultivated, and that as you 
 are about to enter life at a period which promises, or 
 rather which threatens, to be momentous, it would 
 not be inappropriate were I to make some observa- 
 tions which may tend to assist you in your awaiting 
 trials. 
 
 He who would succeed in life, and obtain that posi- 
 tion to which his character and capacity entitle him, 
 has need of two kinds of knowledge. It would seem 
 at the first blush that self-knowledge were not very 
 difficult of attainment. If there be any subject on 
 which a person can arrive at accurate conclusions, it 
 should be his own disposition and his own talents. 
 But it is not so. The period of youth in this respect 
 is one of great doubt and difficulty. It is a period 
 
the University of Glasgow. 3 
 
 alike of false confidence and unreasonable distrust, of 
 perplexity, of despondency, and sometimes of despair. 
 It has been said by an eminent physician that there are 
 very few persons of either sex who have attained their 
 eighteenth year who have not contemplated withdrawing 
 from the world — withdrawing from that world which, 
 in fact, they have never entered. Doubtless, this mor- 
 bid feeling is occasioned in a great degree by a dread 
 of the unknown, but it is also much to be attributed 
 to, and it certainly is heightened by, an ignorance 
 of themselves. 
 
 How, then, is this self-knowledge to be acquired, 
 and where are we to obtain assistance in this quest ? 
 From the family circle? Its incompetency in this 
 respect is a proverb. Perception of character is always 
 a rare gift, but around the domestic hearth it is almost 
 unknown. Every one is acquainted with the erroneous 
 estimates of their offspring which have been made even 
 by illustrious parents. The silent, but perhaps pensive, 
 boy is looked upon as a dullard, while the flippancy of 
 youth in a commonplace character is interpreted into a 
 dangerous vivacity which may in time astonish, per- 
 haps even alarm, the world. A better criterion should 
 be found in the judgment of contemporaries who are 
 our equals. But the generous ardour of youth is not 
 favourable to critical discrimination. Its sympathy is 
 quick, it admires and applauds ; but it lavishes its 
 
 B 2 
 
4 Inaugural Address delivered to 
 
 applause and admiration on qualities which are often 
 not intrinsically important, and it always exaggerates. 
 And thus it is that the hero of school and of college 
 often disappoints expectation in after life. The 
 truth is, he has shown no deficiency in the qualities 
 which obtained him his early repute, but he has been 
 wanting in the capacity adapted to subsequent oppor- 
 tunities. 
 
 Some are of opinion that the surest judge of 
 youthful character must be the tutor. And there is a 
 passage in Isocrates on this head not without interest. 
 He was an accomplished instructor, and he tells us he 
 always studied to discover the bent of those who at- 
 tended his lectures. So, after due observation, he would 
 say to one, ' You are intended for action, and the camp 
 is the life which will become you ; ' to another ' You 
 should cultivate poetry ; ' a third was adapted to the 
 passionate exercitations of the Pnyx ; while a fourth 
 was clearly destined for the groves and porticoes of 
 philosophy. The early Jesuits, who were masters of 
 education, were accustomed to keep secret registers of 
 their observations on their pupils, and generations 
 afterwards, when these records were examined, it is 
 said the happy prescience of their remarks was 
 strikingly proved by the subsequent success of many 
 who had attained fame in arts and arms. But the 
 Jesuits, gentlemen, whatever they may be now, were 
 then very clever men ; and I must confess that I am 
 
the University of Glasgow. 5 
 
 doubtful whether the judgment of tutors in general 
 would be as infallible as that of Isocrates. 
 
 In the first place, a just perception of character is 
 always a rare gift. When possessed in a high degree 
 it is the quality which specially indicates the leader of 
 men. It is that which enables a General or a Minister 
 to select the fit instrument for the public purpose ; 
 without which all the preparations for a campaign, how- 
 ever costly and complete, may be fruitless, and all the 
 deliberations of councils and all the discussions of 
 Parliament prove mere dust and wind. Scholars and 
 philosophers are in general too much absorbed by 
 their own peculiar studies or pursuits to be skilled in 
 the discrimination of character, and if the aptitude of a 
 pupil is recognised by them, it is generally when he 
 has evinced a disposition to excel in some branch of 
 acquirement which has established their own celebrity. 
 
 No, gentlemen, I believe, after all, it will be found 
 that it is best and inevitable, in the pursuit of self- 
 knowledge, that we should depend on self-communion. 
 Unquestionably, where there is a strong predisposition, 
 it will assert itself in spite of all obstacles, but even here 
 only after an initiation of many errors and much self- 
 deception. One of the fruitful sources of that self- 
 deception is to be found in the susceptibility of the 
 youthful mind. The sympathy is so quick that we are 
 apt to transfer to our own persons the qualities which 
 we admire in others. If it be the age of a great poet, 
 
6 Inaugural Address delivered to 
 
 his numbers are for ever resounding in our ears, and 
 we sigh for his laurels ; if a military age, nothing will 
 content us but to be at the head of armies ; if an age 
 of oratory and politics, our spirit requires that we should 
 be leaders of parties and Ministers of State. In some 
 instances the predisposition may be true, but it is in 
 the nature of things that the instances must be rare. In 
 ninety-nine cases out of one hundred the feeling is not 
 idiosyncratic but mimetic, and we have mistaken a quick 
 sensibility for creative power. Then comes to a young 
 man the period of disappointment and despondency. 
 To publish poems which no one will read ; to make 
 speeches to which no one will listen ; after reveries of 
 leading armies and directing councils, to find yourself, 
 on your entrance into the business of life, incapable of 
 influencing the conduct of an ordinary individual, — all 
 this is bitter ; but all depends upon how the lesson is 
 received. A weak spirit will not survive this catastrophe 
 of his self-love. He will sink into chronic despondency, 
 and, without attempting to rally, he will pass through 
 life as a phantom, and be remembered, as an old man, 
 only by the golden promise of his deceptive youth. 
 But a man of sense will accept these consequences, how- 
 ever apparently mortifying, with courage and candour. 
 He will dive into his own intelligence, he will analyse 
 the circumstances of his failure, he will discriminate 
 how much was occasioned by indigenous deficiencies, 
 and how much may be attributed to external and 
 
 
the University of Glasgow. 7 
 
 fortuitous circumstances. And in this severe introspec- 
 tion lie may obtain that self-knowledge lie requires; 
 his failures may be the foundation of his ultimate suc- 
 cess, and in this moral and intellectual struggle he may 
 discover the true range of his powers, and the right bent 
 of his character and capacity. 
 
 So much, gentlemen, for self-knowledge, a subject 
 that for ages has furnished philosophers with treatises. 
 I do not pretend to be a philosopher, and I have 
 not offered you a treatise, but I have made some 
 remarks which are, at least, the result of my own 
 observation. 
 
 But assuming that von have at length attained this 
 indispensable self-knowledge, and that you have an 
 opportunity, in the pursuits of life, of following the 
 bent of your disposition, we come now to the second 
 and not less important condition of success in life : 
 have you that other kind of knowledge which is 
 required ? — do you comprehend the spirit of the age in 
 which your faculties are to be exercised ? Hitherto 
 you have been as explorers in a mountain district. 
 You have surveyed and examined valleys, you have 
 penetrated gorges, you have crossed many a ridge and 
 range, till at length, having overcome all obstacles, you 
 have reached the crest of the commanding height, and, 
 like the soldiers of Xenophon, you behold the sea. 
 But the sea that you behold is the Ocean of Life ! In 
 what vessels are you going to embark ? With what 
 
8 Inaugural Address delivered to 
 
 instruments are you furnished ? What is the port of 
 your destination ? 
 
 It is singular that though there is no lack of those who 
 will explain the past, and certainly no want of those who 
 will predict the future, when the present is concerned — 
 the present that we see and feel — our opinions about 
 it are in general bewildered and mistaken. And yet, 
 without this acquaintance with the spirit of the age in 
 which we live, whatever our culture and whatever our 
 opportunities, it is probable that our lives may prove a 
 blunder. When the young King of Macedon decided 
 that the time had arrived when Europe should invade 
 Asia, he recognised the spirit of his age. The revela- 
 tions of the weakness of the Great King, which had 
 been made during the immortal expedition of the 
 Ten Thousand, and still more during the campaigns of 
 Agesilaus, had gradually formed a public opinion which 
 Alexander dared to represent. When Caius Julius 
 perceived that the colossal empire formed by the Senate 
 and populace of Eome could not be sustained on the 
 municipal institutions of a single city, however illus- 
 trious, he understood the spirit of the age. Constantine 
 understood the spirit of his age when he recognised the 
 Sign under which he was resolved to conquer. I think 
 that Luther recognised the spirit of the age when he 
 nailed his Theses against Indulgences to the gates 
 of a Thuringian church. The great Princes of the 
 House of Tudor, and the statesmen they employed, 
 
the University of Glasgow. 9 
 
 were all persons who understood the spirit of their 
 age. 
 
 But it may be said, ' These are heroic instances. A 
 perception of the spirit of their age may be neccssaiy 
 to the success of princes and statesmen, but is not 
 needful, or equally needful, for those of lesser degree.' 
 I think there would be fallacy in this criticism, and 
 that the necessity of this knowledge pervades the whole 
 business of life. Take, for example, the choice of a 
 profession ; a knowledge of the spirit of the age may 
 save a young man from embracing a profession which 
 the spirit of the age dooms to become obsolete. It is 
 the same with the pursuits of commerce. This know- 
 ledge may guard a man from embarking his capital in 
 a decaying trade, or from forming connexions and even 
 establishments in countries from which the spirit of 
 the age is gradually diverting all commercial transac- 
 tions. I would say a knowledge of the spirit of the age 
 is necessary for every public man, and in a country like 
 ours, where the subject is called upon hourly to exer- 
 cise rights and to fulfil duties which, in however small 
 a degree, go to the aggregate of that general sentiment 
 which ultimately governs States, every one is a public 
 man, although he may not be a public character. 
 
 But it does not follow, because the spirit of the age 
 is perceived and recognised, it should be embraced and 
 followed, or even that success in life depends upon 
 adopting it. What I wished to impress upon you was 
 
10 Inaugural Address delivered to 
 
 that success in life depended on comprehending it. 
 The spirit of the age may be an unsound and injurious 
 spirit ; it may be the moral duty of a man, not only 
 not to defer to, but to resist it, and if it be unsound 
 and injurious, in so doing lie will not only fulfil his 
 duly, but he may accomplish his success in life. The 
 spirit of the age, for instance, was in favour of the 
 Crusades. They occasioned a horrible havoc of human 
 life ; they devastated Asia and exhausted Europe ; and, 
 in all probability, in acting in this instance according 
 to the spirit of the age, a man would have forfeited 
 his life, and certainly wasted his estate, with no further 
 satisfaction than having massacred some Jews and slain 
 some Saracens. 
 
 What then, gentlemen, is the spirit of the age in 
 which we ourselves live ; of that world which in a few 
 years, more or less, you will have all entered ; where 
 you are to establish yourselves in life ; where you have 
 to encounter in that object every conceivable difficulty; 
 perplexities of judgment, material obstacles, tests of all 
 your qualities, and searching trials of your character ; 
 and all these circumstances more or less affected by the 
 spirit of the age, an acquaintance with which will assist 
 you in forming your decisions and in guiding your 
 course ? 
 
 It appears to me that I should not greatly err were 
 I to describe the spirit of this age as the spirit of 
 equality ; but ' equality ' is a word of wide import, 
 
the University of Glasgow. 1 1 
 
 under which various schools of thought may assemble 
 and yet arrive at different and even contradictory con- 
 clusions. I hold that Civil equality — that is, equality 
 of all subjects before the law, and that a law which 
 recognises the personal rights of all subjects — is the 
 only foundation of a perfect commonwealth — one which 
 secures to all liberty, order, and justice. The prin- 
 ciple of Civil equality has long prevailed in this 
 kingdom. It has been applied during the last half- 
 century more finely and completely to the constantly and 
 largely varying circumstances of the country ; but it 
 had prevailed more or less in Britain for centuries, and 
 I attribute the patriotism of our population mainly to 
 this circumstance, and I believe that it has had more 
 to do with the security of the soil than those geo- 
 graphical attributes usually enlarged upon. 
 
 Another land, long our foe, but now our rival only 
 in the arts of peace, thought fit, at the end of the last 
 century, to reconstruct its social system, and to rebuild 
 it on the principle of Social equality. To effect this 
 object it was prepared to make, and it made, great 
 sacrifices. It subverted all the institutions of the 
 country : a Monarchy of 800 years whose traditionary 
 and systematic policy had created the kingdom ; a 
 National Church — for, though Eomanist, it had secured 
 its liberties ; a tenure of land which maintained • a 
 valiant nobility, that never can be restored ; it confis- 
 cated all endowments, and abolished all corporations ; 
 
12 Inaugural Address delivered to 
 
 erased from the map of the soil all the ancient divi- 
 sions, and changed the landmarks and very name of 
 the country. Indeed, it entirely effected its purpose, 
 which was to destroy all the existing social elements 
 and level the past to the dust. This experiment has 
 had lair play, and you can judge of its results by the 
 experience of eighty years. 
 
