%
':<':
THE LIBRARY
OF
THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA
LOS ANGELES
^
1
f^ =
f.y
i.' I
.0
/
i \
F*""^. ./^^
/^
/y^
L^^A.3ir^a^ /
STATES' PHILOSOPHY,
STATES' ECONO.NtY,
AND
STATES' FINANCES,
Inseparable but Distinct Sciences.
BY
IGNATIUS BATORY,
BALTIMORE MD.
PRICE 50 CENTS.
UAI/ILMlJltK:
'I'he Sun Hook and Job IVintliiKOdlce.
COPYRIGHTED, 1893,
BY IGNATIUS BATORY, BALTIMORE, MD
HB
1 7/. 7
B3^s
INTRODUCTORY.
F'or over a century, mankind has striven to
obtain the knowledge, how, and through what
means, it could be accomplished, that each and
every individual might be enabled, through his
physical or mental capacity, to obtain an easy
mode of making a living.
And to the present day we have only succeeded
in laying a deeper foundation for such a desire
and a broader basis for its future success.
For while in the past there were but few who
were exercised upon the problem, this day there
are millions, whose noble aim it is to accomplish
the desired object, and nearly everbody feels the
need of such reform in the construction of society.
The evil has become so fully developed that
those who create nothing live and enjoy the fruits
of physical and mental labor, where those who
create everything barely retain for themselves an
almonishary existence.
The machinery through which this system has
been fostered in the past was the law-making
power, in the hands of the few, commonly known
as the i)ri\ileged classes, and supporletl b\' phj'sical
567082
power in the shape of standhig armies under the
control of rigid laws, commonly called "army
regulations," enacted by the same authority and
controlled by the same interested parties. All laws
were then enacted for the sole purpose of enriching
the few and impoverishing the many. The people
were taught to believe that they were subjects and
had no rights but what they may receive by the
deignity of the parties in power.
A system of roboth, known in the English
language as soccagc setincc, sometimes called fief,
and sometimes called a royalty, but by whatever
name you may call it, the result and object was
the same, namely : to take from physical and
mental labor all that could be exacted, which
caused the concentration of all the material wealth
in the hands of a few, to the detriment and suffer-
ing of the many.
The simple fact that the result has proven an
accumulation of enormous wealth in the hands of
the few has aroused the people in those times to
action, and the system was gradually broken, but
the same men retaining the legislative power in
their hands, have gradually shaped legislation in
a manner and have accomplished the same end in
an indirect way, namely : through the system of
indirect taxation.
5
When the framers of our form of government
had undertaken to free this continent from the
EngHsh, they were instigated by the same course,
namely : " the attempt by the men in power to levy
extraordinary taxes." From this attempt and from
this course sprung the Declaration of American
Independence, and the consequent Republican form
of government. A simple and cheap government.
The object of the f ranters of our government zaas a
cheap government and happy people.
The aim of the people at that age was already
directed to establish a form of government that
might enable each and every individual to gain
an easy mode of making a living, through his
physical and mental capacity.
The desire and aim of all good men of our
present generation is the same. But how to
accomplish it is the great question.
Some propose to obtain thrs desirable result
through the establishment of supreme authority in
communes.
Others have advocated socialism, something of
the character and nature of our trades unions and
Knights of Labor, l)ut they have failed to prove
practicable, .ind the problem is not solved yet to
this day.
The framers of our U)\u\ of government have
upon this question mainly relied upon the principle
of self-government for its accomplishment, of which
they gave proof by asserting in the outstart that
their object was to secure safety to life, liberty and
the pursuits of Jiappiness, securing to the people
the safety of life and the liberty of action that
they, the people, may secure to themselves and pos-
terity the pursuits of happiness. Idem est — an easy
mode of making a living. From the above facts
it would be convincing to every candid mind, that
it is the duty of every one in society, who esteems
the worth and moral of the above precepts or
teachings, as left to us as an inheritance by our
ancestors, to co-operate for their accomplishment.
We propose to give you advice, through which
advice you will be enabled to possess yourself of
the key (to unlock the mysterious chalice out of
which society has and does yet drink so bitterly)
that will enable you to solve the mystery.
We do not intend to bring proof from other
sources for the correctness of our conceived
knowledge, for we claim to be original in our con-
ceived ideas, consequently we have no predeces-
sors to cite from upon this all-absorbing social
science. But we kindly ask your deliberate con-
sideration, satisfied that we are able to convince
you on all reasonable questions involved, satisfac-
torily, and to gain your convincement.
For you will perceive from the foregoing, that
from time to time, from generation to generation,
the few have managed to live upon the expense
and ruin of the many; — the people.
You will perceive also that the means emplo)cd
to accomplish such end was the legislative power.
For the maxim, that all that is good and all that
is evil in society emanates from legislation, is true.
You will also perceive that society did only
move in opposition when wealth and power became
concentrated and all-powerful by corrupting public
men, to influence legislation. We are in such a
condition again.
You will also perceive that the people failed to
remove the evil from the inability to find a practi-
cal remedy.
You will also perceive that the fathers and
framers of our institutions and of our government
mainly relied upon the right of franchise, as
secured by the constitution, for the gradual accom-
plishment of the desired object expressed in the
sentence, "pursuit of happiness."
You cannot help perceiving also that we have
failed till this day to .secure the avowed object,
namely : to obtain an easy mode of making a
living. And the failure results from the same causes
and through the same channels, namel)' : the con-
nivance and corru[)tion of the men in office ; and
8
to-day we are exhausted through means of cxtra-
ordmary indirect taxation, which brings poverty,
corruption and submission to our land of freemen.
For in place of the older doctrine, that you
have no rights but what the privileged classes
deign to grant you, they have invented the rule of
(party nominations) by themselves. They call this
Democratic or Republican rule, but the object is
office, bribes, peculation, rings, contracts. Jobs, tnists,
and often outright robbery, causing enormous outlays
that prevent the attainment of happiness through our
pursuits or calling.
PREFACE.
1
Take all the wisdom your niuid can grasp, the
balance loill take care of itself, till some one else ivdl
perceive it.
2
Logical conclusions are at times the most
ungrateful productions. They are by others dis-
torted, perverted, misconstructed, ridiculed-
thwarted and at times even slandered to serve an
opposite interest. Therefore each indixidual must
judge for himself!
3
The mind of men is like fire, it must have fuel
to continue to burn. That fuel is independent
thought.
4
If you have attained on any subject a conviction,
stand by it, reassever it under all circumstances,
till you find out that you were mistaken, and when
that happens, be man enough, honest enough to
state it on proper occasions.
10
5
State's Economy, in a free country like ours,
must mean increased production and increased
consumption. Multiplication of the demand for
labor and an increased capacity of consumption.
It must mean the employment of all available
labor in the community or nation, increasing the
material prosperity of the people. And not the
prosperity of the government, corporations or
individuals.
6
To govern a nation is a science "hidden but sure,"
and when properly comprehended and applied, the
test proves itself in the prosperity of the majority of
the people.
7
Nothing is more destructive to the material
happiness of a nation than the ill-chosen repre-
sentatives to the legislative bod}'.
8
Free Press, when neither partisan, sectarian, nor
bribed, is the noblest achievement of civilization.
9
To be rich and sympathize with the poor is one
thing, but to be poor itself is another thing.
II
lO
Create circumstances through the agency of
legislation "that will compel the circulating
medium to seek income and profit" through the
channels of trade, commerce and agriculture and
shipping direct. And hard times will disappear
like the mist, on the appearance of the Sun.
1 1
The best prevention of insanity and suicides is
centered in such economic laws that will have a
tendency to increase the chances and values of
mental and ph}'sical labor.
12
The material prosperity of the laboring people
does not depend as much on the form of govern-
ment, as on the character and aims of the finan-
cial and fiscal laws that prevail in the nation.
13
There is an inseparable mutuality of interest
between the laboring man and the employers of
labor. The brewers are interested in the ample
earnings of the shoe-shop hands, to enable them
to consume their product.
The shoe manufacturer is interested in the ample
earnings of the laboring men that work in the
breweries, as it docs enable them to buy shoes.
12
The tailors are also interested in the ample earn-
nings of the shoemakers and the brewery hands,
that they may be enabled to buy clothing.
So are all (3ther callings, be they physical or
mental occupations. They are all mutually
dependent on the prosperity of each other.
There is no exception. The medical men, the
minister of the gospel, the scientist, the merchant,
the manufacturer, the holder of real estate, the
whole of the human brotherhood and sisterhood,
the married and the single, are all mutually inter-
ested in the prosperity of mankind. To obtam
this desirable end look to legislation.
Such a condition of society could be best accom-
plished by following the legislative methods as
propounded by me in the following document,
written and puhlisJicd in tJic year t86S.
LWritteii tnr the People's Wookly, .J<ti\n<trii ISf//, 1868.]
DISCUSSION OF THE FINANCIAL
QUESTIONS OF THE DAY.
BY IGNATIUS BATORY,
Vtce- President of the Labor Refortn Party of /he Third
Legislative District.
No. I.
Messrs. Editors:
The great question of the times is the financial ;
all other questions — industry, commerce, agricul-
ture, revenue, taxation, reconstruction, etc. — are
secondary, and in fact dependent upon the solution
of the first named. This being my conviction, I
take the libcrt)- of asking the privilege of using
your xaluable columns for the treatment of the
subject of finances frcMii a .standpoint (quite novel)
of my own.
For more than twenty years have I tacitly been
ob.serving the movements of public men as leaders
and moulders of the destinies of nations ; in conse-
quence of which observations, I became convinced
of two facts: P'irst, that acknowledged leaders
are not always wise or honest. Second, that the
above-mentioned characteristics are rarely united.
H
From licnce follows the partisan spirit in individ-
uals, and consequent incapacity (for doing good)
of whole bodies of men, whom they may lead.
To solve the financial questions of our country,
safely and judiciously, requires wisdom and
honesty combined. Wisdom, to give satisfaction
to both debtors and creditors. Honesty, to do
justice to all, the individual citizen who creates
all wealth, and the individual citizen who possesses
and enjoys wealth without infringing upon the
natural and lawfol rights of either, and at the
same time secure safety and stability to our form
of government for all time coming.
It is not the purpose of the writer to criticise
our public men for the theories they have
advanced, in relation to this all-absorbing ques-
tion. It is sufficient to enumerate the measures
proposed md advocated by some of them and give
our objections.
The proposed measures resolve themselves in
the following : Contraction and Expansion.
