749 H33 1900 •y^^^ t'^-^^ %\^ HARRiMAN CLASS WAR IN IDAHO •iHi sv 'A />.i:t. m •'J'^ f c?^ . n \*'^ V ^/^?: '^ v«itt ;.n* 'I;.*: Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2007 with funding from IVIicrosoft Corporation http://www.archive.org/details/classwarinidahohOOharrrich ^IHIIIMIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIMllllllllllliliiiililililiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiM 1 THE VOLKS-SEITUNG LIBRARY. 5 2 Published at 184 William Street, N. Y. z I Vol. 2. No. 4. July 1. 1900. = = PRICE 5 CENTS. Tearly Subicription, 60 CenU. 5 THE CLASS WAR IN IDAHO. THE HORRORS OF THE BULL PEN An Indictment of Combined Capital in Conspiracy with President McKinley, General Merriam and Governor Steunenberg, for their Crimes Against the Miners of the Coeur d'Alenes. By JOB HARRIMAN. = Third Edition. \ jj ■ - »' : z • S Kntereil as .socond class matter at the Ne\N i*ost Office, ■ 5 October 30, 1899. = z ■ niiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiMiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiir jig:, iiiiiillillllllllliiiiiiliiiilliiillinillllllliilililiiilllillilliliiiniliiiilililliiiillllliliiiliiiiii I,: j^ The ''Bull Pen HESTERN FEDERATION OF IIIHER& BUTTE, MONTANA, Juiy 19, 1900. MR. JOB HARRIMAN, 184 William Street, New York City. Dear Friend Harrirpan: I have read yonr pamphlet on the Coeur d'Alene mining trouble with much interest, and must say that it is the only fair and logical presentation of the situation that has ever been published. It is a true history of the labor difficulties, and does not contain a single statement that can be contra- dicted by the mine operators. I must say that you deserve great credit for the good work you have done in writing the true history of this great struggle under such adverse circumstances. I wish every laboring man and woman in the United States could read this pamphlet. There would be fewer volunteers to shoot down workingmen for such combines as the Standard Oil Company, and still fewer to vote for the parties that support and foster such combinations. Let us know when you publish the second edition and I will send you an order for ten thousand copies for distribution. Fraternally yours, EDWARD BOYCE, President Western Federation of Miners. =llll||llllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllSllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllilll> (0?,h'^ W. aSSS WAR IN CHAPTER I. THE SEAT OF WAR- Tbf PoMir (1* Alone mining district, of Idaho, iu wliiih tlie great labor war has been raging during the hist twelve years, is about eight by twenty-five miles in extent. The battlefield is In Shoshone County, located in the heart of the mountains, at an altitude of about twenty-eight hundred feet above the sea. Wallace, the county seat, \>ith a population of S.OOO, lies in a little basin, on every side of which are high and steep mountains, covered with pine, fir, and tamarack. During the winter season, the deep monntnln shadows, deepened by the clouds tliat hover about the peaks, cast a gloom over the little basin which makes it seem like the very "Valley of the Shadow of Death." But in the sunvmer time, when the clouds are driven away and the moun- tain shades are made welcome by a warmer sun, Wallace becomes a most delightful resort. The air is clear and bracing, the nights are cool and rest- ful, the streams flow with as abund- ance of cold water, the Coeur d'Alene Lake abounds with fish, and the for- ests with berries and wild game. From the little basin in which Wal- lace is located, canyons radiate in ev- ery direction. It is up these canyons that the mines and the mining camps are to be found. The location gives to Wallace the coramorcial advantage over the sur- rounding towns, and it is, accordingly, the place where the business of this district for the most part 1» con- ducted. This little commercial ceiitci- ha« also been the center of the field upon which two of the fiercest labo»* battles of the world have been fought. That a fair understanding of this great ditficulty may be acquired, It will Ik» necessary to keep constantly in mind thp fact timt this Cceuv d'^J^ne district is one of the richest mlnernl belts in all the world; that it is larg«^ly controlled by a few companies; that It is only beginning to be developtnl; that Mages In this district, from the firat, have been $3.50 a day; that the miuerfi have never asked for more than $.3..j0 a day; that the mine owners have con- stantly made an aggressive warfare against this rate of wages; and that the miners have been forced to conduct a defensive warfare to maintain it Hence, the wage question In the Coeur d'Alene troubles, as In almost every other labor difficulty, was the cause of the conflict. All other differ- ences arising between the miners ami mine owners, were of but little Im- portance and will be considered ac- cordingly. By taking up the facta chronolo- gically, we will be able to determine whether it was the miners or the mine owners who were responsible for the plans of the battle and the crimes to which they have led. TTntil seventeen years ago. the Coeur a'Alenes served as haunts for wild men and wild beasts, and the region wnr, practically free from the hand of civilization. But In 1R82 some pro- si)ectors, who had wandered from the beaten path, dlscoverf d some very rich gold deposits, and the news of this fact Mas Immediately circulated throughout the country, and especially through the mining camps of the West luti^rest was awakened, many pro- speciora went to seek their f*rtnnea there, aud some found them In enor- mously rich placers. These ftictn added fuel to the already awaJcened In- terest which developed lnt« the famoiis Cvii b^ tke company- wUh jealousy and hatred, and for no other reason than that the men were receiv- ing $3.50 a day for the dangerous and unhealthful work which they were do- ing. The passion for dividends being their ruling motive, greed dictated the terms. Notice was accordingly served upon the miners that wages would be cut from $3.50 per day to $2.50 and $3 a day. Thus the first gun was fired in the Coeur d'Alene labor war, by the owners of the Bunker Hill and Sulli- van mine, in the year 1887. As a herd of wild cattle will rush together, encircle their young, with their heads turned out, and their horns to the ground, in order to defend them- selves against a pack of attacking wolves, so the miners rushed together, entered into a compact; agreed to re- sist the reduction, and thereby defend themselves and their families, against the unjust attack of the company. Thus the first labor organization was formed in the district; it was known as the "Wardner Miners' Union." It 'was a defensive organization, forced into existence by the company itself. It has always remained a defensive or- ganization, fighting for but one thing, namely, to maintain the wage at $3 and $3.50 a day. It was a righteous organization, because the men pro- duced not only the $3.50 which they received each day, but also the vast dividends which the companies re- ceived. Had they not defended them- salves and their homes against this unjust attacli, their servile cowardice would have merited the contempt even of the company. When we consider that their average gross monthly earnings were less than $100, that their board cost them $30 a month, their ipining clothes $20, bunks $8, and other necessary expenses at least $15, we find that they had less than $.30 a month left. It must also be remembered that this is a most danger- ous occupation, and that the company does not insure against loss of life or limb. THE FIRST VICTORY. With the sense of justice confirming their action, the union became a solid phalanx. The company could not break it. A retreat was ordered, and the $3 and $3.50 scale was maintained. Thus the first skirmish ended, .nuA" ^h* -S-i' This skirmish was watched In all the miaes of the district, and both the companies and the men were there- after constantly upon their guard. Ac- cordingly, when the rumor that wages were to be reduced, became prevalent in any locality, the men did not wait for the lirst step to be taken by the company, as had been done in Ward- ner, but Immediately organized their union and prepared for the fray. Thus unions were organized at Mullen in '88, at Burke In '89, and at Gem in '90. On no occasion did any of these unions ask for more than $3.50 a day. They were all organized to defend this $3.50 rate. And in 1890, they were abso- lutely Independent of each other. THE HOSPITAL QUESTION. At this time there developed an open opposition, to the hospital service. This arose out of the unfair methods by which the companies were conduct- ing such institutions. More than 1,200 men were now working in the mines, and each man was paying $1 a month, as hosiptal fees. This meant $1,200 a month. And yet the apartments were poor and the services were practically worthless. The miners protested to the mine owners against such treat- ment, but met with no success. Some of the men suggested that the unions should support a hospital of their own. But each union was too weak for such an undertaking, and there be- ing no federation, they were practi- cally helpless. A committee was therefore appointed by one of the unions, with Instructions to draft a plan for conducting a Miners' Union Hospital, and to lay the proposition be- fore all the unions In the district. This proposition was at once accepted, com- mittees from each union were appolnt- eeen thereby increased, yet, having maintained the $3.50 scale, the miners took no step to raise their wages above that scale; but were content that the profits accruing from the machine should go to the mine owners. Hence the union, in this instance, had conducted only a de- fensive warfare against the new me- thods employed by the capitalists. And aggressive actions, direct and indirect, on the part of the mine owners, to re- duce the scale of wages had resulted not only in their defeat, but also in a thorough organization of the minevs into an amalgamated union for de- fense. The ^^ei of the uuioiifi had been demonstrated on three different occa- sions to be more than equal to the emergency, and it became evident that if the mine owners were to be suc- cessfill in reducing the wages, they must resort to other methods. MINE OWNERS' ASSOCIATION. Three companies— the Bunker Hill & Sullivan, the Helena-Frisco, and the Gem— headed a call for a meeting of all the mine owners in the district. The active men were Hammond, Brad- ley, Esler, and Campbell. This meet- ing was held at Wallace, in October, 1891, and resulted in the organization of the "Mine Owners' Protective Asso- ciation," to which the owners of all the large mines belonged. Thus were the two opposing forces arrayed and organized, and the line distinctly drawn between them. On the one hand was the Union, on the other, the Association; to the one be- longed more than 1,200 men, whose living depended on their daily wages; to the other belonged a few million- aires, constantly growing richer by enormous monthly dividends. The one was organized for the pui'pose of maintaining the wages at $3.50 a day; the other was organized for the avowed purjwse of destroying the union and reducing the wages to $2.50 a day. At this time some of the companies were declaring dividends amounting to $30,000 a month, and the B. H, & S. dividends were running as high as $00,000 a month. And yet their in- satiable greed prompted them to or- ganize the association, to make war upon the union, to crush it if possible, and then to lower the wages and there- by still further increase their divi- dends. That this was the purpose for which the association was organized ai>pears from the following facts: First, shortly after the association was organized, Mr. C. F. Easton, pro- sent State Senator from the Coeur d'Aleuos, had contracted with the un^on to do certain work which would re- quire an investment on his part amounting to several hundred dollars. A member of the Mine Owners' Asso- ciation, hearing of this fact, said to Mr. Easton: "Do not invest your mo- ney. There will be no union soon. I know what I am talking about." Second, the mine owners hired trai- tors to go into the union for the ex- prcjss purpose of betraying them to the association. This fact appears over the signature of G. E. French, First Lieutenant of the 4th T'. S. Infantry, In the "Overland Monthly" for July, 1895. Mr. French was entirely in sym- pathy with the a.ssoclatlon, and was a confidant of the mine owners. For this reason, he will be liberally quoted in this narration. He said: "The Mine Owners* Association employed one of the Pinkerton detectives known as Seringo, but whose real name was C. L. Alll.son. He Ingratiated himself with the miners and joined one of the unions. He was aji exceedingly adroit man, and was soon elected Secretary of the Gem Miners' T'nton. Thus the Mine Owners' Association was enable«l to obtain records of the meetings and keep well posted ui)on the plans and actions of the union." Third, a certain per cent, of the gross outi)ut from each mine was set aside, and put into a common fund, with which to fight the union. This fact was told by members of the association to merchants in Wallace, who were thought to be in sympathy with the mine owners. These merchants dare not let their names l)e used, because the association has it in its power to crush them. In the light of these facts, can It b? denied that the association had secretly declared hostilities and was preparing for an open battle? SHUT.DOWN OF 1892. If there is any doabt yet lingering In the mind of any reader, It will be dispelled by the fact that Just three months from the time when the as.so- clation held this meeting, ever}' mine was shut down. This act committed by the associa- tion, on January la. 1.S92, locked out more than 1.200 men. They and their families deiMjnded upon til' ir daily earnings for bread. In the dead of winter, in this cohl northern country, where fuel is absolutely neces- sary, where living is expensive, the miners' resources were shut pff, with- out a day's notice. The reason given by the association for this act was that "the exorbitant freight charges were consuming all their profits and that they would not reopen until the rates were satisfac- torily adjusted." Thus the association endeavored to conceal Its real purpose beneath this glaring falsehood. The capitalists cherished the hope that the miners would soon l)e starved into submission. They thought that the men would be forced to leave the country or that the union would propose a reduction In the rate of wages equivalent to the de- sired reduction in the freight rates. But Immediately upon tlie an- nouncement of their reason* for closing, the union seized upon the recent reports which ahowed the dividends of some ot the mines to average $30,000 per month, and In one case to average as high as $00,000 per month. This fact was heralded to the world. It was proof positive that the as.sociatJou had not shut down the mines because the profits were being con.