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 STATES' PHILOSOPHY, 
 STATES' ECONO.NtY, 
 
 AND 
 
 STATES' FINANCES, 
 
 Inseparable but Distinct Sciences. 
 
 BY 
 
 IGNATIUS BATORY, 
 
 BALTIMORE MD. 
 
 PRICE 50 CENTS. 
 
 UAI/ILMlJltK: 
 'I'he Sun Hook and Job IVintliiKOdlce.
 
 COPYRIGHTED, 1893, 
 BY IGNATIUS BATORY, BALTIMORE, MD
 
 HB 
 1 7/. 7 
 
 B3^s 
 
 INTRODUCTORY. 
 
 F'or over a century, mankind has striven to 
 obtain the knowledge, how, and through what 
 means, it could be accomplished, that each and 
 every individual might be enabled, through his 
 physical or mental capacity, to obtain an easy 
 mode of making a living. 
 
 And to the present day we have only succeeded 
 in laying a deeper foundation for such a desire 
 and a broader basis for its future success. 
 
 For while in the past there were but few who 
 were exercised upon the problem, this day there 
 are millions, whose noble aim it is to accomplish 
 the desired object, and nearly everbody feels the 
 need of such reform in the construction of society. 
 
 The evil has become so fully developed that 
 those who create nothing live and enjoy the fruits 
 of physical and mental labor, where those who 
 create everything barely retain for themselves an 
 almonishary existence. 
 
 The machinery through which this system has 
 been fostered in the past was the law-making 
 power, in the hands of the few, commonly known 
 as the i)ri\ileged classes, and supporletl b\' phj'sical 
 
 567082
 
 power in the shape of standhig armies under the 
 control of rigid laws, commonly called "army 
 regulations," enacted by the same authority and 
 controlled by the same interested parties. All laws 
 were then enacted for the sole purpose of enriching 
 the few and impoverishing the many. The people 
 were taught to believe that they were subjects and 
 had no rights but what they may receive by the 
 deignity of the parties in power. 
 
 A system of roboth, known in the English 
 language as soccagc setincc, sometimes called fief, 
 and sometimes called a royalty, but by whatever 
 name you may call it, the result and object was 
 the same, namely : to take from physical and 
 mental labor all that could be exacted, which 
 caused the concentration of all the material wealth 
 in the hands of a few, to the detriment and suffer- 
 ing of the many. 
 
 The simple fact that the result has proven an 
 accumulation of enormous wealth in the hands of 
 the few has aroused the people in those times to 
 action, and the system was gradually broken, but 
 the same men retaining the legislative power in 
 their hands, have gradually shaped legislation in 
 a manner and have accomplished the same end in 
 an indirect way, namely : through the system of 
 indirect taxation.
 
 5 
 
 When the framers of our form of government 
 had undertaken to free this continent from the 
 EngHsh, they were instigated by the same course, 
 namely : " the attempt by the men in power to levy 
 extraordinary taxes." From this attempt and from 
 this course sprung the Declaration of American 
 Independence, and the consequent Republican form 
 of government. A simple and cheap government. 
 The object of the f ranters of our government zaas a 
 cheap government and happy people. 
 
 The aim of the people at that age was already 
 directed to establish a form of government that 
 might enable each and every individual to gain 
 an easy mode of making a living, through his 
 physical and mental capacity. 
 
 The desire and aim of all good men of our 
 present generation is the same. But how to 
 accomplish it is the great question. 
 
 Some propose to obtain thrs desirable result 
 through the establishment of supreme authority in 
 communes. 
 
 Others have advocated socialism, something of 
 the character and nature of our trades unions and 
 Knights of Labor, l)ut they have failed to prove 
 practicable, .ind the problem is not solved yet to 
 this day. 
 
 The framers of our U)\u\ of government have 
 upon this question mainly relied upon the principle
 
 of self-government for its accomplishment, of which 
 they gave proof by asserting in the outstart that 
 their object was to secure safety to life, liberty and 
 the pursuits of Jiappiness, securing to the people 
 the safety of life and the liberty of action that 
 they, the people, may secure to themselves and pos- 
 terity the pursuits of happiness. Idem est — an easy 
 mode of making a living. From the above facts 
 it would be convincing to every candid mind, that 
 it is the duty of every one in society, who esteems 
 the worth and moral of the above precepts or 
 teachings, as left to us as an inheritance by our 
 ancestors, to co-operate for their accomplishment. 
 
 We propose to give you advice, through which 
 advice you will be enabled to possess yourself of 
 the key (to unlock the mysterious chalice out of 
 which society has and does yet drink so bitterly) 
 that will enable you to solve the mystery. 
 
 We do not intend to bring proof from other 
 sources for the correctness of our conceived 
 knowledge, for we claim to be original in our con- 
 ceived ideas, consequently we have no predeces- 
 sors to cite from upon this all-absorbing social 
 science. But we kindly ask your deliberate con- 
 sideration, satisfied that we are able to convince 
 you on all reasonable questions involved, satisfac- 
 torily, and to gain your convincement.
 
 For you will perceive from the foregoing, that 
 from time to time, from generation to generation, 
 the few have managed to live upon the expense 
 and ruin of the many; — the people. 
 
 You will perceive also that the means emplo)cd 
 to accomplish such end was the legislative power. 
 For the maxim, that all that is good and all that 
 is evil in society emanates from legislation, is true. 
 
 You will also perceive that society did only 
 move in opposition when wealth and power became 
 concentrated and all-powerful by corrupting public 
 men, to influence legislation. We are in such a 
 condition again. 
 
 You will also perceive that the people failed to 
 remove the evil from the inability to find a practi- 
 cal remedy. 
 
 You will also perceive that the fathers and 
 framers of our institutions and of our government 
 mainly relied upon the right of franchise, as 
 secured by the constitution, for the gradual accom- 
 plishment of the desired object expressed in the 
 sentence, "pursuit of happiness." 
 
 You cannot help perceiving also that we have 
 failed till this day to .secure the avowed object, 
 namely : to obtain an easy mode of making a 
 living. And the failure results from the same causes 
 and through the same channels, namel)' : the con- 
 nivance and corru[)tion of the men in office ; and
 
 8 
 
 to-day we are exhausted through means of cxtra- 
 ordmary indirect taxation, which brings poverty, 
 corruption and submission to our land of freemen. 
 
 For in place of the older doctrine, that you 
 have no rights but what the privileged classes 
 deign to grant you, they have invented the rule of 
 (party nominations) by themselves. They call this 
 Democratic or Republican rule, but the object is 
 office, bribes, peculation, rings, contracts. Jobs, tnists, 
 and often outright robbery, causing enormous outlays 
 that prevent the attainment of happiness through our 
 pursuits or calling.
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 1 
 
 Take all the wisdom your niuid can grasp, the 
 balance loill take care of itself, till some one else ivdl 
 perceive it. 
 
 2 
 
 Logical conclusions are at times the most 
 ungrateful productions. They are by others dis- 
 torted, perverted, misconstructed, ridiculed- 
 thwarted and at times even slandered to serve an 
 opposite interest. Therefore each indixidual must 
 judge for himself! 
 
 3 
 The mind of men is like fire, it must have fuel 
 to continue to burn. That fuel is independent 
 thought. 
 
 4 
 If you have attained on any subject a conviction, 
 stand by it, reassever it under all circumstances, 
 till you find out that you were mistaken, and when 
 that happens, be man enough, honest enough to 
 state it on proper occasions.
 
 10 
 
 5 
 
 State's Economy, in a free country like ours, 
 must mean increased production and increased 
 consumption. Multiplication of the demand for 
 labor and an increased capacity of consumption. 
 
 It must mean the employment of all available 
 labor in the community or nation, increasing the 
 material prosperity of the people. And not the 
 prosperity of the government, corporations or 
 individuals. 
 
 6 
 
 To govern a nation is a science "hidden but sure," 
 and when properly comprehended and applied, the 
 test proves itself in the prosperity of the majority of 
 the people. 
 
 7 
 Nothing is more destructive to the material 
 happiness of a nation than the ill-chosen repre- 
 sentatives to the legislative bod}'. 
 
 8 
 
 Free Press, when neither partisan, sectarian, nor 
 bribed, is the noblest achievement of civilization. 
 
 9 
 
 To be rich and sympathize with the poor is one 
 thing, but to be poor itself is another thing.
 
 II 
 
 lO 
 
 Create circumstances through the agency of 
 legislation "that will compel the circulating 
 medium to seek income and profit" through the 
 channels of trade, commerce and agriculture and 
 shipping direct. And hard times will disappear 
 like the mist, on the appearance of the Sun. 
 
 1 1 
 
 The best prevention of insanity and suicides is 
 centered in such economic laws that will have a 
 tendency to increase the chances and values of 
 mental and ph}'sical labor. 
 
 12 
 
 The material prosperity of the laboring people 
 does not depend as much on the form of govern- 
 ment, as on the character and aims of the finan- 
 cial and fiscal laws that prevail in the nation. 
 
 13 
 
 There is an inseparable mutuality of interest 
 between the laboring man and the employers of 
 labor. The brewers are interested in the ample 
 earnings of the shoe-shop hands, to enable them 
 to consume their product. 
 
 The shoe manufacturer is interested in the ample 
 earnings of the laboring men that work in the 
 breweries, as it docs enable them to buy shoes.
 
 12 
 
 The tailors are also interested in the ample earn- 
 nings of the shoemakers and the brewery hands, 
 that they may be enabled to buy clothing. 
 
 So are all (3ther callings, be they physical or 
 mental occupations. They are all mutually 
 dependent on the prosperity of each other. 
 
 There is no exception. The medical men, the 
 minister of the gospel, the scientist, the merchant, 
 the manufacturer, the holder of real estate, the 
 whole of the human brotherhood and sisterhood, 
 the married and the single, are all mutually inter- 
 ested in the prosperity of mankind. To obtam 
 this desirable end look to legislation. 
 
 Such a condition of society could be best accom- 
 plished by following the legislative methods as 
 propounded by me in the following document, 
 written and puhlisJicd in tJic year t86S.
 
 LWritteii tnr the People's Wookly, .J<ti\n<trii ISf//, 1868.] 
 
 DISCUSSION OF THE FINANCIAL 
 QUESTIONS OF THE DAY. 
 
 BY IGNATIUS BATORY, 
 
 Vtce- President of the Labor Refortn Party of /he Third 
 Legislative District. 
 
 No. I. 
 
 Messrs. Editors: 
 
 The great question of the times is the financial ; 
 all other questions — industry, commerce, agricul- 
 ture, revenue, taxation, reconstruction, etc. — are 
 secondary, and in fact dependent upon the solution 
 of the first named. This being my conviction, I 
 take the libcrt)- of asking the privilege of using 
 your xaluable columns for the treatment of the 
 subject of finances frcMii a .standpoint (quite novel) 
 of my own. 
 
 For more than twenty years have I tacitly been 
 ob.serving the movements of public men as leaders 
 and moulders of the destinies of nations ; in conse- 
 quence of which observations, I became convinced 
 of two facts: P'irst, that acknowledged leaders 
 are not always wise or honest. Second, that the 
 above-mentioned characteristics are rarely united.
 
 H 
 
 From licnce follows the partisan spirit in individ- 
 uals, and consequent incapacity (for doing good) 
 of whole bodies of men, whom they may lead. 
 
 To solve the financial questions of our country, 
 safely and judiciously, requires wisdom and 
 honesty combined. Wisdom, to give satisfaction 
 to both debtors and creditors. Honesty, to do 
 justice to all, the individual citizen who creates 
 all wealth, and the individual citizen who possesses 
 and enjoys wealth without infringing upon the 
 natural and lawfol rights of either, and at the 
 same time secure safety and stability to our form 
 of government for all time coming. 
 
 It is not the purpose of the writer to criticise 
 our public men for the theories they have 
 advanced, in relation to this all-absorbing ques- 
 tion. It is sufficient to enumerate the measures 
 proposed md advocated by some of them and give 
 our objections. 
 
 The proposed measures resolve themselves in 
 the following : Contraction and Expansion. 
 