First, contraction, as advocated by the Secre-
tary of the Treasury on one hand, and by Honor-
able R. J. Walker on the other, (in spite of the
latter's assertion against contraction). Contrac-
tion as proposed by the Secretary of the Treasury,
coupled with funding of debt, retention of the
national banking system, and resumption of specie
15
payments, to strengthen the government credit,
as avowed by the Secretary, will increase the coin
interest paying liability of the government, and at
the same time give an undue advantage to those
who own the government obligations in bonds and
currency. At the same time it will have a
tendency to reduce the price of labor to such an
extent as to enable capital of this countr}- to com-
pete with European labor (this seems to be the
hidden object of the Secretary of the Treasury),
at the expense of the misery that inevitably would
befall the industrial and agricultural classes of the
nation. I'or to admit, for a moment, that capital
in America, being secure of six per cent, interest
in gold for a time coming, as a minimum rate of
interest, will be able to compete with capital in
ICurope, that is worth but three per cent, is pre-
posterous, and can be onl\- accomplished through
the agency of cheapening labor, instead of cheap-
ening capital ; exacting at the same time an income
or revenue sufficient to pa)' the interest and
expenses of the government, from the industry
and agriculture of the people.
As to the proposition advanced by the Hon.
\\. J. Walker, to raise a loan of $1,000,000,000,
in gold at si.\ per cent., in some foreign country,
to resume specie pajment and to retain the
natirmal banking .system, serious objections present
i6
themselves. First: borrowing ;?5 1 ,000,000,000 in
coin, if it could be had, would in itself be a calam-
ity to the laboring and agricultural classes of the
country, for in a few years the interest upon the
same ($60,000,000 per annum) ancl the present
banking laws retained, would be sufficient to absorb
the whole amount, leaving the government in no
better condition than she is at present and the peo-
ple oppressed with a burden that no republican
government can guarantee, and undoubtedly
would bring about the ver}/ calamity of repudia-
tion, which all honorable men desire to avoid-
Second : it is inconsistent for the interest of capital
to trust itself to the borrower {idem est — people)
when the borrower exercises the judicial power
in the form of legislation. It is therefore danger-
ous for a free people to create an interest that will,
under certain circumstances, favor a change of
political system, for the* safety of its material
wealth. Such interest, if centered at home, may
be oppressive to the people, but cannot wrench
from the people the right of legislation and con-
sequent power of self-preservation. But let this
nation assume a responsibility of such magnitude
to citizens of other nations, with the express con-
dition that such obligation shall be litigable in
some foreign country, it will create an interest
abroad that at some future day will claim a right
^7
to control our legislation, when such legislation
shall address itself to finances. Such claims will
in such case surely be supported by the identical
interest at home, and the writer has no doubt
that it would become a source of corruption in
our legislative 'halls, unparalleled in the annals of
time. Moreover, it would cause our people to
become indirectly the supporters of foreign powers;
for, under the present financial laws, no matter
how heavily our people may be taxed, the wealth
of the country has no undue outflow.
As to the resumption of specie payment, for the
restoration of confidence, this assumption seems
to be in conflict with the well-established fact that
that a nation which is capable of producing the
most over and above what she consumes is the
safest to trust to.
As to the second proposition, to expand the
United States currency to a sum commensurate
to the wants of exchange of commodities, for the
retirement of national currency, and the paying off
of our indebtedness in currency or coin, as per
contract made when negotiated, in principle we do
agree, but as to its practicability, under present
circumstances and laws, we object. Vor, to [nit
such a .system in operation without precautionary
laws, would enhance the price of all commodities
to such an extent that the more currency we would
i8
issue the more would be needed as an equivalent
fo the purpose of exchange ; and such a system
would leave the country in an unsettled condition*
for no one would know the actual value of things
from day to day. What we need is a judicious
and stable system, so as to fortify the rights of
capital and the right of those who possess no
capital but their industrial capacity, and to secure
safety and unimpaired enjoyment of production to
industry as well as to capital, upon principles of
equality and protection — in unison and accord
with our form of government. Capital is in its
nature inclined monarchically, for it needs when
concentrated a strong power for its protection, (a
concentrated government) ; consequently arises
the necessity in a democratic republican nation,
of decentralizing capital in order to secure the
safety and interest of the people and government.
"Decentralization of capital," then, must be the
political standpoint of democratic-republican
finances, verifying the asserted principles of equality
and independence to people and government.
The next question to be considered is, how
decentralization of capital shall be accomplished,
without infringing upon the rights of the individual
possessing and holding of property on one hand,
and relieving the industrial classes from the grasp-
ing grip of capital on the other hand. Upon
which subject we propose to treat in our next.
[Written for the People's Weekly, Jamiary 2r>t)i, 1868.]
CONTINUATION OF THE DISCUSSION OF
THE FINANCIAL QUESTION OF
THE DAY.
BY IGNATIUS BATORV,
Vice-President of the Labor Reform Party of the Third
Legislative District.
No. 2.
Me.ssrs. Editors :
In our first letter we have endeavored to prove
that the policy of contraction, funding and national
banking system, or the policy of borrowing
money from Europeans, upon a gold basis, will
have a tendency to concentrate capital in the
hands of the few, (as before), and create an
interest against the people's rights, and will
endanger, ultimately, the form of government
which we all profess to cherish and to appreciate
so much.
On the other hand, that the policy of expansion
of the legal tender currency, under the present
financial .system and laws would, in itself, be
ruinous ; for the distru.st it would engender in all
branches of industry, the consequence of which
20
would be financial chaos and confusion, the end of
which no one can foresee. Asserting at the same
time that the policy of decentralizing capital must
be the standard measure of democratic republican
finances.
Having thus taken this position in favor of
decentralizing capital, in a judicious and lawful
manner, we venture the following as the best
mode known to us for its accomplishment, based
upon these grounds :
TJiat capital being the vtediiini of exchange, for
all things known to civilization as property, acquires,
through tJiis propensity, a superiority of influence
over the natural capacities of men, (physical and
mental). And when strengthened in this position,
by privileges acquired through the agericies of the
lazv-making powers, not properly comprehended when
enacted, or enacted in a spirit of partiality, it becomes
the master of both nieiital and pJiysical capacity, and
retains to itself the pozver of control and aggrandize-
ment.
The propensity as a general medium of ex-
change is a blessing to society, for it stimulates
production. The privileges acquired through
legislation is a curse of which society .should be
relieved ; and, as we understand the case, it is
centered mainly in the right of suing in the courts
for collection of loans voluntarily made. Let the
21
nation declare that every business transaction is
to be considered cash on its face ; let the nation
abolish all the usury laws, make capital a free
commodity, give the owner the right of charging
interest to his satisfaction, but abolish the privilege
of collection through the agency of a court ; let it
be understood, that he who trusts assumes the
responsibility of the collection.
• Let the nation next restrict capital from absorb-
ing and monopolizing the soil, in the shape of real
estate, public lands, &c., so that this natural gift
to men shall be unobstructed ; then capital will be
forced back to the channels for which it was cre-
ated. Industry, commerce and agriculture will find
in capital their best friend, instead of its master;
for capital, once stripped of its extraordinary
privileges, will be brought in a position equal with
the mental and physical capacity of men — all
resting upon their true usefulness ; capital will
lose its power of control over the industry, agri-
culture, commerce and government ; depending as
it would upon mental and ph}'sical labor direct for
its profitable employment, it would become its
assistant, instead of its ruler ; mental and ph)-sical
labor will each regulate itself, every individual
would be enabled to enjo)' the fruits of his time
and capacity, unimpaired.
22
Capital, finding itself dependent upon the in-
dustry, commerce and agriculture of the land, will
expand our productive capacity to an extent never
before known Our shipping will revive, to carry
our surplus products to every nook and corner of
the globe ; for cheap money is the grand lever of
industry, and money {once stripped of the privilege
of lazvful usury, fostered by an insane credit system,
supported by courts, paid , for by those tvho are to be
stripped of all they can earn by hard toil,) will be
cheap. The masses will become the government,
the government will be stronger, safer, and more
free than ever before.
Let the nation therefore pass, all over the
United States, enactments : First — ^That the usury
laws in all the States being abolished, all business
transactions hereafter being considered cash upon
their face, that creditors assume the responsibility
for the collection of debts.
Second — That all courts for the collection of
debts, voluntarily entered into, or contracted, shall
be abolislied.
Third — That the soil being a natural gift to
men, shall not be monopolized by individuals to a
larger extent than so much per capita, through
acqtnsition hereafter.
Fourth — Repeal all laws relating to our present
mode of taxation, and enact laws upon the princi-
23
pie of direct taxation, {for, to decentralize capital,
it is necessary that those who own the wealth of
the country shall be taxed for its support, and tJiose
who own nothing but their productive capacity should
not be taxed.) Such laws would enable the poor
toiling and industrial classes to accumulate pro-
perty and become taxpayers. No citizen should
be required to support the government materially
further than the amount of material wealth he
actually possesses at the time so taxed, for al-
though moral and mental support in time of
peace, and physical support in time of zvar, is due
from every one of its citizens, material support
cannot judiciously be exacted but from those zvho
possess the material wealtJi in the government.
F"ifth — That all laws now in force that grant
privileges exclusively to individuals or corpora-
tions prejudicial to the material interest of the
majority of the people, are in conflict with the
natural rights of men, and ought to be repealed,
from time to time ; and no similar laws should be
hereafter enacted.
Capital once deprived of its undue powers, of
controlling our government, will cease to be a
corrupting element ; physical, moral and mental
capacity will become the standard value of men;
and the capacity of our industry and agriculture
will be the true standard value of our credit and
currency, as a nation ; for a nation that is capable
of producing the most, over and above what she
consumes, is the safest to trust to ; coin will inevit-
ably flow to its threshold. Coin will become a
commodity of exchange only, without strength to
control the natural powers of men.
Capital, forced to the channels of industry,
agriculture and commerce, (for which it was
created), for its profitable employment, will be-
come the best friend of the people and government,
and not be any longer its controlling master. It
will assume a dependent position ; will employ
itself in all branches of the national industry,
agriculture, commerce and shipping ; the last
named it will revive to an extent never before
known in the history of any nation ; for it is the
high rate of interest it is able to secure upon land,
that prevents it from being employed upon the
seas, and gives an undue advantage to other
nations, in this particular branch of industry and
commerce.
Not through the contraction of the circiilatitig
medium, then, but through the contraction of the
rate of interest oji capital, depends the revival of
productioji and co7isumption, (industry and com-
merce), and the re-establishment of our credit as a
nation.
25
Where interest upon capital is excessive, there
living becomes expensive, and industry, commerce
and agriculture, not finding the productive capacity
of the people sufficiently remunerative, as to leave
a surplus means for the consumption of the pro-
ducts of the alternate branches, becomes stagnant
and oppressed.
Money becomes scarce, not for its scarcity, but
for the fact that when interest is at 1 2 per cent,
but half the amount of capital is required for the
absorption of the surplus means of the productive
capacity of the nation, as when capital is 6 per
cent.
Let us assume, for the purpose of illustration,
that the legislation we advocate would have a
tendency to place capital in a position that it
would be willing to employ itself at a rate of
2 per cent., wlien safe investment could be made.