«umed by freight charges, but that the action was prompted by their In- satiable craving to consume, by reduc- ing the wages, the small margin then left to the wage earners. Thus aggressive warfare had been declared by this millionaire association upon a union of 1,200 men. and the line Ot battle was drawn on the question of wage«. The union was again forced to conduct a defensive warfare. Men were sent by the union to all the great mining centers of the West, to explain the situation and appeal for help. The appeal also found Its way through the rural press, and from ev- ery quarter came a most liberal re- sponse. Carloads of provisions from the farmers, and heavy drafts for cash from the unions came in quantities far beyond all expe* union miner re- mained in the district, 'waiting for the association to hoist a flag of truce. The resi>onse with which their ap- peal was meeting gave them every reajsou to hope for an ultimate victor/. ^e-» Thongh they knew that by the sweat Of their brows did they eat bread, they knew also that by the sWeat of their brows did the companies declare divi- dends, and that while the lockout lasted no dividends would be declared, and a few months without y dividends would create consternation in the Camp of the enemy. With the knowledge of this fact, with the conviction that they were right, with funds pouring in, the union men were peaceable and quiet, but resolute. They had again formed a phalanx, bound together by a com- mon interest, a common necessity, and a deep and mutual sympathy which al- ways accompanies the sufferings of the working class. And this phalanx was as solid as steel. Thus they stood for more than two months, awaiting the next move of the enemy. During this time both the op- posing forces appeared firm. But in March the association confessed its plot and its crime, by notifying the men that the mines would be opened and that the wages would be $2.50 and $3 a day, instead of $3.50. By a unanimous vote, the union spurned the offer. The mines did not open. This fact confirmed the state- ment made by the union, and the sym- pathizers kept up the inflowing stream of provisions and money. The association then proposed a one- sided "sliding scale." This was wholly unsatisfactory and was promptly re- jected. The next aggressive act on the part of the association was to ship non- union men into the district from other States. To defend themselves against this new danger, the union appointed a committee, whose duty it was to ex- plain the situation to the non-union men and to offer to pay their fare back to their homes; or, if they preferred, the union would furnish them board and lodging in Wallace while the strike lasted. This was a successful defense, and almost every man laid down his tools and walked out. Thus the union phalanx was again enlarged and strengthened. But no dividends were forthcoming. and something had to be done. The as- eociatiou now turned to the Federal tirlborities, fli IC- Fr( nch tells us that on May 7, 1S92, the iassociation secured an in- junction from Judge J. H. Beatty of the United States District Court, re- straining the miners from "interfer- ing" with the association's imported men. But the union men, in self- defense, continued to approach the im- ported men in secret. This latest act of tyranny not only made their success with the non-union men even better than before, but it again aroused sym- pathizers for the union, and multiplied their resources. This secret method of defense on the part of the union continued for four weeks, with unabated success. The thought of no dividends caused the association to resort to more forc- ible methods. Mr. French tells us (page 44) that "an agreement was made between the mine owners that none of the union men should be em- ployed," and he also tells us that, ou June 4, the association prevailed upon the Governor to issue a proclamation, warning the men against using even moral suasion to prevent imported men from working. In this proclama- tion the Governor announced that, un- less the unions refrained from such ac- tion, he would declare martial law in the district. This aroused the citizens of Wallace, and large mass meetings were held to protest against the acts of the Governor. The moral suasion continued, tho miners' cause was being taken up by the people, and it became apparent that decisive action must be taken or a retreat beaten by the association. More than five months had pass:'d since war was declared. The union was stronger than ever before, and every attack of the Association had been repelled; even the at- tacks made by the Federal Court and the Governor had been evaded. Sum- mer was now on, the stream of cash and provisions flowing into the mines was still swelling, and no dividends Were being declared. PINKERTONS BROUGHT IN. Knowing that the Governor was with them and that there was no danger of prosecution, the association took the law into its own bauds, and imported several car-loads of non-union men and two hundred armed Pinkertou detec- tives. Mr. French says (page 35) that the nonunion men were put '\) worli — 7- 1d the mines and the armed detectives were stationed about to guard tbem. By this act, the association had over- reached itself. The union had only to rest upon its oars, for victory was now assured. The Plnicerion force was (.ostiuK the association II.IKX) a duy f and board, and tho men in the mines were costing vastly more. Still, no dividends. The starving-out scheme was con- tinued. But the scales were turned, and the enormous expenses of the as- sociation made it possible for tht» unions to wait until the companies liould become bankrupt. Again the onil)anie.«5 had been the aggressors, lud again they were defeated without the union men raising a hand. There was now but one thing to do, and that was to have the Governor de- clare martial law. Mr. French tells us ^page 35) that a "relgu of terrorism and ostracism had existed for months," and ih the same passage he remarks that the "Miners' [ Union had the sympathy of a majority ■ of the people." Is it uot remarkable that the people should have been ter- rorized by those with whom they sym- pathized? v^ Though Mr. French's article did not appear until some time later, it is a very conservative specimen of tlie ar- ! tides scattered by the capitalist press throughout the country. The condi- I tions were grossly exaggerated by the association. Foi* this was the last ef- fort to prepare the outside public to -upport martial law. MILITIA CALLED OUT. It was decided to call out the militia, to unite them with the Pinkcrton force, and to precii Itate a conflict between them and the union men. But when the militia were ordered '^iit, it was found that they were un- illiug to tight, that thtjy were in sym- i»athy with the union men, and that they even permitted the latter to carry aw&y tlieir guns. Mr. French says that General Curti.s *' Icgraphed the (Jovernor that "the ilitla was Inadequate, and that a ice of United States troops would be eded without delay." Arrangements were then made for Federal troops lo- cated at Fort Sherman, Vancouver Barracks, Fort Keogh. Fort Spokane, and Fort Missoula to be i-eady to u.aich, on a minute's notice. AHEMPTS TO PROVOKE A FIGHT. The plans all havinir been laid. It was only a question of provoking a contlict. The Piukertons Insulted the wives and daughters of the miners with the most vulgar language, and studiously endeavored to provoke some overt act. It was thought, that on the Fourth of July, some of the many men would be drinking and would probably commit some rash act. To urge them on, a fl,ag was hoisted with an old broom above It, and the Piukertons would tantalize the men as they pa.ssed, calling out that they would "sweep the union uiu of the canyon." But the men had learned ni.ir lesson well, and no act was committed that would serve the Piukertons for a pre- text to tire. The following day, the "Spokesman Itevlew," of Spokane, Wash., said that "the expected flght did not occur In the Coeur d'Alenes on the Fourth." How did this paper know a tight was expected on that day? And who was expecting It? Certainly, the unions were not. It was discovered by the union that the Piukertons had rations laid in suffi- cient for two days. Strong breast- works were thrown up, and the thugs were certain that they would be able to hold out against the union for forty- eight hours after the conflict was be- gun. And they knew also that the regulars could reach them in that time. THE PRETEXT FOUND. For six days more the Insults con- tinued. Finally, en July lo, the de- sired pretext was found. As R. R. Williams was walking up the railroad, he was accosted by a IMnkerton who told him that he could uot walk on that track. Williams replied that If he ithe Pinkcrton) would lay down his gun he would match lists with him. The man laid his gun down and a fight ensued, after which the Pinkerlon waa sent lo the hospital for repairs. This was made a pretext for opening fire. It was noised abroad that the as- sociation had ordered Its men to l>e- gin action on the following morning. Miners from every camp gathered at Gem, diirlug the night, all of them pre- pared to make a defense. They were ordered by the union "not to flre flnit" under penalty- of 4eath, "^ •very man -s- knew that the penalty would follow disobedieuce. THE FIRST SHOT. It is a matter of court i-ecord that, early oii the molning of July 11, the Pinker tons fired the tirst shot and killed an unarmed miner. Immedyate- ly, a volley was poured into the miners' ranks, kilhng four and wound- ing fourteen. Asa in were the capitn lists the aggres- sors and the miners on the defensive. But this time it was a fight to the finish. Tlie union men hid behind the rocks and trees and, for more than two ho\-rs, poured a shower of shot into the old mill and the barracks. The Pin- kertons stood their ground, and a genuine battle was on. It was evident that tlie guns of the miners wore too light for the breastworks of the Pin- kerton men, and that they must find a more vulnerable point if they would win the victory before the regulars ar- rived. A few men were sent out to reconnoitre, and they discovered that no guard had been placed at the pen- stock. The firing continued from both sidi\«!. while the men made their way up {o the penstock. They turned off the water, and then started two fifty- pound boxes of dynamite down the shoct. When the powder went down, the mill went up, and the Pinkertons and non-union men rushed from the further end of the works, each with a handkerchief on his bayonet. Thus flags of truce could be seen flying in every direction. The victory was with the union, and uncoT»ditional surrender was the order. Mr. French tells us that "the mine owners, in order to save the lives of their workmen, surrendered to the mob." Thoughtful, indeed, for their workmen! The arms were first surrendered to a comu'ittee. then to the union miners. The hon-union men and Pinkertons were put on the train and ordered out of the country. It is needless to say that the orders were obeyed instanter, and "peace reigned in Warsaw." But from every direction the troops were being rushed toward the scene of battle. Every mine in the Ca?ur d'Alenes had surrendered except the Bunker Hill & Sullivan. Less than two dnj» i'emaiued in which to take this last fort of the association. A large