 First, contraction, as advocated by the Secre- 
 tary of the Treasury on one hand, and by Honor- 
 able R. J. Walker on the other, (in spite of the 
 latter's assertion against contraction). Contrac- 
 tion as proposed by the Secretary of the Treasury, 
 coupled with funding of debt, retention of the 
 national banking system, and resumption of specie
 
 15 
 
 payments, to strengthen the government credit, 
 as avowed by the Secretary, will increase the coin 
 interest paying liability of the government, and at 
 the same time give an undue advantage to those 
 who own the government obligations in bonds and 
 currency. At the same time it will have a 
 tendency to reduce the price of labor to such an 
 extent as to enable capital of this countr}- to com- 
 pete with European labor (this seems to be the 
 hidden object of the Secretary of the Treasury), 
 at the expense of the misery that inevitably would 
 befall the industrial and agricultural classes of the 
 nation. I'or to admit, for a moment, that capital 
 in America, being secure of six per cent, interest 
 in gold for a time coming, as a minimum rate of 
 interest, will be able to compete with capital in 
 ICurope, that is worth but three per cent, is pre- 
 posterous, and can be onl\- accomplished through 
 the agency of cheapening labor, instead of cheap- 
 ening capital ; exacting at the same time an income 
 or revenue sufficient to pa)' the interest and 
 expenses of the government, from the industry 
 and agriculture of the people. 
 
 As to the proposition advanced by the Hon. 
 \\. J. Walker, to raise a loan of $1,000,000,000, 
 in gold at si.\ per cent., in some foreign country, 
 to resume specie pajment and to retain the 
 natirmal banking .system, serious objections present
 
 i6 
 
 themselves. First: borrowing ;?5 1 ,000,000,000 in 
 coin, if it could be had, would in itself be a calam- 
 ity to the laboring and agricultural classes of the 
 country, for in a few years the interest upon the 
 same ($60,000,000 per annum) ancl the present 
 banking laws retained, would be sufficient to absorb 
 the whole amount, leaving the government in no 
 better condition than she is at present and the peo- 
 ple oppressed with a burden that no republican 
 government can guarantee, and undoubtedly 
 would bring about the ver}/ calamity of repudia- 
 tion, which all honorable men desire to avoid- 
 Second : it is inconsistent for the interest of capital 
 to trust itself to the borrower {idem est — people) 
 when the borrower exercises the judicial power 
 in the form of legislation. It is therefore danger- 
 ous for a free people to create an interest that will, 
 under certain circumstances, favor a change of 
 political system, for the* safety of its material 
 wealth. Such interest, if centered at home, may 
 be oppressive to the people, but cannot wrench 
 from the people the right of legislation and con- 
 sequent power of self-preservation. But let this 
 nation assume a responsibility of such magnitude 
 to citizens of other nations, with the express con- 
 dition that such obligation shall be litigable in 
 some foreign country, it will create an interest 
 abroad that at some future day will claim a right
 
 ^7 
 
 to control our legislation, when such legislation 
 shall address itself to finances. Such claims will 
 in such case surely be supported by the identical 
 interest at home, and the writer has no doubt 
 that it would become a source of corruption in 
 our legislative 'halls, unparalleled in the annals of 
 time. Moreover, it would cause our people to 
 become indirectly the supporters of foreign powers; 
 for, under the present financial laws, no matter 
 how heavily our people may be taxed, the wealth 
 of the country has no undue outflow. 
 
 As to the resumption of specie payment, for the 
 restoration of confidence, this assumption seems 
 to be in conflict with the well-established fact that 
 that a nation which is capable of producing the 
 most over and above what she consumes is the 
 safest to trust to. 
 
 As to the second proposition, to expand the 
 United States currency to a sum commensurate 
 to the wants of exchange of commodities, for the 
 retirement of national currency, and the paying off 
 of our indebtedness in currency or coin, as per 
 contract made when negotiated, in principle we do 
 agree, but as to its practicability, under present 
 circumstances and laws, we object. Vor, to [nit 
 such a .system in operation without precautionary 
 laws, would enhance the price of all commodities 
 to such an extent that the more currency we would
 
 i8 
 
 issue the more would be needed as an equivalent 
 fo the purpose of exchange ; and such a system 
 would leave the country in an unsettled condition* 
 for no one would know the actual value of things 
 from day to day. What we need is a judicious 
 and stable system, so as to fortify the rights of 
 capital and the right of those who possess no 
 capital but their industrial capacity, and to secure 
 safety and unimpaired enjoyment of production to 
 industry as well as to capital, upon principles of 
 equality and protection — in unison and accord 
 with our form of government. Capital is in its 
 nature inclined monarchically, for it needs when 
 concentrated a strong power for its protection, (a 
 concentrated government) ; consequently arises 
 the necessity in a democratic republican nation, 
 of decentralizing capital in order to secure the 
 safety and interest of the people and government. 
 
 "Decentralization of capital," then, must be the 
 political standpoint of democratic-republican 
 finances, verifying the asserted principles of equality 
 and independence to people and government. 
 
 The next question to be considered is, how 
 decentralization of capital shall be accomplished, 
 without infringing upon the rights of the individual 
 possessing and holding of property on one hand, 
 and relieving the industrial classes from the grasp- 
 ing grip of capital on the other hand. Upon 
 which subject we propose to treat in our next.
 
 [Written for the People's Weekly, Jamiary 2r>t)i, 1868.] 
 
 CONTINUATION OF THE DISCUSSION OF 
 
 THE FINANCIAL QUESTION OF 
 
 THE DAY. 
 
 BY IGNATIUS BATORV, 
 
 Vice-President of the Labor Reform Party of the Third 
 Legislative District. 
 
 No. 2. 
 
 Me.ssrs. Editors : 
 
 In our first letter we have endeavored to prove 
 that the policy of contraction, funding and national 
 banking system, or the policy of borrowing 
 money from Europeans, upon a gold basis, will 
 have a tendency to concentrate capital in the 
 hands of the few, (as before), and create an 
 interest against the people's rights, and will 
 endanger, ultimately, the form of government 
 which we all profess to cherish and to appreciate 
 so much. 
 
 On the other hand, that the policy of expansion 
 of the legal tender currency, under the present 
 financial .system and laws would, in itself, be 
 ruinous ; for the distru.st it would engender in all 
 branches of industry, the consequence of which
 
 20 
 
 would be financial chaos and confusion, the end of 
 which no one can foresee. Asserting at the same 
 time that the policy of decentralizing capital must 
 be the standard measure of democratic republican 
 finances. 
 
 Having thus taken this position in favor of 
 decentralizing capital, in a judicious and lawful 
 manner, we venture the following as the best 
 mode known to us for its accomplishment, based 
 upon these grounds : 
 
 TJiat capital being the vtediiini of exchange, for 
 all things known to civilization as property, acquires, 
 through tJiis propensity, a superiority of influence 
 over the natural capacities of men, (physical and 
 mental). And when strengthened in this position, 
 by privileges acquired through the agericies of the 
 lazv-making powers, not properly comprehended when 
 enacted, or enacted in a spirit of partiality, it becomes 
 the master of both nieiital and pJiysical capacity, and 
 retains to itself the pozver of control and aggrandize- 
 ment. 
 
 The propensity as a general medium of ex- 
 change is a blessing to society, for it stimulates 
 production. The privileges acquired through 
 legislation is a curse of which society .should be 
 relieved ; and, as we understand the case, it is 
 centered mainly in the right of suing in the courts 
 for collection of loans voluntarily made. Let the
 
 21 
 
 nation declare that every business transaction is 
 to be considered cash on its face ; let the nation 
 abolish all the usury laws, make capital a free 
 commodity, give the owner the right of charging 
 interest to his satisfaction, but abolish the privilege 
 of collection through the agency of a court ; let it 
 be understood, that he who trusts assumes the 
 responsibility of the collection. 
 • Let the nation next restrict capital from absorb- 
 ing and monopolizing the soil, in the shape of real 
 estate, public lands, &c., so that this natural gift 
 to men shall be unobstructed ; then capital will be 
 forced back to the channels for which it was cre- 
 ated. Industry, commerce and agriculture will find 
 in capital their best friend, instead of its master; 
 for capital, once stripped of its extraordinary 
 privileges, will be brought in a position equal with 
 the mental and physical capacity of men — all 
 resting upon their true usefulness ; capital will 
 lose its power of control over the industry, agri- 
 culture, commerce and government ; depending as 
 it would upon mental and ph}'sical labor direct for 
 its profitable employment, it would become its 
 assistant, instead of its ruler ; mental and ph)-sical 
 labor will each regulate itself, every individual 
 would be enabled to enjo)' the fruits of his time 
 and capacity, unimpaired.
 
 22 
 
 Capital, finding itself dependent upon the in- 
 dustry, commerce and agriculture of the land, will 
 expand our productive capacity to an extent never 
 before known Our shipping will revive, to carry 
 our surplus products to every nook and corner of 
 the globe ; for cheap money is the grand lever of 
 industry, and money {once stripped of the privilege 
 of lazvful usury, fostered by an insane credit system, 
 supported by courts, paid , for by those tvho are to be 
 stripped of all they can earn by hard toil,) will be 
 cheap. The masses will become the government, 
 the government will be stronger, safer, and more 
 free than ever before. 
 
 Let the nation therefore pass, all over the 
 United States, enactments : First — ^That the usury 
 laws in all the States being abolished, all business 
 transactions hereafter being considered cash upon 
 their face, that creditors assume the responsibility 
 for the collection of debts. 
 
 Second — That all courts for the collection of 
 debts, voluntarily entered into, or contracted, shall 
 be abolislied. 
 
 Third — That the soil being a natural gift to 
 men, shall not be monopolized by individuals to a 
 larger extent than so much per capita, through 
 acqtnsition hereafter. 
 
 Fourth — Repeal all laws relating to our present 
 mode of taxation, and enact laws upon the princi-
 
 23 
 
 pie of direct taxation, {for, to decentralize capital, 
 it is necessary that those who own the wealth of 
 the country shall be taxed for its support, and tJiose 
 who own nothing but their productive capacity should 
 not be taxed.) Such laws would enable the poor 
 toiling and industrial classes to accumulate pro- 
 perty and become taxpayers. No citizen should 
 be required to support the government materially 
 further than the amount of material wealth he 
 actually possesses at the time so taxed, for al- 
 though moral and mental support in time of 
 peace, and physical support in time of zvar, is due 
 from every one of its citizens, material support 
 cannot judiciously be exacted but from those zvho 
 possess the material wealtJi in the government. 
 
 F"ifth — That all laws now in force that grant 
 privileges exclusively to individuals or corpora- 
 tions prejudicial to the material interest of the 
 majority of the people, are in conflict with the 
 natural rights of men, and ought to be repealed, 
 from time to time ; and no similar laws should be 
 hereafter enacted. 
 
 Capital once deprived of its undue powers, of 
 controlling our government, will cease to be a 
 corrupting element ; physical, moral and mental 
 capacity will become the standard value of men; 
 and the capacity of our industry and agriculture 
 will be the true standard value of our credit and
 
 currency, as a nation ; for a nation that is capable 
 of producing the most, over and above what she 
 consumes, is the safest to trust to ; coin will inevit- 
 ably flow to its threshold. Coin will become a 
 commodity of exchange only, without strength to 
 control the natural powers of men. 
 
 Capital, forced to the channels of industry, 
 agriculture and commerce, (for which it was 
 created), for its profitable employment, will be- 
 come the best friend of the people and government, 
 and not be any longer its controlling master. It 
 will assume a dependent position ; will employ 
 itself in all branches of the national industry, 
 agriculture, commerce and shipping ; the last 
 named it will revive to an extent never before 
 known in the history of any nation ; for it is the 
 high rate of interest it is able to secure upon land, 
 that prevents it from being employed upon the 
 seas, and gives an undue advantage to other 
 nations, in this particular branch of industry and 
 commerce. 
 
 Not through the contraction of the circiilatitig 
 medium, then, but through the contraction of the 
 rate of interest oji capital, depends the revival of 
 productioji and co7isumption, (industry and com- 
 merce), and the re-establishment of our credit as a 
 nation.
 
 25 
 
 Where interest upon capital is excessive, there 
 living becomes expensive, and industry, commerce 
 and agriculture, not finding the productive capacity 
 of the people sufficiently remunerative, as to leave 
 a surplus means for the consumption of the pro- 
 ducts of the alternate branches, becomes stagnant 
 and oppressed. 
 
 Money becomes scarce, not for its scarcity, but 
 for the fact that when interest is at 1 2 per cent, 
 but half the amount of capital is required for the 
 absorption of the surplus means of the productive 
 capacity of the nation, as when capital is 6 per 
 cent. 
 
 Let us assume, for the purpose of illustration, 
 that the legislation we advocate would have a 
 tendency to place capital in a position that it 
 would be willing to employ itself at a rate of 
 2 per cent., wlien safe investment could be made. 
 Then it would take six times the amount of circu- 
 lating medium to carry home the surplus pro- 
 duction of the nation, as at the rate of I2 per 
 cent. — consequently our present paper currency, 
 if not expanded, would not be sufficient to absorb 
 the surplus production, and coin would follow its 
 trail to gain the balance. 
 