 It is not in Scotland that the name of France will 
 ever be mentioned without affection, and I will not 
 yield to any Scotchman in my appreciation of the bril- 
 liant qualities and the resplendent achievements of its 
 gifted people. We are not blind to their errors, but 
 their calamities are greater than their errors, and their 
 merits are greater than their calamities. When I heard 
 that their bright city was beleaguered, and that the 
 breach was in the wall, I confess I felt that pang which 
 I remember, as a child, I always experienced when I 
 read of Lysander entering the City of the Violet Crown. 
 But, gentlemen, I may on this occasion be permitted 
 to say that of all the many services which France has 
 rendered to Europe — Europe, that land of ancient 
 creeds and ancient Governments, and manners and 
 customs older than both — not the least precious is the 
 proof she has afforded to us that the principle of Social 
 equality is not one on which a nation can safely rely in 
 the hour of trial and in the day of danger. Then it is 
 found that there is no one to lead and nothing to rally 
 round. There is not a man in the country who can 
 
the University of Glasgow. ] 3 
 
 assemble fifty people. And rightly : since for an indi- 
 vidual to direct is an usurpation of the sovereignty of 
 the many. Those who ought to lead feel isolated, and 
 those who wish to obey know not to whom to proffer 
 their devotion. All personal influences are dead. All 
 depends on the Central Government, a sufficient power 
 in fair weather, but in stormy times generally that part 
 of the machine which first breaks. 
 
 Civil equality prevails in Britain, and Social equality 
 prevails in France. The essence of civil equality is to 
 abolish privilege ; the essence of social equality is to 
 destroy classes. If the principle of equality at the 
 present day assumed only these two forms, I do not 
 think there would be much to perplex you in your 
 choice, or in your judgment as to their respective 
 results. But that is not so. The equality which is 
 now sought by vast multitudes of men in many coun- 
 tries, which is enforced by writers not deficient in logic, 
 in eloquence, and even learning, scarcely deigns to 
 recognise civil equality, and treats social equality only 
 as an obsolete truth. No moral or metaphysical ele- 
 ments will satisfy them. They demand phj-sical and 
 material equality. This is the disturbing spirit which 
 is now rising like a moaning wind in Europe, and 
 which, when you enter the world, may possibly be a 
 raging storm. It may, therefore, be as well that your 
 attention should be called to its nature, and that you 
 may be led to consider its consequences. 
 
14 Inaugural Address delivered to 
 
 The leading principle of this new school is that 
 there is no happiness which is not material, and that 
 every living being has a right to a share in that 
 physical welfare. The first obstacle to their pur- 
 pose is found in the rights of private property. 
 Therefore, they must be abolished. But the social 
 system must be established on some principle ; and, 
 therefore, for the rights of property they would sub- 
 stitute the rights of labour. Now, the rights of labour 
 cannot be fully enjoyed if there be any limit to em- 
 ployment. The great limit to employment, to the 
 rights of labour, and to the physical and material 
 equality of man, is found in the division of the world 
 into states and nations. Thus, as civil equality would 
 abolish privilege, social equality would destroy classes ; 
 so material and physical equality strikes at the prin- 
 ciple of patriotism, and is prepared to abrogate coun- 
 tries. 
 
 Now I am addressing a race of men who are proud, 
 and justly proud, of their country. I know not that 
 the sentiment of patriotism beats in any breast more 
 strongly than in that of a Scotchman. Neither time 
 nor distance, I believe, enfeebles that passion. It is 
 as vehement on the banks of the Ganges as on the 
 banks of the Clyde, and in the speculative turmoil of 
 Melbourne as in the bustling energy of Glasgow. Why 
 is a Scotchman proud of his country ? Because the 
 remembrance of it awakes a tradition of heroic exploits 
 
the University of Glasgow. 1 5 
 
 and inspiring emotions; of sacrifices for its sake in the 
 field and on the scaffold ; of high examples of military 
 skill and civil prudence ; of literary and scientific fame ; 
 of commanding eloquence and profound philosophy, 
 and of fascinating poesy and romance ; all of which a 
 Scotchman feels ennoble his existence, and all of which 
 he is conscious have inevitably sprung from the cir- 
 cumstances of his native land. So that the very con- 
 figuration of the soil and the temper of the clime have 
 influenced his private virtues and his public life, as 
 they unquestionably have given a form and colour to 
 those works of creative genius which have gained the 
 sympathy and admiration of the world. 
 
 No, gentlemen, it is not true that the only real 
 happiness is physical happiness ; it is not true that 
 physical happiness is the highest happiness ; it is not 
 true that physical happiness is a principle on which 
 you can build up a flourishing and enduring common- 
 wealth. A civilised community must rest on a large 
 realised capital of thought and sentiment; there must 
 be a reserved fund of public morality to draw upon in the 
 exigencies of national life. Society has a soul as well as a 
 body. The traditions of a nation are part of its existence. 
 Its valour and its discipline, its religious faith, its ven- 
 erable laws, its science and erudition, its poetry, its art, 
 its eloquence and its scholarship, are as much portions 
 of its life as its agriculture, its commerce, and its 
 engineering skill. Nay, I would go further, I would 
 
lfi Inaugural Address delivered to 
 
 say that without these qualities material excellence 
 cannot be attained. 
 
 But, gentlemen, the new philosophy strikes further 
 than at the existence of patriotism Tt strikes at the 
 home ; it strikes at the individuality of man. It would 
 reduce civilised society to human flocks and herds. 
 That it may produce in your time much disturbance, 
 possibly much destruction, I pretend not to deny ; but 
 I must express my conviction that it will not ultimately 
 triumph. I hold that the main obstacles to its estab- 
 lishment are to be found in human nature itself. They 
 are both physical and moral. If it be true, as I believe, 
 that an aristocracy distinguished merely by wealth must 
 perish from satiety, so I hold it is equally true that a 
 people who recognise no higher aim than physical 
 enjoyment must become selfish and enervated. Under 
 such circumstances the supremacy of race, which is the 
 key of history, will assert itself. Some human progeny, 
 distinguished by their bodily vigour or their masculine 
 intelligence, or by both qualities, will assert their supe- 
 riority, and conquer a world which deserves to be en- 
 slaved. It will then be found that our boasted progress 
 has only been an advancement in a circle, and that our 
 new philosophy has brought us back to that old serf- 
 dom which it has taken ages to extirpate. 
 
 But the still more powerful — indeed, I hold the insur- 
 mountable — obstacle to the establishment of the new 
 opinions will be furnished by the essential elements of 
 
the University of Glasgow. 1 7 
 
 the human mind. Our idiosyncraev is not bounded by 
 the planet which we inhabit. We can investigate space 
 and we can comprehend eternity. No considerations 
 limited to this sphere have hitherto furnished the ex- 
 citement which man requires, or the sanctions for his 
 conduct which his nature imperatively demands. The 
 spiritual nature of man is stronger than Codes or Con- 
 stitutions. No Government can endure which does not 
 recognise that for its foundation, and no legislation last 
 which does not flow from this fountain. The principle 
 may develope itself in manifold forms — shape of main' 
 Creeds and many Churches ; but the principle is divine. 
 As time is divided into day and night, so religion rests 
 upon the providence of God and the responsibility of 
 man. One is manifest, the other mysterious ; but both 
 are facts. Nor is there, as some would teach you, 
 anything in these convictions which tends to contract 
 our intelligence or our sympathies. On the contrary, 
 religion invigorates the intellect and expands the heart. 
 He who has a due sense of his relations to God is best 
 qualified to fulfil his duties to man. A fine writer of 
 antiquity — perhaps the finest — has recorded in a beau- 
 tiful passage his belief in Divine Providence, and in 
 the necessity of universal toleration : — 
 
 'Eyw /lev oiir, cat tuvtci, kcic to ttuit at), 
 ^afTKOifj.' av ai'dpwTToiai urjvat'q.p Beavc ' 
 
 "Orw le fju) rod' IgtIv kv yrMfiyj (j>i\<i, 
 KfTror - 1 iicelra trropyirio, rayw race. 
 
18 Inaugural Address. 
 
 These lines were written, more than two thousand 
 
 years ago, by the most Attic of Athenian poets. In 
 the perplexities of life I have sometimes found in 
 them a solace and a satisfaction ; and I now deliver 
 them to yon, to guide your consciences and to guard 
 your lives. 
 
19 
 
 SPEECH AT THE BANQUET GIVEN BY THE CITY 
 OF GLASGOW TO THE LOUD RECTOR ON THE 
 SAME DAY. 
 
 Mr. Disraeli, who on rising to return thanks was 
 loudly cheered, said — 
 
 My Lord Provost and Gentlemen, — I must thank 
 you most cordially for the kind manner in which you 
 have received the toast which his Lordship has just 
 proposed, and for the courteous and munificent hos- 
 pitality you have extended to me, without any reference 
 to political opinion, as the Lord Provost has very pro- 
 perly intimated. 
 
 I have always thought it to be one of the happiest 
 circumstances of public life in England that we have 
 not permitted our political opinions to interfere with 
 our social enjoyments. I believe it is a character- 
 istic of the country ; at least, I am not aware that 
 it is shared by any other. For instance, if you are 
 on the Continent and wish to pay your respects to 
 
 c2 
 
20 Speech at the Banquet. 
 
 a Minister and go to his Reception, yon are invited by 
 the Minister. The consequence is yon find no one 
 there except those who follow him. It is not so in 
 England. I remember some years ngo meeting under 
 the charming roof of one of the most accomplished 
 women of the time the most celebrated diplomatist of 
 certainly this half century, and he said to me, ' What a 
 wonderful system of society you have in England ! I 
 have not been on speaking terms with Lord Falmerston 
 for three weeks, and yet here I am ; but you see I am 
 paying a visit to Lady Palmerston.' 
 
 It is unnecessary to dwell now on what may be 
 the causes that produce this happy state of society in 
 this country, which is essentially a political country, and 
 therefore the circumstance is more to be valued. At 
 the same time there is no doubt that by mixing together 
 with this freedom both parties become acquainted with 
 some political traits with which they might not other- 
 wise be conversant. I did not know until to-night, for 
 example, when we have heard it from a great authority, 
 that it was a leading principle of the Liberal party 
 not to give their opponents credit either for talents or 
 patriotism. I may have heard it before, but I thought 
 it must be the assertion of some malignant Tory. 
 What I wish to say for the Conservative party is 
 that it is not t lie principle which we adopt. We 
 all give our opponents credit for the greatest abilities 
 and the best intentions, although we may intimate our 
 
Speech (it the Banquet. 21 
 
 occasional regret that those abilities are misapplied, 
 and that, whatever may be their good intentions, 
 they meet that destiny which is proverbially provided 
 for that kind of article. 
 
 Gentlemen, I thank yon for the kindness with which 
 yon have received the intimation of the Lord Provost 
 with regard to my own political career. I would 
 not trouble you with touching on it further, but 
 after the allusion which has been made perhaps you 
 will permit me to say that it has been my fortune to be 
 the leader in the House of Commons of one of the 
 great parties of the State for twenty-five years, and 
 that there is no record, I believe, in the Parlia- 
 mentary history of the country of the duration of a 
 leadership equal to it. There have been in my time 
 two illustrious instances of the great parties being led 
 by most eminent men ; one was the instance of Sir 
 Robert Peel, who led the Tory party for eighteen 
 years, though unfortunately it twice broke asunder; 
 there was also the instance of one who is still spared 
 to us, and who, I hope, will be long spared to us, for 
 he is the pride of this country as he was the honour of 
 the House of Commoms — Lord John Kussell. He led 
 one of the great parties seventeen years, though at 
 last it slipped out of his hands. 
 
 Do not suppose I make these observations in any 
 vain spirit. The reason why I have been able to lead 
 any party for such a period, and under circumstances of 
 
2'2 Speech at the Banquet. 
 
 some difficulty and discouragement, is that the party with 
 which I am connected is really the most generous and the 
 most indulgent party that ever existed. I cannot help 
 smiling sometimes when I hear of those convenient inti- 
 mations given by those, who know all the secrets of the 
 political world, of the extreme anxiety of the Conserva- 
 tive party to get rid of my services. The fact is, the 
 Conservative party can get rid of my services when- 
 ever they give me any intimation that such is their 
 desire. All I can say is, whenever I have desired to 
 relieve them of it, they have only too kindly insisted 
 on my retaining the lead, and the only difference to me 
 has been that they were more indulgent and more 
 kind. I will not trespass on the rule of the evening 
 by making any further political allusion, but 1 hope 
 you will allow me to think that I was justified in 
 making these remarks. 
 