Then it would take six times the amount of circu-
lating medium to carry home the surplus pro-
duction of the nation, as at the rate of I2 per
cent. — consequently our present paper currency,
if not expanded, would not be sufficient to absorb
the surplus production, and coin would follow its
trail to gain the balance.
An individual who, at present, is in possession of
$500,000, and manages to gain a ten per cent,
income, .say of $50,000, would then earn but
26
;^io,ooo; the balance of ;^40,ooo would remain
with those who produce all gains, through their
mental and physical exertions. The industrial,
commercial and laboring classes would be enabled
to retain a sufficient share of the fruits of their
time and labor, to enrich themselves, become
truly free and independent, and enable them to
become supporters of the government materi-
ally ; the government will increase its tax-paying
population, become stronger, safer and freer.
The nation will be enabled to reduce its interest-
paying obligations to one-fifth, part of the interest
as paid at present, instead of repudiation. She
will also be enabled to conduct the government
upon a less outlay as at present, in proportion as
the rate of living is to become cheaper.
The currency at present being ^700,000,000,
taking in consideration the amount of business
done through the agency of the banks by drafts,
checks, &c., it cannot be less than twice as much,
say ^1,400,000,000; add the coin in the country,
;^ 5 00,000,000, and we have a total circulating
medium of ^1,900,000,000. Abolish the courts
to collect by and you abolish the present banking
system with them, then the government, by with-
drawing the present national currency, will be
enabled to issue $1,400,000,000 of currency with-
out causing inflation.
27
The government currency being circulated
through the agency of the treasury department,
will not be used as a medium, to exhaust the
resources, of the people, through the agency of
discounts, as done at present, multiplying interest
upon interest, till a total absorption of all the
wealth of the country is inevitably to take place
in the hands of the few. For, through the medium
of raising the prices of all necessaries of life, the
middle classes are reduced to poverty. Capital
absorbing their means, creating want and demoral-
ization, the consequences of which enables capital
to use those wretches (small politicians) as a lever
against the interests of the laboring classes.
The grasp of concentrated capital once severed
from the people's pocket, by abolishing all laws,
granting .special privileges, through which privi-
leges capital is at present enabled of controlling
by indirect means, mental and physical capacity
of men. It will then assist the development of the
use of modern appliances, as steam, machinery,
railroads, electricity, &c., for the furthering of our
productive capacity, and will increase our industry
and commerce, instead as at present, being but a
speculator upon the same, by means of discounts.
It is the duty of American democratic republi-
can statesmen, not only to secure to their fellow
citizens the enjoyment of the right of life, liberty
28
and property against direct attack, but also from
indirect encroachment.
Capital, as the laws stand at present, encroaches
upon the resources of industry, agriculture and
commerce, to an extent that the acquirement of
property becomes difficult, and in many instances,
unattainable. In consequence of which liberty,
and even life's worth, seems dubious.
Our present statesmen seem to consider this
all-important question from a European standpoint,
namely : Capital, Government and People ; where
there ought to be but two parties — Capital and
Nation ; (the last government and people.)
Capital is compact selfishness ; it unites with
government in a mutual bond, to secure interest
to the first and power to the second.
In Europe a nation never borrows money ; it is
always the government and capital that compose
the parties to the contract. The people are only
considered in their productive capacity, as so many
sheep to be shorn, just as a great wool producer
does to raise a loan upon his next crop of wool.
The moneyed man exacts the lowest possible
price as a reward for his advance payment. So
does capital exact the best terms — loaning upon
bonds at the lowest figures and securing the
highest rate of interest, so that by the volume of
interest it (capital) may be able to measure the
29
standard of value, of its received bonds, after the
close of the negotiation.
The people are never consulted (in Europe) in
the matter, consequently there a nation never
borrows. For a nation is composed of people and
government.
The principles of finance are in Europe well
understood ; the government and capital unites
there, for a mutual advantage. Capital upholds
the government by furnishing the ready means for
su.staining standing armies, a machinery, through
which the very laws enacted by the government,
to create its own authority (without consulting
the people), arc enforced on one hand, and the
laws to secure unimpaired revenue to, and safety
of capital on the other.
Here lies the secret, why money is worth in
Europe but 3 per cent., and in the United States 6
per cent., the latter being the wealthiest and the
most productive ; but does not po.ssess the same
guarantee in the form of standing armies and
absolute power.
Our present government is yet republican in
form, but does not po.s.sess, beyond the ballot, the
essence of a democratic government, which is the
people's rights, interests and influence in the
government — which rights, interests and influence
can be secured to them only through the sccure-
ment of material independence.
[Written by Ignatius Batory, for the People's Weekly of Baltimore,
February 8th, 1868.]
THE WORKINGMEN'S PARTY AND ITS
MISSION.
It is not well understood by our fellow-citizens
for what purpose this new party is organizing. Like
all new things, it is subjected to doubt and dis-
trust. On the other hand its principles not being
(as a general thing) fully developed, it stands in
exactly the same position to the two parties rela-
tively, as do the two contending parties (demo-
crats and republicans) stand in relation to each
other namely : "struggling for the mastery." We
can, therefore, expect no favor from either. For
we asse^rt that neither of the aboved-named parties
have a fixed or well defined platform of principles
to stand upon, comprehensive enough to embrace
the interest and well-being of the zvliolc American
people. They are both struggling for a mastery of
position only — office and its emoluments.
We beg leave to inform our doubting and mis-
trusting fellow-citizens that, although our princi-
ples are as yet not fully developed, they are suffi-
ciently so to enable us to claim for them a superior-
ity in comprehensiveness and of general usefulness
31
as well ; being calculated for the benefit of the
whole American people.
For the essence of the principles of the Repub-
lican Party in power at present, is, universal or
viatilwod siiffj-agc. Ostensibly for the purpose of
securing safety to the form of government, but
in reality for the strengthening of their (Republi-
can Party) chances in the electoral college for the
next presidential election. To attain this last
mentioned advantage securely, they are compelled
to bring their battle-cry — universal and manhood
suffrage — in conflict with their action, by disfran-
chising a large number of citizens — voters hereto-
fore — which is neither universal nor manhood
suffrage.
Such policy is neither in principle nor in fact
comprehensive, nor for the well-being of society —
being wanting in Morality, Justice and Equity.
The essence of the principles avowed by the
conservative or Democratic Party, is, "the Con-
stitution as it is." This as a battle-cry sounds
well to the ears of the American people. So do
we want the preservation of the American Consti-
tution. \^\\t the Democratic Party has for the
last fifteen years, and especially the last few years,
given sufficient proof of its inability to keep within
the limitations of the Constitution, and stands,
in this respect, upon the same record with the
32
Republican Party, although for different purposes.
The consequence of it is political demoralization ;
that there are not two leading Democrats or Re-
publicans in this country who view the Constitu-
tution with the same comprehension.
Both of these parties are deficient in capacity of
judging Correctly, Morally, or Comprehen-
sively. They stand before the people as plaintiffs
and defendants, each accusing the other, for the
purpose of lightening the burden of political sins
that rests upon their names respectively, and from
which the people have been and are yet suffering
so intensely.
This proves their incapacity for public or general
good. They are not representatives of the people,
the entire people, for they have neglected their
material welfare, and consequently can never
become comprehensive, for they are partisans and
not patriots.
In each of the States, we may as well assert in
each of the Congressional districts, of the Union
these partisans have an interpretation of their own,
for that venerable (and vulnerable) instrument,
the Constitution.
This is certainly not a comprehensive enough
principle, through which the general good of the
nation can be secured.
33
As to the all-absorbing interest of the people,
the very substance of life, liberty and happiness —
\}a& financial question — these parties stand upon the
indentical ground or platform, namely : "Let it
alone, do nothing;" for they each desire in the
next election, the support of the workingmen and
of capital as well. Object : — The Mastery of
Position only (office and emoluments.)
SucJi a policy, such a platform, sucJi a no-principle,
is certainly neither comprehensive, nor for the
general good of the nation.
Ours is a new party, just emerging from the
PEOPLE. In our body there are no outgrown
OR outworn politicians. We have no knowl-
edge OF political strategy or political tactics.
We have no pipes to lay, no mines to dig, no
lies to concoct, no ambiguous language to study,
NO political hypocrisy to feint, no falsehoods
to utter. Wc stand upon the Truth and noth-
ing but Honest Truth, as it becomes men,
Democrats and Republicans — as citizens of a free
and common country.
What wc profess, you can rely upon. Wc ma}'
be mistaken, or we may be wrong, but never will
any one be deceived by our party, h'or the
people cannot deceive themselves, their wives,
their innocent children, suffering as they do. Let
them but listen to our professions. "Good to
All and Evil to None" is Our Battle-Cry.
34
Free government with us signifies free people.
A people that suffers for the want of peace, har-
mony and happiness, or the want of an easy mode
of making an Jionorable living, is not free and
consequently have a no more free government
than a monarchy has.
The object of this party is to be true to its
mission. We feel it is the duty of a party, if it
be Democratic or Republican, to represent the
best interest of the whole people. This is what
neither of the other parties do. To retrieve our
lost ground of freedom, to re-establish actual, in
place of present nominal freedom, and to improve
upon the original, b}' preventing in future,
(through the enactment of laws, impartial in their
nature,) the centralization of an influence over the
government. To create a financial system that
will enable each individual to make an honorable
and easy living, and to retain the surplus of all he
earns. To destroy the artificial channels, created
through the assistance of legislation of half a
century, erroneously conceived or partially en-
acted, and through which channels all the wealth
of the country flows to the few ; and to enact laws
in their stead that will have a tendency to cause
the wealth of the country to flow to the many
and make them truly independent. To destroy
the habit of idolatry of men, and to teach idola-
35
tion of principles, of laws, and of the Constitution ;
of morality, of impartiality and of self-sacrifice for
the public good.
To abolish the present system of indirect taxa-
tion, as being destructive to the material inde-
pendence of the people, and to establish a system
of direct taxation, upon the principle that each
citizen shall be taxed in proportion to his material
wealth.
To prevent crime and pauperism, by furnishing
the means of making an honest living.
To prevent debauchery and prostitution, by
furnishing the means of support, to enable the
young to contract early marriages.
To restore the moral comprehension of the
people, by entrusting none to high or responsible
offices but men who will conscientiously regard
the obligation of the Constitution and the laws.
To ennoble and to elevate the character of the
young, by enabling them to earn a support and
protection for their aged or infirm parents.
To make this nation the most happy, the most
virtuous, the most noble, the most independent,
and actually free.
The mission of our party is to verify the aspira-
tions of the framers of this our government, to
make men free, independent and happy. In fine
it is the mission of this party to fulfill the obliga-
36
tions imposed on us (as men) by nature, through
the laws of nature, from which all rights take
their origin and authority.
Good to all and evil to none" — is the motto
of the Workingmen's party.
