INAUGUEAL ADDRESS DELIVERED TO THE UNIVEESITY OF GLASGOW November 19, 1873 BY THE EIGHT HON. BENJAMIN DISEAELI, M.P. LOUD HECTOR OF THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW SE C O KD ED 1 TI O N INCLUDING THE OCCASIONAL SPEECHES AT GLASGOW AUTHORISED EDITIOX, CORRECTED BY THE AUTHOR LONDON LONGMANS, GEEEN, AND CO. 1873 LONDON* : PRINTED BY SPOTTIS'VOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE AND PARLIAMENT STREET D (\ 5 sl3 PREFACE. The Publishers having informed me that there is a demand for the occasional Speeches made by me during the recent visit to Glasgow, I avail myself of the second edition of the ' Inaugural Address ' to comply with their wish that they should be added to it, D. HuGIIENDEN : December 4, 1873. INAUGURAL ADDRESS DELIVERED AT THE COLLEGE OF GLASGOW, NOVEMBER 19, 1S73. Mr. Principal, Professors, axd Students — My first duty, and my deepest gratification, is to thank you for the honour which jow conferred on me two years ago. It is a high one. JSTo one can be insen- sible to sympathy from the unknown, but the pleasure is necessarily heightened when it is offered by the educated and refined ; when that body is representa- tive, and, above all, when it represents the youth of a famous country. My next duty, and one of which the fulfilment is scarcely less gratifying, is to avail myself of the privi- lege attendant on the office to which you have raised me, and to offer you sOme observations either on the course of your studies or the conduct of your lives, which, if made by me, will be made without pretence or presumption, quite satisfied if, when we are sepa- rated, any chance remark of mine may recur to your B 2 Inaugural Address delivered to memory, and lead you to not altogether unprofitable meditation. Were I to follow my own bent, I would dwell on those delightful studies which occupy a considerable portion of your time within your academic halls, studies which, while they form your taste and strengthen your intelligence, will prove to you in future years both a guide and a consolation ; but when I recollect the illustrious roll of those who have preceded me in this office, and remember how fully and how recently many of them have devoted their genius and their learning to such an enterprise, I am inclined to think that the field, though in my opinion inexhaustible, has been for the present sufficiently cultivated, and that as you are about to enter life at a period which promises, or rather which threatens, to be momentous, it would not be inappropriate were I to make some observa- tions which may tend to assist you in your awaiting trials. He who would succeed in life, and obtain that posi- tion to which his character and capacity entitle him, has need of two kinds of knowledge. It would seem at the first blush that self-knowledge were not very difficult of attainment. If there be any subject on which a person can arrive at accurate conclusions, it should be his own disposition and his own talents. But it is not so. The period of youth in this respect is one of great doubt and difficulty. It is a period the University of Glasgow. 3 alike of false confidence and unreasonable distrust, of perplexity, of despondency, and sometimes of despair. It has been said by an eminent physician that there are very few persons of either sex who have attained their eighteenth year who have not contemplated withdrawing from the world — withdrawing from that world which, in fact, they have never entered. Doubtless, this mor- bid feeling is occasioned in a great degree by a dread of the unknown, but it is also much to be attributed to, and it certainly is heightened by, an ignorance of themselves. How, then, is this self-knowledge to be acquired, and where are we to obtain assistance in this quest ? From the family circle? Its incompetency in this respect is a proverb. Perception of character is always a rare gift, but around the domestic hearth it is almost unknown. Every one is acquainted with the erroneous estimates of their offspring which have been made even by illustrious parents. The silent, but perhaps pensive, boy is looked upon as a dullard, while the flippancy of youth in a commonplace character is interpreted into a dangerous vivacity which may in time astonish, per- haps even alarm, the world. A better criterion should be found in the judgment of contemporaries who are our equals. But the generous ardour of youth is not favourable to critical discrimination. Its sympathy is quick, it admires and applauds ; but it lavishes its B 2 4 Inaugural Address delivered to applause and admiration on qualities which are often not intrinsically important, and it always exaggerates. And thus it is that the hero of school and of college often disappoints expectation in after life. The truth is, he has shown no deficiency in the qualities which obtained him his early repute, but he has been wanting in the capacity adapted to subsequent oppor- tunities. Some are of opinion that the surest judge of youthful character must be the tutor. And there is a passage in Isocrates on this head not without interest. He was an accomplished instructor, and he tells us he always studied to discover the bent of those who at- tended his lectures. So, after due observation, he would say to one, ' You are intended for action, and the camp is the life which will become you ; ' to another ' You should cultivate poetry ; ' a third was adapted to the passionate exercitations of the Pnyx ; while a fourth was clearly destined for the groves and porticoes of philosophy. The early Jesuits, who were masters of education, were accustomed to keep secret registers of their observations on their pupils, and generations afterwards, when these records were examined, it is said the happy prescience of their remarks was strikingly proved by the subsequent success of many who had attained fame in arts and arms. But the Jesuits, gentlemen, whatever they may be now, were then very clever men ; and I must confess that I am the University of Glasgow. 