 Unfortunately the Lord Provost has touched on a 
 subject, with great kindness and even minuteness, 
 winch is one I cannot even allude to. I think that 
 an author who speaks about his own books is 
 almost as bad as a mother who talks about her own 
 children. You know what happens under those 
 circumstances. Everybody present soon gets wrapt in 
 abstraction — one looks at the ceiling, another at the 
 fire, one sighs, and another, perhaps, yawns. That is 
 the general result of the introduction of such a 
 topic, and I have always thought that a literary man 
 
Speech at the Banquet. 23 
 
 who talks of his own writings must bo put in tho 
 same category of boredom as the mother who dilates 
 on the qualities of her darlings. Allow me now to 
 express my surprise and delight that a rhapsody in 
 ' Vivian Grey,' written nearly fifty years ago, has re- 
 ceived the high honour, in one of the greatest cities 
 of the kingdom, of being introduced to your indul- 
 gence. Gentlemen, on this subject I will merely say 
 that, whatever the merits or demerits of my works, 
 they were at least the result of my own feelings and 
 my own observation. 
 
 Gentlemen, it is my fate, unfortunately, to pay a 
 visit to one of the greatest commercial communities, I 
 may say of the world, at a time when the commercial 
 world is a little agitated. I have always found in my 
 own experience that when the Bank rate of interest 
 was at a minimum of 9 per cent., or something of that 
 kind, my correspondence with Glasgow immensely in- 
 creased. Therefore, I will make one or two remarks 
 on that subject, because I must say that I cannot 
 myself give my adhesion to the alarm which some feel 
 at what some think a collapse in our commercial 
 prosperity. I cannot myself see any signs of such 
 declension ; and I would rather attribute the somewhat 
 startling results which have been recently witnessed 
 to other causes. 
 
 I do not observe myself that there are any symptoms 
 in Britain of reckless speculation, or any circumstances 
 
2 4 Speech at the Banquet. 
 
 which can justify the alarm which has lately prevailed 
 and the inconveniences which no doubt have been very 
 generally felt. I see that there is no reduction in 
 the returns of the railways or the wages of those 
 connected with them, and T have always found 
 that a very good sign as to the national prosperity and 
 the general state of trade. I do not find that there are 
 any dangerous commitments to foreign loans, which 
 are generally so abundant, but less at this moment 
 than usual, nor do I see any evidence of reckless 
 speculation of any kind. 
 
 No doubt our young relations on the other side of 
 the Atlantic — with that ardour which is characteristic 
 of youth — have been doing some things somewhat 
 improvident ; no doubt they have commenced many 
 undertakings without any capital whatever. We 
 may perhaps attribute this outburst of speculation 
 to the unexpected receipt of the ' Alabama ' money. 
 I have known young people, when they came into 
 a fortune unexpectedly, playing rigs of that kind, 
 and quite astonished at what it ends in. But the com- 
 mercial system of this country is now so vast and various 
 that, with the greatest respect for our Transatlantic 
 cousins — and no one has a greater respect and regard for 
 them than myself — I do not believe that the disorders 
 which have arisen there could have occasioned, or 
 were adequate to occasion, the disorders that have 
 occurred in our <nxu countrv with reference to the 
 
Speech at the Banquet 25 
 
 value of money. I attribute them to quite another 
 cause, and if I touch on that cause, which I shall 
 very briefly, I do it because I think the cause is not, 
 exhausted, and is deserving the grave attention of men 
 who are so deeply interested in the prosperity of the 
 country and the action of commerce as those I have 
 the pleasure of meeting to-d;iy. 
 
 I attribute the great monetary disturbance that has 
 occurred, and is now to a certain degree acting very 
 injuriously to trade — I attribute it to the great changes 
 which the Governments in Europe are making with 
 reference to their standard of value. You, of course, 
 are perfectly acquainted with all these circumstances 
 to which I allude. I attribute the present state of 
 affairs very much to a Commission that was sitting in 
 Paris at the time of the great Exhibition. That was 
 a Commission the object of which was to establish a 
 uniform coinage throuo;hout the world — a beautiful 
 idea of cosmopolitan philanthropy, which probably if 
 it could be fulfilled would do no great harm ; though I 
 think it would be difficult to attain. The Commission 
 of Paris never came to a definite recommendation on 
 this subject, but they did on another subject, and that 
 was that no time should be lost by any of the States 
 of Europe in taking steps to establish a uniform gold 
 standard of value. This, I know myself, arose from 
 an opinion extremely prevalent among the states- 
 men of Europe and among distinguished economists 
 
l^G Speech at the Banquet. 
 
 and merchants abroad, that the commercial pros 1 
 perity and preponderance of England were to be 
 attributed to her gold standard. Now, our gold 
 standard is, I think, an invaluable arrangement. I 
 think that any country which has a gold standard of 
 value should, to use a celebrated expression, think 
 once, twice, and thrice before it gives it up. But 
 it is the greatest delusion in the world to attri- 
 bute the commercial preponderance and prosperity of 
 England to our having a gold standard. Our gold 
 standard is not the cause of our commercial prosperity, 
 but the consequence of our commercial prosperity ; 
 and it is very well for us to have it : but you can- 
 not establish a gold standard by violent means. It 
 must arise gradually from the large transactions of the 
 country, and the consequent command it may have 
 over the precious metals. When the various States 
 of Europe suddenly determined to have a gold 
 standard, and took steps to carry it into effect, it 
 was quite evident we must prepare ourselves for con- 
 vulsions in the money-market, not occasioned by 
 speculation or any old cause, which has been alleged, 
 but by a new cause with which we are not yet suffi- 
 ciently acquainted, and the consequences of which are 
 very embarrassing ; and that is the reason I have taken 
 the opportunity of calling your attention to it. 
 
 Take the case of Germany. At this moment it is 
 most remarkable, when there has been such a want of a 
 
Speech at the Banquet. 27 
 
 gold standard in various parts of Europe, and even in 
 England, where the strain has been so great, Germany 
 has at this moment fifty millions sterling of gold coin 
 virtually locked up ; and it is locked up because it is the 
 object of Germany to substitute a gold coinage for a silver 
 coinage. While it has fifty millions value in gold coin- 
 age locked up, it has eighty or ninety millions of silver 
 circulating, and they know very well, if they were to 
 attempt to substitute violently the gold for the silver 
 coinage — fifty millions of gold against ninety millions of 
 silver — the consequence would be that the silver, 
 already reduced in value, would become reduced still 
 more, and the fifty millions of gold would all leave 
 Germany. The consequence is that Germany is taking 
 violent steps to get rid of this silver. The other day 
 Germany sent a large amount of silver to Calcutta, 
 and Germany could only by artificial means transmit 
 it. The result was for a considerable time you could 
 not buy a single bill on England. These are all 
 circumstances calculated to disturb the course of com- 
 merce and manufacturing arrangements. 
 
 Then, again, take the case of France and America, 
 which are floating on inconvertible paper ; but France has 
 also at this moment ninety millions sterling in silver 
 coin. What must be the position of France with all 
 her silver already depreciated, if Germany, to establish 
 a gold standard, forces her own silver into France? 
 France would be in a position of much embarrassment, 
 
28 Speech at the Banquet. 
 
 and would make violent efforts to establish as soon 
 as she can a gold coinage at any cost. Vast disturb- 
 ance and fluctuations must arise from such circum- 
 stances. I regret to treat matters of this kind at a 
 moment like this, because they require to be treated 
 with more precision of language and with greater 
 patience than either I or you can afford at this moment, 
 but it did appear to me a subject to which I ought to 
 call your attention. 
 
 You are commercial men, interested in the monetary 
 system of the world ; you ought to have your eye 
 carefully upon the efforts which are making to esta- 
 blish a gold standard of value in Germany, in France, 
 and, soon you will find, also in America. Legally, of 
 course, there is a gold standard in America, but 
 virtually there is not. Holland and all the Scandi- 
 navian States have also established a gold standard, 
 probably to protect themselves from a depreciated 
 currency ; and when countries inundated with silver 
 are trying to get rid of it, convulsions must come, 
 and no one would be able to form an adequate 
 idea of the monetary arrangements of the times 
 in which he lives if he omits from his considera- 
 tion the circumstances to which I have called your 
 attention. I have drawn your attention to it to- 
 day because you must know it is very difficult for 
 me to address you under the conditions in which 
 we meet. Munificent as is your hospitality, and 
 
Speech at the Banquet. UO 
 
 cordial as may he your reception, it would scarcely 
 do that our meeting to-day should be a mere inter- 
 change of compliments. To a certain degree that is 
 very agreeable ; one glass of liqueur is appropriate, 
 but none of you would like to dine off a bottle of 
 maraschino. A famous monarch, King Louis-Philippe, 
 once said to me that he attributed the great success 
 of the British nation in political life to their talking 
 politics after dinner. Gentlemen, unfortunately to-day 
 that is the only subject on which I may not enter, 
 and therefore I hope that will be some excuse if I 
 have touched on a question which is not a party 
 question. 
 
 Let me, however, before I sit down, thank you, 
 with my utmost heart, for the most cordial manner in 
 which you have received me in your great city. I 
 assure you the events of this day, both in the morning 
 and evening, will not be easily erased from my memory. 
 It is my first visit to your city. I think it is nearly 
 half a century since I first visited Scotland. I remember 
 it well, not only because I saw for the first time a 
 memorable country, but because I made the personal 
 acquaintance and became the guest of one of the 
 best and greatest of men, the Lord of Abbotsford. 
 lie was a friend of my father, and he received me 
 with that kindness which the illustrious do not, unfor- 
 tunately, always bestow on the young. I remember 
 walking with him in those neAv plantations of which he 
 
30 Speed) at the Banquet. 
 
 was so proud, by the banks of that River Tweed 
 which lie loved so well. He poured out all the 
 treasures of his fancy and his memory, all the fire and 
 music of his mind ; he took as much pains to interest 
 and entertain me as if, instead of being an unknown 
 youth, I had been the Lord Rector of a famous Uni- 
 versity. That was the good nature of the man, which 
 was as great as his genius. 
 
 How much has happened in those fifty years — a 
 period more remarkable than any, I will venture to 
 say, in the annals of mankind ? I am not thinking of 
 the rise and fall of empires, the change of dynasties, 
 the establishment of governments. I am thinking of 
 those revolutions of science, which have had much 
 more effect than any political causes ; which have 
 changed the position and prospects of mankind more 
 than all the conquests and all the codes, of all 
 the Conquerors and all the Legislators that ever 
 existed. In that time, gentlemen, you and } 7 our 
 society have not been idle. You have raised your town 
 to a position among the great cities of the world. Long 
 may you retain that position ; long may you retain 
 that energy which has rendered your Clyde as famous 
 as the Thames and the Seine ; long may your fac- 
 tories be full of creative life ; long may you ap- 
 propriate the metallic treasures of your teeming soil ; 
 long may your docks and harbours receive and fur- 
 nish navies. Under Divine Providence that prosperity 
 
Speech at the Banquet. 31 
 
 will remain if you retain your public spirit. That 
 depends upon your patriotism and your self-respect, 
 and those sentiments can never in the British isles assume 
 a more legitimate and fairer form than when they take 
 the shape of loyalty and freedom. Gentlemen, I drink 
 to your healths — all. 
 
32 Speech on receiving fhe 
 
 SPEECH ON RECEIVING THE FREEDOM OF THE 
 CITY OF GLASGOW, IN A GOLD BOX, NOV. 20, 
 1873, IN THE CITY HALL. 
 
 Mr. Disraeli, who was received with loud and pro- 
 longed cheering, said— 
 
 My Lord Provost and Gentlemen, — Notwithstand- 
 ing the kind and considerate terms in which the Lord 
 Provost has alluded to the public accidents of my 
 life, whether political or literary, and notwithstand- 
 ing the cordial manner in which you have received 
 those observations, I cannot for a moment permit any 
 feeling of personal vanity to misinterpret the cause why 
 I have received to-day this distinguished honour, be- 
 stowed in a manner which I cannot forget.. I feel that 
 it is owing to my connection with the University of 
 Glasgow. I feel that yon, the citizens of Glasgow, have, 
 wisely and well, taken the opportunity of express- 
 ing the entire sympathy which subsists between the 
 city and the University, and that you could do it in no 
 manner more agreeable to them at this moment, and 
 
Freedom of the City of Glasgow. 33 
 
 more convenient, than in honouring the individual 
 whom they have so much honoured. 
 
 Gentlemen, I look upon that connection between 
 the city and the University of Glasgow as a most 
 valuable one, and which should be ever cherished. 
 There is not any city connected with a University 
 which has not become illustrious. The mutual influence 
 of both institutions is most beneficial. On the one 
 hand, it softens the habits of those who are devoted to 
 the busy purposes of life ; while the contiguity of the 
 University to a great city like Glasgow infuses a know- 
 ledge of the world which those who are secluded in 
 cloisters cannot command. I am happy to remember 
 that this connection of affection between these two 
 great institutions has always prevailed. I have read, 
 at least certainly in works of the last century, that 
 there existed in this city an example of a commercial 
 and literary association, which may, perhaps, even now 
 survive, which was illustrious from its members, and in 
 which the merchants of Glasgow met names not second 
 to any in the roll of British worthies. Adam Smith, 
 known to the whole world as the highest authority on 
 one of the highest of subjects, celebrated men of 
 science, philosophers like the ingenious Eeid and 
 the illustrious Hutchinson, were members of that 
 association, and exercised their influence upon the 
 public mind and spirit of this community. Nor need 
 
 D 
 
34 Speech on receiving the 
 
 I remind you that the connection with the University 
 has not been wanting in material advantage to this 
 great city. The discoveries of philosophers in the 
 University have influenced most advantageously the 
 material fortunes of Glasgow. I need not allude 
 to the inventions of Black and others which you 
 have carried into practice, and which have given 
 such an impetus to your industrial life, but I may 
 perhaps be permitted to say, as Lord Eector of the 
 University, that it would be most delightful to me if I 
 could hear of some public acknowledgment on the 
 part of some distinguished citizen of Glasgow on that 
 subject, so that I might see the hall of our University 
 raised with becoming splendour from the ground which 
 is, unfortunately, now unoccupied. 
 