force ,of union men proceeded to the B. H. & S., and told the manage- ment what had happened above, and why they were forced to act, and de- manded that the non-union men be dis- charged and sent out of the district at once. In less than two hours, 150 non-union men were marching down the railroad track to the mission, where they were to take passage for parts unknown. The "Spokesman Ileview" then came out with all the horrible stories of midnight murders that an abnormal and depraved brain could conjure up. The public was told that the union men had murdered a large number of non- unionists, had torn the flesh from some of the bodies and hung it in the trees; that they had burned others, and that their bones were yet in the ash piles; and that every conceivable outrage had been inflicted upon the helpless. Public indignation was aroused by the article, and a committee of respon- sible m.en was appointed by the citi- zens to make an investigation. The entire story was proven to be absolute- ly false. The fact is that the union men did not go d. n to the canyon either upon that day or any other, but returned to Wallace and waited for the next move of the enemy. This last struggle had been on just six months. In every instance, not only during this contest, but also dur- ing every contest since 1887, the asso- ciation had been the aggressor and the union had been on the defensive. During these six months the union men bore their hardships and indigni- ties courageously; they stood by their principles manfully: and until the last, they hoped that an amicable settle- ment mi^ht be reached. The battle was forced upon them and when, for the first time, they were compelled to show their power, they crushed the hirelings of the association with one blow, and drove them out of the coun- try. Again, there can be no question as to who was the guilty party. MARTIAL LAW. Immediately on the arrival of the troops, the State and Federal authori- ties manifested the waost revolting par- tiality. AlajL'tijU law had been declared Julj -0- 12. The soldiers nrrlved July in. Mr. French tells us that "It beeiuye evl- 't'Ut that Sheriir Cimningham and Marshals Thomas Argyle and .Tolin Stack, lu-cause they were elected by the miners, were unwilling to act." and that "(ieneral Curtis accordingly re- moved them from ottlco. and. on July 15, issued the following order": He:ulq»inrtrr» Idaho Nutlouiil Guard. Special OnltT No. 11 Wallace. Idaho. July 15. 181)2. Dr. r. S. Sims of Wallace. Idaho, Is here- ' y appointed actlni; Sheriff of the County of ihoalione. State of blaho. and Ih empowered with all the authority of that olHee, under martial law now In force In said county. Ily order: JAMKS h\ (THTIS. Colonel Idaho National Guards Commaud- lug. Dr. Slm.«; was the physician emplo.ved by the Mine Owners' Association. He was very willing to act. Immediately, more than 500 men were arrested and thrown into the Bull Pens, one at Kellog and tlie other at Wallace, and thus the union wasflgaln on the defensive. The members of the Mine Owners' Association went scot free and directed the actions of the military ofticers— and thus, again, were they the aggres.<5ors. All the non-union men who had been •'murdered" In the canyon on the Fourth of July, and "whose bones were bleaching on the ash piles." were at once herded together and set to work again at the Bunker Hill & Sulli- van mine. Remember that no trials had yet been held and the olficers were already passing judgment. The reason given for removing Sheriff Cunningham was that he was unwilling to act. But It Is a.sserted by resi)onslble men of Wal- lace, who were on the ground at the time, that Cunningham was willing and anxious to act. It Is possible that both of these statements were true. It might be that he was willing to ar- rest the very men whom the army ofllcers did not wish to have arrested— the really guilty men; and it Is certain that those whom they wished him to arrest were Uuiocent. In looking Uito this matter, we must consider what became of tlie r>()0 men who were In the Bull Pens. In doing this, we must remember that the State orticials, the army officers, an«l county othcials were all willing to' arrest the members of the Miners' Union, for the unwlllingr ofllclnls had all been dis- missed. It is also claimed, and the following facts seem to warrant the statement, that the Judges and Juries had been carefully h»oked after. Tlie fiiiJt evidenorted non- union men. Such was the redress they received. This method of attack continued un- til .N'ovember 22. when silent contempt for the company ceased to be a virtue, and the miners called a mass meeting and deman«led: First, that the B. H. & S. should not discriminate against organized labor; second, that the men now in the Coeur d'Aleues should b« *-12- given preference in employment; third, that no man should be imported while there was an oversupply at hand. The employers replied that they proposed to operate their mine in the future as they had in the past. The miners then put the following question to Mr. Bradley, the spokes- man of the company: "Are you aw^are that members of your company, con- trary to their agreement with the K. of L,, have w^ritten East for miners, to come and take the places of men now employed, at a lower wage than was agreed upon?" Mr. Bradley an- swered: "NO." But men who had been imported on contract to work for less than current wages rose and testified to the fact, and a letter to that effect, over " Mr. Bradley's own signature, was handed to him and he was made to read it aloud. Then, amidst the jeers of four hundred men, he was permitted to re- tire, despised by them all. The company then decided upon a lockout, and the mill and mine were shut down at once. This also was done in the dead of winter; but this time only one mine was involveil, and the funds in the treasury of the local Fede- ration were sufficient to provide for the men who were out. The fight lasted for almost five months. During all this time the other mine owners constantly expressed contempt for the B. H. & S., and thereby encouraged the miners in their Ac-lon. Yet the association, B. H. & S. included, w^as holding secret meetings and improving every opportunity which would tend to lead the men into some unwise action. But wise counsels prevailed in the union and peaceful methods alone were employed. At this time a wave of religious war- fare was sweeping over the country, and the A. P. A. was springing up in every vicinity. Mr. Bradley seized upon this opportunity, and succeeded in persuading a few A. P. A. merchants to circulate the following petition, which Mr. Bradley himself wrote: "We, the undersigned ci^ir.ens of Wardner and Kellogg, in consideration of the extremely low prices of lead and fiilver ruling, and in further considera- tion of the fact that the cost of living has decreased, believe that while these low prices continue, $S a day for miners and ^2.50 a day for. laborers is a reasonable wage, and we '*\ further believe that the Bunker Hill & Sullivan Mining and Concentrating Company has the same right to man- age its own affairs as we have to man- age ours, and we hereby pledge the Company our cordial support in its de- termination to pay no higher wages while the prices of lead and silver are so iow, it being understood that the said Company will restore wages to the former basis of $3.50 and $3, when- ever the prices of lead and silver ad- vance so that the combined value in New York of 100 pounds of lead and 21/4 ounces of silver is not less than $6.00" At the time the mine shut down, the company was still declaring dividends of more than $60,000 a month. They ' set the prices of lead and silver so high, in this so-called petition, defining the conditions under which wages would be increased, that they them- selves knew that the prices would probably never be reached and they could never, under this agree- ment, be called upon to restore wages. Though the mine employs, when in full force, almost 500 men, yet their own report concerning the labor troubles shows (page 25) that only 201 men In Wardner, Kellogg, and all the su;» rounding country, could be induced j* sign this document. Nevertheless, the A. P. A.s signed unanimously, and in return for this favor the association agreed to employ only such men as that organization should recommend. In this way they hoped both to reduce wages and to develop a feeling which would disrupt the ranks of the union. The reduction of wages was accom- plished and for a time it seemed alto- gether probable that the bosses would succeed in disrupting the labor organi- zations. The mine owners were all diligently adding fuel to the flame, but with only temporary effect. By fomenting thfe religious strife, the mine owners thought they would sure- ly be able to control the coming elec- tions in the fall of 1896. But the event of the elections in this district was just the reverse of what the companies hoped for and of what happened in other parts of the coun- try. These men had been voting to- gether for years, and the political con- flict brought to lijght the plot laid by 13- the mine owners. 1 he result was that, lu the fall of 1896, the men refused to permit a false prejudice to divide them in the political lield. and they aeeord- injjly tabled all reli;;lous discussion and never apiin took it up. It Is needless to say tliut the lal)or ticket was again S elected by an overwhelming majority, nid the war was continued at Bunker nil. During all this time, the association ;.>)t only stood ready to support the B. f H. & S. In any emergency, but it was ' diligent In keeping itself informed as to the inside workings of the Miners' I'nign. and also in employing every opportunity to destroy that fraternal sympathy which existed between the utside public and the Ca?ur d'Alene liners' Union. The capitalists remembered the great advantage they had obtained in the battle of 1892, by placing their detec- tive Allison in the union and securing through him all the union's minutes and a knowledge of all its acts. So also did the association keep numerous '"spotters" in the labor or- ganizations during these years, who supplied them with a knowlt^dge of every Important act. This the associa- tion waa able to do by employing non- union men. who were always visitod by a con)mittee from the union, whose duty it wa.s to explain the ^tuation and Invite them to join the organization. One month was jijways given eat^ man in which to consider and then he was < urged to act. Among these non-union men were to be found a few tools of the assoi'iation. who had been selected and employed for the express purpose • of acting as detectives. These would enter with the rest and thus the asso- ciation was able to keep itself informtnl J as to who were the ofBoers of the union, who were on the Executive Committee, who were most active in opposing the association, and what was to be the Important move of the future. In my con vei*sat ions with Mr. Mc- Donald and Mr. Burbag-' they both strenuously denied this fact and in- sisted that, though they tried it. tlu'y were unable to gain an entrance into the union in the manner defKMil>ed or In any other way. since the union had been on its guard since 189'2 and re- fused to take In the new men. The reason they deny this fact is that, if they were known to have had spies In the union, they would have been un- able to make it appear that the union was guilty of conspiracy, without at the same time showing that they them- si'lves knew the fact in sutMclent time to have prevented the Impending calamity. But if the reader will secure the pami)hlet which the association has been circulating since the troubles of April 20, 1890, he will tind (pages 11 and 12) that, "in 1804, the unk)n sub- mitted a list of 23 names of men em- ployed in the Frisco and Gem mines whom thej' wished discharged because they would not join the union." And also (page 35) the pamphlet states that, in the year 1808, "the new men joined the union through fear." Thus Messrs. McDonald and Burbage are proven by their own printed author- ity, to be making maliciously false statements for publication. Thus this avenue is confessed to have been open through which they could and did gain entrance for their tools. During the years immediately following 1802, It was the policy of the union, as shown (pages 11 and 12) in the above-men- tioned pamphlet, to request the com- pany to discharge, not only the non- union men, but also the spies who were in the union and acting for the jvssocia- tion. The association complied with this request, but in the meantime the traitors had supplied them with the names of the men who were brave enough to openly advocate the nieas- ure. These courageous men were soon informed that their services were no longer needed, and thus the association was gradually cutting off the leaders of the union and intimidating the rest of the members. HOW MINE OWNERS FORCED RETALIATION. These facts gave rise to a new means of defense— a stH.