 An individual who, at present, is in possession of 
 $500,000, and manages to gain a ten per cent, 
 income, .say of $50,000, would then earn but
 
 26 
 
 ;^io,ooo; the balance of ;^40,ooo would remain 
 with those who produce all gains, through their 
 mental and physical exertions. The industrial, 
 commercial and laboring classes would be enabled 
 to retain a sufficient share of the fruits of their 
 time and labor, to enrich themselves, become 
 truly free and independent, and enable them to 
 become supporters of the government materi- 
 ally ; the government will increase its tax-paying 
 population, become stronger, safer and freer. 
 
 The nation will be enabled to reduce its interest- 
 paying obligations to one-fifth, part of the interest 
 as paid at present, instead of repudiation. She 
 will also be enabled to conduct the government 
 upon a less outlay as at present, in proportion as 
 the rate of living is to become cheaper. 
 
 The currency at present being ^700,000,000, 
 taking in consideration the amount of business 
 done through the agency of the banks by drafts, 
 checks, &c., it cannot be less than twice as much, 
 say ^1,400,000,000; add the coin in the country, 
 ;^ 5 00,000,000, and we have a total circulating 
 medium of ^1,900,000,000. Abolish the courts 
 to collect by and you abolish the present banking 
 system with them, then the government, by with- 
 drawing the present national currency, will be 
 enabled to issue $1,400,000,000 of currency with- 
 out causing inflation.
 
 27 
 
 The government currency being circulated 
 through the agency of the treasury department, 
 will not be used as a medium, to exhaust the 
 resources, of the people, through the agency of 
 discounts, as done at present, multiplying interest 
 upon interest, till a total absorption of all the 
 wealth of the country is inevitably to take place 
 in the hands of the few. For, through the medium 
 of raising the prices of all necessaries of life, the 
 middle classes are reduced to poverty. Capital 
 absorbing their means, creating want and demoral- 
 ization, the consequences of which enables capital 
 to use those wretches (small politicians) as a lever 
 against the interests of the laboring classes. 
 
 The grasp of concentrated capital once severed 
 from the people's pocket, by abolishing all laws, 
 granting .special privileges, through which privi- 
 leges capital is at present enabled of controlling 
 by indirect means, mental and physical capacity 
 of men. It will then assist the development of the 
 use of modern appliances, as steam, machinery, 
 railroads, electricity, &c., for the furthering of our 
 productive capacity, and will increase our industry 
 and commerce, instead as at present, being but a 
 speculator upon the same, by means of discounts. 
 
 It is the duty of American democratic republi- 
 can statesmen, not only to secure to their fellow 
 citizens the enjoyment of the right of life, liberty
 
 28 
 
 and property against direct attack, but also from 
 indirect encroachment. 
 
 Capital, as the laws stand at present, encroaches 
 upon the resources of industry, agriculture and 
 commerce, to an extent that the acquirement of 
 property becomes difficult, and in many instances, 
 unattainable. In consequence of which liberty, 
 and even life's worth, seems dubious. 
 
 Our present statesmen seem to consider this 
 all-important question from a European standpoint, 
 namely : Capital, Government and People ; where 
 there ought to be but two parties — Capital and 
 Nation ; (the last government and people.) 
 
 Capital is compact selfishness ; it unites with 
 government in a mutual bond, to secure interest 
 to the first and power to the second. 
 
 In Europe a nation never borrows money ; it is 
 always the government and capital that compose 
 the parties to the contract. The people are only 
 considered in their productive capacity, as so many 
 sheep to be shorn, just as a great wool producer 
 does to raise a loan upon his next crop of wool. 
 The moneyed man exacts the lowest possible 
 price as a reward for his advance payment. So 
 does capital exact the best terms — loaning upon 
 bonds at the lowest figures and securing the 
 highest rate of interest, so that by the volume of 
 interest it (capital) may be able to measure the
 
 29 
 
 standard of value, of its received bonds, after the 
 close of the negotiation. 
 
 The people are never consulted (in Europe) in 
 the matter, consequently there a nation never 
 borrows. For a nation is composed of people and 
 government. 
 
 The principles of finance are in Europe well 
 understood ; the government and capital unites 
 there, for a mutual advantage. Capital upholds 
 the government by furnishing the ready means for 
 su.staining standing armies, a machinery, through 
 which the very laws enacted by the government, 
 to create its own authority (without consulting 
 the people), arc enforced on one hand, and the 
 laws to secure unimpaired revenue to, and safety 
 of capital on the other. 
 
 Here lies the secret, why money is worth in 
 Europe but 3 per cent., and in the United States 6 
 per cent., the latter being the wealthiest and the 
 most productive ; but does not po.ssess the same 
 guarantee in the form of standing armies and 
 absolute power. 
 
 Our present government is yet republican in 
 form, but does not po.s.sess, beyond the ballot, the 
 essence of a democratic government, which is the 
 people's rights, interests and influence in the 
 government — which rights, interests and influence 
 can be secured to them only through the sccure- 
 ment of material independence.
 
 [Written by Ignatius Batory, for the People's Weekly of Baltimore, 
 February 8th, 1868.] 
 
 THE WORKINGMEN'S PARTY AND ITS 
 
 MISSION. 
 
 It is not well understood by our fellow-citizens 
 for what purpose this new party is organizing. Like 
 all new things, it is subjected to doubt and dis- 
 trust. On the other hand its principles not being 
 (as a general thing) fully developed, it stands in 
 exactly the same position to the two parties rela- 
 tively, as do the two contending parties (demo- 
 crats and republicans) stand in relation to each 
 other namely : "struggling for the mastery." We 
 can, therefore, expect no favor from either. For 
 we asse^rt that neither of the aboved-named parties 
 have a fixed or well defined platform of principles 
 to stand upon, comprehensive enough to embrace 
 the interest and well-being of the zvliolc American 
 people. They are both struggling for a mastery of 
 position only — office and its emoluments. 
 
 We beg leave to inform our doubting and mis- 
 trusting fellow-citizens that, although our princi- 
 ples are as yet not fully developed, they are suffi- 
 ciently so to enable us to claim for them a superior- 
 ity in comprehensiveness and of general usefulness
 
 31 
 
 as well ; being calculated for the benefit of the 
 whole American people. 
 
 For the essence of the principles of the Repub- 
 lican Party in power at present, is, universal or 
 viatilwod siiffj-agc. Ostensibly for the purpose of 
 securing safety to the form of government, but 
 in reality for the strengthening of their (Republi- 
 can Party) chances in the electoral college for the 
 next presidential election. To attain this last 
 mentioned advantage securely, they are compelled 
 to bring their battle-cry — universal and manhood 
 suffrage — in conflict with their action, by disfran- 
 chising a large number of citizens — voters hereto- 
 fore — which is neither universal nor manhood 
 suffrage. 
 
 Such policy is neither in principle nor in fact 
 comprehensive, nor for the well-being of society — 
 being wanting in Morality, Justice and Equity. 
 
 The essence of the principles avowed by the 
 conservative or Democratic Party, is, "the Con- 
 stitution as it is." This as a battle-cry sounds 
 well to the ears of the American people. So do 
 we want the preservation of the American Consti- 
 tution. \^\\t the Democratic Party has for the 
 last fifteen years, and especially the last few years, 
 given sufficient proof of its inability to keep within 
 the limitations of the Constitution, and stands, 
 in this respect, upon the same record with the
 
 32 
 
 Republican Party, although for different purposes. 
 The consequence of it is political demoralization ; 
 that there are not two leading Democrats or Re- 
 publicans in this country who view the Constitu- 
 tution with the same comprehension. 
 
 Both of these parties are deficient in capacity of 
 judging Correctly, Morally, or Comprehen- 
 sively. They stand before the people as plaintiffs 
 and defendants, each accusing the other, for the 
 purpose of lightening the burden of political sins 
 that rests upon their names respectively, and from 
 which the people have been and are yet suffering 
 so intensely. 
 
 This proves their incapacity for public or general 
 good. They are not representatives of the people, 
 the entire people, for they have neglected their 
 material welfare, and consequently can never 
 become comprehensive, for they are partisans and 
 not patriots. 
 
 In each of the States, we may as well assert in 
 each of the Congressional districts, of the Union 
 these partisans have an interpretation of their own, 
 for that venerable (and vulnerable) instrument, 
 the Constitution. 
 
 This is certainly not a comprehensive enough 
 principle, through which the general good of the 
 nation can be secured.
 
 33 
 
 As to the all-absorbing interest of the people, 
 the very substance of life, liberty and happiness — 
 \}a& financial question — these parties stand upon the 
 indentical ground or platform, namely : "Let it 
 alone, do nothing;" for they each desire in the 
 next election, the support of the workingmen and 
 of capital as well. Object : — The Mastery of 
 Position only (office and emoluments.) 
 
 SucJi a policy, such a platform, sucJi a no-principle, 
 is certainly neither comprehensive, nor for the 
 general good of the nation. 
 
 Ours is a new party, just emerging from the 
 PEOPLE. In our body there are no outgrown 
 OR outworn politicians. We have no knowl- 
 edge OF political strategy or political tactics. 
 We have no pipes to lay, no mines to dig, no 
 lies to concoct, no ambiguous language to study, 
 NO political hypocrisy to feint, no falsehoods 
 to utter. Wc stand upon the Truth and noth- 
 ing but Honest Truth, as it becomes men, 
 Democrats and Republicans — as citizens of a free 
 and common country. 
 
 What wc profess, you can rely upon. Wc ma}' 
 be mistaken, or we may be wrong, but never will 
 any one be deceived by our party, h'or the 
 people cannot deceive themselves, their wives, 
 their innocent children, suffering as they do. Let 
 them but listen to our professions. "Good to 
 All and Evil to None" is Our Battle-Cry.
 
 34 
 
 Free government with us signifies free people. 
 A people that suffers for the want of peace, har- 
 mony and happiness, or the want of an easy mode 
 of making an Jionorable living, is not free and 
 consequently have a no more free government 
 than a monarchy has. 
 
 The object of this party is to be true to its 
 mission. We feel it is the duty of a party, if it 
 be Democratic or Republican, to represent the 
 best interest of the whole people. This is what 
 neither of the other parties do. To retrieve our 
 lost ground of freedom, to re-establish actual, in 
 place of present nominal freedom, and to improve 
 upon the original, b}' preventing in future, 
 (through the enactment of laws, impartial in their 
 nature,) the centralization of an influence over the 
 government. To create a financial system that 
 will enable each individual to make an honorable 
 and easy living, and to retain the surplus of all he 
 earns. To destroy the artificial channels, created 
 through the assistance of legislation of half a 
 century, erroneously conceived or partially en- 
 acted, and through which channels all the wealth 
 of the country flows to the few ; and to enact laws 
 in their stead that will have a tendency to cause 
 the wealth of the country to flow to the many 
 and make them truly independent. To destroy 
 the habit of idolatry of men, and to teach idola-
 
 35 
 
 tion of principles, of laws, and of the Constitution ; 
 of morality, of impartiality and of self-sacrifice for 
 the public good. 
 
 To abolish the present system of indirect taxa- 
 tion, as being destructive to the material inde- 
 pendence of the people, and to establish a system 
 of direct taxation, upon the principle that each 
 citizen shall be taxed in proportion to his material 
 wealth. 
 
 To prevent crime and pauperism, by furnishing 
 the means of making an honest living. 
 
 To prevent debauchery and prostitution, by 
 furnishing the means of support, to enable the 
 young to contract early marriages. 
 
 To restore the moral comprehension of the 
 people, by entrusting none to high or responsible 
 offices but men who will conscientiously regard 
 the obligation of the Constitution and the laws. 
 
 To ennoble and to elevate the character of the 
 young, by enabling them to earn a support and 
 protection for their aged or infirm parents. 
 
 To make this nation the most happy, the most 
 virtuous, the most noble, the most independent, 
 and actually free. 
 
 The mission of our party is to verify the aspira- 
 tions of the framers of this our government, to 
 make men free, independent and happy. In fine 
 it is the mission of this party to fulfill the obliga-
 
 36 
 
 tions imposed on us (as men) by nature, through 
 the laws of nature, from which all rights take 
 their origin and authority. 
 
 Good to all and evil to none" — is the motto 
 of the Workingmen's party.
 