 I have observed that it is characteristic, a happy 
 characteristic, of the age in which we live that 
 men become their own executors, and I should be 
 delighted to hear of some munificent endowment 
 which would place our University in the position which 
 it deserves. I feel confidence in appealing to the 
 wealthy citizens of this opulent city, because it is, 
 after all, in cities that enlightenment looks for its 
 natural home ; it is here, it is in great cities, especially 
 those that have been intellectually influenced by the 
 existence of Universities, that we find letters and arts and 
 science flourish. The city, indeed, is the natural home 
 
Freedom of the City of Glasgow. 35 
 
 of civilization It is in cities that have been discovered 
 those inventions which have given an impulse to the edu- 
 cation of the human mind. Priests and princes may 
 have devised hieroglyphics and cuneiform writing, but 
 nobody will deny that the alphabet was invented by 
 merchants and manufacturers. Therefore, gentlemen, 
 I trust that my election to the great office to which 
 I have been raised may not be any impediment to 
 the natural flow of the dispositions of the citizens of 
 Glasgow, and that during the period that I may exercise 
 any influence over the conduct of the University it will 
 not be recorded as one in which it made no advance in 
 its material fortunes. 
 
 Now, my Lord Provost and gentlemen, let me offer 
 you my thanks for the distinction which you have con- 
 ferred on me to-day. There is nothing which animates 
 public men more than the prospect that they may 
 obtain the sympathy and respect of their fellow citizens 
 It is acts like these and scenes like these that sustain 
 men in the turmoil and struggle of public life. Here 
 we meet that approbation which is the great meed 
 of public efforts ; to live in the affections and 
 afterwards in the memory of our fellow subjects is 
 what every man looks to as the chief object of his 
 career. I shall not forget the new position which 
 I have occupied this day. I shall show at all 
 times, not only that I am proud of the distinction 
 
 D 2 
 
36 Speech on receiving Freedom of City of Glasgow. 
 
 which you have conferred upon me, but that I am 
 faithful to the duties which it entails, and if ever the 
 rights and interests of the city of Glasgow are invaded 
 or imperilled there will be at least, I assure you, one 
 Burgess on whose efforts to maintain them you need 
 not fail to rely. 
 
37 
 
 REPLY TO THE ADDRESS OF THE SHORT TIME 
 COMMITTEE OF SCOTCH OPERATIVES, NOV. 
 23, 1873. 
 
 Mr. Disraeli said — 
 
 Gentlemen, — I remember my support of the Ten 
 Horns Bill as one of the most satisfactory incidents of 
 my life, and therefore I need not say that I sympathize 
 generally with your views. That measure was opposed 
 by persons of great influence and by many parties 
 in the State, and at one time it seemed impossible that 
 it could have succeeded, because then neither of the 
 two great parties avowedly upheld it. Bat as time ad- 
 vanced it was successful in its progress, and I am glad 
 to say that those with whom I act generally in public 
 life uniformly and unanimously upheld it ; and they 
 have been repaid for the great effort which they 
 made — because it was not made without sacrifice — 
 by the results. It has tended to the elevation of 
 the working classes of this country. That elevation 
 depends upon two causes. If their wages rise and 
 
38 Reply to the Short Time 
 
 their hours of labour diminish they are placed in a 
 most favourable position ; and if they do not avail 
 themselves of the position they only prove that they 
 are unworthy of it. 
 
 With regard to the first point, involving financial 
 considerations — I refer to wages — no legislation can 
 interfere. The rate of wages must be left to those 
 inexorable rules of political economy to which 
 we must all bow. They depend on demand and 
 supply ; but when you come to the hours of labour you 
 then enter into social considerations, and in these the 
 Legislature can interfere, and, if we use discretion and 
 wisdom, no doubt to the advantage of the country and 
 the working classes. 
 
 With regard to the particular point brought 
 before me, it is not for the first time. Two years 
 ago, in the centre of British industry, the great 
 county of Lancaster, the glory of England, I received 
 many communications and many deputations on the 
 subject. I said at that time that it was unnecessary for 
 me to state that I was favourable to the general policy, 
 but as regarded the details of their particular proposal 
 I requested that I should have confidence placed in 
 me by the working classes ; that they would allow 
 me to consider its details when brought before Par- 
 liament in the shape of a practical measure, and 
 that I could not pledge myself beyond a general 
 sympathy with their cause. Since that time I have 
 
Committee of Scotch Operative*. 39 
 
 omitted no opportunity of making myself acquainted 
 with the details of the subject brought before 
 me to-day. I have communicated with great em- 
 ployers of labour. I have received from them much 
 information, and I have made myself acquainted 
 with their views, and all I ean say now is that the 
 result of my deliberations and of my researches is 
 favourable to the views which you uphold ; but I 
 reserve to myself the right, for your interests as 
 much as my own, to take care that whenever this 
 subject is discussed I should be considered perfectly 
 free. 
 
 I should be opposed to any change in which the 
 general sympathies of the employers were not with 
 the employed. I believe, myself, that with dispas- 
 sionate discussion, and with those inquiries proceed- 
 ing in an impartial spirit to which I have referred, 
 the result would be that there would be very little 
 difference of opinion between the working classes 
 generally and their employers ; but I should desire 
 that in making any alterations of this kind there 
 should be a general concurrence of sentiment. I 
 only wish to make one reference to an observation 
 made by one member of this deputation, that I should 
 subserve the interests of the Conservative party by 
 carrying out the views which you have expressed. 
 That member of the deputation may rest assured that 
 in upholding these views I am not guided by the 
 
40 Reply to the Short Time 
 
 interests of any party. My views on this subject 
 were formed long before I was in the responsible 
 position I have the honour to hold as the leader of a 
 party. My opinions have never changed. And it 
 is to me a subject of gratification that the large 
 majority of those with whom I act in public life 
 have the same opinion on this subject as myself. 
 But I could not for a moment consider this question 
 with reference to the interest of a political party. 
 
 I believe it is for the welfare of the country that 
 the working classes should rise, as I think they are 
 rising, in social and political consideration. I have 
 confidence in the working classes. I do not know 
 any other order of men which is so interested in 
 maintaining the glory and greatness of this country. 
 I have long been of opinion that if that state of things 
 is brought about which seems fast approaching, when, 
 with the increased remuneration for their toil which 
 they now possess, they have reasonable diminution of 
 their labour, nobody will be placed in a more happy 
 position than the intelligent and educated working 
 classes of this country. 
 
 It is only by labour and constant employment that 
 life really is endurable. It is delightful with constant 
 occupation — without it, it is intolerable. Your life is a 
 life of happiness so long as your labour is not so 
 excessive that you cannot cultivate your intelligence, 
 while you enjoy those recreations of existence which 
 
Committee of Scotch Operatives. 41 
 
 the working classes to a great degree at present 
 enjoy, and which fifty years ago they did not pos- 
 sess. ^ In answer to your address to-day, I do not 
 wish to pledge myself in any detail to what you 
 request, but I am sure your own reflection will 
 convince you from my past conduct that when the 
 subject is brought before the Legislature, I shall 
 take that course which I think best for the interests of 
 the country and for your advantage. 
 
42 Speech to the 
 
 SPEECH, IN THE CITY HALL, ON RECEIVING 
 AN- ADDRESS OF CONFIDENCE FROM THE 
 CONSERVATIVE ASSOCIATION OF GLASGOW, 
 NOVEMBER 22, 1S73. 
 
 Mk. Disraeli, on rising to address the meeting, was 
 received with the most enthusiastic cheers. He said — 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, — I am not using 
 merely conventional language when I express to you 
 the high honour that I feel in receiving this address 
 from the Conservative Association of Glasgow. The 
 gratification is increased by the chair being filled 
 this day by one who was formerly a colleague of mine 
 in Parliament, and whom, with others around me, I 
 learnt to respect, and more than respect, for he gained 
 the heart of the House of Commons while he sat there. 
 
 Gentlemen, I will not conceal from you, and, 
 indeed, many and most of you know it, that when it 
 was first suggested to me to receive this distinction, 
 and to meet you here, after great reflection, I felt it 
 my duty — though with pain — to refuse the honour 
 
Conservative Association of Glasgow. 43 
 
 which was intended for me. I did so, because I 
 thought that, upon the whole, as my visit to Glasgow 
 was an academic and neutral visit, it would be better 
 that nothing should occur that might in any way make 
 an exception to that general sentiment of respect which 
 it is my pride and pleasure to say I have received 
 from all classes and all parties in this city. And 
 I must take this opportunity, as it may be the last I 
 shall have, without reference to any political opinions, 
 of expressing to the citizens of Glasgow my lively 
 sense of the kind and considerate manner in which 
 they have received me, and I must say the too great 
 indulgence even of those who do not generally agree 
 with me in political opinion. 
 
 But, Gentlemen, when I had been here some little 
 time it was represented to me by those who spoke for 
 a large body of my fellow countrymen that it seemed 
 very hard upon them who, from their pursuits and 
 other reasons, could take no part in august academical 
 functions, or in the splendour of civic banquets, that, 
 feeling deeply as they did on political subjects, one 
 whom, however unworthy he may be of their con- 
 fidence, they still regard as their chief, should be resi- 
 dent for nearly a week in this great city, in communica- 
 tion, apparently, with all but his humbler friends, who 
 perhaps looked on him with not less confidence and 
 affection. And I confess to you that although it had 
 been my original hope that not a word should haw 
 
44 Speech to the 
 
 fallen from these lips during my visit to Glasgow which 
 should have been discordant to any individual in the 
 city, I could not resist this appeal. It did appear 
 to me to be so unfair, I would say so unkind and 
 ungenerous, that I assented, after due consideration, 
 to receive this address and meet you as we meet to- 
 day, on terms which will permit me to make some 
 observations to you on the present state of public 
 affairs. 
 
 And I will here say, that there may be no mis- 
 understanding with reference to some paragraphs I 
 have seen in the public papers, that I never was asked 
 and never assented to meet any separate body par- 
 ticularly styled ' Conservative Working Men.' I have 
 never been myself at all favourable to a system which 
 would induce Conservatives who are working men to 
 form societies confined merely to their class. In the 
 church and at the polling-booth all are equal. All 
 that concerns Conservative working men and interests 
 them concerns and interests the great body of Con^ 
 servatives of whom they form a portion. Therefore, 
 it is to the Conservative Association I see before me, 
 of whom a very considerable majority consists of 
 working men — it is to that Association that I address 
 myself. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, — I believe I may 
 describe the position of this country as one of great 
 prosperity, There is no doubt that during the 
 
Conservative Association of Glasgow. 45 
 
 last three years that prosperity has been generally 
 acknowledged. There are some who suppose that it 
 may have now received a check. If it has received a 
 check it will increase, I hope, our circumspection, but 
 I must express my own opinion that no substantial 
 diminution in the sources of the prosperity so appa- 
 rent during the last three years has occurred. I think 
 we may fairly say the state of this country is one of 
 great prosperity, and although I believe and know that 
 it is a prosperity for which we are not indebted either 
 to Wings or Tories, although I know that it has been 
 occasioned in a considerable degree, under Providence, 
 by fortuitous though felicitous circumstances, I am 
 perfectly ready, speaking to-day, as I hope to speak, ' 
 in the fairest terms on public affairs, which I believe to 
 be quite consistent with the position of the leader of a 
 party — I am ready to give to Her Majesty's Govern- 
 ment credit for the prosperity we feel and acknow- 
 ledge. 
 
 With regard to Her Majesty's Ministers themselves, 
 I will be equally candid, equally fair — I will take them 
 at their own estimate. They have lost few opportu- 
 nities of informing the country that they are men dis- 
 tinguished for commanding talent, admirable eloquence 
 and transcendent administrative abilities. I dispute 
 none of these propositions any more than I do the pro- 
 sperity of the country. They also tell us that the country 
 being so prosperous, and they having all these personal 
 
46 Speech to the 
 
 ; id vantages, they have taken the opportunity during 
 the last few years of passing measures of immense mag- 
 nitude, only equalled by the benefit they have con- 
 ferred upon the people. 
 