5 doubtful whether the judgment of tutors in general would be as infallible as that of Isocrates. In the first place, a just perception of character is always a rare gift. When possessed in a high degree it is the quality which specially indicates the leader of men. It is that which enables a General or a Minister to select the fit instrument for the public purpose ; without which all the preparations for a campaign, how- ever costly and complete, may be fruitless, and all the deliberations of councils and all the discussions of Parliament prove mere dust and wind. Scholars and philosophers are in general too much absorbed by their own peculiar studies or pursuits to be skilled in the discrimination of character, and if the aptitude of a pupil is recognised by them, it is generally when he has evinced a disposition to excel in some branch of acquirement which has established their own celebrity. No, gentlemen, I believe, after all, it will be found that it is best and inevitable, in the pursuit of self- knowledge, that we should depend on self-communion. Unquestionably, where there is a strong predisposition, it will assert itself in spite of all obstacles, but even here only after an initiation of many errors and much self- deception. One of the fruitful sources of that self- deception is to be found in the susceptibility of the youthful mind. The sympathy is so quick that we are apt to transfer to our own persons the qualities which we admire in others. If it be the age of a great poet, 6 Inaugural Address delivered to his numbers are for ever resounding in our ears, and we sigh for his laurels ; if a military age, nothing will content us but to be at the head of armies ; if an age of oratory and politics, our spirit requires that we should be leaders of parties and Ministers of State. In some instances the predisposition may be true, but it is in the nature of things that the instances must be rare. In ninety-nine cases out of one hundred the feeling is not idiosyncratic but mimetic, and we have mistaken a quick sensibility for creative power. Then comes to a young man the period of disappointment and despondency. To publish poems which no one will read ; to make speeches to which no one will listen ; after reveries of leading armies and directing councils, to find yourself, on your entrance into the business of life, incapable of influencing the conduct of an ordinary individual, — all this is bitter ; but all depends upon how the lesson is received. A weak spirit will not survive this catastrophe of his self-love. He will sink into chronic despondency, and, without attempting to rally, he will pass through life as a phantom, and be remembered, as an old man, only by the golden promise of his deceptive youth. But a man of sense will accept these consequences, how- ever apparently mortifying, with courage and candour. He will dive into his own intelligence, he will analyse the circumstances of his failure, he will discriminate how much was occasioned by indigenous deficiencies, and how much may be attributed to external and the University of Glasgow. 7 fortuitous circumstances. And in this severe introspec- tion lie may obtain that self-knowledge lie requires; his failures may be the foundation of his ultimate suc- cess, and in this moral and intellectual struggle he may discover the true range of his powers, and the right bent of his character and capacity. So much, gentlemen, for self-knowledge, a subject that for ages has furnished philosophers with treatises. I do not pretend to be a philosopher, and I have not offered you a treatise, but I have made some remarks which are, at least, the result of my own observation. But assuming that von have at length attained this indispensable self-knowledge, and that you have an opportunity, in the pursuits of life, of following the bent of your disposition, we come now to the second and not less important condition of success in life : have you that other kind of knowledge which is required ? — do you comprehend the spirit of the age in which your faculties are to be exercised ? Hitherto you have been as explorers in a mountain district. You have surveyed and examined valleys, you have penetrated gorges, you have crossed many a ridge and range, till at length, having overcome all obstacles, you have reached the crest of the commanding height, and, like the soldiers of Xenophon, you behold the sea. But the sea that you behold is the Ocean of Life ! In what vessels are you going to embark ? With what 8 Inaugural Address delivered to instruments are you furnished ? What is the port of your destination ? It is singular that though there is no lack of those who will explain the past, and certainly no want of those who will predict the future, when the present is concerned — the present that we see and feel — our opinions about it are in general bewildered and mistaken. And yet, without this acquaintance with the spirit of the age in which we live, whatever our culture and whatever our opportunities, it is probable that our lives may prove a blunder. When the young King of Macedon decided that the time had arrived when Europe should invade Asia, he recognised the spirit of his age. The revela- tions of the weakness of the Great King, which had been made during the immortal expedition of the Ten Thousand, and still more during the campaigns of Agesilaus, had gradually formed a public opinion which Alexander dared to represent. When Caius Julius perceived that the colossal empire formed by the Senate and populace of Eome could not be sustained on the municipal institutions of a single city, however illus- trious, he understood the spirit of the age. Constantine understood the spirit of his age when he recognised the Sign under which he was resolved to conquer. I think that Luther recognised the spirit of the age when he nailed his Theses against Indulgences to the gates of a Thuringian church. The great Princes of the House of Tudor, and the statesmen they employed, the University of Glasgow. 