• [Written February 23nd, 1808, by Ignatius Batory.]
THE WORKINGMEN'S PARTY— WHO ARE
TO BE CONSIDERED WORKINGMEN?
When the great majority of the nation are
forced to seek relief from the oppressive circum-
stances they are brought under through the means
of organizing a political party, that will represent
their interests fully, and chose to style it "The
Workingmen's Party," it becomes of import to
ascertain and to know, who of the citizens of our
country are indicated in the name "workingmen,"
and whose interests is, by the nature of their occu-
pation in society, identical and inseparable from
the movement.
In Europe, where society is headed bj-
l<2mpcrors. Kings, Queens, Princes, Dukes, Lords,
Counts, Barons, and others of nobility and rank
"enjoying extraordinary prerogatives and privi-
leges," it follows that men (human nature being
imitative) crave for superiority, privileges and posi-
tion, to assimilate themselves to rank. "And as
rank cannot retain its position and influence safely,
except by keeping others as inferiors, at the same
time, could not maintain its pretensions against a
38
united sentiment of the people, — it (rank) is creat-
ing a divided interest (apparently) and aspirations."
Rank fosters a belief in superiority of men over
men — from which they deduce the divine right of
the minority to rule the majority — and creates
inferior ranks and classes, based not upon privi-
leges, for they are all subjects, but upon the fol-
lowing: I. Wealth; 2. Learning; 3. Profession;
4. Merchants; 5. Manufacturers ; 6. Artisans; 7.
Clerks ; 8. Boss Mechanics, (small employers) ;
9. Mechanics; 10. Farmers; 11. Servants; 12.
Workingmen. This fostered and inculcated be-
lief of imaginary superiority between men and
men, constitutes the weakness of the majority (the
people), and enables the minority to maintain its
prerogatives and privileges, and to retain the whole
mass, the learned, the professions, the merchants,
the manufacturer, &c., as subjects — Although
THEIR Interests are Identical!
This very notion of superiority seems to have
crept into our society, and has retarded the develop-
ment and perfection of our free institutions — thus
the principles of justice, equality and happiness,
as enunciated by the framers of our form of gov-
ernment, have been entirely lost sight of, and there
is to-day no liberty beyond the ballot-box.
Each branch in society is assuming a position
of superiority over their fellow men, loosening
39
themselves from the natural tie, that binds the
interest to the whole ; neglecting to fulfill their
duty to the weaker portion of their fellow men,
still pretending to be sensible, honest, virtuous,
and God-fearing men !
This being our condition, it behooves us to at-
tempt to prove the identity of interest of all those
whose occupation is agriculture, industry, com-
merce, mental or physical labor, in our country.
Let us examine for a moment how our interests
are bound together. All interest in society is, in
its nature, founded upon material well being. The
emperor or king would not be willing to retain
authority, if it would give ease and happiness to
his subjects, and entail poverty and trouble to
himself. No person would be willing to serve as
President, as Senator or member of Congress, if it
would cau.se him trouble and loss of a correspond-
ing amount of wealth as it at present benefits him.
It is then from a material .standpoint that we have
to view our common interest.
There can be no misconception in regard to our
cho.sen name, that of " The Workingmen's Party,"
containing as it does laborers, servants, mechanics,
small employers and arti.sans. Of the others we
will take up the merchants, the manufacturers and
the agriculturists.
40
The merchants divide in two interests, the pro-
ductive and exporting and consumptive and im-
porting capacity of the nation. To increase the
productive or exporting capacity of the nation, we
must force capital into the channels of industry at
the lowest possible rate of interest. Capital will
increase our production, and the low rate of inter-
est our export. To raise the consumptive or
importing capacity, we must relieve the people of
the oppressive taxation and unjust legislation that
, enables capital to exact its present high rate of
interest, exhausting the earnings of the people,
preventing them from being consumers to any
great extent.
The manufacturer has an identical interest with
both the above classified merchants. He needs
cheap capital and a large consumption.
The agriculturist needs cheap transportation,
cheap goods, cheap money, and liberal consump-
tion. If we force capital into industry at a low
rate of interest, the farmer will be able to purchase
his groceries, merchandise and implements at a
low figure, and by relieving the people and him-
self of the unjust mode of taxation, he will find
the people able consumers.
Professional men and clerks both need cheap
living, low taxes, and the people's capacity to
employ their respective branches, theirs being
41
undoubtedly mental labor, being the natural twin
brother of physical labor.
As to the learned professions, we cannot en-
lighten them, for if they have not sense enough
to know their identical interest with labor, they
certainly do not belong to the learned professions.
We a\er that nearly every individual in our
countr}^ is a co-workingman in a national sense,
each doing his best for his advancement singly,
and for the nation jointly. Socially no evil
CAN BE DONE WITHOUT AFFECTING US ALL. The*
laws that prejudice the interest of one member,
prejudices the interest of all.
The merchant is but a clerk of his employer —
"The People" — either for procurement of the
necessaries from other countries, or for the dis-
bursement or exportation of our own surplus
products. The manufacturer is not less a work-
ingman of the nation than is a common laborer,
each working physically or mentally for self —
and jointly for the nation. The farmer ranks, in
Europe, below the mechanic ; admitting him in
this country an equal position, but certainly he
.should not think himself better than a working-
man, for work is his existence.
In fine, the interest of all is identical, the laws
that oppress one oppress all. There are few ex-
ceptions only and they are those possessing an
42
interest disconnected from industry, commerce
and agriculture, and standing upon the merit of
capital or office, the latter being the most danger-
ous to the best interests of the people — it being
based upon aristocratic family relationship, or
upon subserviency to capital or party interest.
Let^ then., all good men unite for a joint effort
to Dislodge Capital, and the unprincipled,
subservient politicians from the political power that
enables them to attain their selfish ends., to the in-
jury of the majority, to an extent that no preroga-
tive or privilege in Europe has ever been able to
accomplish to sue Ji perfection.
Let us (The Workingmen's Party) Unsaddle
THESE Cruel Riders, for they force their Spurs
INTO OUR Flesh !
[Written March 31st, 1868, by Ignatius Batory.]
WHAT WE HEAR, WHAT WE READ
AND WHAT WE FEEL.
We hear, we read, of the noble progress made
by the workingmen's party everywhere. We are
gladdened, we are pleased, we are hopeful, we feel
elated — but what of all that ? What does it com-
pare with the grand aim of our movement ! — the
success of which is destined to give a Fatherland
of our own to the toiling millions — a home full of
plenty, of peace, of happiness, of innocence, of
love, of attachment, of manhood, of independence
and contentedness.
Yes ! Our Soul has Penetrated the vet
Hidden Future, and it has lit a spark there, that
has laid bare to our mind's eye, the future that is
sure to come, when every one will be happy and
free !
Down, then, with party predilections ! For the
people must be made happy and free !
We implore you, workingmen, to come forward
and trust to the workingmen's party. We po.sse.ss
hearts to feel, minds to judge, souls to penetrate,
to convince, to search for the good of us and you
all.
44
Let those who choose, sneer, laugh or jeer, we
will win, for the good of all. And those who now
sneer, laugh or jeer at us, and those who even
degrade themselves by slandering, falsifying, tra-
ducing or betraying us — will, to their own shame,
be compelled to enjoy the benefits of our success
in common with us.
. For under all circumstances the workingmen's
party will remain true to their mission, to bring
good to all and evil to none.
Our object is a legitimate one. It is to awaken
the people to the danger that threatens them and
their posterity, from the political demoralization
and incapacity of the public men of the day. It
is to sliozv them the future as we see it, for good or
evil. Then it will entail upon them to choose be-
tween their present condition — homeless, needy,
quarrel-ridden, tax-ridden, bank-ridden, without
means, without peace, without happiness, despoiled
of innocence, of love, of attachment, deprived of
manhood, of independence, and content; or the
future, as we comprehend it — a fatherland of their
own, a home full of plenty, of peace, of happiness,
of innocence, love and attachment, a consciousness
of manhood, independence and contentedness.
We must compel dishonest politicians to work
for a living, by taking the offices from them, and
enact laws that will cause all those who do not
. 45
work to starve, and will enable all that do work to
make a living, instead of as at present that those
who work starve, and those who do not work
live to enjoy.
It is the duty of every workingman, then, to
come forward and attach himself to the movement,
ally his feelings to those who candidly profess and
urge him to self-deliverance, from the gnawing
jaws of the political hydra.
[Written by Ignatius Batol■3^]
DESIDERATUM VIRGINS EST POTENCIA.
The thought, the wish, the cravings and aspira-
tions in the individual, constitute and are the
powerful agencies that plant the germ in the seed
of thought in men, from which springs civilization
and human achievements.
It is the individual who thinks first, wishes
first, craves first, and aspires first for the obtain-
ment or accomplishment of a certain desirable ob-
ject; he being convinced of the practicability,
beneficent and equitable character of the desired
object. He follows it up with an inspired zeal
that nature plants at times in men. He thinks,
feels, and he reiterates his thoughts and feelings to
his fellow men, for his conclusions are worthless
to him without the assent, approval and assistance
of his fellow men.
Science, Religion and States' philosophy assimi-
late themselves to the new thought, and humanity
is benefited by it.
DEMAND AND SUPPLY.
DEMAND AND SUPPLY IS THE SUBTERFUGE OF
IGNORANT STATESMEN AND THEIR FOLLOWERS.
Whenever the ill-conceived policy of our States'
economy and States' finances culminates in com-
mercial panic, our all-wise statesmen, at the head
of our admini.stration, who manage the peoples'
affairs, as a rule, express themselves, that demand
and supply regulates these things, charging over
production, high living, extravagance and so forth,
as the foundation of the evil.
The truth is, our people don't produce enough,
don't consume enough, don't spend enough, which
I will ri-ght here endeavor to prove to you. Sup-
pose our people were prosperous, by being enabled
to find constant employment utilizing their physi-
cal and mental labor, they would consume more,
produce more and spend more otherwise, than
they are enabled to do at present.
Our nation contains at lea.st ten million families
or households of six persons each. This is statisti-
cally ascertained.
These ten million households by being enabled
through the agency of prosperous times, would
48
use the trifling amount of one pound of meat addi-
tional per diem.
This would increase the demand for meat of
thirty-six hundred million pounds per annum.
Equal at ten cents per pound, to five hundred mil-
lion dollars.
It would require three million and six hundred
thousand cattle, each weighing one thousand
pounds when dressed, or thirty-.six million head
of sheep, one hundred pounds each.
If each family would have the means to buy an
additional one pint of milk per diem, the consump-
tion of milk would increase thirty million quarts
per week, not counting Sundays, or equal to three
hundred and seventy-five million gallons estimated
at ten cents per gallon, does represent the sum of
thirty-seven and one half million dollars.
Each family by using one pound of butter in
addition to the present consumption per week,
calculating it at twenty cents per pound, represents
the sum of one hundred million dollars.