 Now, gentlemen, I will not question their own 
 estimate of their ability, or even for a moment their 
 own description of their achievements ; but I ask this 
 question, — What is the reason, when the country is so 
 prosperous, when its affairs are administered by so 
 gifted a Government, and when they have suc- 
 ceeded during five j 7 ears in passing measures so 
 vast and beneficent — what is the reason that Her 
 Majesty's Ministers are going about regretting that 
 they are so unpopular? Now, gentlemen, I beg you 
 to observe that I did not say Her Majesty's Ministers 
 are unpopular. It is they who say so. I stated their 
 own case and their own position ; I say that, 
 under the circumstances I have put fairly before you, 
 it is a remarkable circumstance, and the question must 
 be inquired into — why persons in the position of Her 
 Majesty's Government should on every occasion deplore 
 the unpopularity they have incurred. 
 
 Now my opinion, gentlemen, is that that is not 
 a question of mere curiosity — it is one that, as I 
 think I shall show you, concerns the honour and 
 the interests of the country. If the country is so 
 prosperous — if Her Majesty's Ministers are so gifted — 
 if they have had such an ample opportunity of show- 
 
Conservative Association of Glasgow. 47 
 
 ing the talents which they possess — if they have done 
 all this good — if they have availed themselves of this 
 signal opportunity to effect such great results, then the 
 only inference we can draw from the unpopularity 
 which they themselves deplore is that the people of 
 this country is a fickle and ungrateful people. There- 
 fore it is not a question of mere curiosity. It is a 
 question that ought to be answered. 
 
 If there be those who suppose that the people of 
 this country, as I hold, is not a fickle or ungrateful 
 people — that they are a people who may be mistaken — 
 that may be misled, but that they are a people who, 
 on the whole, are steadfast in their convictions, and 
 especially in their political convictions, then this ques- 
 tion, if left unanswered, as Her Majesty's Ministers 
 have placed the circumstances before the country, is a 
 slur on the character of the people of this kingdom. 
 I say it ought to be answered ; and a short time 
 since — some two months ago — I answered it. 
 
 It appeared to me, at that moment especially, 
 when Her Majesty's Government, by their ablest and 
 most powerful representatives, were deploring their 
 unpopularity, and asking the reason why, or rather 
 intimating by inference that it was the fault of the 
 people, not of the Government, that some one should 
 give an answer to that question. I gave it, and in a 
 very brief form — in the most condensed and the 
 most severely accurate form. There is not an 
 
48 Speech to the 
 
 expression in that description of the conduct of the 
 Government which was not well weighed ; there is not 
 a word for which I had not warranty, and for which 
 I could not adduce testimony ample and abound- 
 ing. There was only one characteristic of that 
 description which was not noticed at the time, and 
 which I will now confess — it was not original, for 
 six months before, in the House of Commons, I had 
 used the same expressions and made the same state- 
 ment — not in a hole or corner, but on the most 
 memorable night of the Session, when there were six 
 hundred members of the House of Commons present, 
 when on the debate then taking place avowedly the 
 fate of the Ministry depended. 
 
 It was at midnight that I rose to speak, and made 
 the statement almost similar in expression, though per- 
 haps stronger and more lengthened than the one which 
 has become the cause of recent controversy. The 
 Prime Minister followed me in that debate. The 
 House of Commons knew what was depending upon 
 the verdict about to be taken, and with all that 
 knowledge they came to a division, and by a ma- 
 jority terminated the existence of the Government. 
 Gentlemen, it surprises me, then, that having repeated 
 that statement six months after, with the advantage of 
 six months' more experience and observation, it should 
 have so much offended Her Majesty's Government. The 
 Ministers sighed and their newspapers screamed. The 
 
Conservative Association of Glasgow. 49 
 
 question I have to ask, and in this your interests are 
 vitally concerned — the question is, was the statement 
 I made a true and accurate one ? * 
 
 You cannot answer statements of this kind by saying 
 ' Oh, fie ! how very rude.' You must at least adduce 
 arguments in order to prove that the statement which 
 you do not sanction is one that ought not to have been 
 made. And therefore I ask you to-day, in the first 
 place, is it or is it not true that the Irish Church has 
 been despoiled? Is it or is it not true that the gentle- 
 men of Ireland have been severely amerced ? Is it or 
 is it not true that a Royal Commission has been issued 
 which has dealt with the ancient endowments of this 
 country in so ruthless a manner that Parliament has 
 frequently been called upon to interfere, and has ad- 
 dressed the Crown to arrest their propositions ? Are 
 these facts or are they not ? 
 
 Well, I did then venture to say that the Ministers 
 had 'harassed trades and worried professions,' as reasons 
 why men naturally become unpopular. Was that true 
 or was it not ? Because, after all, everything depends 
 on the facts of the statement. I will not enter 
 into a long catalogue of trades, commencing with the 
 important trade of which we have heard so much, and 
 which has made itself felt at so many elections, down 
 to the humblest trade — the lucifer match makers 
 who fell upon their knees in Palace-yard. I sup- 
 
 E 
 
50 Speech to the 
 
 pose there are some Scotch farmers present, or, at 
 least, those who are intimately connected with them. 
 I want* to know whether their trade was harassed 
 when a proposition was brought before the House of 
 Commons to tax their carts and horses, and all the 
 machinery of their cultivation ? I know how the pro- 
 position was received in England, and I doubt not 
 the Scotch farmers, like the English, felt extremely 
 harassed by it. I want to know what is the reason why 
 there is this crusade throughout the country against 
 Schedule D of the Income Tax. The Income Tax 
 has been borne for 30 years with great self-sacrifice, 
 and endured with great loyalty by the people of this 
 country. It is at this moment at the lowest pitch it 
 ever reached ; how is it, then, that it is at this moment 
 more unpopular than it was at any time during the long 
 period we endured it, and at a much higher figure ? It 
 is on account of the assessment of the trades of England 
 under that schedule. It is the vexatious and severe 
 assessment that has harassed all trades under that 
 Act, who are not particularly pleased when, after 
 paying five quarters of Income Tax in one year, they 
 learn also that they are in arrears. 
 
 Then, have the professions been worried ? Is it not 
 true that at this moment a Eoyal Commission is examin- 
 ing in London into the grievances of six thousand 
 officers ? Ask the Naval profession whether they have 
 
Conservative Association of Glasgow. 51 
 
 not been worried. During the course of the present 
 Government the whole administrative system of the 
 Admiralty, the Council that had always a wise and vast 
 influence in the management of the Navy, and the pecu- 
 liar and important office of the Secretary, were all swept 
 away ; and in spite, I may say, of the nightly warnings 
 of a right lion, friend of mine now lost to us all and his 
 country, the ablest Minister of the Admiralty during 
 the present reign — notwithstanding his nightly warnings 
 that they were so conducting the administration of the 
 Navy that they would probably fall into some disaster. 
 His remonstrances were in vain, and it was not till the 
 most costly vessel of the State foundered, and the peril- 
 ous voyage of the ' Mega?ra' had been made, that the 
 country resolved to stand it no longer, they rescinded 
 the whole of this worrying arrangement, and appointed 
 a new First Lord to re-establish the old system. Is 
 that worrying a profession, or is it not? 
 
 Well, gentlemen, I can speak of another profession 
 — a profession not the least considerable in the State — 
 the Civil Service profession. Has it been worried or 
 is it now in a process of worrying, or is it not? 
 There are many even in this room well acquainted 
 witli the Civil Service in all its departments. Let 
 them decide. I might say the same of the legal pro- 
 fession, for I have heard the lawyers on both sides of 
 the House in the debates of last Session agree in im- 
 
 k2 
 
52 Speech to the 
 
 ploring the Government not to continue propositions 
 which would infallibly weaken the administration of 
 justice in this country. But with professions and trades 
 it is not merely those directly attacked, but it is every 
 one that is harassed and worried, because no one knows 
 whose turn will come next. 
 
 Well, I did say to the House of Commons, and 
 I afterwards expressed it in another form — I said 
 the Ministers had attacked every class and institution, 
 from the highest to the lowest in the country. Is 
 that true or is it not? Is it not a fact that Her 
 Majesty's Government on every occasion of which they 
 could avail themselves during the last three years 
 attacked the House of Lords — scoffed at the existence 
 of its high functions, and even defied its decisions, until 
 the result proved that the House of Lords was ex- 
 tremely popular in the country, and Her Majesty's 
 Government were obliged themselves to confess that 
 they were exceedingly unpopular. But you must also 
 remember this, — that the same body of men who 
 thus attacked the House of Lords also brought in a bill 
 winch attacked the poor inheritance of the widow and 
 the orphan. 
 
 Now, I think I have shown that from the highest 
 to the lowest the same system prevailed. What oc- 
 curred in the interval ? The Churches of England and 
 Scotland have been threatened. It has been publicly 
 stated by the highest authority in the House of Commons 
 
Conservative Association of Glasgow. 53 
 
 that he did not believe that the present House of Com 
 mons would sanction the views of those who wished to 
 pull down these venerable establishments, but he recom- 
 mended them to agitate out of doors and endeavour to 
 excite public opinion against them. 
 
 Then, again, I said jobs were perpetrated that out- 
 raged public opinion. Is that true, or is it not ? Is it 
 not the fact that two years ago public opinion was 
 outraged by persons being appointed to important 
 offices in Church and State in direct violation of the 
 language of Acts of Parliament? — that a dispensing 
 power in that respect was exercised by the Minister, 
 that dispensing power which forfeited the crown of 
 James II. Was not public indignation roused to the 
 highest pitch upon the Collier appointment ? Were 
 these acts perpetrated or not, and did they outrage 
 public opinion ? Every one knows that public opinion 
 was outraged. 
 
 I have said, also, that they stumbled into errors 
 which were always discreditable and sometimes ruinous. 
 That was called violent language. Gentlemen, I 
 never use violent language. Violent language is gene- 
 rally weak language ; but I hope my language is 
 sometimes strong. Now, let us look at this statement. 
 I said that they stumbled into errors which were 
 always discreditable and sometimes ruinous ? Was 
 the Zanzibar contract an 'error,' and was it not 
 * discreditable ? ' Was the conduct of the Treasury 
 
54 Speech to the 
 
 in allowing a subordinate officer to misappropriate 
 nearly a million of the public money an ' error,' and 
 was it not ' discreditable ? ' When the Government 
 had referred the Alabama Claims to the arbitrament 
 of a third State, was not the chance of the Law of 
 Nations by the Three Kules an ' error,' and was that 
 not ' discreditable ? ' And besides being ' discreditable,' 
 was it not ruinous ? 
 
 Now, I have given an answer to the question why 
 the Government, with transcendent abilities, as they 
 tell us, with magnificent exploits which they are 
 always extolling, and with a country whose pros- 
 perity is so palpable, are unpopular. I tell them 
 why. They have harassed and worried the country, 
 and there was no necessity for any of the acts they 
 have committed. I have put it in condensed and, 
 I am sure, accurate language. There was a celebrated 
 writer, one of the greatest masters of our language, 
 who wrote the history of the last four years of the 
 reign of Queen Anne, which was the duration of 
 an illustrious Ministry. I have written the history 
 of a Ministry that has lasted five years, and I 
 have immortalized the spirit of their policy in five 
 lines. 
 
 And now, gentlemen, I will tell you what is the unfor- 
 tunatecause of this political embarrassment. Why, with 
 such favourable circumstances as the present Govern- 
 ment have experienced; why with the great ability which 
 
( \>n.*ervdtire Association of Glasgow. 55 
 
 no man is more aware that they possess than myself; 
 why, with the most anxious and earnest desire for which 
 I give them entire credit to do their duty to their Sove- 
 reign and their fellow countrymen, the result has been 
 so mortifying. I told it two years ago to the assembled 
 county of Lancaster, when I met not only the greatest 
 proprietors of its soil, but deputations and delegations 
 of its choicest citizens from every town and city of that 
 great county. I told them, speaking with the sense of the 
 deepest responsibility, which I trust also animates me 
 now — I told them that the cause was, that this Govern- 
 ment, unfortunately, in its beginning had been founded 
 on a principle of violence, and that fatal principle 
 had necessarily vitiated their whole course. 
 
 And what have we gained by that principle of 
 violence ? Let us consider it, here even, with imparti- 
 ality and perfect candour. I am now referring to the 
 Irish policy of the Ministry. I say it is quite possible 
 for public men, with the view of obtaining some great 
 object advantageous to the country, to devise and pass 
 measures which may utterly fail in accomplishing their 
 purpose ; and yet, however mortifying to themselves, 
 however disappointing to the country, there would be 
 no stain upon their reputation. We cannot command, 
 but we must endeavour in public life to deserve, success. 
 If, therefore, it is said that the Government pro- 
 posed the large measures which they did with 
 respect to Ireland in order to terminate the grievances 
 
56 Speech to the 
 
 of years and the embarrassment to England — which 
 the state of Ireland certainly was — although they may 
 have failed, their position was one which still might be 
 a position of respect. That they have failed in this 
 instance no one can doubt. A great portion of Ireland 
 at this moment is in a state of veiled rebellion. 
 