-ret detective system within the union. The actions of these men were kept absolutely to them- selves, and whenever it was learned who was acting in that capacit}- he was at once prohibited from so serving, at the risk of losing his position. The reason for this great secrecy was the fact that spies would reveal every act. From this time on. whenever a traitor was discovered or a newly employed man refn.sed to join the union, he was told to leave the camp. He was given time to act. and If he failed the.se un- known , union detectives would don their masks and shoulder their g""§ -M-. and proceed to his place, take him out, march him down the canyon, and give him orders to leave, which he never forgot or disobeyed. Does this seem too severe? It was again only a defensive measure. Had the miners not taken this means of de- fense the bosses would have gradually replaced all strong union men with non-union men, and then they would have lowered the wages. The mine owners persisted in em- ploying non-union men to such an ex-, tend that the union detectives were compelled to run some one out every few weeks. This method, however, supplied the means by which public sympathy with the union was for the most part de- stroyed and the union's greatest re- source and protection in the time of strife was largely cut off. Whenever a man was run out of the canyon, the ''Spokesman - Review" of Spokane, which is owned largely by Campbell and Finch, gave extensive publication to the occurrence, falsifying the details and grossly exaggerating the facts, as it had done in the case of the Fourth of July affair. This notorious paper would lead the public to believe that the men were frequently beaten and robbed and many of them murdered. At the same time, it Would laud the members of the association and make every effort to create a public sym- pathy for the mine owners by falsely representing that they were courage- ously conducting their business in spite of a band of desperadoes and cut- throats. The fact is that few were beaten, none were robbed, and, of all the cases in which either this secret detective force, or the union, was sup- posed to have taken an active part, only one man was killed. This man was proven to have been a traitor. The mine owners, in their pamphlet (page 8), state that "he was the first witness for the prosecution in 1892," and since that time he had been proven to have betrayed the union to the as- sociation on several occasions. On page 12 of the same pamphlet, they say he had been warned and the mine own- ers' journal ha-d urged him to defy the order. Yet they confess that this mur- der was not premeditated, for they say (page 16) that "this foul murder must have disaiTanged the plans of the masked men. for they desisted from any further effort to find all the men for whom they were in search." The fact is that he was told of what he had done and that he must leave. He refused to obey. He took a cabin, bought guns and revolvers, and he and his partner defied the men, and threat- ened the life of any one who came. He was a courageous and desperate character— one of the kind usually chosen to act as traitors— and the miners well knew that if the oppor- tunity afforded, he would execute his threat. That bloodshed might be avoided, the secret detective force, whose names were not known to the union, went masked and armed in the middle of the day and took him by surprise while he was at work. They made their demand. He refused, jumped through the window, and started to run for his gun, which was in his cabin. The men knew what was coming and called for him to halt. He refused, and they fired. But the mur- der was not premeditated, for "it dis- arranged their plans." Whatever ex- tenuating circumstances there may be, this most unfortunate murder cannot be justified, and the union would have punished the guilty, had they been able to determine who they were. The Sheriff could find no one who could swear to their identity, and the Grand Jury was also at sea. The union was undoubtedly anxious to have the man run out. But the worst punishment which they ever endorsed, and that only in extreme cases, was a flogging. Had it not been for the methods em- ployed by the association, which forced the union into such a position that a secret detective force in the union was absolutely necessary, the probability is that the murder would not have oc- curred; and, even if it had occurred, the union would have been in a posi- tion to have punished the guilty. This circumstance furnished an op- portunity for the "Spokesman-Review" to rehearse many of the previous events and to misrepresent all of them and magnify them into the most hein- ous crimes, of which only "midnight assassins," "desperadoes," and "cut- throats" could be guilty. At the same time it carefully shielded the associa- tion from all blame. But it did not stop at this. Often men would leave the canyon of their own free will, with- out any grievance having been at any r-15- time Inflmatod ftp:alnst thorn, and yet Ions storlos would run through the columns of this mine owners' paper, ropresontlnp the man to have been nm out. and beaten In a shameful manner, and robbed of all his possessions. When the facts to the contrary were brought to the knowledge of the editor, not a word of correction would appear. This was continued even after the trouble of April 29, 1S09, as the follow- ing affidavit will show: The State of Idaho, County of Silver Bow, ss. Ellis TInle. belnc first duly sworn, deposes and snys: Thnt he has read that certain article entitled "Heisn of Terror Begun Anew Up Canyon Creek," printed In the Sunday (July 9) Issue of the "Spokesman- Review": that he has read the following Btatement In said article, to wit: •ELLIS HALE ALSO LEFT. "Meanwhile ft gang had met Ellis Hale just below Burke and after steallnff his tools had warned him to leave on fear of being 'kneeboned.* Hale needed no second Invitation, but took the train for Montana this morning. He was one of the best me- chanics up the canyon and was formerly employed at the Goin. Charles Sweeney of the Tlger-Poorman had ofTored him a place over the pumps, there, and late last night Hale with a little kit of tools started up for Burke from Gem. He was Just on the borders of the town when a gang of 20 or SO men surrounded him. "What happened may never be known. The story believed here Is that they threat- ened Hale that unless he quit his new Job bis famllv would first be killed and he would be 'kneeboned' afterwards. That he denied, and one man who saw him after- wards is quoted OB saying that the crowd was made up of friends of Hale who took that time and place to argue peacefully with him. At ftuy rate the friends' stole his tools forcibly and warned him to get out. This morning he 'got'." Affiant further says, that he Is the Ellis Hale referred to In this article: that the Btatement there made that Ills tools had been stolen, and tliat he had been warned to leave on threats of being "kneelioned," and the further statement made In said ar- ticle, and in the matter above set forth, that masked deperadoes had warned this affiant to leave said locality because he was about to go to work in one of the mines, Is t base and unqualified He. Affiant further says, that he left the Cneur d'Alenes because he thought that no free American cltlxen ought to be axked to first obtain a permit before he could have the privilege of earning a livelihood by honest toll, and that he left for no other reni«')n. ELLIS HALE. Siibsorlbed and sworn tn before me, this lOih day of July, A. D. ISOO. Notary Public In and for Silver Bow County, State of Montana. The Mine Owners' Association did not stop at these misrepresentations. The capitalist.s themselves took a hand in the running-out business and then, by means of their paper, cast the odium upon the union and made the crime appear to the public to be as black as were the dungeons of their own hearts, where their own criminal Bchemes found concealment. RECORD OF BURBAGE AND McOONALD. Is it possible that these prominent business men were capable of such criminal conspiracies? That the reader may entertain no doubt on this ques- tion, it will suffice to relate two facts. It will be remembered that Burbage was put in as manager of the Bunker Hill & Sullivan in 1892, and that Mc- Donald took the reins of the Frisco at the same time. In 1894, it was only through the leniency of the judge that Mr. Burbage escaped criminal prosecu- tion for perjury, having falsely sworn that he was a United States citizen in order to vote. Again, I have in my po.ssession an affidavit which states that, in the year 1879, Mr. Hamilton and Mr. Gol3f owned a mining claim ad- joining the large Jupiter mine at Bodle, California. This claim was thought to be a rich one. The company desired to buy It, but the owners refused to sell. Joseph McDonald was at the time working for this company, and he, with six other men, wei^t to the cabin occupied by Hamilton and Goff, and shot timl killed Goff; Hamilton escaped. McDonald was beHeved by all to be the loader. He with the rest were run out of the camp, and tliey all promised never to return to that State nor ever to operate la the State of Nevada. With the character of Messrs. Mc- Donald and Burbage In mind, let us review a few of the most sensational happenings in the Ccpur d'Alenes; and in the absence of positive proof as to who is guilty let us determine from the facta, if possible, at whose door uio- t've would lay the crime. Just prevlou.^ to the election In the fall of 1MK8, Dan Connor was run out of the canyon. He had boon working for Fiui'h *^- Campbell, the owners of the "Spokcsman-Hovlow." He was a poor man. Ho stood well with the union. Uv was active In politics. He hail icc<;utl^ airauj^eU oue ot tke -10- largest political meetings among the union men that had ever been held in the canyon. On the day after he was run out, when he arrived in Wallace, the Sheriff and a number of union men and other citizens met him. He was asked if he could identify the men. He replied that he could. They all im- plored him to do so, and promised to protect him and prosecute the men, but he refused. He then went to Spokane and was "interviewed" by the editor of the •'Spokesman-Review." A story of the "horrible crime" appeared, with the usual untruthful rehearsal of many past circumstances. Shortly after this "great crime of the union," this poor man, Dan Connor, bought a $3,500 home and had cash to spare. Evident- ly, Connor had sold out to someone. Could it have been the union? Is it probable that the union would have run out one of their most active poli- tical managers, just previous to the election? Would not the union be the great loser by such an act? But who would probably gain? If Connor's friends could be persuaded that the union had run him out, they might be persuaded to vote against the ticket supported by the miners. Certainly the citizens of the district would be more or less influenced by such an un- just act. It will be remembered that the labor ticket in this district was standing alone against both the old parties, which the mine owners con- trolled. In the absence of positive proof of guilt, it seems to us plain, and we are willing that the reader should draw his own conclusions, at whose door motive will lay the crime. Another sensational case was the Whitney murder. The facts were as follows: McDonald owned the Black Bear mine, adjoining the Frisco, of which he was manager. It was rumored that McDonald was shipping Frisco concen- trates, labeling them as Black Bear concentrates, and pocketing the money. To determine the truth concerning this rumor, it is said that Whitney was sent to the mine and given the position of mill foreman. Within a few weeks, Whitney was run out, shot, and killed. He was a union man from Butte. He stood well in his home union. He was highly respected by the men at the Frisco mine. When he took the posi- tiwi of foreman of the mill he did not come in contact with the union In any way, because the union only admitted underground men to membership. H-ence the union could not possibly have had any grievance against him. But how about McDonald? He had been fighting the union ever since his Bodie experience, and especially since his advent in the Coeur d'Alenes. Is it probable that he would go to Butte, the hot-bed of unionism, and select a tried and true union man for a fore- man to take the place of Ebbly, who was both a competent foreman and a non-union man? The facts appear to show that he lid not do this of his own accord, but that Whitney was forced into the mine by the stockholders. It will also be ob- nerved that he was put in charge of the mill, which is the only place where !