9 were all persons who understood the spirit of their age. But it may be said, ' These are heroic instances. A perception of the spirit of their age may be neccssaiy to the success of princes and statesmen, but is not needful, or equally needful, for those of lesser degree.' I think there would be fallacy in this criticism, and that the necessity of this knowledge pervades the whole business of life. Take, for example, the choice of a profession ; a knowledge of the spirit of the age may save a young man from embracing a profession which the spirit of the age dooms to become obsolete. It is the same with the pursuits of commerce. This know- ledge may guard a man from embarking his capital in a decaying trade, or from forming connexions and even establishments in countries from which the spirit of the age is gradually diverting all commercial transac- tions. I would say a knowledge of the spirit of the age is necessary for every public man, and in a country like ours, where the subject is called upon hourly to exer- cise rights and to fulfil duties which, in however small a degree, go to the aggregate of that general sentiment which ultimately governs States, every one is a public man, although he may not be a public character. But it does not follow, because the spirit of the age is perceived and recognised, it should be embraced and followed, or even that success in life depends upon adopting it. What I wished to impress upon you was 10 Inaugural Address delivered to that success in life depended on comprehending it. The spirit of the age may be an unsound and injurious spirit ; it may be the moral duty of a man, not only not to defer to, but to resist it, and if it be unsound and injurious, in so doing lie will not only fulfil his duly, but he may accomplish his success in life. The spirit of the age, for instance, was in favour of the Crusades. They occasioned a horrible havoc of human life ; they devastated Asia and exhausted Europe ; and, in all probability, in acting in this instance according to the spirit of the age, a man would have forfeited his life, and certainly wasted his estate, with no further satisfaction than having massacred some Jews and slain some Saracens. What then, gentlemen, is the spirit of the age in which we ourselves live ; of that world which in a few years, more or less, you will have all entered ; where you are to establish yourselves in life ; where you have to encounter in that object every conceivable difficulty; perplexities of judgment, material obstacles, tests of all your qualities, and searching trials of your character ; and all these circumstances more or less affected by the spirit of the age, an acquaintance with which will assist you in forming your decisions and in guiding your course ? It appears to me that I should not greatly err were I to describe the spirit of this age as the spirit of equality ; but ' equality ' is a word of wide import, the University of Glasgow. 1 1 under which various schools of thought may assemble and yet arrive at different and even contradictory con- clusions. I hold that Civil equality — that is, equality of all subjects before the law, and that a law which recognises the personal rights of all subjects — is the only foundation of a perfect commonwealth — one which secures to all liberty, order, and justice. The prin- ciple of Civil equality has long prevailed in this kingdom. It has been applied during the last half- century more finely and completely to the constantly and largely varying circumstances of the country ; but it had prevailed more or less in Britain for centuries, and I attribute the patriotism of our population mainly to this circumstance, and I believe that it has had more to do with the security of the soil than those geo- graphical attributes usually enlarged upon. Another land, long our foe, but now our rival only in the arts of peace, thought fit, at the end of the last century, to reconstruct its social system, and to rebuild it on the principle of Social equality. To effect this object it was prepared to make, and it made, great sacrifices. It subverted all the institutions of the country : a Monarchy of 800 years whose traditionary and systematic policy had created the kingdom ; a National Church — for, though Eomanist, it had secured its liberties ; a tenure of land which maintained • a valiant nobility, that never can be restored ; it confis- cated all endowments, and abolished all corporations ; 12 Inaugural Address delivered to erased from the map of the soil all the ancient divi- sions, and changed the landmarks and very name of the country. Indeed, it entirely effected its purpose, which was to destroy all the existing social elements and level the past to the dust. This experiment has had lair play, and you can judge of its results by the experience of eighty years. It is not in Scotland that the name of France will ever be mentioned without affection, and I will not yield to any Scotchman in my appreciation of the bril- liant qualities and the resplendent achievements of its gifted people. We are not blind to their errors, but their calamities are greater than their errors, and their merits are greater than their calamities. When I heard that their bright city was beleaguered, and that the breach was in the wall, I confess I felt that pang which I remember, as a child, I always experienced when I read of Lysander entering the City of the Violet Crown. But, gentlemen, I may on this occasion be permitted to say that of all the many services which France has rendered to Europe — Europe, that land of ancient creeds and ancient Governments, and manners and customs older than both — not the least precious is the proof she has afforded to us that the principle of Social equality is not one on which a nation can safely rely in the hour of trial and in the day of danger. Then it is found that there is no one to lead and nothing to rally round. There is not a man in the country who can the University of Glasgow. ] 3 assemble fifty people. And rightly : since for an indi- vidual to direct is an usurpation of the sovereignty of the many. Those who ought to lead feel isolated, and those who wish to obey know not to whom to proffer their devotion. All personal influences are dead. All depends on the Central Government, a sufficient power in fair weather, but in stormy times generally that part of the machine which first breaks. Civil equality prevails in Britain, and Social equality prevails in France. The essence of civil equality is to abolish privilege ; the essence of social equality is to destroy classes. If the principle of equality at the present day assumed only these two forms, I do not think there would be much to perplex you in your choice, or in your judgment as to their respective results. But that is not so. The equality which is now sought by vast multitudes of men in many coun- tries, which is enforced by writers not deficient in logic, in eloquence, and even learning, scarcely deigns to recognise civil equality, and treats social equality only as an obsolete truth. No moral or metaphysical ele- ments will satisfy them. They demand phj-sical and material equality. This is the disturbing spirit which is now rising like a moaning wind in Europe, and which, when you enter the world, may possibly be a raging storm. It may, therefore, be as well that your attention should be called to its nature, and that you may be led to consider its consequences. 