 But what I charge upon the Government is this, not 
 that their measureshave failed — for all measures may fail 
 — not that their measures failed to prevent or to suppress 
 this veiled rebellion in Ireland, but that the measures, 
 which they brought forward to appease and settle, to 
 tranquillize and consolidate Ireland, are the very cause 
 that this veiled rebellion has occurred. 
 
 For, gentlemen, what was the principle upon which 
 the whole of their policy with respect to Ireland was 
 founded ? What was the principle upon which they in- 
 duced Parliament to confiscate and to despoil the Church 
 | and private property in Ireland ? It was that Ireland 
 must be governed on Irish principles — the adminis- 
 
 (tration of Ireland must be carried on with re- 
 ference to Irish feeling. If that is a sound principle 
 and a sound sentiment in politics, it is a perfect vindi- 
 cation of what is occurring in the city of Dublin 
 at this moment — viz. an assembly of men whose 
 avowed object is to dissever the connection between 
 the two countries. If we are not to legislate 
 for Ireland with reference to Imperial feelings and 
 general and national interests — if we are only to legis- 
 
Conservative Association of Glasgow. 57 
 
 late with reference to Irish feelings, it is perfectly- 
 evident that if a majority of the Irish people 
 take any idea in the world into their heads, 
 however ruinous to themselves, and however fatal to 
 the Empire, that policy must be recognized by 
 this country. It is, therefore, to the principle 
 avowedly, ostentatiously, brought forward by the 
 Ministry as the basis of their Irish policy that I trace 
 the dangerous condition in which Ireland is placed. 
 Well, then, I say this policy of violence, for which 
 such sacrifices were made, for which institutions 
 and interests which were at least faithful to Britain 
 were sacrificed — this policy of violence has led only to 
 a state of affairs, unfortunately, more unsatisfactory 
 than that which prevailed before. 
 
 Now, gentlemen, I observe in the papers that the 
 day is fixed for the re-assembling of Parliament. The 
 time is not yet very near, but when you find Her 
 Majesty has appointed the day for our re-assembling, 
 it is an intimation that we must begin to consider the 
 public business a little, and, therefore, it is not alto- 
 gether inconvenient that we should be talking upon 
 these matters to-day. Now, when we meet Parliament 
 I apprehend the first business that will be brought 
 before us will be the Ashantee war. Upon that 
 subject my mouth is closed. I will not even make 
 an observation upon the railway, which I believe 
 has been returned to England. Whenever this 
 
58 Speech to the 
 
 country is externally involved in a difficulty, what- 
 ever I may think of its cause or origin, those with 
 whom I act, and myself, have no other duty to fulfil 
 but to support the existing Government in extricating 
 the country from its difficulties, and vindicating the 
 honour and interests of Great Britain. The time 
 will come, gentlemen, no doubt, when we shall 
 know something of the secret history of that mysterious 
 mess of the Ashantee war ; but we have now but one 
 duty to fulfil, which is to give every assistance to the 
 Government in order that they may take those steps 
 which the interests of the country require. 
 
 I should, indeed, myself, from my own individual 
 experience, be most careful not to follow the example 
 which one of the most distinguished members of the 
 present Administration pursued with respect to us 
 ■when we had to encounter the Abyssinian difficulty. 
 Mr. Lowe thought proper to -rise in Parliament when 
 I introduced the necessity of interference in order to 
 escape from difficulties which we had inherited and 
 not made — Mr. Lowe rose in Parliament and vio- 
 lently attacked the Government of the day for the 
 absurdity, the folly, the extreme imprudence of at- 
 tempting any interference in the affairs of Abyssinia. 
 He laughed at the honour of the country, he laughed 
 at the interests of a few enslaved subjects of the Queen 
 of England being compared, as he said, wijh the 
 certain destruction and disaster which must attend any 
 
Conservative Association of Glasgow. 59 
 
 interference on our part. lie described the horrors 
 of the country and the terrors of the clime. lie said 
 there was no possibility by which any success could 
 be obtained, and the people of England must pre- 
 pare themselves for a horrible catastrophe. lie 
 described not only the fatal influences of the 
 climate, but I remember he described one pink fly 
 alone, which he said would eat up the whole 
 British army. He was as vituperative of the insects 
 of Abyssinia as if they had been British workmen. 
 
 Now, gentlemen, there is a most interesting and 
 important subject which concerns us all, and which it 
 is not impossible may be submitted to the considera- 
 tion of Parliament by Her Majesty's Ministers, because 
 I observe a letter published in a newspaper, by the 
 authority of the Prime Minister, which is certainly 
 calculated to arrest public attention. That is a letter 
 respecting the subject of Parliamentary Keform. Now, 
 gentlemen, I think it is not undesirable that at a 
 moment when letters of this kind are circulated, and 
 when there is a good deal of loose talking prevalent 
 in the country on the subject, that I should take 
 this opportunity of calling your attention to some 
 considerations on this subject which may occupy you 
 after my visit to Glasgow has terminated, and may 
 not be, I think, unprofitable. Her Majesty's Govern- 
 ment are not pledged, but after the letter of the 
 Prime Minister announcing his own opinion, and the 
 
GO Speech to the 
 
 intention of the Government, probably, to consider the 
 question, Her Majesty's Government may at this mo- 
 ment be considering the question of further Parliament- 
 ary Reform. 
 
 Now, there are two points which the Government 
 ought to consider when they come to that question. 
 The first is the expediency of having any further 
 Parliamentary Reform. They will have to remember 
 that very wise statesmen have been of opinion that 
 there is no more dangerous and feebler character- 
 istic of a State than perpetually to be dwelling on 
 what is called organic change. The habit, it has 
 been said in politics, of perpetually considering your 
 political constitution can only be compared to that of 
 the individual who is always considering the state of 
 his health and his physical constitution. You know 
 what occurs in such circumstances — he becomes in- 
 firm and valetudinarian. In fact, there is a school 
 of politics which looks at the English Constitu- 
 tion as valetudinarian. They are always looking 
 at its tongue and feeling its pulse, and devising 
 means by which they may give it a tonic. The 
 Government will have to consider that very important 
 point, first of all, whether it is expedient. I am not 
 giving any opinion upon it — being only a private 
 member of Parliament that is quite unnecessary — 
 but I am indicating that the consideration would occur 
 to a responsible statesman. They will also have to 
 
Conservative Association of Glasgow. 61 
 
 consider this important point, that whatever Minister 
 embarks in a campaign of Parliamentary Reform must 
 make up his mind that lie will necessarily arrest the 
 progress of all other public business in the country. 
 
 I will show you to what extent that consideration 
 should prevail. Parliamentary Reform, as a new question, 
 was introduced in the House of Commons in 1852byLord 
 John Russell, and from 1852 to 1866 or the end of 1865 
 it was introduced annually ; four Prime Ministers had 
 pledged themselves to the expediency of Parliamentary 
 Reform ; the subject made no progress in Parliament, 
 but took up a great deal of time ; a great portion of the 
 Parliamentary Sessions for these twelve or thirteen 
 years was taken up by discussions on Parliamentary 
 Reform ; and the country got very ill-tempered, finding 
 that no reform was ever advanced, and other and more 
 important subjects were neglected. At last it was 
 taken up by men determined to carry it : first by Lord 
 Russell, who did not carry it, and afterwards by others ; 
 but observe, the whole of 1866, 1867, and 1868 were 
 entirely absorbed by the subject of Parliamentary 
 Reform. Therefore, you will observe that when im- 
 portant subjects in legislation are pressing, you must 
 be prepared to discourage any further demand for 
 Parliamentary Reform unless you feel an insuperable 
 necessity for it, because if you want Parliamentary 
 Reform you cannot have any of those large measures 
 with regard to local taxation or other subjects in which 
 
62 Speech to the 
 
 you are all so much interested. That is the first con- 
 sideration for the Government of the present day to 
 determine, whether they shall embark in the question 
 of Parliamentary Reform. Is it necessary? Is the 
 necessity of such a character that it outweighs the 
 immense inconvenience of sacrificing all other public 
 and progressive measures for the advancement of this 
 particular measure ? 
 
 Then there comes another subject of consideration. 
 I dwell upon these matters because I apprehend that 
 one of the reasons of our meeting this evening is that 
 upon questions which are likely to engage the public 
 attention so far as those whom you honour with your 
 confidence can give you any guidance, it is as well that 
 I should indicate to you briefly my general views of the 
 situation. Now, the next point, therefore, that Govern- 
 ment will have to consider if they make up their minds 
 to bring forward a measure of Parliamentary Eeform is 
 the character of the measure, and that will be a most 
 anxious question for them to decide. 
 
 I think I may say without conceit that the subject 
 of Parliamentary reform is one that I am entitled to 
 speak upon at least with some degree of authority. 
 I have given to it the consideration of some forty 
 years, and am responsible for the most important 
 measure on the subject that has been carried. I would 
 say this, that it is impossible to go further in the 
 direction of Parliamentary Pie form than the Bill of 
 
Conservative Association of Glasgow. (>. 9 > 
 
 18G7-6S without entirely subverting the whole of the 
 borough representation of this country. I do not mean 
 to say that if there was a place disfranchised to-morrow 
 for corruption it would not be possible to enfranchise a 
 very good place in its stead ; but, speaking generally, 
 you cannot go beyond the Act of 18G7 without making 
 up your mind entirely to break up the borough repre- 
 sentation of this country. The people of Great Britain 
 ought to be aware that that is the necessary conse- 
 quence. 
 
 So for as I am concerned I never could view 
 the matter in a party light. If I w r ere to accustom 
 myself to view it in a party light I might look with 
 unconcern on this difficulty, for the smaller boroughs 
 of the country are not, on the wdiole, favourable to our 
 views. I am proud to think our party is supported 
 by the great counties, and now to a great extent by 
 great towns and cities ; but I do not consider the 
 small boroughs favourable to Conservative views. It 
 is the national sympathies and wide sentiments of those 
 who live in our great cities that are much more cal- 
 culated to rally round the cause in which we are deeply 
 concerned — the greatness and glory of our country. 
 This ought to be known, that if you really in- 
 tend to have a further measure of Parliamentary 
 Eeform, and have digested that large meal which you 
 had a few years ago, there is no borough in England 
 with under forty thousand inhabitants that would 
 
64 Speech to the 
 
 have any claim to be represented even by one member. 
 Now that is a very important consideration, if, as we 
 are told, the small boroughs of between ten and thirty 
 thousand inhabitants are the backbone of the Liberal 
 party. They may be, and I think they are. But I 
 should be very sorry to see them disfranchised. They 
 are centres of public spirit and intelligence in the 
 country, influencing much the districts in which 
 they are situated, and affording a various representa- 
 tion of the mind and life of the country. But it is 
 inevitable that should occur, and I think, therefore, it 
 ought to be well understood by the country when you 
 have persons, without the slightest consideration, say- 
 ing they are prepared to vote for this, or who are all 
 in favour of that, whereas they have not really mastered 
 the question. 
 
 So far as I am concerned, any proposition to change 
 the representation of the people brought forward by 
 Her Majesty's Government will have my respectful and 
 candid consideration. But I say at once that I will 
 vote for no measure of that kind, or of that class 
 that is brought forward by some irresponsible indi- 
 vidual who wants, on the eve of a general election, 
 to make a clap-trap career. I think it perfectly 
 disgusting for individuals to jump up in the House of 
 Commons, and without the slightest responsibility, 
 official or moral, make propositions which demand the 
 gravest consideration of prolonged and protracted 
 
Conservative Association of Glasgow. 65 
 
 Cabinets, with all the responsibility attaching to ex- 
 perienced statesmen. 
 
 Now, gentlemen, although I have rather exceeded 
 the time I had intended, there are one or two more 
 remarks I should like to make on subjects which interest 
 us all. And first, as the only feature in our domestic 
 life that gives me uneasiness, are the relations at present 
 between capital and labour, and between the employers 
 and the employed — I must say one word upon that 
 subject. If there are any relations in the world which 
 should be those of sympathy and perfect confidence, 
 they always appear to be the relations which should 
 subsist between employers and employed, and especially 
 in manufacturing life. They are, in fact, much more 
 intimate and more necessary relations than those which 
 subsist between landlords and tenants. It is an ex- 
 tremely painful thing that of late years we so frequently 
 hear of misunderstandings between the employers and 
 the employed — that they look upon each other with 
 suspicion — with mutual suspicion — as if each were 
 rapaciously inclined either to obtain or retain the 
 greater share of the profits of their trade ; those in- 
 cidents with which you are all acquainted, of a very 
 painful nature, being the consequence. 
 
 Now I am not talking of demands for an increase 
 of wages when men are carrying on what is called 
 a roaring trade — I believe that is the classical epithet. 
 When a roaring trade is going on, I am not at 
 
 F 
 
66 Speech to the 
 
 all surprised that working men should ask for an 
 increase of wages. But the trade sometimes ceases to 
 roar, when wages naturally, on the same principle, 
 assume a form more adapted to the circumstances. 
 But, no doubt, during the last twenty years there 
 appears to have been, not a passing and temporary 
 cause of disturbance, like the incidents of trade being 
 very active or reduced, but some permanent cause dis- 
 turbing prices, which alike confuses the employer in 
 his calculations as to profits and embarrasses the em- 
 ployed from the greater expenditure which they find 
 it necessary to make. 
 