\ man can determine the quantity of (Concentrates. But before he had time 1o make a report he was run out, shot, Jind killed. McDonald gave to the Sheriff the names of the three Ebbly brothers as being men who knew some- thing of the crime. Yet McDonald put Norman Ebbly, one of the three bro- thers, back in his old position which V/hitney had for so short a time occu- pied. If McDonald thought Ebbly was in- nocent, why did he hand his' name to th.) Sheriff? If he though him impli- cated, why did he re-employ him? Certainly, Whitney was now where he could render no report, and previous exi)erience had proven that Ebbly would not render such report. Nor was any such report ever known to be made. There seems to be no ques- tion that McDonald, of all men, was the one most interested in getting Whitney out of the way. The union had no such motive. And yet the "Spokesman-Review" openly charged the union with the crime. It might be well to mention that McDonald and the owners of the "Spokesman-Re- vie-sr" have, since the murder, floated both the Frisco and the Black Bear, and that they cleaned up more than $1,0<)0,000. Bit will the reader say that, though the :notive is there, yet McDonald was nev(r proven to be guilty? If so, then we ] eply that there was no motive on the part of the union men and neither were they proven to be guilty. On his deathbed, Whitney said that he did not blame the union* -17- Thn following facts, howerer. will be more inteivstiui,'. in that they cau be traced dlreetl.v to McDonald. It was Bald that nrranj,'einent.s had been made to run Ebbly out of the canyon and that the day was set. Ebbly, on two different occasions, told his trou- bles to. Sheriff Ileney. saying tliat he had consulted with Joe McDonald, and that they both thought tliat Ileney should lead a posse (whicli McDonald would furnish), and lie in aiul)nsli, waiting for the men to run Ebl)ly past, and, as soon as Ebbly was past, tlie posse should tire upon the men, liilling some and routing the others. Sheriff Ileney refused to fall in with the plot, but began an investigation. He soon discovered that tlie .services of a newly employwl man had been se- cured to arrange with certain thugs who would do the work. The very men t3 whom this tool was sent were those most generally suspected of be- ing guilty of tlie Whitney murder. Had Sheriff Ileney fallen into the trap set for him, at least some men would have been murdered. The entire scheme was traced directly to Joe McDonald. It was evidently a i>lot to drive away some who were dangerous to him, be- cause they knew too much, and also to place the Sheriff in Mc- Donald's grip. The scheme failed, Ebby still held his position un- der McDonald, and was never driven out. Any man who is capable of con- ceiving such a villainous scheme to sacrifice human lives, and who will bend his energies to execute it, will lend himself to any dire plot to further his own ends. By ail these facts, the mine owners are proven to be fully capable of plot- ting and carrying out the crimes of which they are accused, and which they try to lay at the door of the union. WHAT IT ALL PROVES. When the facts show that, of all the run-outs which have occurred in the Coeur d'Alenefi, more than 50 per cent, have occurred in McDonald's camp, and 95 per cent, of all the rest have occurred in the camp of Finch & Campbell at Burke; wlien the circum- stances show that tlie mine owners themselves have been implicated In some of the most 8eu.«;ational cases, aud that the facts can not be ex- plained on any other hypothes!«». and yet the crime was charged to the union; wlien the facts show that men were fre^iuently rei»orted to have been run out. an- solulely UDthiiig t)r the sort had oc- curred; when tlie facts further show that, of those wlio were run out, a very large number were so treated for no oilier reason than to afford a sort of a whipping-post, at which the imiou could be Inshcd witli the pul>lic press; wIkmi, llnally. the facts show that the mine owners continually forced the union to run out non-union men and detectives, and then used thrse acts as a shield behind wiiich iliey hid their own crimes; and when the results show that the union is spotted with de- tectives, and that the freiiuent and per- sistent misrepresentations incited by the association have poisoned the pulv lic mind against the Miners' Union and have thereby destroyed the public .sympathy with it and cut off its great- est means of support; tlie deep-laid plot and the adroit manner in which it has been executed not only becomes appar- ent to us; but it leads us to expect aa early and direct attack upon the very existence of the union. We may al^^^ expect that the attack will be conduct- ed with such skill and cunning that the capitalists will again succeed for a time in deceiving the public. Thus, on tlie one hand, with their millions of dollars, with tlieir detec- tives at their posts, and with the pub- lic in their favor, were the mine own- ers ready for battle. And, on the other hand, with a full treasury, with a thorough organization in every camp but one, with $3.50 a day being paid in all but two of the mines, and with their power increasing in those two, tlie Miners' Union was prepared for the battle, confident that they would suc- ceed In restoring the union scale at Wardner. Still, as from the first, was the union striving to defend the $3.50 scale against the constant effort of the association to reduce it. This was the condition of the two opposing forces at the beginning of the trouldes which led up to the affair of April 21), ISW, at the Bunker Hill & Sulllviin mine. The question now Is, W^ho laid the plot of April 20, and how was it exe- cuted} -18- CHAPTER IV. It must be remembered that, during a six Aveelis' session of the Coroner's Jury, which first considered this affair, several hundred miners and a vast number of other citizens were examin- ed; that, at this examination, not only the public, but the attorneys for the miners were excluded; that the entire examination was conducted in such a manner as to lead, if possible, to the disclosure of facts which would prove the union to be g^uilty of a conspiracy rather than to discover who committed the crime. It must be remembered that the same effort M-as made at the Corcoran trial, which lasted four weeks; and also that the same effort was made at the trial of the twelve men who were convicted of interfering with the United States mail. No one will deny that the authorities did all in their power to saddle the responsibility of this crime upon the union. And yet, during all these months, with all their examinations and all their detectives, not only have they failed to discover a fact which proves the union to be guilty of a plot, but they have failed even to show a motive on the part of the union for such an act. Let us, thetefore, take up the facts as they occurred and follow them to their conclusions, regardless into what camp they lead us. Early in the year 1899, the Wallace "Express" made a report of the total output of the several mines. This pa- per has strenuously supported the mine owners in the recent trouble and its figures can therefore be taken as an authoritative statement of the out- put From this statement, it appears that the Bufl&er HiJl & Sullivan mine was shipping 26,000 tons of concentrates a yeais which means a monthly divideni amounting to about $115,000. I'his company was paying to most of Its men only $2.50 a day. After con- sidering this fact, the men discovered that, if this company were paying the $3.50 scale, it would still be able to de- clare a monthly dividend of about $100,000. This fact became generally known in the CcBur d'Alenes, and the mine own- ers !n all the other camps began press- ing the men, either to force a raise to $3,50 a dax at the B. H. & S. or to re- duce the scale to $2.50 in iae other camps. Since the wages had been at $2.50 a daj' for so long, it made the miners ap- pear to be on the aggressive; but the fact is that it was the same old war- fare, and the men were only continuing their defense of the .$3.50 scale. Not being conversant with this fact, the public was led to believe that the B. H. & S. was on the defensive, and this statement was given out by the "Spokesman-Review"— the paper own- ed by Finch and Campbell of Burke. Finch and Campbell were, at the same time, pressing their union men to urge on, and to stand by the Wardner union in aggressive action against the B. H. & S. McDonald of Gem and the operators at Mullen were also fol- lowing the same policy with their men. With all this influence behind them, and with the enormous dividends of the company as a justification, the union decided to act. While taking preliminary measures, however, it was found that men were being discharged as fast as they joined the Wardner union. Spies were evidently doing their work, but they were so well con- cealed that the union could not dis- cover their identity. This forced the union to adopt a new method. They chose two old and tried members to Initiate all the men who joined, and no one but those two were permitted to know who the new members were. This was a winning card. It was not long until 250 of the B. H. & S. men belonged to the union. The majority of the rest, however, were old non- imion men, and would not join until a demand was made upon the company. It was accordingly decided that the time had come for action. Committees were sent out to all the unions in the district, the situation was explained, and every member of the unions .in the Coeur d'Alenes agreed to pay $1 a day into the strike fund, which should go to the Wardner strikers, and to con- tinue so to do as long as the strike lasted. The men argued that it was fai* wiser for them to pay $1 a day for a few months, out of their $3.50, than to permit their wages to be perma- nently reduced to $2.50. Thus they carried out the advice of their em- ployers—but in a most unexpected manner. This laid a permanent foun- -19- datlon for the strike and a freeze out beiug ioipossible, ultimate success for the uniou seemed eertulu. This was an unexpected departure and the traitors in the union Uew to their masters with the news. A meetiuj; of the association was Immediately called and from that time on McDonald held frequent secret interviews with Bur- bage, of the B. II. & S. At the same time, McDonald and Campbell were to be seen almost every day in Wallace, •'treating" and talking with the men, leading them to believe that tliey would stand by the union, and cursing Burbage as though he were their bit- terest enemy. This was so noticeable that It became town tallv, and yet tha union felt confident of their support. STRIKE ORDERED. Finally the stiike was ordered, and 250 men walked out. Mr. Burbage then offered $3 and $3.50 a day. saying that a similar mine in his neighbor- hood, the Last Chance, was worked by union men on those terms. But the Last Chance mine had agreed to raise to the $3.50 scale as soon as their air pump was in running order. The union was willing to enter into a simi- lar agreement with Mr. Burbage, with the proviso that Burbage should also recognize the union. This he positively refused to do. He knew that, if he recognized the union, any reduction in the future would be met with a strike. On the other hand, the men knew that, unless the union was recognized, an early reduction would follow. Thus the tight continued. When Governor Steunenberg re- quested Mr. Burbage to arbitrate, he replied that "the wages question was settled and there was nothing to arbi trate." Thus the association had shifted the battle from the question of wages to the question of recognizing the union. But the treasury was full and the re- sources plentiful, and the union forcen were full of hope. They proceeded to the non-union men and showed them that It was by reason of the action of the union that the wages had been raised and that they could continue at that rate only by the help of the union. The union was growing rapidly In numbers, and the B. H. A: S. force was corre8i>ondiugly decreasing. The B. H. & S. put up warning notices, stationed «rmed guards, &i|(lit find da^'« about the property, and sent out word tliat great danger was imminent. The fact is, there was only one danger, and that was, that the B. II. &, 8. would soon have to shut down for want of men. In that case the wages paid by the other companies would have been the means of choking oft the B. U. & S. dividends. Tliis was truly an occasion for alarm, but not in the union camp. Notice had been sent to all the unions that a little persistence would soon crown their efforts with a victory at Wardner. On April 28, everything was as peaceful as it was on the da}' pre< vious to the famous eleventh day of July, 1892. Late in the evening, there was a rumor of a demonstration which was to be held on the following day, but no one seemed to know anything detinitely, and it was soon dismissed, and the union men retired to their homes, buoyant with hope, and happy over the prospect of an early and peaceable settlement of the trouble. The union was in a condition to bold out ludetinitely. But at the rate at which Burbage'a men were quitting, the B. H. &, S. was destined to close down in a very few weeks. Yet the Wardner "News," which kl the B. H. & S. mouthpiece, said (see the association pamphlet, page 38;: "JSome people express fears that the union may do some dirty work, such as the destruction of property: but the 'News' trusts not, for it might prove a serious blow to the unions in other parts of the Cojur d'Alenes." Yet the same article expresses sympathy with Burbage when he says that "all men who join the union will tind their tiiae waiting at tUe office." (See :)age 37.N How could they hope that the unioas should not be injured In ot^er cam>*H», when those unions were furnishing tiie means by which the Wartiuer union had practically won its vlctory—aitc especially when they were doing all in their power to destroy the Wai'dner union? Will the reader ask himself why thli mouthpleceof Burbage says "some peo- ple express fears that the union may do some dirty work, sui'h as the destruc- tion of property"? Why should such a rumor be given publication bjr tiie enemy of the union? The union men only laughed at the silly reports, for such an act was the farthest from their tlu>uj:hl;s— fLrat, b^ -20 -• cause their victory was already prac- tically won, and second, because such methods would mean certain defeat to the union and would strengthen the association. On the morning' of the twenty-ninth all the men at the other mines went with their dinner pails in hand, to take their places in their regular shifts — with the one exception of Fincli &; Campbell's mine, which had closed down that day, ostensibly for repairs. On arriving at the shaft, all these men were informed that there would be no work that day. Certainly they cannot be accused of knowing the plans for the day. They were soon told that a meeting had been called and that every one was expected to go to Wardner on a demonstration. Abso- lutely nothing was said of the real purpose, and they knew nothing more than that they were to give their moral support to the Wardner union. The regular down train left Burke at 10 a. m. A number of men piled on to it; a few had gun.