By adding one pound of lard to each family per
week, we gain at eight cents per pound, forty
million dollars per annum.
If each family had the means of buying two
barrels of flour per annum in addition, this would
consume twenty million barrels, representing, at
five dollars per barrel, one hundred million dollars,
49
requiring one hundred million bushels of wheat,
or more than our present surplus.
Assuming prosperity in every American house-
hold, each one of them would use the trifling
amount of fifty cents per week on fruits, vegeta-
bles and green relishes in addition to their present
consumption.
This amounts to two hundred and fifty million
dollars per annum.
Reader, I will stop here, as I do not desire to
enter into the infinite of possibilities, to burden
your mind or waste your time. Be it sufficient that
I have here enumerated only six leading articles
of an indispensible nature, the aggregated amount
of which is eight hundred and eighty-seven and one-
half millions dollars. A sum sufficient to pay the
wages of nearly two million men, at ten dollars
per week for one year. The production of the
wealth here stated would inure entirely to the
agricultural industry of the country, would benefit
the means of transportation and trade and com-
merce.
Assuming further that by creating prosperity
through just legislative means, we would also en-
able our people to spend annually each on shoes
additionally two dollars. This would increase our
industry and commerce one hundred and twenty
millions. One dollar on hats, sixty millions, two
50
shirts each at seventy-five cents, ninety milHons ;
clothing three dollars per annum, one hundred
and eighty millions ; underwear one dollar, sixty
millions ; furniture five dollars a family, fifty
millions ; carpets and oil cloths, three dollars,
thirty millions ; stoves and cooking utensils five
dollars, fifty millions ; crockery, glassware and
cutlery, three dollars, thirty millions ; pictures and
ornaments, two dollars, twenty millions ; paper-
hanging and drapery two dollars, twenty millions ;
painting and renovating the houses, five dollars,
fifty millions ; making in all seven hundred and
sixty millions, equal to the wages of one million
five hundred and twenty thousand men, at ten
dollars per week for one year, or in all, equal to
the wages of three millions and twenty-seven
thousand men at ten dollars per week for one
year. This being a larger number of men than
this country ever had out of employment.
Reader, these are no imaginary conceptions ;
these are facts based on reality. Labor is idle wait-
ing to create, earn and consume; mental and physi-
cal labor is craving for opportunities to create,
earn and enjoy the fruits of labor and the blessings
of nature ! But they are prevented by ill con-
ceived economic and financial legislation.
The people are prevented from creating annu-
ally the immense amount of cig/ttceft hundred mil-
I
51
lions dollars worth of property by being kept in
idleness, through the invisible hand of combined
wealth and power.
It is our duty to increase the prosperity of every
American household, by decentralization of wealth
and decentralization of power. This can be accom-
plished through judicious legislation. By prevent-
ing the circulating mediiivi ''Money'' from making
an income ontside of trade, commerce, industry,
agriculture or shipping.
[Written 1875, by Ignatius Batory-]
STATES' PHILOSOPHY, STATES' ECON-
OMY AND FINANCES.
States' philosophy, States' economy and finances,
are three inseparable sciences ; the failure in one
causes the failure in all.
Our present financial system is apparently a
success, but will actually prove a failure, as it
lacks the States' philosophical and economical
virtues.
Our present financial system is grounded upon
the conception of governmental credit. Just as
a merchant strengthens his credit by paying
promptly, principal and interest, although his
resources are dail\' impaired to a larger degree,
and his ability to pay in the future becomes less.
States' philosophy teaches us that in a govern-
ment like ours, the ability to pay should not be
calculated beyond a reasonable portion of the
annual surplus of the earnings of the people, and
not from the positive or actual possessions already
acquired hy a portion of our people, for such a
policy impoverishes the tax-paying portion of the
people, the very foundation of national credit
53
For the stability of the credit of any nation de-
pends entirely upon the material prosperity of the
people and not upon the disposition of the govern-
ment to exact income, and when the people have
the legislative power to estop their government
from impoverishing them, governmental guarantees
become feeble, consequently. The present finan-
cial policy of our government is fallacious and
unstable.
If we view our financial policy from a State's
economical point of view, we find that it is calcu-
lated to encourage our people to become usurers
upon the resources of their fellow-citizens, avoid-
ing all risks of industry, commerce, agriculture or
shipping, which causes millions of our laboring
men to be idle, and consequently diminishes our
resources of production, reduces the surplus earn-
ings and endangers the material prosperity of our
people. No philosoph}-, no polic)' that is not
calculated to advance the chances of constant
employment to mental and physical labor is sound,
and all calculations and promises that are not
based upon production are fallacious and futile.
States' economy bewares us of unemployed labor.
We mu.st legislate in a manner to force the
circulating medium into the channels of trade,
industry, commerce, agriculture and shipping, for
which channels it was created. Legislators must
54
endeavor to create circumstances through the
agency of well matured laws, equitable in their
nature, that will have a tendency to force the
circulating medium in a position that would com-
pel it to seek income or profit through the chan-
nels of trade, indu^stry, agriculture, commerce and
shipping direct, and not as at present. It obtains
profit and income in an indirect manner, without
risk or exertion on the part of its possessors.
And the very authority that was created for the
protection of the interest of the weak and innocent
(the people) acting as agent to convey the earn-
ings and possessions of the many to the few (the
usurers and the office holders.)
The philosophy of our present financial system
is the cheapening of labor, by increasing the
purchasing power of the circulating medium,
centralizing wealth and power where it ought to
be decentralization of capital and decentralization
of power.
[Written by Ignatius Batory, September 6th, 1893.]
[The article below was published in the Bnltimnrc Sun.]
THE LABOR SITUATION.
Mr. Ignatius Batory writes to T/ic Sun as fol-
lows : A conflict of material interest is steadily
gnawing at the peace and stability of society and
endangers our free institutions. \Vm. H. Seward
once stated in relation to slavery and freedom that
there is an irrepressible conflict going on, and
that either the one or the other must perish. The
consequences and the result of the above con-
ceived philosophy arc to-day known to all of us.
There is an irrepressible conflict steadily going on
to-day between the many and the few in regard to
the division of the surplus earnings of the human
race.
Some believe in the philosophy of a divine or
providential, and consequently destinal, arrange-
ment, that the humble, the ignorant, the credulous
and the poor must look to the hereafter for relief
and alleviation. Some again believe that there
.should be organized or establi.shed by law a grand
^social union, national in its conception and paternal
in its aim — all to join in a common effort to pro-
duce and consume the products of physical and
56
mental labor — idem est, socialism — to accomplish
which they propose to regulate the hours of labor,
the price to be paid for such labor, and also the
division of the surplus profits of labor. . Others
again advocate a total absorption of all the wealth
by the government through the respective com-
munities, and hold it in trust for the use and
benefit of all the people ; compel each individual
to do a share of production for the common fund
of stock — idem est, communism.
There are also a great number of men who are
not willing to accept the theories of either of the
parties mentioned above, namely, of those who
believe in the poor man's destiny in a reward here-
after, or of those who advocate the philosophy of
socialism, nor of those who advocate communism,
and having nothing to propose themselves, make
use of a stratagem that demand and supply does
regulate this question. They don't seem to know
that the people are restless upon the very question
of demand and supply. Now, will such subterfuge,
such humbug avert the irrepressible conflict?
Let Democratic and Republican statesmen pon-
der. The people are restless. One ounce of
prevention is better than a pound of cure. Dema-
gogism among the politicians and demagogism
among the people must be met to avert danger.
57
The remedy lies in a strict adherence to the
spirit and letter of our constitution. The material
prosperity of the confiding people must be made
the corner-stone of our free institutions and the
aim of our statesmen. The present conceptions
of States' philosophy, States' economy and finances
must be abandoned and brought back to the sub-
serviency of the material welfare of the people,
and not as at present, being the means of absorb-
ing all the surplus gains of physical and mental
labor by the few.
The interest of the business men, manufacturers
and farmers are identical with the laboring men.
It is the politicians and the legislativ^e traffickers
that destroy people's chances of prosperity and
disturb the equanimity of our institutions.
Honesty, coupled with ability, must be invited
to re-enter the public service ; to apply its capacity
to the discovery of the methods that will lead to
the solution of the problem that naturally is attach-
ed to our free institutions — institutions that in their
wake carry the necessity to make the citizen ma-
terially independent.
The philosophy of non-interference by the few
and decentralization of power mu.st be steadily
kept before the eye of the mind of our legislators.
No undue advantage ought to be permitted to
exist against man and man. Men of mind and
58
honor must be enlisted into the service of the
people such as will serve the people, and not a
party nor of a combination of men for selfish ends.
In our days the name of the people is abused by
their representatives in the legislative halls, who
cunningly pass laws to enable the few to absorb
the annual surplus of earnings of the race. To
maintain our peace and free institutions we must
seek the remedy. // ca7i best be found through the
agencies of economic and financial legislation.
\
[Written by Ignatius Batory, May 18th, 1888.]
SOME ECONOMIC QUESTIONS.
In a letter to TJic Sun on current questions of
the day, Mr. Ignatius Bator\' a\ rites as follows :
Usury or interest on the circulating inediiun and
indirect taxation are the tivo monsters that have
enslaved the many to the few. It is but the urbaric
system of a half a century ago renewed in an in-
direct manner; changed from direct oppression
into a hidden but at present legalized robbery.
If I had the power I \\ould have laws passed that
would prevent the circulating medium from obtain-
ing income or profits except through the channels
of trade, industry, commerce, agriculture and ship-
ping. Such action would increase our production
and commerce, at the .same time multiply the
demand for labor, and greatly increase consump-
tion of the products of the nation. Prevention is
better, and will be less costly to society than an
involuntary cure. State i)hilosophy dictates the
decentralization of power, and through its agency
the decentralization of wealth, in this our free
republican f(;rm of government. This duty is
devolved upon the lawmaking powers in Congress
6o
and in the respective States, but must be accom-
plished in harmony with the c,r post facto feature
of our constitutions. Wherever there are iniqui-
ties obtained or created through the errors or
cunning of past legislative bodies, they ought to
be looked after and repealed. Wherever there is
a system that has grown up in our nation that has
a tendency to enable the few to obtain income or
profits from the many without returning an equiva-
lent in mental or physical production, there the
legislators ought to step in and apply the sovereign
authority by enacting preventives. To prevent the
possible destruction of these our free institutions,
and the possible ruin of all the accumulated wealth,
art and civilization, including the maxim of viciini
and tuinn, it becomes imperative that the States'
economy and States' financial system should be
brought in harmony with the States' philosophical
conceptions of the framcrs of this our form of
government.
[Written by Ignatius Batory.]