 • [Written February 23nd, 1808, by Ignatius Batory.] 
 
 THE WORKINGMEN'S PARTY— WHO ARE 
 TO BE CONSIDERED WORKINGMEN? 
 
 When the great majority of the nation are 
 forced to seek relief from the oppressive circum- 
 stances they are brought under through the means 
 of organizing a political party, that will represent 
 their interests fully, and chose to style it "The 
 Workingmen's Party," it becomes of import to 
 ascertain and to know, who of the citizens of our 
 country are indicated in the name "workingmen," 
 and whose interests is, by the nature of their occu- 
 pation in society, identical and inseparable from 
 the movement. 
 
 In Europe, where society is headed bj- 
 l<2mpcrors. Kings, Queens, Princes, Dukes, Lords, 
 Counts, Barons, and others of nobility and rank 
 "enjoying extraordinary prerogatives and privi- 
 leges," it follows that men (human nature being 
 imitative) crave for superiority, privileges and posi- 
 tion, to assimilate themselves to rank. "And as 
 rank cannot retain its position and influence safely, 
 except by keeping others as inferiors, at the same 
 time, could not maintain its pretensions against a
 
 38 
 
 united sentiment of the people, — it (rank) is creat- 
 ing a divided interest (apparently) and aspirations." 
 
 Rank fosters a belief in superiority of men over 
 men — from which they deduce the divine right of 
 the minority to rule the majority — and creates 
 inferior ranks and classes, based not upon privi- 
 leges, for they are all subjects, but upon the fol- 
 lowing: I. Wealth; 2. Learning; 3. Profession; 
 4. Merchants; 5. Manufacturers ; 6. Artisans; 7. 
 Clerks ; 8. Boss Mechanics, (small employers) ; 
 9. Mechanics; 10. Farmers; 11. Servants; 12. 
 Workingmen. This fostered and inculcated be- 
 lief of imaginary superiority between men and 
 men, constitutes the weakness of the majority (the 
 people), and enables the minority to maintain its 
 prerogatives and privileges, and to retain the whole 
 mass, the learned, the professions, the merchants, 
 the manufacturer, &c., as subjects — Although 
 THEIR Interests are Identical! 
 
 This very notion of superiority seems to have 
 crept into our society, and has retarded the develop- 
 ment and perfection of our free institutions — thus 
 the principles of justice, equality and happiness, 
 as enunciated by the framers of our form of gov- 
 ernment, have been entirely lost sight of, and there 
 is to-day no liberty beyond the ballot-box. 
 
 Each branch in society is assuming a position 
 of superiority over their fellow men, loosening
 
 39 
 
 themselves from the natural tie, that binds the 
 interest to the whole ; neglecting to fulfill their 
 duty to the weaker portion of their fellow men, 
 still pretending to be sensible, honest, virtuous, 
 and God-fearing men ! 
 
 This being our condition, it behooves us to at- 
 tempt to prove the identity of interest of all those 
 whose occupation is agriculture, industry, com- 
 merce, mental or physical labor, in our country. 
 Let us examine for a moment how our interests 
 are bound together. All interest in society is, in 
 its nature, founded upon material well being. The 
 emperor or king would not be willing to retain 
 authority, if it would give ease and happiness to 
 his subjects, and entail poverty and trouble to 
 himself. No person would be willing to serve as 
 President, as Senator or member of Congress, if it 
 would cau.se him trouble and loss of a correspond- 
 ing amount of wealth as it at present benefits him. 
 It is then from a material .standpoint that we have 
 to view our common interest. 
 
 There can be no misconception in regard to our 
 cho.sen name, that of " The Workingmen's Party," 
 containing as it does laborers, servants, mechanics, 
 small employers and arti.sans. Of the others we 
 will take up the merchants, the manufacturers and 
 the agriculturists.
 
 40 
 
 The merchants divide in two interests, the pro- 
 ductive and exporting and consumptive and im- 
 porting capacity of the nation. To increase the 
 productive or exporting capacity of the nation, we 
 must force capital into the channels of industry at 
 the lowest possible rate of interest. Capital will 
 increase our production, and the low rate of inter- 
 est our export. To raise the consumptive or 
 importing capacity, we must relieve the people of 
 the oppressive taxation and unjust legislation that 
 , enables capital to exact its present high rate of 
 interest, exhausting the earnings of the people, 
 preventing them from being consumers to any 
 great extent. 
 
 The manufacturer has an identical interest with 
 both the above classified merchants. He needs 
 cheap capital and a large consumption. 
 
 The agriculturist needs cheap transportation, 
 cheap goods, cheap money, and liberal consump- 
 tion. If we force capital into industry at a low 
 rate of interest, the farmer will be able to purchase 
 his groceries, merchandise and implements at a 
 low figure, and by relieving the people and him- 
 self of the unjust mode of taxation, he will find 
 the people able consumers. 
 
 Professional men and clerks both need cheap 
 living, low taxes, and the people's capacity to 
 
 employ their respective branches, theirs being
 
 41 
 
 undoubtedly mental labor, being the natural twin 
 brother of physical labor. 
 
 As to the learned professions, we cannot en- 
 lighten them, for if they have not sense enough 
 to know their identical interest with labor, they 
 certainly do not belong to the learned professions. 
 
 We a\er that nearly every individual in our 
 countr}^ is a co-workingman in a national sense, 
 each doing his best for his advancement singly, 
 and for the nation jointly. Socially no evil 
 
 CAN BE DONE WITHOUT AFFECTING US ALL. The* 
 
 laws that prejudice the interest of one member, 
 prejudices the interest of all. 
 
 The merchant is but a clerk of his employer — 
 "The People" — either for procurement of the 
 necessaries from other countries, or for the dis- 
 bursement or exportation of our own surplus 
 products. The manufacturer is not less a work- 
 ingman of the nation than is a common laborer, 
 each working physically or mentally for self — 
 and jointly for the nation. The farmer ranks, in 
 Europe, below the mechanic ; admitting him in 
 this country an equal position, but certainly he 
 .should not think himself better than a working- 
 man, for work is his existence. 
 
 In fine, the interest of all is identical, the laws 
 that oppress one oppress all. There are few ex- 
 ceptions only and they are those possessing an
 
 42 
 
 interest disconnected from industry, commerce 
 and agriculture, and standing upon the merit of 
 capital or office, the latter being the most danger- 
 ous to the best interests of the people — it being 
 based upon aristocratic family relationship, or 
 upon subserviency to capital or party interest. 
 
 Let^ then., all good men unite for a joint effort 
 to Dislodge Capital, and the unprincipled, 
 subservient politicians from the political power that 
 enables them to attain their selfish ends., to the in- 
 jury of the majority, to an extent that no preroga- 
 tive or privilege in Europe has ever been able to 
 accomplish to sue Ji perfection. 
 
 Let us (The Workingmen's Party) Unsaddle 
 THESE Cruel Riders, for they force their Spurs 
 INTO OUR Flesh !
 
 [Written March 31st, 1868, by Ignatius Batory.] 
 
 WHAT WE HEAR, WHAT WE READ 
 AND WHAT WE FEEL. 
 
 We hear, we read, of the noble progress made 
 by the workingmen's party everywhere. We are 
 gladdened, we are pleased, we are hopeful, we feel 
 elated — but what of all that ? What does it com- 
 pare with the grand aim of our movement ! — the 
 success of which is destined to give a Fatherland 
 of our own to the toiling millions — a home full of 
 plenty, of peace, of happiness, of innocence, of 
 love, of attachment, of manhood, of independence 
 and contentedness. 
 
 Yes ! Our Soul has Penetrated the vet 
 Hidden Future, and it has lit a spark there, that 
 has laid bare to our mind's eye, the future that is 
 sure to come, when every one will be happy and 
 free ! 
 
 Down, then, with party predilections ! For the 
 people must be made happy and free ! 
 
 We implore you, workingmen, to come forward 
 and trust to the workingmen's party. We po.sse.ss 
 hearts to feel, minds to judge, souls to penetrate, 
 to convince, to search for the good of us and you 
 all.
 
 44 
 
 Let those who choose, sneer, laugh or jeer, we 
 will win, for the good of all. And those who now 
 sneer, laugh or jeer at us, and those who even 
 degrade themselves by slandering, falsifying, tra- 
 ducing or betraying us — will, to their own shame, 
 be compelled to enjoy the benefits of our success 
 in common with us. 
 
 . For under all circumstances the workingmen's 
 party will remain true to their mission, to bring 
 good to all and evil to none. 
 
 Our object is a legitimate one. It is to awaken 
 the people to the danger that threatens them and 
 their posterity, from the political demoralization 
 and incapacity of the public men of the day. It 
 is to sliozv them the future as we see it, for good or 
 evil. Then it will entail upon them to choose be- 
 tween their present condition — homeless, needy, 
 quarrel-ridden, tax-ridden, bank-ridden, without 
 means, without peace, without happiness, despoiled 
 of innocence, of love, of attachment, deprived of 
 manhood, of independence, and content; or the 
 future, as we comprehend it — a fatherland of their 
 own, a home full of plenty, of peace, of happiness, 
 of innocence, love and attachment, a consciousness 
 of manhood, independence and contentedness. 
 
 We must compel dishonest politicians to work 
 for a living, by taking the offices from them, and 
 enact laws that will cause all those who do not
 
 . 45 
 
 work to starve, and will enable all that do work to 
 make a living, instead of as at present that those 
 who work starve, and those who do not work 
 live to enjoy. 
 
 It is the duty of every workingman, then, to 
 come forward and attach himself to the movement, 
 ally his feelings to those who candidly profess and 
 urge him to self-deliverance, from the gnawing 
 jaws of the political hydra.
 
 [Written by Ignatius Batol■3^] 
 
 DESIDERATUM VIRGINS EST POTENCIA. 
 
 The thought, the wish, the cravings and aspira- 
 tions in the individual, constitute and are the 
 powerful agencies that plant the germ in the seed 
 of thought in men, from which springs civilization 
 and human achievements. 
 
 It is the individual who thinks first, wishes 
 first, craves first, and aspires first for the obtain- 
 ment or accomplishment of a certain desirable ob- 
 ject; he being convinced of the practicability, 
 beneficent and equitable character of the desired 
 object. He follows it up with an inspired zeal 
 that nature plants at times in men. He thinks, 
 feels, and he reiterates his thoughts and feelings to 
 his fellow men, for his conclusions are worthless 
 to him without the assent, approval and assistance 
 of his fellow men. 
 
 Science, Religion and States' philosophy assimi- 
 late themselves to the new thought, and humanity 
 is benefited by it.
 
 DEMAND AND SUPPLY. 
 
 DEMAND AND SUPPLY IS THE SUBTERFUGE OF 
 IGNORANT STATESMEN AND THEIR FOLLOWERS. 
 
 Whenever the ill-conceived policy of our States' 
 economy and States' finances culminates in com- 
 mercial panic, our all-wise statesmen, at the head 
 of our admini.stration, who manage the peoples' 
 affairs, as a rule, express themselves, that demand 
 and supply regulates these things, charging over 
 production, high living, extravagance and so forth, 
 as the foundation of the evil. 
 
 The truth is, our people don't produce enough, 
 don't consume enough, don't spend enough, which 
 I will ri-ght here endeavor to prove to you. Sup- 
 pose our people were prosperous, by being enabled 
 to find constant employment utilizing their physi- 
 cal and mental labor, they would consume more, 
 produce more and spend more otherwise, than 
 they are enabled to do at present. 
 
 Our nation contains at lea.st ten million families 
 or households of six persons each. This is statisti- 
 cally ascertained. 
 
 These ten million households by being enabled 
 through the agency of prosperous times, would
 
 48 
 
 use the trifling amount of one pound of meat addi- 
 tional per diem. 
 
 This would increase the demand for meat of 
 thirty-six hundred million pounds per annum. 
 Equal at ten cents per pound, to five hundred mil- 
 lion dollars. 
 
 It would require three million and six hundred 
 thousand cattle, each weighing one thousand 
 pounds when dressed, or thirty-.six million head 
 of sheep, one hundred pounds each. 
 
 If each family would have the means to buy an 
 additional one pint of milk per diem, the consump- 
 tion of milk would increase thirty million quarts 
 per week, not counting Sundays, or equal to three 
 hundred and seventy-five million gallons estimated 
 at ten cents per gallon, does represent the sum of 
 thirty-seven and one half million dollars. 
 
 Each family by using one pound of butter in 
 addition to the present consumption per week, 
 calculating it at twenty cents per pound, represents 
 the sum of one hundred million dollars. 
 