 Now, I cannot but feel myself — having given 
 to the subject some consideration — I cannot help 
 feeling that the large and continuous increase of 
 the precious metals, especially during the last twenty 
 years, has certainly produced no inconsiderable effect 
 on prices. 
 
 I will not on an occasion like this enter into any- 
 thing like an abstruse discussion. I confine myself 
 to giving my opinion and the results ; and this moral, 
 which I think is worthy of consideration. If it can be 
 shown accurately and scientifically that there is a cause 
 affecting a prominent class, reducing the average re- 
 muneration of the employed, and confusing and con- 
 founding the employer in his calculations as to profits 
 — if that can be shown, and if it is proved to be the 
 result of inexorable laws, far beyond the reach of legis- 
 
Conservative Association of Glasgow. 67 
 
 latures, and of circumstances over which human beings 
 have no control — I think if that could be shown, and 
 employers and employed had sufficient acuteness and 
 knowledge — and I am sure that in Scotland there 
 is no lack of both — it would very much change 
 those mutual feelings of suspicion and sentiments 
 of a not pleasant character which occasionally pre- 
 vail when they find that they are both of them the 
 victims, as it were, of some inexorable law of public 
 economy which cannot be resisted. I think, instead 
 of supposing that each wanted to take advantage of 
 the other they would feel inclined to put their shoul- 
 ders to the wheel, accurately ascertain whether this 
 be true, and come to some understanding which 
 would very much mitigate the relations which subsist 
 between them. I have little doubt the effect would be 
 to increase the average rate of wages, with my views 
 as to the effect of the continuous increase of the pre- 
 cious metals. But, at the same time, I have not the 
 slightest doubt the employer would, in the nature of 
 things, find adequate compensation for the new 
 position in which he would find himself. 
 
 Th ere is one point, before I sit down, to which I 
 wish to call your attention. Because, if I am correct in 
 saying that the question of the relations between the 
 employer and employed is the only one that gives me 
 anxiety at home, there is a subject abroad to which I 
 think I ought, on an occasion like this, to draw your 
 
68 Speech to the 
 
 notice ; and that is the contest that is commencing in 
 Europe between the spiritual and temporal power. 
 
 Gentlemen, I look upon it as very grave, as preg- 
 nant with circumstances which may greatly embarrass 
 Europe. A religious sentiment is often and generally 
 taken advantage of by political causes which use it as 
 a pretext ; and there is much going on in Europe at 
 the present moment which, it appears to me, may 
 occasion soon much anxiety in this community. I 
 should myself look upon it as the greatest danger to civi- 
 lization if in the struggle that is going on between faith 
 and free thought, the respective sides should only be 
 represented by the Papacy and the Eed Eepublic. And 
 here I must say that if we have before us the prospect 
 of struggles — perhaps ultimately of wars and anarchy 
 — caused by the struggle now rising in Europe, it will 
 not easily be in the power of England entirely to stand 
 apart. Our connection with Ireland will then be 
 brought painfully to our consciousness, and I should 
 not be at all surprised if the visor of Home -Rule 
 should fall off some clay and you beheld a very 
 different countenance. 
 
 Now, gentlemen, I think we ought to be prepared 
 for these events. The position of England is 
 one, which is indicated, if dangers arise, of holding a 
 middle course upon these matters. It may be open to 
 England again to take her stand upon the Reformation, 
 which three hundred years ago was the source of her 
 
Conservative Association of Glasgow. 69 
 
 greatness and her glory, and it may be her 
 proud destiny to guard civilization alike from the 
 withering blast of atheism and from the simoom of 
 sacerdotal usurpation. These things may be far 
 off, but we live in a rapid age, and my apprehension 
 is that they are nearer than some suppose. If that 
 struggle comes, Ave must look to Scotland to aid us. 
 
 DO ' 
 
 It was once, and I hope is still, a land of liberty, 
 of patriotism, and of religion. I think the time 
 has come when it really should leave off mumbling 
 the dry bones of political economy and munching the 
 remainder biscuit of an effete Liberalism. We all know 
 that a General Election is at hand. I do not ask you 
 to consider on such an occasion the fate of parties or 
 of Ministers. But I ask you to consider this, that it is 
 very probable that the future of Europe may depend 
 greatly on the character of the next Parliament of 
 England. I ask you, when the occasion comes, 
 to act as becomes an ancient and famous nation, and 
 give all your energies for the cause of faith and 
 freedom. 
 
 LONDON : PRINTED H\ 
 BPOTT1SWOODB AND <-o., SEW-STREET SQfARE 
 
 A5D parliament street 
 
39 Paternoster Row, E.C. 
 London : March 1873. 
 
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INDEX. 
 
 Acton's Modem Cookery 20 
 
 Aied'3 Blackstono Economised 20 
 
 Allies on Formation of Christendom 1G 
 
 Allen's Discourses of Chrysostom 10 
 
 Alpine Guide (The) IS 
 
 Amos's Jurisprudence 5 
 
 Anderson's Strength of Materials 9 
 
 Arnold's Manual of English Literature .. 6 
 
 Authority and Conscience 15 
 
 Autumn Holidays of a Country Parson 7 
 
 Atee's Treasury of Bible Knowledge 1G 
 
 Bacon's Essays by Whately 5 
 
 Life and Letters, by Spedding .. 4 
 
 — — "Works 5 
 
 Bain's Mental and Moral Science 8 
 
 on the Senses and Intellect 8 
 
 Ball's Guide to the Central Alps IS 
 
 ■ Guide to the Western Alps 18 
 
 Guide to the Eastern Alps 18 
 
 Batldon's Rents and Tillages 15 
 
 Becker's Charicles and Gallus 18 
 
 Benfet's Sanskrit-English Dictionary .... 6 
 
 Black's Treatise on Brewing 20 
 
 Blacklet's German-English Dictionary .. 6 
 
 Blaine's Rural Sports 19 
 
 Veterinary Art 19 
 
 Bloxam's Metals 9 
 
 Booth's Problem of the World and the 
 
 Church 15 
 
 Saint-Simon 3 
 
 Boultbee on 39 Articles 15 
 
 Bourne's Catechism of the Steam Engine. . 14 
 
 Handbook of Steam Engine .... 14 
 
 Treatise on the Steam Engine. ... 14 
 
 Improvements in the same 14 
 
 Bowdler's Family S jiakspeare 19 
 
 Braddon's Life in India 17 
 
 Bramley-Moore's Six Sisters of the Valley 18 
 Brande's Dictionary of Science, Literature, 
 
 and Art 1] 
 
 Beat's Manual of Anthropology 8 
 
 Philosophy of Necessity 8 
 
 On Force 8 
 
 Bree's Fallacies of Darwinism 11 
 
 Beenchley's Cruise of the ' Curaeoa ' . . . . 17 
 
 Browne's Exposition of the 39 Articles 1G 
 
 Brunel's Life of Brunel 4 
 
 Buckle's History of Civilisation 2 
 
 Posthumous Remains 7 
 
 Bull's Hints to Mothers 20 
 
 Maternal Management of Children. . 20 
 
 Bunsen's God in History 3 
 
 Prayers 15 
 
 Burgomaster's Family (The) :S 
 
 Burke's Rise of Great Families 5 
 
 Vicissitudes of Families 5 
 
 Burton's Christian Church 3 
 
 Cabinet Lawyer 20 
 
 Campbell's Norway 17 
 
 Cates's Biographical Dictionary 4 
 
 and Woodward's Encyclopedia 2 
 
 Cats and Faelie's Moral Emblems 13 
 
 Changed Aspects of Unchanged Truths .... 7 
 
 Cuesney's Indian Polity 3 
 
 Waterloo Campaign 2 
 
 Chorale Book for England 13 
 
 Christ the Consoler 15 
 
 Clougii's Lives from Plutarch 2 
 
 Codrington's (Admiral) Memoirs 4 
 
 Colenso on Pentateuch and Book of Joshua 1G 
 The Speaker's Bible Commen- 
 tary 15 
 
 Collins's Perspective 14 
 
 Colomb's Slave Catching in the Indian 
 
 Ocean 17 
 
 Commonplace Philosopher in Town and 
 
 Country, by A. K. H. B 7 
 
 Conington's Translation of Virgil's iEneid la 
 
 Miscellaneous Writings .... 7 
 
 Contanseau's Two French Dictionaries . . G 
 Con ybeare ancLHowsoN'sLife and Epistles 
 
 of St. Paul 16 
 
 Cooke's Grotesque Animals 13 
 
 Cooper's Surgical Dictionary 12 
 
 Copland's Dictionary of Practical Medicine 13 
 
 Cotton's Memoir and Correspondence .... 4 
 
 Counsel and Comfort from a City Pulpit . . 7 
 
 Cox's (G. W.) Aryan Mythology 3 
 
 History of Greece 2 
 
 Tale of the Great Persian War 2 
 
 Tales of Ancient Greece .... 18 
 
 and Jones's Romances IS 
 
 . Teutonic Tales., is 
 
 Creasy on British Constitution 2 
 
 Cresy's Encyclopaedia of Civil Engineering 14 
 
 Critical Essays of a Country Parson 7 
 
 Crookes on Beet-Root Sugar 15 
 
 's Chemical Analysis 12 
 
 Culley's Handbook of Telegraphy 14 
 
 CusaCk's Student's History of Ireland .... 2 
 
 Davidson's Introduction to New Testament 10 
 
 Dead Shot (The), by Marksman 19 
 
 De Caisne and Le Maodt's Botany — 11 
 
 De Morgan's Paradoxes 7 
 
 Denison's Vice-Regal Life 1 
 
 Disraeli's Lord George Bentinck 4 
 
 Novels and Tales 13 
 
 Dobson on the Ox 19 
 
 Dove's Law of Storms y 
 
 Dowell on Stamp Duties 20 
 
 Doyle's Fairyland 13 
 
 Drew's Reasons of Faith 13 
 
22 
 
 IS'EW WOKKS published by LONGMANS and CO. 
 