As to tlie interest of v.-orkingmen in the policy
of high tariff or free trade, there is none \n his
fa\-or in cither instance. It is always against
him. The annual production of $7,000,000,000
distributes but one-fifth for labor or earnings of
every description ; the balance is absorbed by an
invisible hand through the agency of the circulat-
ing medium, the medium of exchange, which is a
system created by law, but is deceptive and
against the interest of those who create. It is
immaterial what amount of wages he earns per
week, the cost of li\'ing \vU\ always grow in pro-
portion. The four-fifths of his creation he will
not obtain as long as the present mode of legis-
lation is in the hands of men whose interest is on
the opposite side.
Our American States' philosophy is all right,
but our States' economy and States' financial
.systems are all wrong. Those who create all
wealth arc to be dupes until they know how to
legislate. The leaders who create divisions
amongst the labor organizations are treacherous
to the best interest of the poor, ignoVant and
credulous workingman ; unity of sentiment and
unity of action is imperative. Kna\es and traitors
alone will keep the people divided. Outside of
jiolitics there is but shame and ojjpres.'iion.
I Written by Ignatius Batory.]
COMMUNISM, SOCIALISM AND SINGLE-
TAX.
Suppose you give the man the land, can he till
enough of it by Ijimself at the present day to ob-
tain a comfortable living for himself and family,
and at the same time contribute to the cost of
protecting society?
Can he utilize labor or time profitably enough
to maintain himself and family from cutting timber,
or from free fishing? At best in either instance
he will but ooze out a life, miserably.
The intellect of the human race has been devel-
oped "immensely" in this century. Education
has become general and the tastes and cravings
for comfort have steadily been growing in the
people proportionately to that development.
Industry to-day creates things that our ancestors
never dreamt of, and consequently had no crav-
ing for such.
The annual income of the laboring people of the
present day is manifold larger than it was a century
ago, but the necessities and cravings of to-day
being developed in the ratio of our industrial
development, causes want and consequent suffering.
63
The remedy is not and never will become effec-
tive either through communism nor through the
modern socialism or single-taxism.
It can be accomplished through the agencies
that underly the philosophy of our institutions, if
properly conceived and acted upon. Non-interfer-
ence by the few against the earnings of physical
and mental labor of the people and decentraliza-
tion of capital (money), are the guiding stars that
will ultimately lead this nation to the much de-
sired object of the prosperity of every American
household. Each citizen will be independent in
his own orbit. The people will be protected from
indirect injury as well as from direct attack.
The credulous, the ignorant, the confiding, the
debased will find protection through impartial
legislation? Personal liberty will go hand in hand
with material prosperity and independence.
Material prosperity in every American house-
hold is and must be per sc the outcome of our
free institutions. Self governmen when properly
comprehended by the majority of'the people will
accomplish it. Ik- assured it is not an impossi-
bility.
EVOLUTION, OR MORE CLEARLY CON.
CEIVABLE AND BETTER DEFINED
AND UNDERSTOOD AMALGA-
MATION.
It is nature's tendency to amalgamate "the
human race," not only physically but also
spiritually and mentally.
The mind of the human family is more sus-
ceptible to amalgamation and mingling than the
physical body, as the mind forces its influence
imperceptibly and invisibly upon the mind of
fellowmen.. Therefore, there is no resistance or
repugnance to hinder the immutable.
The tiling that must come, surely will conic.
The human family is destined to be acknowl-
edged by all mortals at some future day, as one
brotherhood and sisterhood.
The question arises, shall it be a common
family? Fed from a public kitchen, clothed from
a public warehouse, sheltered in public lodgings,
entertained in public parlors and theatres, all to
be owned by the State or the States.
On the other hand, shall all production be
co-operative or mutual? Or shall it be individu-
65
ality, as at present, each individual striving for
himself, and indirectl)^ for the community at large,
moving in his own orbit, obtaining all the benefits
from his physical and mental powers that nature
endowed him or her w'ith, subject "only" to the
rules, regulations and laws of the community, each
individual obtaining protection for himself and
guaranteeing protection to all others, maintaining
''individuality' and independence under the restric-
tion of "non-interference," either through direct
or indirect methods, with the interest of others.
If preventives are enacted by the law-making
power, it will cause decentralization of tvealth, "at
present in the hands of the fezv,'' just as certain as
the present methods do, in an indirect manner,
cause centralization of wealth and consequently
centralization of power. For the centralization
of wealth means also centralization of power, and
is a sure destructive element of the freedofn, happi-
ness and independence of the citizens. "It is the
duty of the State to guard against such a possi-
bility." Therefore to obtain prosperity, wc must
protect the personal interest of the citizen against
indirect injury and prejudice ; we must create a
financial system that will have a tendency to en-
hance the value of physical and mental labor,
by multiplying the demand for the same. State's
economy is not to save, to diminish, to contract, or
66
io hoard, but to spend, to increase, to expand and to
disburse.
The economy of the citizen to advance his per-
sonal interest should not be confounded with the
economy of the State. The first does well to
hold on to all he can "honorably." The last, the
State, does best by disbursing all.
It is the "prerogative," the exclusive right of
the State and community, to control the disburse-
ment of the surplus earnings of the people so it
may cause rotation in the channels of trade,
industry, agriculture, commerce and shipping,
from whence the prosperity of the people emanates.
The equitable division of the surplus earnings of
the nation, therefore, is the great problem of the day.
This question has at different times forced itself
to the attention of our law-makers, but as a rule
it was dismissed as a matter that will adjust itself
through demand and supply,
At present our economic system enables the
few by and through the assistance of a false "theory
of finances" to absorb the major part of the pro-
duction of the many — "the nation."
The legislative and administrative branches of the
government, ''States and National,'' indirectly are
favoring such outcome, and at times even the courts
have been made available to further this conccfi-
trated and gradually more and more grasping pozver.
What is to be done ? Where is the remedy ?
^7
[Written bj' Ignatius Batory.l
Not willing to claim superiority over any other
proposed remedy, we still feel that it is our duty
to ourselves and to the inceptions of truth, justice,
equity and impartiality, that underlies our propo-
sition, to claim that our States' philosophy,
States' economy and States' finances as presented
by us in the year 1868, and republished in this
pamphlet, possesses the advantage of being har-
monious with our present constitutions and laws,
not being in any way in conflict with the ex , post
facto feature of our constitution.
Securing to each citizen protection under the
laws remedying the future (and not the past), pre-
\enting in an indirect manner, through legislation,
the interference by the rich, the cunning and the
scheming politicians, with the mental and physical
productive capacities of men, in the future, caus-
ing hereafter each individual to be independent in
himself, working hours to suit his purpose and
interest best, obtaining remuneration in accord-
ance with his skill, ability and perseverance.
Enhancing labor by the circumstance of prevent-
ing either capital or land to obtain an undue
advantage through legislation.
Poverty of the people arises from the circum-
stance that the surplus profits from productive
mental and physical labor arc absorbed by the few
favored ones by the aid of legislation.
68
States' philosophy, States' economy and finan-
ces are three distinct sciences. Still they are
inseparable in their nature, for the failure of one
causes the failure of all three.
[Written by Ignatius Batory.]
States philosophy, States' economy and finances,
the three inseparable sciences, the failure in one the
failure in all.
Jt is not comprehensible to the ordinary mind
of man that it is easier to level society down than
to elevate it, for it requires comprehensive capacity
and skill to elevate, where want of comprehension
and consequent failure will accomplish the lower-
ing down of the material, moral and comprehen-
sive capacity of society, and destroy its noblest
aspirations.
Our present generation is absolutely baffled in
her career through the machinations of her leaders,
in whose minds there is no science but one, and
that is politics as a trade, with its adjuncts of
bribeiy, ballot-box stuffing, repeating, perjury,
intimidation and ultimate fleecing of the betrayed.
Under such circumstances prosperity and happi-
ness becomes an impossibility.
The foundation of State's economy rests upon
the employment of labor, not as much by the
State directly as through the circumstances crea-
ted through legislation.
[Written by Ignatius Batory, May 17th, 18&5.]
TRUE AND FALSE CONVICTIONS.
Men generally assume and state so, that this or
that is their conviction, where in fact there is
probably but one in a thousand who has ever
formed an independent conviction. To form a
conviction we must exercise our vision, our hear-
ing and our best mental faculties : vision to ex-
amine by where necessary, hearing to obtain
information pro and con, and mind to mature by, to
enable us to obtain a conviction. Convictions
assumed from other sources are but believes, and
believes are but structures without a foundation.
[Written by Ig-natius Batory, Aiitrust Uth, 1879.1
We must guard against a landed aristocracy ;
for if we ever succeed to force the circulating
medium into the channels of trade, by such legis-
lation that w ill prevent it hereafter from obtaining
income "through the medium (jf interest on credit
investments," they will certainly instantly seek to
monopolize the renting power of real estates, and
through such agency, obtain a controlling foot-
hold over (Hir commerce, industry, and trade in
70
general ; and reinstate thettiselves in a position
towards society "that will enable them to obtain
the surplus production (the increase of annual
wealth) of mental and physical labor, causing the
steady centralization of wealth in the hands of a
few non-producers, as at present. For such is the
aim of all monopolies !
[Written by Ignatius Batory, January 1st, 1888.]
Discussion of the economic questions that force
themselves upon our present generation, and
threaten to disturb the equanimity of our people,
if not the destruction of our, the most equitable,
the most judicious, the most beneficial and most
free form of government.
From observations and convictions, in relation
to the question of States' Economy, Finances, and
States' Philosophy, as relating to the present labor
agitation and unrest, as conceived by me, through
a period of more than one-half of a century.
It is not my purpose to combat or approve
" theories or teachings " of other worthy men and
citizens, who honestly teach what they believe to
be truth, therefore, ought not to be blamed for the
fallibility of men.
I am not in conflict with the George land theory,
for while it is not a remedy to accomplish the
71
deliverance of the people, it is true in its incep-
tions, that the earth belongs to the whole of the
human race, as a gift by the Creator. And the
proposed method of taxation is legal and within
the powers of States and National government,
capable of dispossessing its present holders.
The iniquities that rest upon the shoulders of
the many, in favor of the few, at present in this
country, are manifold, antl like a very weighty
bridge on pillars, the removal of one pillar increases
the pressure on the others. And in a true sense
there is no relief whatever.
The proposition to raise all taxes from land
would not prevent the {^t^^ from absorbing the
surplus earnings or profits of the nation, derived
from physical and mental labor. Such absorption
is done through the agencies of interest on the
circulating medium, bonds, stocks, mortgages,
ground rents, discounts, unlimited railroad charges
for freight and passengers, and manifold combina-
tions and tariffs to enhance articles and commodi-
ties that enter the daily consumption of the people.
All these evils can be prevented by abolishing
the right to sue in court, or to collect by process and
assi.stance of the courts. The credit sy.stem and
the right to sue for collection of voluntary-given
credits on one hand, and indirect taxation on the
other, are the Hvo monsters that have enslaved the
many to the few.