 By adding one pound of lard to each family per 
 week, we gain at eight cents per pound, forty 
 million dollars per annum. 
 
 If each family had the means of buying two 
 barrels of flour per annum in addition, this would 
 consume twenty million barrels, representing, at 
 five dollars per barrel, one hundred million dollars,
 
 49 
 
 requiring one hundred million bushels of wheat, 
 or more than our present surplus. 
 
 Assuming prosperity in every American house- 
 hold, each one of them would use the trifling 
 amount of fifty cents per week on fruits, vegeta- 
 bles and green relishes in addition to their present 
 consumption. 
 
 This amounts to two hundred and fifty million 
 dollars per annum. 
 
 Reader, I will stop here, as I do not desire to 
 enter into the infinite of possibilities, to burden 
 your mind or waste your time. Be it sufficient that 
 I have here enumerated only six leading articles 
 of an indispensible nature, the aggregated amount 
 of which is eight hundred and eighty-seven and one- 
 half millions dollars. A sum sufficient to pay the 
 wages of nearly two million men, at ten dollars 
 per week for one year. The production of the 
 wealth here stated would inure entirely to the 
 agricultural industry of the country, would benefit 
 the means of transportation and trade and com- 
 merce. 
 
 Assuming further that by creating prosperity 
 through just legislative means, we would also en- 
 able our people to spend annually each on shoes 
 additionally two dollars. This would increase our 
 industry and commerce one hundred and twenty 
 millions. One dollar on hats, sixty millions, two
 
 50 
 
 shirts each at seventy-five cents, ninety milHons ; 
 clothing three dollars per annum, one hundred 
 and eighty millions ; underwear one dollar, sixty 
 millions ; furniture five dollars a family, fifty 
 millions ; carpets and oil cloths, three dollars, 
 thirty millions ; stoves and cooking utensils five 
 dollars, fifty millions ; crockery, glassware and 
 cutlery, three dollars, thirty millions ; pictures and 
 ornaments, two dollars, twenty millions ; paper- 
 hanging and drapery two dollars, twenty millions ; 
 painting and renovating the houses, five dollars, 
 fifty millions ; making in all seven hundred and 
 sixty millions, equal to the wages of one million 
 five hundred and twenty thousand men, at ten 
 dollars per week for one year, or in all, equal to 
 the wages of three millions and twenty-seven 
 thousand men at ten dollars per week for one 
 year. This being a larger number of men than 
 this country ever had out of employment. 
 
 Reader, these are no imaginary conceptions ; 
 these are facts based on reality. Labor is idle wait- 
 ing to create, earn and consume; mental and physi- 
 cal labor is craving for opportunities to create, 
 earn and enjoy the fruits of labor and the blessings 
 of nature ! But they are prevented by ill con- 
 ceived economic and financial legislation. 
 
 The people are prevented from creating annu- 
 ally the immense amount of cig/ttceft hundred mil- 
 
 I
 
 51 
 
 lions dollars worth of property by being kept in 
 idleness, through the invisible hand of combined 
 wealth and power. 
 
 It is our duty to increase the prosperity of every 
 American household, by decentralization of wealth 
 and decentralization of power. This can be accom- 
 plished through judicious legislation. By prevent- 
 ing the circulating mediiivi ''Money'' from making 
 an income ontside of trade, commerce, industry, 
 agriculture or shipping.
 
 [Written 1875, by Ignatius Batory-] 
 
 STATES' PHILOSOPHY, STATES' ECON- 
 OMY AND FINANCES. 
 
 States' philosophy, States' economy and finances, 
 are three inseparable sciences ; the failure in one 
 causes the failure in all. 
 
 Our present financial system is apparently a 
 success, but will actually prove a failure, as it 
 lacks the States' philosophical and economical 
 virtues. 
 
 Our present financial system is grounded upon 
 the conception of governmental credit. Just as 
 a merchant strengthens his credit by paying 
 promptly, principal and interest, although his 
 resources are dail\' impaired to a larger degree, 
 and his ability to pay in the future becomes less. 
 
 States' philosophy teaches us that in a govern- 
 ment like ours, the ability to pay should not be 
 calculated beyond a reasonable portion of the 
 annual surplus of the earnings of the people, and 
 not from the positive or actual possessions already 
 acquired hy a portion of our people, for such a 
 policy impoverishes the tax-paying portion of the 
 people, the very foundation of national credit
 
 53 
 
 For the stability of the credit of any nation de- 
 pends entirely upon the material prosperity of the 
 people and not upon the disposition of the govern- 
 ment to exact income, and when the people have 
 the legislative power to estop their government 
 from impoverishing them, governmental guarantees 
 become feeble, consequently. The present finan- 
 cial policy of our government is fallacious and 
 unstable. 
 
 If we view our financial policy from a State's 
 economical point of view, we find that it is calcu- 
 lated to encourage our people to become usurers 
 upon the resources of their fellow-citizens, avoid- 
 ing all risks of industry, commerce, agriculture or 
 shipping, which causes millions of our laboring 
 men to be idle, and consequently diminishes our 
 resources of production, reduces the surplus earn- 
 ings and endangers the material prosperity of our 
 people. No philosoph}-, no polic)' that is not 
 calculated to advance the chances of constant 
 employment to mental and physical labor is sound, 
 and all calculations and promises that are not 
 based upon production are fallacious and futile. 
 States' economy bewares us of unemployed labor. 
 
 We mu.st legislate in a manner to force the 
 circulating medium into the channels of trade, 
 industry, commerce, agriculture and shipping, for 
 which channels it was created. Legislators must
 
 54 
 
 endeavor to create circumstances through the 
 agency of well matured laws, equitable in their 
 nature, that will have a tendency to force the 
 circulating medium in a position that would com- 
 pel it to seek income or profit through the chan- 
 nels of trade, indu^stry, agriculture, commerce and 
 shipping direct, and not as at present. It obtains 
 profit and income in an indirect manner, without 
 risk or exertion on the part of its possessors. 
 And the very authority that was created for the 
 protection of the interest of the weak and innocent 
 (the people) acting as agent to convey the earn- 
 ings and possessions of the many to the few (the 
 usurers and the office holders.) 
 
 The philosophy of our present financial system 
 is the cheapening of labor, by increasing the 
 purchasing power of the circulating medium, 
 centralizing wealth and power where it ought to 
 be decentralization of capital and decentralization 
 of power.
 
 [Written by Ignatius Batory, September 6th, 1893.] 
 [The article below was published in the Bnltimnrc Sun.] 
 
 THE LABOR SITUATION. 
 
 Mr. Ignatius Batory writes to T/ic Sun as fol- 
 lows : A conflict of material interest is steadily 
 gnawing at the peace and stability of society and 
 endangers our free institutions. \Vm. H. Seward 
 once stated in relation to slavery and freedom that 
 there is an irrepressible conflict going on, and 
 that either the one or the other must perish. The 
 consequences and the result of the above con- 
 ceived philosophy arc to-day known to all of us. 
 There is an irrepressible conflict steadily going on 
 to-day between the many and the few in regard to 
 the division of the surplus earnings of the human 
 race. 
 
 Some believe in the philosophy of a divine or 
 providential, and consequently destinal, arrange- 
 ment, that the humble, the ignorant, the credulous 
 and the poor must look to the hereafter for relief 
 and alleviation. Some again believe that there 
 .should be organized or establi.shed by law a grand 
 ^social union, national in its conception and paternal 
 in its aim — all to join in a common effort to pro- 
 duce and consume the products of physical and
 
 56 
 
 mental labor — idem est, socialism — to accomplish 
 which they propose to regulate the hours of labor, 
 the price to be paid for such labor, and also the 
 division of the surplus profits of labor. . Others 
 again advocate a total absorption of all the wealth 
 by the government through the respective com- 
 munities, and hold it in trust for the use and 
 benefit of all the people ; compel each individual 
 to do a share of production for the common fund 
 of stock — idem est, communism. 
 
 There are also a great number of men who are 
 not willing to accept the theories of either of the 
 parties mentioned above, namely, of those who 
 believe in the poor man's destiny in a reward here- 
 after, or of those who advocate the philosophy of 
 socialism, nor of those who advocate communism, 
 and having nothing to propose themselves, make 
 use of a stratagem that demand and supply does 
 regulate this question. They don't seem to know 
 that the people are restless upon the very question 
 of demand and supply. Now, will such subterfuge, 
 such humbug avert the irrepressible conflict? 
 
 Let Democratic and Republican statesmen pon- 
 der. The people are restless. One ounce of 
 prevention is better than a pound of cure. Dema- 
 gogism among the politicians and demagogism 
 among the people must be met to avert danger.
 
 57 
 
 The remedy lies in a strict adherence to the 
 spirit and letter of our constitution. The material 
 prosperity of the confiding people must be made 
 the corner-stone of our free institutions and the 
 aim of our statesmen. The present conceptions 
 of States' philosophy, States' economy and finances 
 must be abandoned and brought back to the sub- 
 serviency of the material welfare of the people, 
 and not as at present, being the means of absorb- 
 ing all the surplus gains of physical and mental 
 labor by the few. 
 
 The interest of the business men, manufacturers 
 and farmers are identical with the laboring men. 
 
 It is the politicians and the legislativ^e traffickers 
 that destroy people's chances of prosperity and 
 disturb the equanimity of our institutions. 
 
 Honesty, coupled with ability, must be invited 
 to re-enter the public service ; to apply its capacity 
 to the discovery of the methods that will lead to 
 the solution of the problem that naturally is attach- 
 ed to our free institutions — institutions that in their 
 wake carry the necessity to make the citizen ma- 
 terially independent. 
 
 The philosophy of non-interference by the few 
 and decentralization of power mu.st be steadily 
 kept before the eye of the mind of our legislators. 
 No undue advantage ought to be permitted to 
 exist against man and man. Men of mind and
 
 58 
 
 honor must be enlisted into the service of the 
 people such as will serve the people, and not a 
 party nor of a combination of men for selfish ends. 
 In our days the name of the people is abused by 
 their representatives in the legislative halls, who 
 cunningly pass laws to enable the few to absorb 
 the annual surplus of earnings of the race. To 
 maintain our peace and free institutions we must 
 seek the remedy. // ca7i best be found through the 
 agencies of economic and financial legislation. 
 
 \
 
 [Written by Ignatius Batory, May 18th, 1888.] 
 
 SOME ECONOMIC QUESTIONS. 
 
 In a letter to TJic Sun on current questions of 
 the day, Mr. Ignatius Bator\' a\ rites as follows : 
 
 Usury or interest on the circulating inediiun and 
 indirect taxation are the tivo monsters that have 
 enslaved the many to the few. It is but the urbaric 
 system of a half a century ago renewed in an in- 
 direct manner; changed from direct oppression 
 into a hidden but at present legalized robbery. 
 If I had the power I \\ould have laws passed that 
 would prevent the circulating medium from obtain- 
 ing income or profits except through the channels 
 of trade, industry, commerce, agriculture and ship- 
 ping. Such action would increase our production 
 and commerce, at the .same time multiply the 
 demand for labor, and greatly increase consump- 
 tion of the products of the nation. Prevention is 
 better, and will be less costly to society than an 
 involuntary cure. State i)hilosophy dictates the 
 decentralization of power, and through its agency 
 the decentralization of wealth, in this our free 
 republican f(;rm of government. This duty is 
 devolved upon the lawmaking powers in Congress
 
 6o 
 
 and in the respective States, but must be accom- 
 plished in harmony with the c,r post facto feature 
 of our constitutions. Wherever there are iniqui- 
 ties obtained or created through the errors or 
 cunning of past legislative bodies, they ought to 
 be looked after and repealed. Wherever there is 
 a system that has grown up in our nation that has 
 a tendency to enable the few to obtain income or 
 profits from the many without returning an equiva- 
 lent in mental or physical production, there the 
 legislators ought to step in and apply the sovereign 
 authority by enacting preventives. To prevent the 
 possible destruction of these our free institutions, 
 and the possible ruin of all the accumulated wealth, 
 art and civilization, including the maxim of viciini 
 and tuinn, it becomes imperative that the States' 
 economy and States' financial system should be 
 brought in harmony with the States' philosophical 
 conceptions of the framcrs of this our form of 
 government.
 
 [Written by Ignatius Batory.] 
 