14 Inaugural Address delivered to The leading principle of this new school is that there is no happiness which is not material, and that every living being has a right to a share in that physical welfare. The first obstacle to their pur- pose is found in the rights of private property. Therefore, they must be abolished. But the social system must be established on some principle ; and, therefore, for the rights of property they would sub- stitute the rights of labour. Now, the rights of labour cannot be fully enjoyed if there be any limit to em- ployment. The great limit to employment, to the rights of labour, and to the physical and material equality of man, is found in the division of the world into states and nations. Thus, as civil equality would abolish privilege, social equality would destroy classes ; so material and physical equality strikes at the prin- ciple of patriotism, and is prepared to abrogate coun- tries. Now I am addressing a race of men who are proud, and justly proud, of their country. I know not that the sentiment of patriotism beats in any breast more strongly than in that of a Scotchman. Neither time nor distance, I believe, enfeebles that passion. It is as vehement on the banks of the Ganges as on the banks of the Clyde, and in the speculative turmoil of Melbourne as in the bustling energy of Glasgow. Why is a Scotchman proud of his country ? Because the remembrance of it awakes a tradition of heroic exploits the University of Glasgow. 1 5 and inspiring emotions; of sacrifices for its sake in the field and on the scaffold ; of high examples of military skill and civil prudence ; of literary and scientific fame ; of commanding eloquence and profound philosophy, and of fascinating poesy and romance ; all of which a Scotchman feels ennoble his existence, and all of which he is conscious have inevitably sprung from the cir- cumstances of his native land. So that the very con- figuration of the soil and the temper of the clime have influenced his private virtues and his public life, as they unquestionably have given a form and colour to those works of creative genius which have gained the sympathy and admiration of the world. No, gentlemen, it is not true that the only real happiness is physical happiness ; it is not true that physical happiness is the highest happiness ; it is not true that physical happiness is a principle on which you can build up a flourishing and enduring common- wealth. A civilised community must rest on a large realised capital of thought and sentiment; there must be a reserved fund of public morality to draw upon in the exigencies of national life. Society has a soul as well as a body. The traditions of a nation are part of its existence. Its valour and its discipline, its religious faith, its ven- erable laws, its science and erudition, its poetry, its art, its eloquence and its scholarship, are as much portions of its life as its agriculture, its commerce, and its engineering skill. Nay, I would go further, I would lfi Inaugural Address delivered to say that without these qualities material excellence cannot be attained. But, gentlemen, the new philosophy strikes further than at the existence of patriotism Tt strikes at the home ; it strikes at the individuality of man. It would reduce civilised society to human flocks and herds. That it may produce in your time much disturbance, possibly much destruction, I pretend not to deny ; but I must express my conviction that it will not ultimately triumph. I hold that the main obstacles to its estab- lishment are to be found in human nature itself. They are both physical and moral. If it be true, as I believe, that an aristocracy distinguished merely by wealth must perish from satiety, so I hold it is equally true that a people who recognise no higher aim than physical enjoyment must become selfish and enervated. Under such circumstances the supremacy of race, which is the key of history, will assert itself. Some human progeny, distinguished by their bodily vigour or their masculine intelligence, or by both qualities, will assert their supe- riority, and conquer a world which deserves to be en- slaved. It will then be found that our boasted progress has only been an advancement in a circle, and that our new philosophy has brought us back to that old serf- dom which it has taken ages to extirpate. But the still more powerful — indeed, I hold the insur- mountable — obstacle to the establishment of the new opinions will be furnished by the essential elements of the University of Glasgow. 1 7 the human mind. Our idiosyncraev is not bounded by the planet which we inhabit. We can investigate space and we can comprehend eternity. No considerations limited to this sphere have hitherto furnished the ex- citement which man requires, or the sanctions for his conduct which his nature imperatively demands. The spiritual nature of man is stronger than Codes or Con- stitutions. No Government can endure which does not recognise that for its foundation, and no legislation last which does not flow from this fountain. The principle may develope itself in manifold forms — shape of main' Creeds and many Churches ; but the principle is divine. As time is divided into day and night, so religion rests upon the providence of God and the responsibility of man. One is manifest, the other mysterious ; but both are facts. Nor is there, as some would teach you, anything in these convictions which tends to contract our intelligence or our sympathies. On the contrary, religion invigorates the intellect and expands the heart. He who has a due sense of his relations to God is best qualified to fulfil his duties to man. A fine writer of antiquity — perhaps the finest — has recorded in a beau- tiful passage his belief in Divine Providence, and in the necessity of universal toleration : — 'Eyw /lev oiir, cat tuvtci, kcic to ttuit at), ^afTKOifj.' av ai'dpwTToiai urjvat'q.p Beavc ' "Orw le fju) rod' IgtIv kv yrMfiyj (j>i\n.