«;, but the evidence in the Corcoran trial showed that these men were without a leader or a defin'te purpose. The train ran down to Gem, three miles away. Here at McDonald's eamp affairs assumed a definite shape. A PUBLIC meeting, NOT A SECRET ONE, had been held. They were all told to go to Wardner on a demonstra- tion. Tom Noonan was the President of the union and was believed to have been the masked chairman that morn- ing. The chairman told tlie men that they had better take guns and masks, for if an emergency arose they might need them. Some of the men obeyed, and they were at the depot in order and under command when the train arrived. Immediately on Its arrival a few men with revolvers ordered the engi- neer to get more box cars, which he ^id, and the men were ordered to climb yk. Wheat this was done, the engineer \ras told to back up to the McDonald ^wder bouse. The train was backed lyjrf accordJIng to orders, and 3,000 pounds of giant powder was loaded on with which the B. H. & S. mine was to be blown up; and as the boyfs were pufling out, McDonald was pres- ent, and is said to have laughed and iWisfaed them success. Iowder would have destroyed this property and precipitated the cars on the city below, resulting in a great destruction of life. If these miners are "murderers, cutthroats, and high- binders," why this restraint? A masked man guarded tbi.s part of the plant. Why? Because, had the swinging cars fallen upon the city be- low, it is doul)lful wheUier the citi- zens would have permitted the com- pany to reconstruct it. in which case the company would have been com- pelled to build a railroad down the canyon, which would have meant an enormous initial outlay and Increa.sed running expenses. Therefore they pro- vided a masked man to guard that si>e- cial piece of property, and their hired tools, who were doing the work of de- struction, were careful to obey him and the trolley was not molested. Ex- plain this strange occurrence, if you can, on any other hypothesis than that the men who directed the work were the tools of the mine owners. Now that the work of destruction has been done, and the union has been drawn into a false position, it remains only a question as to how the union can be crushed, and the union men punished, witliout at the same time punishing the tools of the corpora- tions. CHAPTER V, On the following day the mines were all running as usual, and the men were at work, with the exception of a lew who were missing. Sheriff Young, who was on the ground when the mill was blown up, and who commanded the men, in the name of the law, to disperse, but who was brushed aside nrs any other individual would have •en, was doing all that could be done > discover the guilty. The union had lodged itself to assist him in every "ssibie way. Being an old resident, acquainted in very camp, and having been on the round and mingled with the men all le day on April L'y, and having also ..le assistance of the union, there could be no doubt but that he could and would have' brought the guilty to Mstice. But he was not permitted to How the trail of the criminals, which >■ would have done, even though it id led him Into the places of the Cceur U'Alene.s. When we remember that the mine wners constantly persist in employ- g non-union men; that among these .)n-unlon men were the hired tool.s vud detectives of the corporatlooa; that the union always demanded that all non-union men who worked in the mines should join the union; that this step was necessary because, if the union should forbid non-union men to enter tlie district the public would jondemn them, and if they did not In- sist on their joining the union the com- panies would soon displace all the union forces; that this fact opened the union doors to the spies of the mine ownere; that when these spies were discovered the union was ot)mpelled to drive them out of the canyon; thati such occurrences were always publisb- ed by the mine owners' daily press so as to convince the public that the union was composed of crlfninals ol the meanest type; that the demand for the old $3.50 scale was practically granted, so that the wage question would not be the direct Issue; that the mine owners refused to recopilre the union in order to precipitate th% fight upon the union under the |rt-eiext that It employed criminal naetkods uad as an organi7Jition should be •upurcBficid; that by means of their sptes Qm^ lud succeeded in pottinc tke onioa te mmeh a poattkoa m woaki wakm-tM aMPMr to -24- the public as having comitted an atro- cious crime, and when we remember the further fact that General Merriam indorsed the actions of the mine own- ers, and not only agreed with them that the Miners' Union of the Co3ur d'Alenes was a criminal organization, but EXPRESSED THE SENTi:\rENT THAT ALL UNIONS WERE CRIMI- NAL ORGANIZATIONS, and urged the Colorado capitalists to employ thtt same methods then being employed in Idaho; when we remember, also, that, when Governor Steunenberg was asked why he kept hundreds of men in prison for months, against whom no charges were ever preferred, he replied indifferently that ho "did not think it safe for them to have their liberty," and when we remember that of the 1,500 men who were arrested, only fourteen were convicted— thirteen of whom were convicted merely of ob- structing the United States mail (which was on time that day), and one of whom was convicted of murder in the second degree in spite of the fact that he established an alibi by the testi- mony of twenty men, women, and children, as against one woman who, though she admitted never having seen him before, swore that she recognized him as one of the masked men— wh'm these facts are remembered, it becomes most interesting to know what was the plan of battle by which the mine own- ers and the State officials were able to shield the guilty and to prosecute the innocent. The plan may most easily be understood by sumariziug the chief events since April 29: 1. Martial lavv' was declared. 2. Sheriff Young was thrown out of his office. .3. Dr. H. France, an employee of the Bunker Hill and Sullway Co., was ap- pointed as sheriff. 4. The County Commissioners were thrown out of their offices. 5. The candidates for these offices who had been defated in the previous election and who had been supported by the mine owners, were appointed commissioners. 6. The soldiers assisted Dr. France in making a wholesale arrest of 800 men at one time; immediately after the change of officers. 7. No charges were immediately pre- ferred against the arrested men. 8. Non-union men were imported. 9. Some men were dismissed from prison when prominent citizens would assert that they knew them to be hon- orable. 10. A coroner's inquest was held, lasting six weeks. 11. A grand jury and a trial jury were drawn. 12. A permit system was inaugur- ated, which made it necessary for every man to secure from Dr. France (practically the B. H. & S. Co.), an official permit, before he could seek em- ployment in Shoshone County. 13. The "American Industrial Union" was organized, to which the miners, the mine owners, the merchants and every one else may belong. 14., Permits to seek work could be re- voked by Dr. France, the new sheriff, at his pleasure. These are the throttles, the cogs, the wheels, and the levers of the machine, and the few days in which it was oiled and started under a full head of steam shows, beyond all question of doubt, that it was planned and constructed before the 29th day of April, 1899. Let us examine the workings of their several parts. On the arrival of the troops. Sheriff Young and the commissioners were de- posed. Dr. France was installed as sheriff and also new commissioners were appointed. Immediately there- after eight hundred men were taken from the mines in their working clothes and driven like sheep into a few box cars and an old barn. For twenty-four hours they remained without food or drink or a change of clothing; and for three weeks they were kept in these places, where there was not a bed and not sufficient room for all of them to lie down at the same time; and during these three weeks the food was nauseating, and altogether unfit to be eaten. These outrageous conditions resulted in typhoid, pneu- monia, malaria, dysentery and other diseases. There being but one outhouse and only one man being permitted out at a time, and the barn loft, which was crowded with men. being laid with loose boards, was fairly dripping with human excretions upon the men below, and the whole place became a verita- ble cespool, in which the men were compelled to stand, to sleep and to eat, for twenty-one days and nights, with- out fire when the days were chilly and the nights were cold and crisp. From this inhuman treatment several -2:^- of the men died, and many contracted diseases which still liuger with them. This outrage upon these men was la- flic'ted by the State officials, their polit- ical opponents, and by the mine own- ers, their Imlustrial masters. At the same time that this brutal act was be- ing executed the State officials and mine owners, through their press, were leacMug the public to believe that the meu were a baud of desperadoes, while they themselves were exemplary and law abiding citizens of America. These mine owners and officials who have shown themselves capable of creating such horrible conditions and unjustly inlllctiug cruel punishment as to result in disease and death, would have us lielii-ve that they were too honorable and respeetable to conceive, and by their hirelings execute the plot of blowing up a mill and killing a man. Many men who are publicly known to have been armed and masked and at Wardner on April 29. and who were not members of the union, have never been arrested and have remained in Wallace since that date. CAPITALISTS' TOOLS RELEASED. It was very necessary that this be done, for if the spie^j and tools of the mine owners were punished, what as- surance was there that they would not turn State's evidence? It was partly for this that no charges were made against any one at tirst, for had liarges btK'n made the mine owners' :ools might have been caught. It Avas for this reason that Sheriff Young was thrown out of office, for he would not share in such culpable deeds: and it was for this reason that Dr. France. llie employee of the B. II. & S. was made sheriff. The public indignation forced the au- thoiities to build better ai)artments. and after the expiration of the first three weeks the men were taken to ' tter (piarters. but they were still held - prisoners, and yet no charges were ought against them. The authorities were pres.ublic that the meA were vicious, the officers ordered the men to dig a trench. The men, know- ing that they were Innocent, refused to do such work. It was at once pro- claimed to the world that the men were unruly. Thej were order to toe a line, to stand erect, and not to move, head, body, or limb for seven hours each day— on penalty of death. Thla was continued for eight days in the hot sua —for summer had come. This awful nervous strain changed one man into a raving maniac, and many showed signs of insanity. After this man was adjudged insane by the court. Dr. France, with guards, started witM him to the asylum. Not knowing what he was doing, the Insane man broke tb« cords wth which they had foolishly tied him, and ran away. He was told to halt, as though he knew enough to halt, and when he ran, the men were ordered by Dr. France to shoot. They obeyed, and this so frightened the poor fellow that he jumped Into the creek and was drowned. I submit that am order to shoot at an Insane man. give* by a sheriff, under such circumstances, is not only cause for his removal from office, but is a crime against the State for which he should be Imprisoned. Yet he is still acting as sheriff, execut- ing other crimes, at the command of his superiors In office and in crime. Not any officer was arrested for com- mitting these crimes. Men who were guilty of absolutely no offense were thrown into the Bull Pen and kept there for mouths. Mr. Stewart, who was not a member of the union, and was not at Wardner on April 29, was arrested for publish- ing a paper, in which he expressed sympathy for the meu who were being punished and condemned the malicious actions of the authorities, lie was held for some time, aiul was then released, without trial and ^Tmotrt any «luurfet being made against him, Mr. Flanagan was arrested because he would not surrender his office of th% justice of the peace to tlie State au- thorities. He hud been elected hjr tte .