 As to tlie interest of v.-orkingmen in the policy 
 of high tariff or free trade, there is none \n his 
 fa\-or in cither instance. It is always against 
 him. The annual production of $7,000,000,000 
 distributes but one-fifth for labor or earnings of 
 every description ; the balance is absorbed by an 
 invisible hand through the agency of the circulat- 
 ing medium, the medium of exchange, which is a 
 system created by law, but is deceptive and 
 against the interest of those who create. It is 
 immaterial what amount of wages he earns per 
 week, the cost of li\'ing \vU\ always grow in pro- 
 portion. The four-fifths of his creation he will 
 not obtain as long as the present mode of legis- 
 lation is in the hands of men whose interest is on 
 the opposite side. 
 
 Our American States' philosophy is all right, 
 but our States' economy and States' financial 
 .systems are all wrong. Those who create all 
 wealth arc to be dupes until they know how to 
 legislate. The leaders who create divisions 
 amongst the labor organizations are treacherous 
 to the best interest of the poor, ignoVant and 
 credulous workingman ; unity of sentiment and 
 unity of action is imperative. Kna\es and traitors 
 alone will keep the people divided. Outside of 
 jiolitics there is but shame and ojjpres.'iion.
 
 I Written by Ignatius Batory.] 
 
 COMMUNISM, SOCIALISM AND SINGLE- 
 TAX. 
 
 Suppose you give the man the land, can he till 
 enough of it by Ijimself at the present day to ob- 
 tain a comfortable living for himself and family, 
 and at the same time contribute to the cost of 
 protecting society? 
 
 Can he utilize labor or time profitably enough 
 to maintain himself and family from cutting timber, 
 or from free fishing? At best in either instance 
 he will but ooze out a life, miserably. 
 
 The intellect of the human race has been devel- 
 oped "immensely" in this century. Education 
 has become general and the tastes and cravings 
 for comfort have steadily been growing in the 
 people proportionately to that development. 
 
 Industry to-day creates things that our ancestors 
 never dreamt of, and consequently had no crav- 
 ing for such. 
 
 The annual income of the laboring people of the 
 present day is manifold larger than it was a century 
 ago, but the necessities and cravings of to-day 
 being developed in the ratio of our industrial 
 development, causes want and consequent suffering.
 
 63 
 
 The remedy is not and never will become effec- 
 tive either through communism nor through the 
 modern socialism or single-taxism. 
 
 It can be accomplished through the agencies 
 that underly the philosophy of our institutions, if 
 properly conceived and acted upon. Non-interfer- 
 ence by the few against the earnings of physical 
 and mental labor of the people and decentraliza- 
 tion of capital (money), are the guiding stars that 
 will ultimately lead this nation to the much de- 
 sired object of the prosperity of every American 
 household. Each citizen will be independent in 
 his own orbit. The people will be protected from 
 indirect injury as well as from direct attack. 
 
 The credulous, the ignorant, the confiding, the 
 debased will find protection through impartial 
 legislation? Personal liberty will go hand in hand 
 with material prosperity and independence. 
 
 Material prosperity in every American house- 
 hold is and must be per sc the outcome of our 
 free institutions. Self governmen when properly 
 comprehended by the majority of'the people will 
 accomplish it. Ik- assured it is not an impossi- 
 bility.
 
 EVOLUTION, OR MORE CLEARLY CON. 
 CEIVABLE AND BETTER DEFINED 
 AND UNDERSTOOD AMALGA- 
 MATION. 
 
 It is nature's tendency to amalgamate "the 
 human race," not only physically but also 
 spiritually and mentally. 
 
 The mind of the human family is more sus- 
 ceptible to amalgamation and mingling than the 
 physical body, as the mind forces its influence 
 imperceptibly and invisibly upon the mind of 
 fellowmen.. Therefore, there is no resistance or 
 repugnance to hinder the immutable. 
 
 The tiling that must come, surely will conic. 
 
 The human family is destined to be acknowl- 
 edged by all mortals at some future day, as one 
 brotherhood and sisterhood. 
 
 The question arises, shall it be a common 
 family? Fed from a public kitchen, clothed from 
 a public warehouse, sheltered in public lodgings, 
 entertained in public parlors and theatres, all to 
 be owned by the State or the States. 
 
 On the other hand, shall all production be 
 co-operative or mutual? Or shall it be individu-
 
 65 
 
 ality, as at present, each individual striving for 
 himself, and indirectl)^ for the community at large, 
 moving in his own orbit, obtaining all the benefits 
 from his physical and mental powers that nature 
 endowed him or her w'ith, subject "only" to the 
 rules, regulations and laws of the community, each 
 individual obtaining protection for himself and 
 guaranteeing protection to all others, maintaining 
 ''individuality' and independence under the restric- 
 tion of "non-interference," either through direct 
 or indirect methods, with the interest of others. 
 
 If preventives are enacted by the law-making 
 power, it will cause decentralization of tvealth, "at 
 present in the hands of the fezv,'' just as certain as 
 the present methods do, in an indirect manner, 
 cause centralization of wealth and consequently 
 centralization of power. For the centralization 
 of wealth means also centralization of power, and 
 is a sure destructive element of the freedofn, happi- 
 ness and independence of the citizens. "It is the 
 duty of the State to guard against such a possi- 
 bility." Therefore to obtain prosperity, wc must 
 protect the personal interest of the citizen against 
 indirect injury and prejudice ; we must create a 
 financial system that will have a tendency to en- 
 hance the value of physical and mental labor, 
 by multiplying the demand for the same. State's 
 economy is not to save, to diminish, to contract, or
 
 66 
 
 io hoard, but to spend, to increase, to expand and to 
 disburse. 
 
 The economy of the citizen to advance his per- 
 sonal interest should not be confounded with the 
 economy of the State. The first does well to 
 hold on to all he can "honorably." The last, the 
 State, does best by disbursing all. 
 
 It is the "prerogative," the exclusive right of 
 the State and community, to control the disburse- 
 ment of the surplus earnings of the people so it 
 may cause rotation in the channels of trade, 
 industry, agriculture, commerce and shipping, 
 from whence the prosperity of the people emanates. 
 
 The equitable division of the surplus earnings of 
 the nation, therefore, is the great problem of the day. 
 
 This question has at different times forced itself 
 to the attention of our law-makers, but as a rule 
 it was dismissed as a matter that will adjust itself 
 through demand and supply, 
 
 At present our economic system enables the 
 few by and through the assistance of a false "theory 
 of finances" to absorb the major part of the pro- 
 duction of the many — "the nation." 
 
 The legislative and administrative branches of the 
 government, ''States and National,'' indirectly are 
 favoring such outcome, and at times even the courts 
 have been made available to further this conccfi- 
 trated and gradually more and more grasping pozver. 
 
 What is to be done ? Where is the remedy ?
 
 ^7 
 
 [Written bj' Ignatius Batory.l 
 
 Not willing to claim superiority over any other 
 proposed remedy, we still feel that it is our duty 
 to ourselves and to the inceptions of truth, justice, 
 equity and impartiality, that underlies our propo- 
 sition, to claim that our States' philosophy, 
 States' economy and States' finances as presented 
 by us in the year 1868, and republished in this 
 pamphlet, possesses the advantage of being har- 
 monious with our present constitutions and laws, 
 not being in any way in conflict with the ex , post 
 facto feature of our constitution. 
 
 Securing to each citizen protection under the 
 laws remedying the future (and not the past), pre- 
 \enting in an indirect manner, through legislation, 
 the interference by the rich, the cunning and the 
 scheming politicians, with the mental and physical 
 productive capacities of men, in the future, caus- 
 ing hereafter each individual to be independent in 
 himself, working hours to suit his purpose and 
 interest best, obtaining remuneration in accord- 
 ance with his skill, ability and perseverance. 
 Enhancing labor by the circumstance of prevent- 
 ing either capital or land to obtain an undue 
 advantage through legislation. 
 
 Poverty of the people arises from the circum- 
 stance that the surplus profits from productive 
 mental and physical labor arc absorbed by the few 
 favored ones by the aid of legislation.
 
 68 
 
 States' philosophy, States' economy and finan- 
 ces are three distinct sciences. Still they are 
 inseparable in their nature, for the failure of one 
 causes the failure of all three. 
 
 [Written by Ignatius Batory.] 
 
 States philosophy, States' economy and finances, 
 the three inseparable sciences, the failure in one the 
 failure in all. 
 
 Jt is not comprehensible to the ordinary mind 
 of man that it is easier to level society down than 
 to elevate it, for it requires comprehensive capacity 
 and skill to elevate, where want of comprehension 
 and consequent failure will accomplish the lower- 
 ing down of the material, moral and comprehen- 
 sive capacity of society, and destroy its noblest 
 aspirations. 
 
 Our present generation is absolutely baffled in 
 her career through the machinations of her leaders, 
 in whose minds there is no science but one, and 
 that is politics as a trade, with its adjuncts of 
 bribeiy, ballot-box stuffing, repeating, perjury, 
 intimidation and ultimate fleecing of the betrayed. 
 
 Under such circumstances prosperity and happi- 
 ness becomes an impossibility. 
 
 The foundation of State's economy rests upon 
 the employment of labor, not as much by the 
 State directly as through the circumstances crea- 
 ted through legislation.
 
 [Written by Ignatius Batory, May 17th, 18&5.] 
 
 TRUE AND FALSE CONVICTIONS. 
 
 Men generally assume and state so, that this or 
 that is their conviction, where in fact there is 
 probably but one in a thousand who has ever 
 formed an independent conviction. To form a 
 conviction we must exercise our vision, our hear- 
 ing and our best mental faculties : vision to ex- 
 amine by where necessary, hearing to obtain 
 information pro and con, and mind to mature by, to 
 enable us to obtain a conviction. Convictions 
 assumed from other sources are but believes, and 
 believes are but structures without a foundation. 
 
 [Written by Ig-natius Batory, Aiitrust Uth, 1879.1 
 
 We must guard against a landed aristocracy ; 
 for if we ever succeed to force the circulating 
 medium into the channels of trade, by such legis- 
 lation that w ill prevent it hereafter from obtaining 
 income "through the medium (jf interest on credit 
 investments," they will certainly instantly seek to 
 monopolize the renting power of real estates, and 
 through such agency, obtain a controlling foot- 
 hold over (Hir commerce, industry, and trade in
 
 70 
 
 general ; and reinstate thettiselves in a position 
 towards society "that will enable them to obtain 
 the surplus production (the increase of annual 
 wealth) of mental and physical labor, causing the 
 steady centralization of wealth in the hands of a 
 few non-producers, as at present. For such is the 
 aim of all monopolies ! 
 
 [Written by Ignatius Batory, January 1st, 1888.] 
 
 Discussion of the economic questions that force 
 themselves upon our present generation, and 
 threaten to disturb the equanimity of our people, 
 if not the destruction of our, the most equitable, 
 the most judicious, the most beneficial and most 
 free form of government. 
 
 From observations and convictions, in relation 
 to the question of States' Economy, Finances, and 
 States' Philosophy, as relating to the present labor 
 agitation and unrest, as conceived by me, through 
 a period of more than one-half of a century. 
 
 It is not my purpose to combat or approve 
 " theories or teachings " of other worthy men and 
 citizens, who honestly teach what they believe to 
 be truth, therefore, ought not to be blamed for the 
 fallibility of men. 
 
 I am not in conflict with the George land theory, 
 for while it is not a remedy to accomplish the
 
 71 
 
 deliverance of the people, it is true in its incep- 
 tions, that the earth belongs to the whole of the 
 human race, as a gift by the Creator. And the 
 proposed method of taxation is legal and within 
 the powers of States and National government, 
 capable of dispossessing its present holders. 
 
 The iniquities that rest upon the shoulders of 
 the many, in favor of the few, at present in this 
 country, are manifold, antl like a very weighty 
 bridge on pillars, the removal of one pillar increases 
 the pressure on the others. And in a true sense 
 there is no relief whatever. 
 
 The proposition to raise all taxes from land 
 would not prevent the {^t^^ from absorbing the 
 surplus earnings or profits of the nation, derived 
 from physical and mental labor. Such absorption 
 is done through the agencies of interest on the 
 circulating medium, bonds, stocks, mortgages, 
 ground rents, discounts, unlimited railroad charges 
 for freight and passengers, and manifold combina- 
 tions and tariffs to enhance articles and commodi- 
 ties that enter the daily consumption of the people. 
 
 All these evils can be prevented by abolishing 
 the right to sue in court, or to collect by process and 
 assi.stance of the courts. The credit sy.stem and 
 the right to sue for collection of voluntary-given 
 credits on one hand, and indirect taxation on the 
 other, are the Hvo monsters that have enslaved the 
 many to the few.
 