*ervdtire Association of Glasgow. 55 no man is more aware that they possess than myself; why, with the most anxious and earnest desire for which I give them entire credit to do their duty to their Sove- reign and their fellow countrymen, the result has been so mortifying. I told it two years ago to the assembled county of Lancaster, when I met not only the greatest proprietors of its soil, but deputations and delegations of its choicest citizens from every town and city of that great county. I told them, speaking with the sense of the deepest responsibility, which I trust also animates me now — I told them that the cause was, that this Govern- ment, unfortunately, in its beginning had been founded on a principle of violence, and that fatal principle had necessarily vitiated their whole course. And what have we gained by that principle of violence ? Let us consider it, here even, with imparti- ality and perfect candour. I am now referring to the Irish policy of the Ministry. I say it is quite possible for public men, with the view of obtaining some great object advantageous to the country, to devise and pass measures which may utterly fail in accomplishing their purpose ; and yet, however mortifying to themselves, however disappointing to the country, there would be no stain upon their reputation. We cannot command, but we must endeavour in public life to deserve, success. If, therefore, it is said that the Government pro- posed the large measures which they did with respect to Ireland in order to terminate the grievances 56 Speech to the of years and the embarrassment to England — which the state of Ireland certainly was — although they may have failed, their position was one which still might be a position of respect. That they have failed in this instance no one can doubt. A great portion of Ireland at this moment is in a state of veiled rebellion. But what I charge upon the Government is this, not that their measureshave failed — for all measures may fail — not that their measures failed to prevent or to suppress this veiled rebellion in Ireland, but that the measures, which they brought forward to appease and settle, to tranquillize and consolidate Ireland, are the very cause that this veiled rebellion has occurred. For, gentlemen, what was the principle upon which the whole of their policy with respect to Ireland was founded ? What was the principle upon which they in- duced Parliament to confiscate and to despoil the Church | and private property in Ireland ? It was that Ireland must be governed on Irish principles — the adminis- (tration of Ireland must be carried on with re- ference to Irish feeling. If that is a sound principle and a sound sentiment in politics, it is a perfect vindi- cation of what is occurring in the city of Dublin at this moment — viz. an assembly of men whose avowed object is to dissever the connection between the two countries. If we are not to legislate for Ireland with reference to Imperial feelings and general and national interests — if we are only to legis- Conservative Association of Glasgow. 57 late with reference to Irish feelings, it is perfectly- evident that if a majority of the Irish people take any idea in the world into their heads, however ruinous to themselves, and however fatal to the Empire, that policy must be recognized by this country. It is, therefore, to the principle avowedly, ostentatiously, brought forward by the Ministry as the basis of their Irish policy that I trace the dangerous condition in which Ireland is placed. Well, then, I say this policy of violence, for which such sacrifices were made, for which institutions and interests which were at least faithful to Britain were sacrificed — this policy of violence has led only to a state of affairs, unfortunately, more unsatisfactory than that which prevailed before. Now, gentlemen, I observe in the papers that the day is fixed for the re-assembling of Parliament. The time is not yet very near, but when you find Her Majesty has appointed the day for our re-assembling, it is an intimation that we must begin to consider the public business a little, and, therefore, it is not alto- gether inconvenient that we should be talking upon these matters to-day. Now, when we meet Parliament I apprehend the first business that will be brought before us will be the Ashantee war. Upon that subject my mouth is closed. I will not even make an observation upon the railway, which I believe has been returned to England. Whenever this 58 Speech to the country is externally involved in a difficulty, what- ever I may think of its cause or origin, those with whom I act, and myself, have no other duty to fulfil but to support the existing Government in extricating the country from its difficulties, and vindicating the honour and interests of Great Britain. The time will come, gentlemen, no doubt, when we shall know something of the secret history of that mysterious mess of the Ashantee war ; but we have now but one duty to fulfil, which is to give every assistance to the Government in order that they may take those steps which the interests of the country require. I should, indeed, myself, from my own individual experience, be most careful not to follow the example which one of the most distinguished members of the present Administration pursued with respect to us ■when we had to encounter the Abyssinian difficulty. Mr. Lowe thought proper to -rise in Parliament when I introduced the necessity of interference in order to escape from difficulties which we had inherited and not made — Mr. Lowe rose in Parliament and vio- lently attacked the Government of the day for the absurdity, the folly, the extreme imprudence of at- tempting any interference in the affairs of Abyssinia. He laughed at the honour of the country, he laughed at the interests of a few enslaved subjects of the Queen of England being compared, as he said, wijh the certain destruction and disaster which must attend any Conservative Association of Glasgow. 