--2e- people and he was but doing hfs duty to them in resisting the demands of the martial law outfit. He was kept in prison for almost five months and then released without being charged with any crime. Tiros. Heney was arrested for secur- ing evidence for the defendants. Similar flagrant instances might be cited without end, but space forbids, and necessity does not require it. The Bull Pen outi'ages and crimes, which were committed by the authorities, have been so generally discussed that the public is familiar with them; and hence we will devote only sufficient apace to show the part which the Bull Pen played in the general plan of breaking down the union. Before enumerating the facts, it may be said that every statement can be amply ver- ified by affidavits. Fii*st, the miner's and their sympa- thizers were held for months, without charges. During these months, non- union men were being imported Into the district, and the union men being imprisoned were unable to explain the facts to them, and thus the mines were manned. Second, the mine owners were able to secure the release, both of their spies and of such experienced men as were necessary to assist the non-union men to operate the mines. If they refused to help they were driven to work at the point of a bayonet. Tliird, the remainder of the men were held; every means was employed in the coroner's inquest to secure evi- dence against the innocent men which would couple them with a conspiracy; and their attorneys were not permitted ta attend the inquest. Some of the officials approached the * families o^ imprisoned men and told them that their husbands, fathers, or brothers had confessed to the crime, and in this manner endeavored to lead them to say or do something which would incriminate those in prison. Women were told that their husbands were likely to go to tlie penitentiary fcr years, but that if they would yield to criminal intercourse their husbands would be permitted to escape. Soldiers and officers went to the homes of men who were imprisoned and insulted the wives and daughters. Thus, with the innocent men In prison, and with the spies already re- leased, they proceeded to blind the puTd- lic by conducting a coroner's Inquest for six weeks and by drawing a special grand jury who would do their bidding and would only indict those suggested by the Mine Owners' Association. The evidence of this appears in the fact that, of all the men indicted, not one worked for Joe McDonald. Yet it was from McDonald's camp that the men came who took command on April 29. It was at his camp that the men were told to mask and arm. It was arms. It was from his powder house that the dynamite was taken. Noonan was believed to have been the man who ordered the men to mask and arm themselves; he was released from the Bull Pen by the influence of Joe Mc- Donald, and, within a few weeks, wa* given the position of shift boss in Mc- Donald's mine. And yet, neithet he nor any other person who worked for McDonald was indicted. Guilt is writ- ten on the face of the act The only reason we can see for such actions is that It was uncertain just whom the spies had used and who might turn State's evidence. ^ ,_ _ THE TRIAL JURY. I i Now that the grand jury had doL»e its criminal work, by indicting only those designated by the mine owners who conducted the secret coroner's in- quest, it remained only to provide and "fix" a trial jury, which would convict the indicted men, regardless of the evi- dence. This was done by permitting Mr. Sutherland to draw the jury. He it was who led a mob to hang a man in Lewiston, Idaho, some years ago, and now he was cnosen to lead, under the shadow of the law, another mob of twelve men, all personal friends, chosen by himself to pronounce sen- tence upon innocent men He was not the jury. The evidence appears in the following affidavits: I. In the District Court of the First Judlolal District of the State of Idaho, in and for the County of Shoshone. State of Idaho, Plaintiff, vs. Paul Corcoran, Defendant. Affidavit of Richard Carey !u supii'ii. of a motion for a new txial. State of Idaho, County of Kootenia, ss, Richard Carey, being duly sworn, deposes and says that he is a citizen of the United States, attU a citizen and resident of tJho -27- Btate of MftKo, fbr the pftgt etght yean. That on or about the first day of June, A. D. 1899. Link Smith, a man well and peraoDally known to affiant, and who waa later summond for Jury duty, and served as a Juror on th«» jury that conrlcted the de- fpdant PanI Corcoran, called at his bouse at the old mission, County of Kootenia, Stat© of Idaho, and fully discussed the mining troubles of the Copur d* Alenes, and the trials that were expected to begin In m short time, with affiant and his wife. That dnrliif said discussion. Mr. Smith ex- pressed a desire to punish all the members Of the IMlners" Union of the Coeur d'AIenes. regardless of their guilt or Innocence, and particularly mentioned the names of J, R. Sovereign, Edward Boyce, and Paul Corco- ran, as men that he would like to see banged wlthont delay. Affiant says that he Is In no way reloted to the defendant. Paul Corcoran, that he has never seen or met biro. That he has never communicated the facts and circumstances above set forth, to the above named defendant or to any of his attorneys until the present time. Nor did he until the 30th day of December. A. D. 1809. that said Information would b« of any use or value to him. That he has no Interest therein other than a desire to see Justice done In the premises. Further affiant saith not. RICHARD CARET. Subscribed and sworn to before me this ^'l day of January, A. D. 1^)0. J. S. DALT, Tastice of the Pea»e for precinct County Shoshone, State of Idaho. called for In «mpanelT!ng the Jury fu the trial of the above cause. That affiant Cbas. B. Bender waa a mem- ber of the grand jury that Indicted the above defendant, and Is running a corpora- tion or company grocery store. That C. D. Potter, and W. W. Haft, are engaged In the hardware boslnesa. and con- nected with the mining companies In salr. Hugh Prance, State Itepresenta- \v. W«rdner, Idaho:— Sir— I hereby make application for Iss«- •e to me of a permit to seek employment the mines of Shoshone County, Idaho, have not been nor am I now a member auy miners' union. I took no part either ively or passively In aiding, assisting or ouraglng the perpetration of the crimes umltted at Wardner on April 29, 1899, •- >lemnly pledge myself to obey the law. occupation Is m citizen of the United States. an a native of ast worked at employer was Idaho 1899. ... Deputy. OBJECT OF PERHaiT SYSTEM. riuis the mine ownera. backed by- Lit ial law, were able to say who lUld seek work in that country, lon the mine owners so desired, the luits would be granted. Whenever ion men could be replaced by others iipetont to do the work, the permits uld be revoked, and the men could longer work in that district. In the nth of December, 1899, more than permits were revoked. If these men re criminals, why were they per- tod to work? If they were believed lie upright men, and afterwards dis- t'red to be criminals, why were they arrested? If they were not crimi- K. why were they not permitted to itinue work? I any of these men who were not per- ted to work lu the mines, began to »'lop their own claims: they were 1 that they had no permits to work, ! that unle.ss they desisted they lid be thrown Into prison. But if y were guilty, why were they not •sted regardless of th" ♦''^"« that y were working? here can be but one aiiswii i.- ilu\««e ow8 the criminal spirit of persecution that pre- vailed: . u •'{••V'''* state tf Itfafto, County of 8h<»lion«. A. A. Hammer, being Irst duly sworn, deposes ajid says: Tbat on the 9th day oi May, 1890, he was arrested la the town of Mullan, and on same day was released on condltioa that he wouid not Leav« the coun- ty. He Is a married man ftB4 bAS a wif« and four children to support. Th« State authorities have forbidden him to lea-re the State, and have refused him a permit to seek employment, thereby depriving him of the privileges to support hia femlly. Dur- ing the last eight months he has be«i com- pelled to live off the comjoalssary o/the la- bor organIz.it Ions, which supplied union men and their famlltcs In the town of Mullan, above county and State. He was bom tn Orion, Henry County, Illinois, A«^ 1, 1858. A. A- HAMMER. Subscribed and sworn to before me tbM 17th day of January, 1900. E. J. FIiANAGAN, Justice of the Peace of Mullan Precinct. Still fearing that union men might be working in the camp, and that an feffort to reduce wages might arouse tbem to action, the mine owners presented the following petition to be aigned by tlie miners: To the Honorable Secwtaiy ^ WT, Washington, D. C.:— Dear Sir.— We. the nndersifrned, dtI«eo« of the CoeoT d'Alene Mining District, of Shoshone County, State of Idaho, do hereby most respectfully petition yoa, as the Sec- retary of War, to allow the small force of Federal troops to reoMln in *ht quarters prepared for and occupied by them, at the town of Oftlmrne, In this Connty, for a» loag n term as Governor Steuaenberg, of oxir State, may think their presence necofSitry, for the preservation of i>euce and order, and we. as citizens of this District, and of tho State of Idaho, desire to take this oppor- tunity to express our approval of all the acts that have been dene by the Qoveruor and other ofllclnls of our State, to preserve peace und order nnd to bring criminals to JustU'e. Some of the nets of the State uu- thorltles. In thin connection, may appear, to people at a distance, as drastic and aeverc, bat we, who know the desperate coadltiond that existed, fur several years, prior to Lbo deo':irnt!on of martini law lastt May, know tJuu dntatH m«aauce« wex« uec€s«irj[ to •-SO-i stop a hand of conspirators who. shielding themselves behind the name of labor orgart- izatlons, had created a reign of terror and tyranny seldom equalled in the history of any community and we beg to state that the efforts of the governor, and the State oificials, assisted by the military authorities have brought peace and good order to our District, and have given an impetus to all business interests, and a sense of safety to our people, which is highly appreciated and for which we are very grateful. The capitalists believed that the miners would not sign such a document and in this way they could not deter- mine how many and who were still union men. The majority signed the document through fear of losing their positions; many others refused to sign and were discharged. When I asked Joseph McDonald if any who were working for him had re- fused to sign, he answered: "Only two; and they quit of their own ac- cord." I asked him if he had discharged any because they would not sign, and he answered: "No. That he did not care. He only wanted th^ public opinion as it was." Not ten minutes previous to this con- versation. I had left twelve men who had been discharged by the firm be- cause they would not sign the petition, and I had in ray pocket a number of affidavits to that effect made by the men. Eighteen men were discharged by the firm at one time for this very reason. Thus Mr. McDonald is shown to possess the instincts of Ananias to a remarkably large degree. When I asked Mr. Burbage how he would look upon a man who would re- fuse to sign the petition, he said: "I must confess that I would look upon him with some suspicion." "Do you not think your employee would know this?" "No doubt," said he. "Would he not probably sign it for this rea- son.