 *r 
 
 72 
 
 It is but the urbaric system of half a centun 
 ago renewed in an indirect manner. Changed 
 from direct oppression into a hidden robbery. 
 
 Prevention is better and Avill be less costly to 
 society than an inv^oluntary cure. States' Philoso- 
 phy dictates the decentralization of power, and 
 through its agency the decentralization of wealth 
 in this our free republican form of government. 
 
 This duty is devolved upon the law-making 
 powers in Congress and in the respective States. 
 
 Wherever there are iniquities obtained or created 
 through the errors or cunning of past legislative 
 bodies, they ought to be looked after and repealed. 
 Wherever there is a system that has grown up in 
 our nation, that has a tendency to enable the few 
 to obtain income or profits from the many, without 
 returning an equivalent in mental or physical labor, 
 there the legislators ought to step in and apply the 
 sovereign authority of legislative pruning. 
 
 To prevent the possible destruction of these, our 
 free institutions, and the possible ruin of all the 
 accumulated wealth, art and civilization, including 
 the maxim of vicum and tmon, it is imperative 
 that the States' economy and States' financial 
 system should be brought in harmony with the 
 States' philosophical conceptions of the framers of 
 our form of government. 
 
 /;/ obso-vationis legcnda natiira non est criminis.
 
 ["Written by Iguatius Batory, April 13tli, 1886.] 
 
 IS THERE ANY WONDER THAT THERE 
 
 IS A PERIODICAL GROAN OF 
 
 DISTRESS ? 
 
 The present system of laws, as relating to the 
 financial and State economical management by the 
 States and the United States administrations, are 
 calculated to insure a large part of the production 
 that emanates from the physical and mental labors 
 of the people annually, to a source that never pro- 
 duces anything, commonly known as " income on 
 investments." Those holding and possessing these 
 investments have no interest in the increase or 
 multiplication of production, as their share of the 
 aggregate profits in hard times, or surplus profits 
 in good times, of the people's making, is securely 
 brought to them periodically, by and through the 
 medium of the established authorities, of the States 
 or of the United States. 
 
 The custom house, the internal revenue depart- 
 ment, and the tax gatherers, are the mediums of 
 the constituted authorities, through which the 
 annual surplus is taken to the few from the many. 
 This is what creates the rich and the poor. This 
 much is the direct cause of society's endangered 
 position of this day.
 
 74 
 
 To this is allied the system that legalizes the 
 use of the circulating medium (money) on usury, 
 such as mortgages, ground rents, loans, etc. 
 
 On the other hand, nearly all these investments 
 are exempt of taxation, which causes the burden 
 of the States, respectively, and the United States, 
 in general, to be upon the shoulders of those who 
 are least able to stand it. 
 
 Is there any tvonder that there is a periodical groan 
 of distress? 
 
 Where is the remedy ? Is it in labor unions ? 
 No ! Is it in co-operative shops ? No ! Is it in 
 strikes ? No ! Is it in anti-prison labor system ? 
 No! Is it in arbitration? No! Is it in civil 
 service reform? No ! Is 'it in compulsory copart- 
 nership? No! Is it in eight hour laws? No! 
 Can socialism remedy it ? No ? Can communism 
 remedy it ? No ! Partnernships between employers 
 and employes ? No ! Where, then, is the remedy ? 
 It is in honest, intelligent, judicious, impartial and 
 constitutional legislation. 
 
 Upon all financial and States' economical ques- 
 tions, the vote of labor, if intelligently managed, 
 can accomplish it by sending to Congress men 
 who are by occupation, mental training and sym- 
 pathy in harmony with the material interest of 
 those who labor, physically or mentally.
 
 [Written by Ig-natius Batory.] 
 
 TARIFF. 
 
 I. 
 
 Tariff is naturally a tax on the article that some 
 one needs, consequently is paid by the consumer. 
 It follows that a high tariff is a high tax and a 
 lower tariff is a lower tax upon those who need 
 the respective articles. It does incidentally pro- 
 tect some industry proportionately as the amount 
 of tax collected. But the benefit accrues to but a 
 few, and stands as special legislation in favor of a 
 few against the many. It is class legislation, not 
 in harmony with free government. Direct taxa- 
 tion, in proportton to wealth possessed, is the 
 method that can and will assist to secure the pros- 
 perity of the many — "the poor." 
 
 2. 
 
 If a chapter is not clear to your mind, read it 
 over and over again, till you perceive its wisdom 
 or folly. 
 
 3- 
 
 The writer has patience with the fallibility and 
 ignorance of men. Therefore be charitable.
 
 76 
 
 4- 
 
 The ablest young men in the land can't make a 
 successful honest stand, simply because the invis- 
 ible hand of governmental legislation is against 
 the possibility of their success. 
 
 Dislodge the usurer, the Wall-street gambler, 
 the trusts and the courts to collect by, and your 
 chances of making a living in commerce, industry 
 and agriculture will be restored like magic. And 
 the independence of the man will be joined by 
 prosperity of the man. 
 
 5- 
 The interest of England is to prevent the masses 
 in India from becoming prosperous, educated or 
 independent. The people of India are subjects to 
 the crown of England, and can but be kept there 
 through poverty, ignorance and submissiveness. 
 About four dollars per capita is her circulation. 
 A nation of two hundred and eighty million people 
 to be kept down by a handful of Englishmen, 
 naturally must be governed by a State philosophy 
 different from ours. 
 
 There is an indivisibility between the human 
 being's mental and physical necessities and pro- 
 ductions. The more the one produces, the more
 
 17 
 
 the other craves for ; the more the other devises, 
 the more the one produces. 
 
 It is marvelous, but it is in keeping with the 
 wisdom and forethought of our invisible and our 
 incomprehensible Maker. 
 
 It seems room for all and plent\- for all was the 
 object and intent of our Maker. 
 
 7- 
 Liberty, independence and rights, secured and 
 guaranteed by Bill of Rights or Constitutions, are 
 but expressions or assertions that bring no good, 
 except the people or those entrusted by them with 
 the leadership, give force and character to the 
 spirit and letter of such. (Constitution or Bill of 
 Rights. ) Every citizen must be alive to the issue. 
 
 8. 
 
 The best remedy for the people to relieve them- 
 selves of the oppressive present, and attain a better 
 future, is always this : Change the men and party 
 that represent the pre.sent and the past into a party 
 for a better future. 
 
 If your country is in a condition that you can't 
 earn an honest livelihood through diligent labor or 
 any other honest calling, then your laws and law- 
 makers arc at fault. And it is your duty to change 
 them, irrespective of by what ])arty name they 
 may be known.
 
 78 
 
 9- 
 
 Grasping for power, for power gives them money, 
 and money keeps them in power, the two go 
 together ; just so goes poverty and subjugation. 
 
 Why not decentralize capital and power and 
 prevent poverty and subjugation of the people? 
 
 lO. 
 
 The human being is like the flying star that 
 illuminates the surrounding heavens in its flight 
 and disappears, but differs in consequences. For 
 while the one leaves no trace behind, the other 
 inspires his fellow-beings to thought, action and 
 results. 
 
 II. 
 
 The great curse that weighs upon society so 
 heavily centres in the conception of the word 
 "interest." Interest on investments, instead of 
 profits from undertakings. The first is obtained 
 out of society's possessions already acquired with- 
 out risk or employment of physical or mental 
 labor. Where to obtain profits the second is 
 bound to take risks by employing labor, which 
 causes them to be incidentally benefactors to 
 society at large.
 
 79 
 
 12. 
 
 The value of money or capital (circulating 
 medium or medium of exchange) increases or 
 diminishes proportionately, as it is enabled to 
 invest itself in interest-bearing securities. And 
 commerce, industr}-, agriculture, &c., are pre- 
 judiced or benefited accordingly. 
 
 Legislation should aim to cause capital to seek 
 profits in the diverse channels of industry, com- 
 merce and agriculture, for which it naturally was 
 created, which can but be accomplisheci by dimin- 
 ishing its chances of profitable usury. 
 
 Monopolies to obtain exorbitant profits in their 
 undertakings must have a surplus of labor to 
 enrich themselves. 
 
 Competition in the labor market is indispensable 
 to their aims. Protected by high tariffs, they arc 
 secured against outside competition, and the em- 
 ployment of thou.sands of hands in the under- 
 taking, enables them to obtain labor at their own 
 price. A reduction of twenty-five cents per day 
 increases their treasury by thousands of dollars 
 daily.
 
 [Written by Ignatius Batory.] 
 
 The silver question, simple in itself, has been 
 for years a favorite theme for designing bankers, 
 usurers and servile legislators. The amount of 
 "nonsense" that was spoken about it, "apparently 
 with fervor," in the House of Congress, in the 
 United States Senate, and in the columns of the 
 daily and monthly (scientific) press, would more 
 than gird the globe. It was all done to confound 
 the people ; those interested know that in muddy 
 water is good fishing. As to trade, industry, 
 commerce, agriculture or shipping, it is immaterial 
 if our currency is silver, paper or gold, as its 
 stable value depends on the credit and guarantee 
 of the government. To obviate this confounded 
 question in the future, let the government recoin 
 all gold and silver coins upon a basis of eighty 
 cents to the dollar, guaranteeing the one-fifth, and 
 make it redeemable at all time in full in bullion, 
 silver or gold at market value at the option of the 
 holder. This would also prevent the exportation 
 or hoarding of coins. 
 
 Gold and silver must be kept a commodity, and 
 the legal tender "money" should be prevented 
 from becoming a commodity, by lessening its 
 intrinsic value. Therefore, a portion of it should 
 be based upon the credit of the government.
 
 8i 
 
 The idea or conception that our dollar must be 
 worth a hundred cents in the metal is treacherous 
 and misleading". For it enables hoarding, export- 
 ing and "manipulating," creating artificial scarcity 
 of money and consequent depreciation of the 
 possessions of the people, including labor, and is 
 in favor of those who possess the ready cash, 
 and live on interest or usury.
 
 [Written by Ignatius Batory, Baltimore, November, 1889.] 
 
 THE PAN AMERICAN CONGRESS. 
 
 Presumably this Congress was invited by our 
 American Statesmen, for the purpose of gaining 
 the good will and wishes of these small American 
 States, through the agencies of showing them our 
 mechanical, industrial, commercial and agricul- 
 tural progress. As also our military possibilities 
 in case of war with foreign nations. 
 
 It is well to gain the reputation and respect of 
 these weak nationalities and influence their future 
 policy and action, and endeavor to gain their com- 
 mercial favors. But as interest rules men, it also 
 rules nations, we may be outbid at some future 
 day by others. 
 
 I suggest a method that will hold good for all 
 time coming, and will make their and our com- 
 merce inseparable, namely : Let the Pan-Ameri- 
 can Congress unite upon the following plan for a 
 uniform circulating medium (money): 
 
 Let the American Nation and each of the respec- 
 tive States represented in the congress, agree to 
 recoin all the gold and silver coins in circulation 
 at present in their respective countries, and issue
 
 83 
 
 instead, a new coin upon the basis of four-fifths 
 (5) value, namely: eighty cents of the respective 
 metals, to represent a legal dollar, each govern- 
 ment promising to redeem at all times its legal 
 coins in bullion, say in not less than twenty dol- 
 lars. That is to say, although the dollar contains 
 but eighty cents of the metal, the respective 
 governments will, in exchange, give one hundred 
 cents worth of the metal, in bullion, optional with 
 the respective governments to pay either in silver 
 or gold bullion. Each nation may retain its 
 national emblem or imprint on the coins as at 
 present in vogue. Such coin of uniform value, 
 would soon be accepted as a medium of exchange 
 for commodities between these American nations 
 and stimulate commercial intercourse. It would 
 place the smallest of these nations upon an equality 
 basis with our own nation, and consequently could 
 not but be pleasing to all. Indirectly, it will pre- 
 vent the hoarding of the circulating medium by 
 speculators and keep it for what it is created, as a 
 medium of exchange. Industry-, trade, commerce 
 and shipping will profit by it, for it will not be 
 exported to foreign lands on account of its less 
 intrinsic value than the bullion that is obtainable 
 at pleasure. 
 
 The great problem of society in the near future 
 is, anyhow, to prevent the circulating^ medium from
 
 84 
 
 making any profit or income outside of trade, com- 
 merce, industry, agriculture or shipping, for the 
 retention of the circulating medium in the above 
 enumerated channels will surely multiply the 
 demand for labor and create general prosperity.
 