 Eastlake's Gothic Revival 14 
 
 Hints on Household Taste 14 
 
 Eaton's Musical Criticism and Biography 4 
 
 EDEN'S Queensland 17 
 
 Edwards's Rambles among the Dolomites 17 
 
 Elements of Botany 11 
 
 Ellicott's Commentary on Ephesians .. .. 16 
 
 ■ Galatians .... 16 
 
 Pastoral Epist. 16 
 
 Philippians,&c. 16 
 
 Thessalonians 16 
 
 's Lectures on Life of Christ .... 16 
 
 Ekicitsen's Surgery 12 
 
 Evans's Ancient Stone Implements 11 
 
 Ewald's History of Israel 16 
 
 Faiebairn's Application of Cast and 
 
 Wrought Iron to Building 14 
 
 Information for Engineers 14 
 
 Treatise on Mills and Millwork 14 
 
 Faraday's Life and Letters 4 
 
 Fitzwygram on Horses and Stables 20 
 
 Fowler's Collieries and Colliers 20 
 
 Feancis's Fishing Book 19 
 
 Freshtield's Travels in the Caucasus .... 17 
 
 Feoude's English in Ireland 1 
 
 History of England 1 
 
 ■ Short Studies 7 
 
 G amgee on Horse-Shoeiug 19 
 
 Ganot's Elementary Physics 9 
 
 Natural Philosophy 9 
 
 Gaeeod's Materia Medica 13 
 
 Gilbeet's Cadore 17 
 
 ■ and Chuechill's Dolomites .... 17 
 
 Giedlestone's Bible Synonyms 15 
 
 Gietin's House I Live In 12 
 
 Gledstone's Life of Whitefield 4 
 
 Goddaed's Wonderful Stories 18 
 
 Goldsmith's Poems, Illustrated 19 
 
 Goodbye's Mechanism 9 
 
 Geaham's Autobiography of Milton 4 
 
 View of Literature and Art .... 2 
 
 Grant's Ethics of Aristotle 5 
 
 Graver Thoughts of a Country Parson 7 
 
 Gray's Anatomy 12 
 
 Geeenhow on Bronchitis 12 
 
 Geiffin's Algebra and Trigonometry 9 
 
 Geiffith's Fundamentals 15 
 
 Geove on Correlation of Physical Forces . . 9 
 
 Gueney's Chapters of French History .... 2 
 
 Gwilt's Encyclopaedia of Architecture .... 14 
 
 Haee on Election of Representatives 7 
 
 Habtwig's Aeriel World 10 
 
 Harmonies of Nature 10 
 
 Polar World 10 
 
 1 Sea aud its Living Wonders .... 10 
 
 Subterranean World 10 
 
 Tropical World 10 
 
 Hatheeton's Memoir and Correspondence 2 
 
 Haughton's Animal Mechanics 10 
 
 Haywaed's Biographical and Critical Essays 4 
 
 Helmholtz's Scientific Lectures 9 
 
 Hemsley's Trees, Shrubs, and Herbaceous 
 
 Pants 11 
 
 Herschel's Outlines of Astronomy 8 
 
 Hewitt on the Diseases of Women 12 
 
 Hodgson's Time and Space 8 
 
 Theory of Practice 8 
 
 Holland's Recollections 4 
 
 Holmes's Surgical Treatment of Children . . 12 
 
 System of Surgery 12 
 
 Howitt's Australian Discovery 18 
 
 Rural Life of England 18 
 
 ■ Visits to Remarkable Places .... 18 
 
 Hubner's Pope SLxtus the Fifth 4 
 
 Humboldt's Life 4 
 
 Hume's Essays 8- 
 
 Treatise on Human Nature S 
 
 Ihne's History of Rome 3 
 
 Ingelow's Poems IS 
 
 James's Christian Counsels 16 
 
 Jameson's Legends of Saints and Martyrs . . 13 
 
 — Legends of the Madonna 13 
 
 Legends of the Monastic Orders 13 
 
 Legends of the Saviour 13 
 
 Jamieson on Causality 6 
 
 Jaedine's Christian Sacerdotalism 15 
 
 Johnston's Geographical Dictionary 9 
 
 Kalisch's Commentary on the Bible 6 
 
 Keith on Destiny of the World 16 
 
 Fulfilment of Prophecy 16 
 
 Kenyon's (Lord) Life 1 4 
 
 Kerl's Metallurgy, by Ceookes and 
 
 Rohrig 15 
 
 Kirby and Spence's Entomology 10 
 
 Lang's Ballads and Lyrics 19 
 
 Lanman's Japanese in America 17 
 
 Latham's English Dictionary 6 
 
 Laughton's Nautical Surveying' 9 
 
 Laveeack's Setters 20 
 
 Lecky's History of European Morals 3 
 
 Rationalism 3 
 
 Leaders of Public Opinion 4 
 
 Leisure Hours in Town, by A. K. H. B 7 
 
 Lessons of Middle Age, by A. K. H. B 7 
 
 Lewes's Biographical History of Philosophy 3 
 
 Liddell & Scott's Greek-English Lexicons 6 
 
 Life of Man Symbolised 13 
 
 Lindley and Moose's Treasury of Botany 11 
 
 Longman's Edward the Third 2 
 
 • Lectures on History of England 1 
 
 Chess Openings 20 
 
 Loudon's Encyclopaedia of Agriculture .... 15 
 
 Gardening 15 
 
 Plants 11 
 
 Lubbock's Origin'of Civilisation 10 
 
 Lytton's Odes of Horace 19 
 
 Lyra Germanica 13, 17 
 
 Macaulay's (Lord) Essays 3 
 
 History of England .. 1 
 
 Lays of Ancient Rome 19 
 
 Miscellaneous Writings 7 
 
 Speeches 6 
 
 Works 1 
 
 MACLEOD'sTrinciples of.Economical Philo- 
 sophy 5 
 
NEW WORKS published by LONGMANS and CO. 
 
 23 
 
 MACLEOD'S Dictionary of Political Economy 5 
 
 Theory and Practice of Banking 20 
 
 McCulloch's Dictionary of Commerce .... 20 
 
 Mankind, their Origin and Destiny 11 
 
 Manning's England and Christendom .... 16 
 
 Maecet's Natural Philosophy 9 
 
 Marshall's Physiology 13 
 
 Maeshman's History of India 2 
 
 Life of Havelock 
 
 Maetixeau's Endeavours after the Chris- 
 tian Life 17 
 
 Massixgbeed's History of the Reformation 3 
 
 Ma thews on Colonial Question 2 
 
 Mauxdee's Biographical Treasury 5 
 
 Geographical Treasury 9 
 
 ■ Historical Treasury 3 
 
 Scientific and Literary Treasury 11 
 
 • Treasury of Knowledge 20 
 
 Treasury of Natural History . . 11 
 
 Maxwell's Theory of Heat 9 
 
 Mat's Constitutional History of England.. 1 
 
 Melville's Digby Grand IS 
 
 General Bounce 18 
 
 GladiatDrs IS 
 
 Good for Nothing 18 
 
 Holmby House 18 
 
 Interpreter 18 
 
 Kate Coventry 18 
 
 • Queen's Maries 18 
 
 Mendelssohn's Letters 4 
 
 Meeivale's Fall of the Roman Republic . . 2 
 
 Romans under the Empire 2 
 
 Meeeifield's Arithmetic and Mensuration 9 
 
 Magnetism 8 
 
 Miles on Horse's Fort and Horse Shoeing . 20 
 
 on Horses' Teeth and Stables 20 
 
 Mill (J.) on the Mind 5 
 
 Mill (J. S.) on Liberty 5 
 
 Subjection of Women 5 
 
 on Representative Government 5 
 
 on Utilitarianism 5 
 
 's Dissertations and Discussions 5 
 
 Political Economy 5 
 
 System of Logic 5 
 
 Hamilton's Philosophy 5 
 
 Millee's Elements of Chemistry 11 
 
 Inorganic Chemistry 9 
 
 Mitchell's Manual of Architecture 14 
 
 Manual of Assaying 14 
 
 Moxsell's ' Spiritual Songs ' 17 
 
 Mooee's Irish Melodies, illustrated 19 
 
 Lalla Rookh, illustrated 19 
 
 Moeell's Elements of Psychology 7 
 
 Mental Philosophy 7 
 
 Mobsman's Christian Church 3 
 
 Mullee'3 Chips from a German Workshop 7 
 
 Science of Language 6 
 
 Science of Religion,' 3 
 
 Muechison on Liver Complaints 13 
 
 on Continued Fevers 13 
 
 Nash's Compendium of the Prayer-Book . . 15 
 New Testament Illustrated with Wood En- 
 gravings from the Old Masters 13 
 
 Newman's Apologia pro Vita Su<1 5 
 
 Nightingale on Lying-in Institutions . . 20 
 
 Nilssox's Scandinavia 10 
 
 Noethcott on Lathes and Turning 14 
 
 O'Coxxoe's Commentary on Hebrews .... 16 
 Romans 16 
 
 Odling's Course of Practical Chemistry .. 11 
 Owen's Comparative Anatomy and Physio- 
 logy of Vertebrato Animals 10 
 
 Lectures on the Invertebrata 10 
 
 Packe's Guide to the Pyrenees IS 
 
 Paget's Lectures on Surgical Pathology .. 12 
 
 Peeeiea's Elements of Materia Mediea. ... 13 
 
 Peekin's Profitable Book on Domestic Law 20 
 
 Peeeing's Churches and Creeds 15 
 
 Pewtner's Comprehensive Specifier 20 
 
 Platee-Feowd's California 17 
 
 Pole's Game of Whist 20 
 
 Peexdeegast's Mastery of Languages .... 6 
 
 Peescott's Scripture Difficulties 16 
 
 Present-Day Thoughts, by A. K. H. B 7 
 
 Peoctoe's Astromomical Essays 8 
 
 Orbs around Us 8 
 
 Plurality of Worlds 8 
 
 Saturn 8 
 
 Scientific Essays 10 
 
 Star Atlas 9 
 
 Star Depths 8 
 
 Sun 8 
 
 Public Schools Atlas 9 
 
 Quain's Anatomy 12 
 
 Raxkex on Strains in Trusses 14 
 
 Rawlix son's Parthia 2 
 
 Recreations of a Country Parson, by 
 
 A.K.H. B 7 
 
 Reeve's Royal and Republican France .... 2 
 
 Reichel's See of Rome 14 
 
 Reillt's Map of Mont Blanc IS 
 
 Rich's Dictionary of Antiquities 6 
 
 Rivees's Rose Amateur's Guide 11 
 
 Rogees's Eclipse of Faith 7 
 
 Defence of Eclipse of Faith 7 
 
 Roget's Thesaurus of English Words and 
 
 Phrases 6 
 
 Roxalds's Fly-Fisher's Entomology 19 
 
 Rose's Loyola 16 
 
 Rothschild's Israelites 16 
 
 Russell's Pau and the Pyrenees 17 
 
 Russell (Earl) on the Rise and Progress of 
 
 the Christian Religion 3 
 
 Saxdaes's Justinian's Institutes 5 
 
 Saxfoed's English Kings 1 
 
 Savoet's Geometric Turning 14 
 
 Schellen's Spectrum Analysis 8 
 
 Scott's Lectures on the Fine Arts 13 
 
 Albert Durer 13 
 
 Seaside Musing, by A. K. H. B 7 
 
 Seebohm's Oxford Reformers of 1498 2 
 
 Sewell's History of the Early Church .... 3 
 
 Passing Thoughts on Religion . . 16 
 
 Preparation for Communion .... 17 
 
 ■ Readings for Confirmation 17 
 
 Readings for Lent 17 
 
 Examination for Confirmation .. 17 
 
 Stories and Tales IS 
 
 Thoughts for the Age 16 
 
 Thoughts for the Holy Week .... 17 
 
 Shipley's Essays on Ecclesiastical Reform 1 5 
 
 Suoet's Church History 3 
 
 
24 
 
 NEW WORKS PUBLISHED by LONGMANS and CO. 
 
 SMiTn'a Paul's Voyage and Shipwreck 10 
 
 (Sydney) Life and Letters 4 
 
 Miscellaneous Works .. 7 
 
 "Wit and 'Wisdom 7 
 
 (Dr. ITy.) Handbook for Midwives 12 
 
 (Dr. R.' A.) Air and Rain 8 
 
 Soutiiey's Doctor C 
 
 Poetical Works 19 
 
 Stanley": History of British Birds 10 
 
 Stephen's Ecclesiastical Biograpiiy 4 
 
 Stirling's Philosophy of Law 7 
 
 Protoplasm 8 
 
 Secret of Hegel 7 
 
 Sir Wilt i am Hamilton 8 
 
 St ockm An's Memoirs 1 
 
 Stoneiienge on the Dog ?0 
 
 — on the Greyhon nd 20 
 
 Strickland's Queens of England 5 
 
 Stlatit-Glennie's Morningland 7 
 
 Sunday Afternoons at the Parish Church of 
 
 a University City, by A. K. H. B 7 
 
 Tatlok's History of India 2 
 
 (Jeremy) Works, edited by Eden 17 
 
 Text-Books of Science 9 
 
 Thirlwall's History of Greece 2 
 
 Thomson's Laws of Thought 5 
 
 Thudiciium's Chemical Physiology 12 
 
 Todd (A.) on Parliamentary Government . . 1 
 and Bowman's Anatomy and Phy- 
 siology of Man 13 
 
 Trench's Realities of Irish Life 2 
 
 Teollope's Barchester Towers 18 
 
 Warden IS 
 
 Tyndall's American Lectures on Light .... 10 
 
 Diamagnctism 10 
 
 Faraday as a Discoverer 4 
 
 . Fragments of Science 9 
 
 Hours of Exercise in the Alps . . 17 
 
 Lectures on Electricity 10 
 
 Lectures on Light 10 
 
 Lectures on Sound 10 
 
 Heat a Mode of Motion 10 
 
 ■ Molecular Physics 11 
 
 Ueberweg's System of Logic 8 
 
 Uee's Dictionary of Arts, Manufactures, and 
 Mines n. 
 
 Vogan's Doctrine of the Euchrist 
 
 Walcott's Traditions of Cathedrals 17 
 
 Walker's (Patricids) Rambles 17 
 
 Watson's Geometry 9 
 
 Principles and Practice of Physic 12 
 
 Watts's Dictionary of Chemistry 11 
 
 Webb's Objects for Common Telescopes. . . . 9 
 
 Webster & Wilkinson's Greek Testament 1G 
 
 Weiniiold's Experimental Physics 9 
 
 Wellington's Life, by Gleig 4 
 
 West on Children's Diseases 13 
 
 on Children's Nervous Disorders .... 12 
 
 on Nursing Sick Children 20 
 
 Whately's English Synonymes 5 
 
 Logic 5 
 
 Rhetoric 5 
 
 White and Riddle's Latin Dictionaries . . 6 
 
 Wilcocks's Sea Fisherman 19 
 
 Williams's Aristotle's Ethics 5 
 
 Williams on Climate 12 
 
 on Consumption 12 
 
 Willich's Popular Tables 20 
 
 Willis's Principles of Mechanism 14 
 
 Winslow on Light 10 
 
 Wood's (J. G.) Bible Animals 11 
 
 Homes without Hands .... 10 
 
 Insects at Home 10 
 
 Insects Abroad 10 
 
 Strange Dwellings 10 
 
 (T.) Chemical Notes 12 
 
 Wordsworth's Christian Ministry 15 
 
 Yonge's History of England 1 
 
 English-Greek Lexicons 6 
 
 Horace 19 
 
 English Literature 6 
 
 Modern History 3 
 
 Touatt on the Dog 20 
 
 on the Horse 20 
 
 Zeller's Socrates 3 
 
 - Stoics, Epicureans, and Sceptics.. 3 
 
 
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