*r
72
It is but the urbaric system of half a centun
ago renewed in an indirect manner. Changed
from direct oppression into a hidden robbery.
Prevention is better and Avill be less costly to
society than an inv^oluntary cure. States' Philoso-
phy dictates the decentralization of power, and
through its agency the decentralization of wealth
in this our free republican form of government.
This duty is devolved upon the law-making
powers in Congress and in the respective States.
Wherever there are iniquities obtained or created
through the errors or cunning of past legislative
bodies, they ought to be looked after and repealed.
Wherever there is a system that has grown up in
our nation, that has a tendency to enable the few
to obtain income or profits from the many, without
returning an equivalent in mental or physical labor,
there the legislators ought to step in and apply the
sovereign authority of legislative pruning.
To prevent the possible destruction of these, our
free institutions, and the possible ruin of all the
accumulated wealth, art and civilization, including
the maxim of vicum and tmon, it is imperative
that the States' economy and States' financial
system should be brought in harmony with the
States' philosophical conceptions of the framers of
our form of government.
/;/ obso-vationis legcnda natiira non est criminis.
["Written by Iguatius Batory, April 13tli, 1886.]
IS THERE ANY WONDER THAT THERE
IS A PERIODICAL GROAN OF
DISTRESS ?
The present system of laws, as relating to the
financial and State economical management by the
States and the United States administrations, are
calculated to insure a large part of the production
that emanates from the physical and mental labors
of the people annually, to a source that never pro-
duces anything, commonly known as " income on
investments." Those holding and possessing these
investments have no interest in the increase or
multiplication of production, as their share of the
aggregate profits in hard times, or surplus profits
in good times, of the people's making, is securely
brought to them periodically, by and through the
medium of the established authorities, of the States
or of the United States.
The custom house, the internal revenue depart-
ment, and the tax gatherers, are the mediums of
the constituted authorities, through which the
annual surplus is taken to the few from the many.
This is what creates the rich and the poor. This
much is the direct cause of society's endangered
position of this day.
74
To this is allied the system that legalizes the
use of the circulating medium (money) on usury,
such as mortgages, ground rents, loans, etc.
On the other hand, nearly all these investments
are exempt of taxation, which causes the burden
of the States, respectively, and the United States,
in general, to be upon the shoulders of those who
are least able to stand it.
Is there any tvonder that there is a periodical groan
of distress?
Where is the remedy ? Is it in labor unions ?
No ! Is it in co-operative shops ? No ! Is it in
strikes ? No ! Is it in anti-prison labor system ?
No! Is it in arbitration? No! Is it in civil
service reform? No ! Is 'it in compulsory copart-
nership? No! Is it in eight hour laws? No!
Can socialism remedy it ? No ? Can communism
remedy it ? No ! Partnernships between employers
and employes ? No ! Where, then, is the remedy ?
It is in honest, intelligent, judicious, impartial and
constitutional legislation.
Upon all financial and States' economical ques-
tions, the vote of labor, if intelligently managed,
can accomplish it by sending to Congress men
who are by occupation, mental training and sym-
pathy in harmony with the material interest of
those who labor, physically or mentally.
[Written by Ig-natius Batory.]
TARIFF.
I.
Tariff is naturally a tax on the article that some
one needs, consequently is paid by the consumer.
It follows that a high tariff is a high tax and a
lower tariff is a lower tax upon those who need
the respective articles. It does incidentally pro-
tect some industry proportionately as the amount
of tax collected. But the benefit accrues to but a
few, and stands as special legislation in favor of a
few against the many. It is class legislation, not
in harmony with free government. Direct taxa-
tion, in proportton to wealth possessed, is the
method that can and will assist to secure the pros-
perity of the many — "the poor."
2.
If a chapter is not clear to your mind, read it
over and over again, till you perceive its wisdom
or folly.
3-
The writer has patience with the fallibility and
ignorance of men. Therefore be charitable.
76
4-
The ablest young men in the land can't make a
successful honest stand, simply because the invis-
ible hand of governmental legislation is against
the possibility of their success.
Dislodge the usurer, the Wall-street gambler,
the trusts and the courts to collect by, and your
chances of making a living in commerce, industry
and agriculture will be restored like magic. And
the independence of the man will be joined by
prosperity of the man.
5-
The interest of England is to prevent the masses
in India from becoming prosperous, educated or
independent. The people of India are subjects to
the crown of England, and can but be kept there
through poverty, ignorance and submissiveness.
About four dollars per capita is her circulation.
A nation of two hundred and eighty million people
to be kept down by a handful of Englishmen,
naturally must be governed by a State philosophy
different from ours.
There is an indivisibility between the human
being's mental and physical necessities and pro-
ductions. The more the one produces, the more
17
the other craves for ; the more the other devises,
the more the one produces.
It is marvelous, but it is in keeping with the
wisdom and forethought of our invisible and our
incomprehensible Maker.
It seems room for all and plent\- for all was the
object and intent of our Maker.
7-
Liberty, independence and rights, secured and
guaranteed by Bill of Rights or Constitutions, are
but expressions or assertions that bring no good,
except the people or those entrusted by them with
the leadership, give force and character to the
spirit and letter of such. (Constitution or Bill of
Rights. ) Every citizen must be alive to the issue.
8.
The best remedy for the people to relieve them-
selves of the oppressive present, and attain a better
future, is always this : Change the men and party
that represent the pre.sent and the past into a party
for a better future.
If your country is in a condition that you can't
earn an honest livelihood through diligent labor or
any other honest calling, then your laws and law-
makers arc at fault. And it is your duty to change
them, irrespective of by what ])arty name they
may be known.
78
9-
Grasping for power, for power gives them money,
and money keeps them in power, the two go
together ; just so goes poverty and subjugation.
Why not decentralize capital and power and
prevent poverty and subjugation of the people?
lO.
The human being is like the flying star that
illuminates the surrounding heavens in its flight
and disappears, but differs in consequences. For
while the one leaves no trace behind, the other
inspires his fellow-beings to thought, action and
results.
II.
The great curse that weighs upon society so
heavily centres in the conception of the word
"interest." Interest on investments, instead of
profits from undertakings. The first is obtained
out of society's possessions already acquired with-
out risk or employment of physical or mental
labor. Where to obtain profits the second is
bound to take risks by employing labor, which
causes them to be incidentally benefactors to
society at large.
79
12.
The value of money or capital (circulating
medium or medium of exchange) increases or
diminishes proportionately, as it is enabled to
invest itself in interest-bearing securities. And
commerce, industr}-, agriculture, &c., are pre-
judiced or benefited accordingly.
Legislation should aim to cause capital to seek
profits in the diverse channels of industry, com-
merce and agriculture, for which it naturally was
created, which can but be accomplisheci by dimin-
ishing its chances of profitable usury.
Monopolies to obtain exorbitant profits in their
undertakings must have a surplus of labor to
enrich themselves.
Competition in the labor market is indispensable
to their aims. Protected by high tariffs, they arc
secured against outside competition, and the em-
ployment of thou.sands of hands in the under-
taking, enables them to obtain labor at their own
price. A reduction of twenty-five cents per day
increases their treasury by thousands of dollars
daily.
[Written by Ignatius Batory.]
The silver question, simple in itself, has been
for years a favorite theme for designing bankers,
usurers and servile legislators. The amount of
"nonsense" that was spoken about it, "apparently
with fervor," in the House of Congress, in the
United States Senate, and in the columns of the
daily and monthly (scientific) press, would more
than gird the globe. It was all done to confound
the people ; those interested know that in muddy
water is good fishing. As to trade, industry,
commerce, agriculture or shipping, it is immaterial
if our currency is silver, paper or gold, as its
stable value depends on the credit and guarantee
of the government. To obviate this confounded
question in the future, let the government recoin
all gold and silver coins upon a basis of eighty
cents to the dollar, guaranteeing the one-fifth, and
make it redeemable at all time in full in bullion,
silver or gold at market value at the option of the
holder. This would also prevent the exportation
or hoarding of coins.
Gold and silver must be kept a commodity, and
the legal tender "money" should be prevented
from becoming a commodity, by lessening its
intrinsic value. Therefore, a portion of it should
be based upon the credit of the government.
8i
The idea or conception that our dollar must be
worth a hundred cents in the metal is treacherous
and misleading". For it enables hoarding, export-
ing and "manipulating," creating artificial scarcity
of money and consequent depreciation of the
possessions of the people, including labor, and is
in favor of those who possess the ready cash,
and live on interest or usury.
[Written by Ignatius Batory, Baltimore, November, 1889.]
THE PAN AMERICAN CONGRESS.
Presumably this Congress was invited by our
American Statesmen, for the purpose of gaining
the good will and wishes of these small American
States, through the agencies of showing them our
mechanical, industrial, commercial and agricul-
tural progress. As also our military possibilities
in case of war with foreign nations.
It is well to gain the reputation and respect of
these weak nationalities and influence their future
policy and action, and endeavor to gain their com-
mercial favors. But as interest rules men, it also
rules nations, we may be outbid at some future
day by others.
I suggest a method that will hold good for all
time coming, and will make their and our com-
merce inseparable, namely : Let the Pan-Ameri-
can Congress unite upon the following plan for a
uniform circulating medium (money):
Let the American Nation and each of the respec-
tive States represented in the congress, agree to
recoin all the gold and silver coins in circulation
at present in their respective countries, and issue
83
instead, a new coin upon the basis of four-fifths
(5) value, namely: eighty cents of the respective
metals, to represent a legal dollar, each govern-
ment promising to redeem at all times its legal
coins in bullion, say in not less than twenty dol-
lars. That is to say, although the dollar contains
but eighty cents of the metal, the respective
governments will, in exchange, give one hundred
cents worth of the metal, in bullion, optional with
the respective governments to pay either in silver
or gold bullion. Each nation may retain its
national emblem or imprint on the coins as at
present in vogue. Such coin of uniform value,
would soon be accepted as a medium of exchange
for commodities between these American nations
and stimulate commercial intercourse. It would
place the smallest of these nations upon an equality
basis with our own nation, and consequently could
not but be pleasing to all. Indirectly, it will pre-
vent the hoarding of the circulating medium by
speculators and keep it for what it is created, as a
medium of exchange. Industry-, trade, commerce
and shipping will profit by it, for it will not be
exported to foreign lands on account of its less
intrinsic value than the bullion that is obtainable
at pleasure.
The great problem of society in the near future
is, anyhow, to prevent the circulating^ medium from
84
making any profit or income outside of trade, com-
merce, industry, agriculture or shipping, for the
retention of the circulating medium in the above
enumerated channels will surely multiply the
demand for labor and create general prosperity.