 [Written by Ig-uatius Batory.J 
 
 The war for the elimination "of the unavoidable 
 mistake of the fathers of the republic" from our 
 political system (slavery) has entailed upon our 
 nation an immense cost in lives, destruction of 
 property and public debt. No honest citizen will 
 question the sacred duty of the nation to liquidate 
 the debt in full. Our form of government is a 
 three-fold — legislative, administrative and judici- 
 ary. There has of late years arisen a question of 
 great material importance to the people of this 
 country, in regard to the power of Congress to 
 authorize the issuance of legal tender paper 
 money. This question has happily been decided 
 by the highest court of the land in favor of such 
 power possessed in Congress. 
 
 The Democratic platform has repudiated that 
 decision, although the Democratic majority in 
 Congress has not seen fit to pa.ss a bill to verify 
 their assumption, that the legal tender power is 
 not ju.stifiablc. The Republican party for the last 
 twenty years in power 'after the war" has done 
 all and everything to saddle the people with 
 burdens in public obligations and monopolies, the 
 consequences of which are causing our present 
 materially distressed condition, growing out of the
 
 86 
 
 centralization of wealth and power in the hands of 
 the few. 
 
 The advent of the Democratic party ascending 
 to power entails upon it the responsibilty of solv- 
 ing the labor question. It involves questions of 
 States' philosophy, States' economy and States' 
 finances from a new point of view, assimilative 
 with the requirements and object of our free insti- 
 tutions. It also involves the regulations of the 
 functions of the circulating medium, taxation, and 
 the source from where it may be drawn. Charter- 
 ed privileges, (that grant prerogatives indirectly) 
 and the observation of constitutional limitations, 
 and other kindred questions. 
 
 The first step to solve the labor question, or in 
 other words, to improve the condition and to 
 secure material prosperity to those who either 
 mentally or physically labor and create all that 
 we society enjoy, is to enlist into the service of the 
 administration of affairs of the nation, men who 
 are able, honest, generous, patriotic and disinter- 
 ested ; men who have proven reliable and worthy 
 in private life ; men who will apply all their quali- 
 fications for the perfection of our free institutions ; 
 men who will guard the interest of those who 
 through circumstances created by poverty, were 
 forced into a condition of credulity and dependence ; 
 men who will apply their whole being for the solu-
 
 87 
 
 tion of the problem of decentralizing power and 
 wealth in an equitable and lawful manner; men 
 who will not look upon the office as a creation for 
 their special purpose, commonly known as poli- 
 ticians, wlio make politics a livelihood, who after 
 they obtain office feel no other responsibility. 
 
 An honest Congress and administration to begin 
 with is the inevitable necessity for the improve- 
 ment of the material condition of American house- 
 holds. Such can never be accomplished through 
 the men who wielded power in the last fifteen 
 year.s-, be they Republican or Democratic poli- 
 ticians. They are but schemers for self-aggran- 
 dizement and unable to comprehend or grasp the 
 complicated questions that slumber like a volcano 
 beneath our social fabric, which when stimulated 
 by want, superinduced by the suspension of com- 
 mercial and industrial activity, may burst forth at 
 a time when least expected, and cause destruction 
 to most of what civilization and peace jn our 
 midst has created for half a century. Prevention 
 is surer than cure. Forethought is forearmed. 
 Let us have a truly honest administration of 
 public affairs. Material prosperity in the house- 
 hold, is the corner-stone of true independence and 
 moral civilization. Politicians of the past are not 
 the men who can accomplish much good. Honesty 
 and truthfulness are rarely in them. Let us obey
 
 88 
 
 the laws as they are, call in the public debt, pay- 
 it in legal tenders. Relieve the people of the 
 interest. It will force the capitalists into enter- 
 prises that will benefit mental and physical labor. 
 This is the first step to solve the labor problem. 
 
 I
 
 [Written by Ignatius Batory.] 
 
 It is a well-known fact that the Supreme Court 
 of the United States have decided that Congress, 
 acting for the people, has the power to issue legal 
 tender paper money for all purposes. The demo- 
 cratic party leaders, while dissenting from that 
 decision, and having seen fit to express their dissent 
 in the platform of 1884, have, nevertheless, since 
 their advent to power, not ventured either to 
 approve nor to challenge that decision. 
 
 The right of the people to issue legal tender 
 paper money is, at the present juncture of our 
 commercial and industrial condition, of immense 
 consequence. 
 
 The issuance of legal tender circulating medium 
 either by the respective States or by the United 
 States, becomes at this juncture of our industrial 
 condition an unavoidable necessity. // is the lever 
 that alone can quicken the motion of trade, commerce, 
 industry and shipping and enhance agriculture. 
 
 It is an admitted fact that there is a disparaging 
 condition between those who create the wealth and 
 tho.se who po.ssess the wealth of the nation. 
 
 The controversy is not as to the existing facts, 
 but as to the sources of the evil, and the means of 
 remedy.
 
 90 
 
 To inflict injury and inequality upon the major- 
 ity of the people, the cunning few have used the 
 legislative power, irr violation of the fundamental 
 principles of the constitution. To restore equity 
 to our people we must return to the first principles, 
 as enunciated by the fathers of the Constitution. 
 
 It is the interest of the wealthy to arrogate 
 powers beyond the constitutional limit, under 
 plausible, but false pretenses. On the other hand, 
 the interest of the poor is to cling to the strict con- 
 struction of the limited powers as provided by the 
 Constitution. As the first leads to the concentra- 
 tion of wealth, the second is .a preventive and is 
 calculated to shield the people from aggression by 
 the designing few. 
 
 The non-adherence till now by both parties, to 
 the decision of the United Slates Supreme Court 
 in relation to the issue of legal tender, and ignor- 
 ing its possibilities in a commercial and prosperity 
 point of view, proves their shameful indifference 
 to the people's interest and welfare. 
 
 There are at present outstanding nearly fourteen 
 hundred millions of United States bonds that are 
 subject to redemption with this legal tender. Why 
 not pay them off, save the annual interest, and 
 increase commercial enterprises to the extent of 
 the amount of the circulating medium to be issued.
 
 91 
 
 It would enhance the value of labor proportion- 
 ately as the circulating medium in the hands of 
 the present bond holders would increase. It 
 would enable laboring men to obtain abundant 
 employment. 
 
 It is a part of statesmanship to create demand 
 for labor "through legislation" in an indirect way. 
 The guarantee of the national government on the 
 bonds being considered sufficient. Why not also 
 on legal tender notes? 
 
 Only lunatics will deny the fact that the com- 
 merce of the country solely upon a gold basis is 
 an impossibility, except upon the destruction of 
 freedom and the substitution of servitude of the 
 people.
 
 [Written by Ignatius Batory.] 
 
 AN AMERICAN FINANCIAL SYSTEM 
 
 MUST BE HARMONIOUS, JUDICIOUS 
 
 AND CONSEQUENTIAL. 
 
 Harmonious with the philosophy and intent of 
 our American Constitution as relating to the 
 material welfare and personal rights of each and 
 every one of our citizens. 
 
 Judicious by stimulating trade, commerce, 
 industry and agriculture without permitting some 
 favored ones to sponge upon the economic 
 branches of the nation through the agencies of 
 usury, special privileges, combinations and trusts, 
 and so forth. 
 
 Consequential by preventing the circulating 
 medium by indirect means from obtaining income 
 or profit through any source whatever, excepting 
 through the employment of labor direct.' 
 
 Without the above essentials no financial 
 arrangement will work satisfactorily.
 
 [Written by Ig-natius Batory, February 22d, 1880.] 
 191 AND 1920. 
 
 All railroads will be condemned and paid for by 
 the respective States ; no more public securities 
 will be emitted, and all that may be outstanding 
 will be subject to taxation ; no more mortgages 
 or ground rents will be recorded ; no more debts 
 will be collected through the agencies of courts, 
 as all business transactions will be considered cash 
 on their face (in law). A maximum will be set 
 for the ownership of real estate by each citizen. 
 
 The national administration will issue all the 
 silver and gold coins, but no paper money. The 
 States will charter State banks and decide upon its 
 guarantee, if coin or real estate. Import duties 
 will be collected upon the principle that all articles 
 that the countr)- can produce a sufficiency of will 
 be lightly protected, and all articles that the nation 
 cannot create a sufficiency of will be admitted 
 free. All high protective tariffs and all subsidizes 
 will be forever banished. 
 
 Legislation will incessantly aim at forcing the 
 circulating medium into the channels of trade, 
 commerce and industry by preventing its employ- 
 ment in usurious or chartered speculations. Taxes
 
 94 
 
 will be collected in a direct manner, taxing each 
 citizen in proportion to his possessions. All 
 charters that grant monopolies will be repealed or 
 condemned and paid out of existence, as the 
 right of suing in court for the collection of debts 
 will be abolished, the usury laws will disappear, 
 credit will be based on honesty instead, as at 
 present, based on property. Bribery, ballot-box 
 stuffing or false count and false voting will be 
 punished like arson or rape. The intelligence of 
 the people will make it impossible for rough and 
 dishonest men to obtain public positions of trust. 
 The meaning of the words, democrats and re- 
 publicans, will be well understood as being 
 identical, the people will rally upon measures and 
 not names. 
 
 t
 
 [Written l)>- Ig-uatius Batory.j 
 
 THE FRUIT IS RIPKXIXG ; IT WILL SOON 
 FALL INTO THE LAP OF SOCIETY! 
 
 For half a centur}- in vain did I try to enlighten 
 fellow men in relation to the iniquitous system of 
 finances and its uses. In vain did I make the 
 effort to prove to fellow-men the cause of his 
 poverty on one hand and tlic concentration of 
 immense wealth on the other hand. In vain did 
 I try to convince fellovv-men that our form of 
 government does fully warrant his prosperity. 
 
 In \ain did I try to make fellow-men see the 
 roots that cause his poverty and debasement. But 
 they could not see ! In vain did I speak the 
 words of plain reason ; the seed fell in untilled 
 ground. But the evil will soon remedy itself! 
 For necessity is a great teacher
 
 [Written by Ignatius Batory.] 
 
 THE END. 
 
 I love humanity not for its being human, but 
 for its being subHmely created, by a sublime 
 power and for sublime purposes, that centres in 
 generosity and love that will ultimately culminate 
 in the happiness of all ! For such is the intention 
 of our Maker as exemplified by the powers of 
 thought, feeling and conscience implanted in 
 mortals.
 
 I N DK 
 
 Introductory 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 
 
 Preface 9, 10, 11, 12 
 
 Discussion of the financial question by the author in 
 
 the year 1868 .13, 11, 15, 16, 17, IS 
 
 Continuation of the discussion and the remcd}-, 
 
 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29 
 The People's Party and its mission.. .30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 3') 
 The identity of interest of all those whose occupation 
 is Agriculture, Industry, Commerce and Mental and 
 
 Physical Labor 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42 
 
 Our soul has penetrated the yet hidden future. . . .43, 44, 45 
 Aspirations of individuals when disinterested, are the 
 
 mainsprings of Civilization 4G 
 
 Demand and Supply the subterfuge of ignorant legis- 
 lators 47, 48, 49, 50, 51 
 
 Our financial system a failure, because it lacks the 
 State's Philosophical and State's Economical virtues, 
 
 52, 53, 54 
 The irrepressible conflict for the division of the sur- 
 plus earnings of the nation 55, 56, 57, 58 
 
 The two monsters that enslave the many to the few.. .59, 60 
 
 High Tariff or Free Trade 61 
 
 Communism, Socialism and Single Tax 62, 63 
 
 Shall it be a common family V Co-operative and mu- 
 tual ; or shall it be individuality and self interest, 
 
 64, 65, 66 
 
 Remedying the future and not the past 67 
 
 It is easier to level society down than to elevate it. . . 68 
 
 True and false convictions 69 
 
 Guard against a landed aristocracy 69, 70 
 
 It is but tlie urbaric system of tlie past, renewed in an 
 
 indirect way 70, 71, 
 
 70
 
 Why there is a periodical groan of distress 73, 74 
 
 Truthful and instructive informatiom worth knowing, 
 
 75, 76, 77, 78, 79 
 The silver question a means to confound the people. .80, 81 
 Pan-American Congress to recoin gold and silver coins, 
 
 to obtain equalization 82, 83, 84 
 
 Legal tender money and its possibilities for the people, 
 
 85, 86, 87, 88 
 The wealthy arrogate powers beyond the Constitution, 
 
 under plausible, but false pretenses 89,90,91 
 
 An American financial system must be harmonious, 
 
 judicious and consequential 92 
 
 Solution of the Problem 93, 94 
 
 Necessity a great teacher 95 
 
 The End 90
 
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