59 interference on our part. lie described the horrors of the country and the terrors of the clime. lie said there was no possibility by which any success could be obtained, and the people of England must pre- pare themselves for a horrible catastrophe. lie described not only the fatal influences of the climate, but I remember he described one pink fly alone, which he said would eat up the whole British army. He was as vituperative of the insects of Abyssinia as if they had been British workmen. Now, gentlemen, there is a most interesting and important subject which concerns us all, and which it is not impossible may be submitted to the considera- tion of Parliament by Her Majesty's Ministers, because I observe a letter published in a newspaper, by the authority of the Prime Minister, which is certainly calculated to arrest public attention. That is a letter respecting the subject of Parliamentary Keform. Now, gentlemen, I think it is not undesirable that at a moment when letters of this kind are circulated, and when there is a good deal of loose talking prevalent in the country on the subject, that I should take this opportunity of calling your attention to some considerations on this subject which may occupy you after my visit to Glasgow has terminated, and may not be, I think, unprofitable. Her Majesty's Govern- ment are not pledged, but after the letter of the Prime Minister announcing his own opinion, and the GO Speech to the intention of the Government, probably, to consider the question, Her Majesty's Government may at this mo- ment be considering the question of further Parliament- ary Reform. Now, there are two points which the Government ought to consider when they come to that question. The first is the expediency of having any further Parliamentary Reform. They will have to remember that very wise statesmen have been of opinion that there is no more dangerous and feebler character- istic of a State than perpetually to be dwelling on what is called organic change. The habit, it has been said in politics, of perpetually considering your political constitution can only be compared to that of the individual who is always considering the state of his health and his physical constitution. You know what occurs in such circumstances — he becomes in- firm and valetudinarian. In fact, there is a school of politics which looks at the English Constitu- tion as valetudinarian. They are always looking at its tongue and feeling its pulse, and devising means by which they may give it a tonic. The Government will have to consider that very important point, first of all, whether it is expedient. I am not giving any opinion upon it — being only a private member of Parliament that is quite unnecessary — but I am indicating that the consideration would occur to a responsible statesman. They will also have to Conservative Association of Glasgow. 61 consider this important point, that whatever Minister embarks in a campaign of Parliamentary Reform must make up his mind that lie will necessarily arrest the progress of all other public business in the country. I will show you to what extent that consideration should prevail. Parliamentary Reform, as a new question, was introduced in the House of Commons in 1852byLord John Russell, and from 1852 to 1866 or the end of 1865 it was introduced annually ; four Prime Ministers had pledged themselves to the expediency of Parliamentary Reform ; the subject made no progress in Parliament, but took up a great deal of time ; a great portion of the Parliamentary Sessions for these twelve or thirteen years was taken up by discussions on Parliamentary Reform ; and the country got very ill-tempered, finding that no reform was ever advanced, and other and more important subjects were neglected. At last it was taken up by men determined to carry it : first by Lord Russell, who did not carry it, and afterwards by others ; but observe, the whole of 1866, 1867, and 1868 were entirely absorbed by the subject of Parliamentary Reform. Therefore, you will observe that when im- portant subjects in legislation are pressing, you must be prepared to discourage any further demand for Parliamentary Reform unless you feel an insuperable necessity for it, because if you want Parliamentary Reform you cannot have any of those large measures with regard to local taxation or other subjects in which 62 Speech to the you are all so much interested. That is the first con- sideration for the Government of the present day to determine, whether they shall embark in the question of Parliamentary Reform. Is it necessary? Is the necessity of such a character that it outweighs the immense inconvenience of sacrificing all other public and progressive measures for the advancement of this particular measure ? Then there comes another subject of consideration. I dwell upon these matters because I apprehend that one of the reasons of our meeting this evening is that upon questions which are likely to engage the public attention so far as those whom you honour with your confidence can give you any guidance, it is as well that I should indicate to you briefly my general views of the situation. Now, the next point, therefore, that Govern- ment will have to consider if they make up their minds to bring forward a measure of Parliamentary Eeform is the character of the measure, and that will be a most anxious question for them to decide. I think I may say without conceit that the subject of Parliamentary reform is one that I am entitled to speak upon at least with some degree of authority. I have given to it the consideration of some forty years, and am responsible for the most important measure on the subject that has been carried. I would say this, that it is impossible to go further in the direction of Parliamentary Pie form than the Bill of Conservative Association of Glasgow. (>. 