[Written by Ig-uatius Batory.J
The war for the elimination "of the unavoidable
mistake of the fathers of the republic" from our
political system (slavery) has entailed upon our
nation an immense cost in lives, destruction of
property and public debt. No honest citizen will
question the sacred duty of the nation to liquidate
the debt in full. Our form of government is a
three-fold — legislative, administrative and judici-
ary. There has of late years arisen a question of
great material importance to the people of this
country, in regard to the power of Congress to
authorize the issuance of legal tender paper
money. This question has happily been decided
by the highest court of the land in favor of such
power possessed in Congress.
The Democratic platform has repudiated that
decision, although the Democratic majority in
Congress has not seen fit to pa.ss a bill to verify
their assumption, that the legal tender power is
not ju.stifiablc. The Republican party for the last
twenty years in power 'after the war" has done
all and everything to saddle the people with
burdens in public obligations and monopolies, the
consequences of which are causing our present
materially distressed condition, growing out of the
86
centralization of wealth and power in the hands of
the few.
The advent of the Democratic party ascending
to power entails upon it the responsibilty of solv-
ing the labor question. It involves questions of
States' philosophy, States' economy and States'
finances from a new point of view, assimilative
with the requirements and object of our free insti-
tutions. It also involves the regulations of the
functions of the circulating medium, taxation, and
the source from where it may be drawn. Charter-
ed privileges, (that grant prerogatives indirectly)
and the observation of constitutional limitations,
and other kindred questions.
The first step to solve the labor question, or in
other words, to improve the condition and to
secure material prosperity to those who either
mentally or physically labor and create all that
we society enjoy, is to enlist into the service of the
administration of affairs of the nation, men who
are able, honest, generous, patriotic and disinter-
ested ; men who have proven reliable and worthy
in private life ; men who will apply all their quali-
fications for the perfection of our free institutions ;
men who will guard the interest of those who
through circumstances created by poverty, were
forced into a condition of credulity and dependence ;
men who will apply their whole being for the solu-
87
tion of the problem of decentralizing power and
wealth in an equitable and lawful manner; men
who will not look upon the office as a creation for
their special purpose, commonly known as poli-
ticians, wlio make politics a livelihood, who after
they obtain office feel no other responsibility.
An honest Congress and administration to begin
with is the inevitable necessity for the improve-
ment of the material condition of American house-
holds. Such can never be accomplished through
the men who wielded power in the last fifteen
year.s-, be they Republican or Democratic poli-
ticians. They are but schemers for self-aggran-
dizement and unable to comprehend or grasp the
complicated questions that slumber like a volcano
beneath our social fabric, which when stimulated
by want, superinduced by the suspension of com-
mercial and industrial activity, may burst forth at
a time when least expected, and cause destruction
to most of what civilization and peace jn our
midst has created for half a century. Prevention
is surer than cure. Forethought is forearmed.
Let us have a truly honest administration of
public affairs. Material prosperity in the house-
hold, is the corner-stone of true independence and
moral civilization. Politicians of the past are not
the men who can accomplish much good. Honesty
and truthfulness are rarely in them. Let us obey
88
the laws as they are, call in the public debt, pay-
it in legal tenders. Relieve the people of the
interest. It will force the capitalists into enter-
prises that will benefit mental and physical labor.
This is the first step to solve the labor problem.
I
[Written by Ignatius Batory.]
It is a well-known fact that the Supreme Court
of the United States have decided that Congress,
acting for the people, has the power to issue legal
tender paper money for all purposes. The demo-
cratic party leaders, while dissenting from that
decision, and having seen fit to express their dissent
in the platform of 1884, have, nevertheless, since
their advent to power, not ventured either to
approve nor to challenge that decision.
The right of the people to issue legal tender
paper money is, at the present juncture of our
commercial and industrial condition, of immense
consequence.
The issuance of legal tender circulating medium
either by the respective States or by the United
States, becomes at this juncture of our industrial
condition an unavoidable necessity. // is the lever
that alone can quicken the motion of trade, commerce,
industry and shipping and enhance agriculture.
It is an admitted fact that there is a disparaging
condition between those who create the wealth and
tho.se who po.ssess the wealth of the nation.
The controversy is not as to the existing facts,
but as to the sources of the evil, and the means of
remedy.
90
To inflict injury and inequality upon the major-
ity of the people, the cunning few have used the
legislative power, irr violation of the fundamental
principles of the constitution. To restore equity
to our people we must return to the first principles,
as enunciated by the fathers of the Constitution.
It is the interest of the wealthy to arrogate
powers beyond the constitutional limit, under
plausible, but false pretenses. On the other hand,
the interest of the poor is to cling to the strict con-
struction of the limited powers as provided by the
Constitution. As the first leads to the concentra-
tion of wealth, the second is .a preventive and is
calculated to shield the people from aggression by
the designing few.
The non-adherence till now by both parties, to
the decision of the United Slates Supreme Court
in relation to the issue of legal tender, and ignor-
ing its possibilities in a commercial and prosperity
point of view, proves their shameful indifference
to the people's interest and welfare.
There are at present outstanding nearly fourteen
hundred millions of United States bonds that are
subject to redemption with this legal tender. Why
not pay them off, save the annual interest, and
increase commercial enterprises to the extent of
the amount of the circulating medium to be issued.
91
It would enhance the value of labor proportion-
ately as the circulating medium in the hands of
the present bond holders would increase. It
would enable laboring men to obtain abundant
employment.
It is a part of statesmanship to create demand
for labor "through legislation" in an indirect way.
The guarantee of the national government on the
bonds being considered sufficient. Why not also
on legal tender notes?
Only lunatics will deny the fact that the com-
merce of the country solely upon a gold basis is
an impossibility, except upon the destruction of
freedom and the substitution of servitude of the
people.
[Written by Ignatius Batory.]
AN AMERICAN FINANCIAL SYSTEM
MUST BE HARMONIOUS, JUDICIOUS
AND CONSEQUENTIAL.
Harmonious with the philosophy and intent of
our American Constitution as relating to the
material welfare and personal rights of each and
every one of our citizens.
Judicious by stimulating trade, commerce,
industry and agriculture without permitting some
favored ones to sponge upon the economic
branches of the nation through the agencies of
usury, special privileges, combinations and trusts,
and so forth.
Consequential by preventing the circulating
medium by indirect means from obtaining income
or profit through any source whatever, excepting
through the employment of labor direct.'
Without the above essentials no financial
arrangement will work satisfactorily.
[Written by Ig-natius Batory, February 22d, 1880.]
191 AND 1920.
All railroads will be condemned and paid for by
the respective States ; no more public securities
will be emitted, and all that may be outstanding
will be subject to taxation ; no more mortgages
or ground rents will be recorded ; no more debts
will be collected through the agencies of courts,
as all business transactions will be considered cash
on their face (in law). A maximum will be set
for the ownership of real estate by each citizen.
The national administration will issue all the
silver and gold coins, but no paper money. The
States will charter State banks and decide upon its
guarantee, if coin or real estate. Import duties
will be collected upon the principle that all articles
that the countr)- can produce a sufficiency of will
be lightly protected, and all articles that the nation
cannot create a sufficiency of will be admitted
free. All high protective tariffs and all subsidizes
will be forever banished.
Legislation will incessantly aim at forcing the
circulating medium into the channels of trade,
commerce and industry by preventing its employ-
ment in usurious or chartered speculations. Taxes
94
will be collected in a direct manner, taxing each
citizen in proportion to his possessions. All
charters that grant monopolies will be repealed or
condemned and paid out of existence, as the
right of suing in court for the collection of debts
will be abolished, the usury laws will disappear,
credit will be based on honesty instead, as at
present, based on property. Bribery, ballot-box
stuffing or false count and false voting will be
punished like arson or rape. The intelligence of
the people will make it impossible for rough and
dishonest men to obtain public positions of trust.
The meaning of the words, democrats and re-
publicans, will be well understood as being
identical, the people will rally upon measures and
not names.
t
[Written l)>- Ig-uatius Batory.j
THE FRUIT IS RIPKXIXG ; IT WILL SOON
FALL INTO THE LAP OF SOCIETY!
For half a centur}- in vain did I try to enlighten
fellow men in relation to the iniquitous system of
finances and its uses. In vain did I make the
effort to prove to fellow-men the cause of his
poverty on one hand and tlic concentration of
immense wealth on the other hand. In vain did
I try to convince fellovv-men that our form of
government does fully warrant his prosperity.
In \ain did I try to make fellow-men see the
roots that cause his poverty and debasement. But
they could not see ! In vain did I speak the
words of plain reason ; the seed fell in untilled
ground. But the evil will soon remedy itself!
For necessity is a great teacher
[Written by Ignatius Batory.]
THE END.
I love humanity not for its being human, but
for its being subHmely created, by a sublime
power and for sublime purposes, that centres in
generosity and love that will ultimately culminate
in the happiness of all ! For such is the intention
of our Maker as exemplified by the powers of
thought, feeling and conscience implanted in
mortals.
I N DK
Introductory 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Preface 9, 10, 11, 12
Discussion of the financial question by the author in
the year 1868 .13, 11, 15, 16, 17, IS
Continuation of the discussion and the remcd}-,
19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29
The People's Party and its mission.. .30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 3')
The identity of interest of all those whose occupation
is Agriculture, Industry, Commerce and Mental and
Physical Labor 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42
Our soul has penetrated the yet hidden future. . . .43, 44, 45
Aspirations of individuals when disinterested, are the
mainsprings of Civilization 4G
Demand and Supply the subterfuge of ignorant legis-
lators 47, 48, 49, 50, 51
Our financial system a failure, because it lacks the
State's Philosophical and State's Economical virtues,
52, 53, 54
The irrepressible conflict for the division of the sur-
plus earnings of the nation 55, 56, 57, 58
The two monsters that enslave the many to the few.. .59, 60
High Tariff or Free Trade 61
Communism, Socialism and Single Tax 62, 63
Shall it be a common family V Co-operative and mu-
tual ; or shall it be individuality and self interest,
64, 65, 66
Remedying the future and not the past 67
It is easier to level society down than to elevate it. . . 68
True and false convictions 69
Guard against a landed aristocracy 69, 70
It is but tlie urbaric system of tlie past, renewed in an
indirect way 70, 71,
70
Why there is a periodical groan of distress 73, 74
Truthful and instructive informatiom worth knowing,
75, 76, 77, 78, 79
The silver question a means to confound the people. .80, 81
Pan-American Congress to recoin gold and silver coins,
to obtain equalization 82, 83, 84
Legal tender money and its possibilities for the people,
85, 86, 87, 88
The wealthy arrogate powers beyond the Constitution,
under plausible, but false pretenses 89,90,91
An American financial system must be harmonious,
judicious and consequential 92
Solution of the Problem 93, 94
Necessity a great teacher 95
The End 90
This book is DUE on the last
date stamped below
2m-10,'48(B1040)470
LOS A«aMa»
HB
171.7
3o2s
UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY
HI I!l|ll III 111 II! llll'III
III! mill III III III II nil II 111 III nil III
AA 000 558 047 7