9 > 18G7-6S without entirely subverting the whole of the borough representation of this country. I do not mean to say that if there was a place disfranchised to-morrow for corruption it would not be possible to enfranchise a very good place in its stead ; but, speaking generally, you cannot go beyond the Act of 18G7 without making up your mind entirely to break up the borough repre- sentation of this country. The people of Great Britain ought to be aware that that is the necessary conse- quence. So for as I am concerned I never could view the matter in a party light. If I w r ere to accustom myself to view it in a party light I might look with unconcern on this difficulty, for the smaller boroughs of the country are not, on the wdiole, favourable to our views. I am proud to think our party is supported by the great counties, and now to a great extent by great towns and cities ; but I do not consider the small boroughs favourable to Conservative views. It is the national sympathies and wide sentiments of those who live in our great cities that are much more cal- culated to rally round the cause in which we are deeply concerned — the greatness and glory of our country. This ought to be known, that if you really in- tend to have a further measure of Parliamentary Eeform, and have digested that large meal which you had a few years ago, there is no borough in England with under forty thousand inhabitants that would 64 Speech to the have any claim to be represented even by one member. Now that is a very important consideration, if, as we are told, the small boroughs of between ten and thirty thousand inhabitants are the backbone of the Liberal party. They may be, and I think they are. But I should be very sorry to see them disfranchised. They are centres of public spirit and intelligence in the country, influencing much the districts in which they are situated, and affording a various representa- tion of the mind and life of the country. But it is inevitable that should occur, and I think, therefore, it ought to be well understood by the country when you have persons, without the slightest consideration, say- ing they are prepared to vote for this, or who are all in favour of that, whereas they have not really mastered the question. So far as I am concerned, any proposition to change the representation of the people brought forward by Her Majesty's Government will have my respectful and candid consideration. But I say at once that I will vote for no measure of that kind, or of that class that is brought forward by some irresponsible indi- vidual who wants, on the eve of a general election, to make a clap-trap career. I think it perfectly disgusting for individuals to jump up in the House of Commons, and without the slightest responsibility, official or moral, make propositions which demand the gravest consideration of prolonged and protracted Conservative Association of Glasgow. 65 Cabinets, with all the responsibility attaching to ex- perienced statesmen. Now, gentlemen, although I have rather exceeded the time I had intended, there are one or two more remarks I should like to make on subjects which interest us all. And first, as the only feature in our domestic life that gives me uneasiness, are the relations at present between capital and labour, and between the employers and the employed — I must say one word upon that subject. If there are any relations in the world which should be those of sympathy and perfect confidence, they always appear to be the relations which should subsist between employers and employed, and especially in manufacturing life. They are, in fact, much more intimate and more necessary relations than those which subsist between landlords and tenants. It is an ex- tremely painful thing that of late years we so frequently hear of misunderstandings between the employers and the employed — that they look upon each other with suspicion — with mutual suspicion — as if each were rapaciously inclined either to obtain or retain the greater share of the profits of their trade ; those in- cidents with which you are all acquainted, of a very painful nature, being the consequence. Now I am not talking of demands for an increase of wages when men are carrying on what is called a roaring trade — I believe that is the classical epithet. When a roaring trade is going on, I am not at F 66 Speech to the all surprised that working men should ask for an increase of wages. But the trade sometimes ceases to roar, when wages naturally, on the same principle, assume a form more adapted to the circumstances. But, no doubt, during the last twenty years there appears to have been, not a passing and temporary cause of disturbance, like the incidents of trade being very active or reduced, but some permanent cause dis- turbing prices, which alike confuses the employer in his calculations as to profits and embarrasses the em- ployed from the greater expenditure which they find it necessary to make. Now, I cannot but feel myself — having given to the subject some consideration — I cannot help feeling that the large and continuous increase of the precious metals, especially during the last twenty years, has certainly produced no inconsiderable effect on prices. I will not on an occasion like this enter into any- thing like an abstruse discussion. I confine myself to giving my opinion and the results ; and this moral, which I think is worthy of consideration. If it can be shown accurately and scientifically that there is a cause affecting a prominent class, reducing the average re- muneration of the employed, and confusing and con- founding the employer in his calculations as to profits — if that can be shown, and if it is proved to be the result of inexorable laws, far beyond the reach of legis- Conservative Association of Glasgow. 67 latures, and of circumstances over which human beings have no control — I think if that could be shown, and employers and employed had sufficient acuteness and knowledge — and I am sure that in Scotland there is no lack of both — it would very much change those mutual feelings of suspicion and sentiments of a not pleasant character which occasionally pre- vail when they find that they are both of them the victims, as it were, of some inexorable law of public economy which cannot be resisted. I think, instead of supposing that each wanted to take advantage of the other they would feel inclined to put their shoul- ders to the wheel, accurately ascertain whether this be true, and come to some understanding which would very much mitigate the relations which subsist between them. I have little doubt the effect would be to increase the average rate of wages, with my views as to the effect of the continuous increase of the pre- cious metals. But, at the same time, I have not the slightest doubt the employer would, in the nature of things, find adequate compensation for the new position in which he would find himself. Th ere is one point, before I sit down, to which I wish to call your attention. Because, if I am correct in saying that the question of the relations between the employer and employed is the only one that gives me anxiety at home, there is a subject abroad to which I think I ought, on an occasion like this, to draw your 68 Speech to the notice ; and that is the contest that is commencing in Europe between the spiritual and temporal power. Gentlemen, I look upon it as very grave, as preg- nant with circumstances which may greatly embarrass Europe. A religious sentiment is often and generally taken advantage of by political causes which use it as a pretext ; and there is much going on in Europe at the present moment which, it appears to me, may occasion soon much anxiety in this community. I should myself look upon it as the greatest danger to civi- lization if in the struggle that is going on between faith and free thought, the respective sides should only be represented by the Papacy and the Eed Eepublic. And here I must say that if we have before us the prospect of struggles — perhaps ultimately of wars and anarchy — caused by the struggle now rising in Europe, it will not easily be in the power of England entirely to stand apart. Our connection with Ireland will then be brought painfully to our consciousness, and I should not be at all surprised if the visor of Home -Rule should fall off some clay and you beheld a very different countenance. Now, gentlemen, I think we ought to be prepared for these events. The position of England is one, which is indicated, if dangers arise, of holding a middle course upon these matters. It may be open to England again to take her stand upon the Reformation, which three hundred years ago was the source of her Conservative Association of Glasgow. 69 greatness and her glory, and it may be her proud destiny to guard civilization alike from the withering blast of atheism and from the simoom of sacerdotal usurpation. These things may be far off, but we live in a rapid age, and my apprehension is that they are nearer than some suppose. If that struggle comes, Ave must look to Scotland to aid us. DO ' It was once, and I hope is still, a land of liberty, of patriotism, and of religion. I think the time has come when it really should leave off mumbling the dry bones of political economy and munching the remainder biscuit of an effete Liberalism. We all know that a General Election is at hand. I do not ask you to consider on such an occasion the fate of parties or of Ministers. But I ask you to consider this, that it is very probable that the future of Europe may depend greatly on the character of the next Parliament of England. I ask you, when the occasion comes, to act as becomes an ancient and famous nation, and give all your energies for the cause of faith and freedom. LONDON : PRINTED H\ BPOTT1SWOODB AND <-o., SEW-STREET SQfARE A5D parliament street 39 Paternoster Row, E.C. London : March 1873. 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Acton's Modem Cookery 20 Aied'3 Blackstono Economised 20 Allies on Formation of Christendom 1G Allen's Discourses of Chrysostom 10 Alpine Guide (The) IS Amos's Jurisprudence 5 Anderson's Strength of Materials 9 Arnold's Manual of English Literature .. 6 Authority and Conscience 15 Autumn Holidays of a Country Parson 7 Atee's Treasury of Bible Knowledge 1G Bacon's Essays by Whately 5 Life and Letters, by Spedding .. 4 — — "Works 5 Bain's Mental and Moral Science 8 on the Senses and Intellect 8 Ball's Guide to the Central Alps IS ■ Guide to the Western Alps 18 Guide to the Eastern Alps 18 Batldon's Rents and Tillages 15 Becker's Charicles and Gallus 18 Benfet's Sanskrit-English Dictionary .... 6 Black's Treatise on Brewing 20 Blacklet's German-English Dictionary .. 6 Blaine's Rural Sports 19 Veterinary Art 19 Bloxam's Metals 9 Booth's Problem of the World and the Church 15 Saint-Simon 3 Boultbee on 39 Articles 15 Bourne's Catechism of the Steam Engine. . 14 Handbook of Steam Engine .... 14 Treatise on the Steam Engine. ... 14 Improvements in the same 14 Bowdler's Family S jiakspeare 19 Braddon's Life in India 17 Bramley-Moore's Six Sisters of the Valley 18 Brande's Dictionary of Science, Literature, and Art 1] Beat's Manual of Anthropology 8 Philosophy of Necessity 8 On Force 8 Bree's Fallacies of Darwinism 11 Beenchley's Cruise of the ' Curaeoa ' . . . . 17 Browne's Exposition of the 39 Articles 1G Brunel's Life of Brunel 4 Buckle's History of Civilisation 2 Posthumous Remains 7 Bull's Hints to Mothers 20 Maternal Management of Children. . 20 Bunsen's God in History 3 Prayers 15 Burgomaster's Family (The) :S Burke's Rise of Great Families 5 Vicissitudes of Families 5 Burton's Christian Church 3 Cabinet Lawyer 20 Campbell's Norway 17 Cates's Biographical Dictionary 4 and Woodward's Encyclopedia 2 Cats and Faelie's Moral Emblems 13 Changed Aspects of Unchanged Truths .... 7 Cuesney's Indian Polity 3 Waterloo Campaign 2 Chorale Book for England 13 Christ the Consoler 15 Clougii's Lives from Plutarch 2 Codrington's (Admiral) Memoirs 4 Colenso on Pentateuch and Book of Joshua 1G The Speaker's Bible Commen- tary 15 Collins's Perspective 14 Colomb's Slave Catching in the Indian Ocean 17 Commonplace Philosopher in Town and Country, by A. 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