** "Well, perhaps he would," said Mr. Burbage." Is a paper signed under such coer- cion really a petition? And is it fair to send it out to the world as such? The document was sent out as a peti- tion, signed with the names of these two men— Mr. McDonald and Mr. Bur- bage— and of those whom t hey had coerced through fear of los- ing their positions. Doubtless many who signed were willing to do eo; but the majority signed through tear. And thus the Mine Owners' As- sociation h'oped, by the a!c! of martial law, to determine who among the miners were still in sympathy with the union. There was a three-fold purpose in presenting this petition at this particu- lar time. The first was to keep up the public belief that the Miners' Union was a criminal organization, by prevailing upon the present miners to sign their names to a document, which indorsed all the criminal acts of the State and Federal authorities since April 29. The second was to determine who were union sympathizers, and to dis- charge them and starve them out of the county, to the end that they could not vote. The third was to determine the fore- going fact, and to import non-union men to take the places of the men dis- charged before the first of March, in order that those who were imported might arrive in time to become citizens, and thus have a right to a vote in the fall elections. Thus the mine owners hoped to run the union men out of the Coeur d'Alenes, and thereby to desti-oy the union, which was the only power that prevented the lowering of wages and the political supremacy of the capital- ists. That this fact might be concealed from the public, the mine owners pro- claimed themselves to be in favor of labor unions. They accordingly organ- ized a new union (?), known as the "Industrial Union of America." To membership in this organization the miners, the mine owners, the mer- chants and every one "directly or indi- rectly dependent upon mining," is ad- missable. It is needless to point out the fact that such an organization could be nothing more than a political scheme— for what man would dare speak in favor of the miners as against the mine owners, while both parties were present. To say one such word would be industrial suicide to the speaker. Thus these honorable and very re- spectable mine owners deceived the public by leading them to believe that this political club is a workingmeu's union, and also that they (the mii*e owners), favor unions, and are only opposed to the Miners' Union because "it is composed of criminals," -81- CHAr^TER VI. In surveying: the field of battle, it will Ix* reraembored that the first gun. was fired by the B. H. & S. Co. In 1887, against the unorganized workingmen. At that time the miners were produc- ing 1112,000 a month over and above all expenses other than wages. Of this amount $42,000 yms kept by the miners at the rate of SS-.W a day, while the remaining $60,000 was turned over to the company as monthly dividends. The stockholders, however, were not satisfied with the lion's share, and they accordingly decided that the miners should keep only $30,000 Instead of $42,000 out of their monthly product This little change would have in- creased the monthly dividends from $G0.000 to $70,000. This could be ef- fected by reducing the wa^es of the 400 men Vrom $3..50 to $2.50 a day. Having decided that the miners should keep $30,000 each month and that the company should take $72,000 each montta out of the $112,000 pro- duced, they accordingly posted notices In conspicuous places to the effect that on and after a certain date wages would be reduced to $2.50 a day. That caused a strike and resulted In the organization of a miners' union. When the strike occurred the mine shut down; the miners could not draw wages, and neither could the mine owners draw dividends. The question then arose whether the miner drew his wagfs from the com- pany or whether the stockholders urew their dividends from the miners. It soon became apparent to both par- ties that the miners had not only pro- duced the dividends, but that they had produced their own wages, too. It was then seen that if a decrease of wages meant an Increase in divi- dends, an increa.se in wages mean a decrease in dividends. Thus the mine owners fought for a lai-ger proportion of the miners' product by reducing wages; while the miners struggled to keep a larger proportion of their own product by holding up their wages. The l)one of contention, therefore, was the product and the line of battle was drawn at the rate of wages. The first .«Ulrnilsh which resulted In the organization of a miners' wnUm which successfully doft'uded the $.">50 ecnlo was soon followed by otlxT precisely the same results. Every eon- test brought out the fact tliat the pow- er of the union was far superior to that of the company. And at the same time erery contest was accompanied with Dew develop- ments untiU in the year 1891 and a^^aln in 1809, there waa seen on the one hand a Mine Owners' Association, and on tlie other a Federated Miners' Un- ion of the Cceur d'Alene©. Face to face, these two forces were ready for battle. The power of the union exist- ed in the muscles of the men. The power of the association existed in the accumulated dividends which they had tiken out of the miners' products, or, rather, extracted from the muscles of the men— together Tvith the more im- portant power of the state, npou wblcb they could call for help. The reason of this latter Is, fbat capi- tal is an Institution recognized by the laws of this country. This capital, which Ls accumulated dividends, is taxed. The taxes support the army and the army protects the capltil. Thus the worker is suppressed by the army which is supported from his pro- ducts. ^^ ' '''" ' '' Though the^ many laborers, when united in any locality, are more power- ful than the few capitalists together with their capital, as has been proven on numerous fields of battle; yet so long as capital is a legal Institution, the capitalist can call upon the entire nation to protect the capital wTiIch he possesses as against those who pro- duced it It is evident therefore that the workmen throughout the country, though they protest produce the wealth which supports the army which suppresses the workers In the various localities when dilBcultles arise. The power of the capitalist, therefore, arises, first, from that por- tion of tlie product which he takes from the worker, and. second, from the protection which this very capital receives at the hands of the law as against the producer. The capital Is drawn from the workers' produce, tht political power, frona the workenT vote. The worker cannot hope to win his liberty and at the same time continue to support the laws which preserrs the Industrial system that cnwhes hint. ill coiiUuuius such »upji^L'.tt tii« wori^ •-92- %T enslaves Mmself. Every stroke of work produces more products, more dividends, for the capitalists. Tliis Increases their power and puts the worker tn a relatively worse position. Under our present system the worker exists only as food for capital, whereas capital should exist only as food for the wt)rkers. The workingmen of this country as well as the capitalists axe paying: more respect to capital than to th«k man who produces it The economic question will not be solved until the reverse is true — until the rights of men are more respected than the rights of property. It de- pends upon the working class to bring this about. If the mechanic does not respect himself more than he respects the shovel he makes, but continues worshipping the shevel simply be- cause it is capital, then the capitalist W^o owns it, will certainly pay his respects to the shovel, and his con- tempt to the mechanic. But when the workers once recog- nize that they are the fountains from vhich all capital springs; that their in- terests are identical as aga.inst the capitalist class; that the power of the capitalist class increases in proportion as they lower the wages of the work- ing class; that, notwithstanding their wealth, the local capitalists are but pygmies in the hands of their employ- ers in any contest; that, were all the workers united in every district, their power would be supreme; that the po- litical power now used against the workers is only so used because the working class is divided and does not know its power nor recognize its com- mon economic and political interests; when they recogni^je these facts, they will see that they «an draw the politi- cal lines where the unions draw the Industrial lines, leaving on the one hand a few capitalists to vote against the millions of workers on the other. The mines of the Coeur d'Alenes would be converted into common prop- erty. Instead of reducing the wages from $3.50 to $2.50, adding $700,000 aJinually to the $8,000,000 already be- ing divided among the idle stockhold- CBS, they would turn all the millions back into the pockets of the workers. So also would all the mines of the country become common property and the proceeds would belong to tlie workers. So also with the plant of the Standard Oil Company. We would not lea?^ tkat in ftrJYate h an^ and gije. to the owners $80,000,000 each year. Nor to the Carnegie Steel Company would we give $40,000,00 each year. But those plants would become social institutions, and the millions now de- clared as dividends would be returned to the workers to whom they right- fully belong. So also with the rail- roads, the land, the factories— in short, all productive capital would be con- verted into common property, the in- divisible heritage of the people, and products should belong to the producer. Men would no longer be used for making capital, but wealth would be used for making men. Our rela- tions would be changed. We would no longer respect money, but would respect each other and respect ourselves. The curse of Esau would be removed. We would no longer sell our birthright for a mess of pottage, a paltry wage. Every man would gather all the fruit with which Na- ture would reward him for his labor. Workingmen, it is your cause; it is you and your families who are bearing the burdens of this world. It is you who have suffered in the struggle in the Cceur d'Alenes and in all the labor wars of the world. It is you who have the power to rivet your chjiins tighter upon you or to break them asunder. It is for you to say whether you will unite with your fellow men, with mu- tual interests in a common cause, and by the use of your ballot, take posses- sion of your political rights, and by the power of your votes abolish the capitalist system and advance into the Socialist Co-operative Commonwealth. It is for you to say whether you will •support the capitalist system on the backs of slaves, with the rights of men denied, or whether you will have the Socialist system in the hearts of men, with the rights of all maintained. In these labor wars the powers that rule have shown their willingness to crush the workers. It is for the work- ing class, while they yet have the bal- lot, to say whetlier the near future shall see this country a nation of slaves or a nation of free men. Work- ingmen of America, unite your trade unions: Unite in a political party of your own class. Unite in your deter- mination to abolish the wage system and to estnbli.sh the Co-opervtive Com- monwealth. "Workingmen, unite! You have nothing to lose hut youi- chains, and a world to s^ain," lllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllMIIIHI 'IB ■■ i low to Orjanhe Locals of llie Social Democratic Fart;. [ S The Social Democratic Party holds S tluit all the means of protluctiou ami Z trausportation— as land, waterworks. : ;,'asworks, public highways on land S or water, mines, factories, etc.— are S the joint product of the forces of na- E ture and of the energies of workers, : past and present. It follows from this r at every man or woman who wishes work ought to have free access to £ lese means. This can be secured z ..Illy by making the means of produc- E »n and transportation the collective : operty of the people. To accomplish z lis is the aim of the Social Demo- 1 atic Party. The working class is the z 'uly class which has nothing to lose 5 ;ind everything to gain by the aboll- Jtion of the present capitalist system and the establishment of the Co-oper- • ative Commonwealth in its stead. Z We, therefore, call upon all wage 2 workers, and upon all other citizens Z who recognize the justice of our pur- se, to join the Social Democratic irty and help to usher in the Co- z erative Commonwealth. 1. Any number of persons can or- iiiize themselves into a branch, pro- iling they accept the platform and • onstitutiou of the Party and sever C absolutely all relations with all other 5 political parties. S 2. The officers to be elected are: Z a) Organizer or Business Agent, i h) Kecording and Corresponding Sec- 5 retary. S <•) Financial Secretary. S il) Treasurer. S e) Literature Agent. : f) A Chairman at each meeting. : X Order of business: 5 a) Heading of the minutes. 2 b) Admission of new members. • c) Correspondence. ; d) Financial report. 5 e) Report of Organizer or Business 2 Agent. S f) Reports of Committees. ; g) Unfinished busi?"-^-; Z h) New business, m Z 4. The amount of mouTiiiy dues shall Z he fixed by the Local. A monthly tax 5 of 10 cents for each member shall be 5 paid to the National Executive Com- 5 mittee or to the State Committee. 5. A full report of the tirst meeting and a list of all members together with 10 cents for each member shall be sent In, upon which a charter will be granted. 0. Due-stamps are supplied by the National Executive Committee at the rate of 10 cents each; one of these .stamps shall be affixed to each mem- ber's card upon the payment of each month's dues as fixed by the Local, and shall serve as receipts for the pay- ment of dues. 7. Each Local shall hold a business meeting at least once a month, as well as .semi-monthly meetings for the dis- cussion of political and economic ques- tions. s. Semi-annual reports of the mem- bership and the financial condition of each local, as well as upon the pro- gress made by the Party and its pros- pects In the locality, shall be sent regu- larly to the National Secretary. 9. Any person living In a city or lo- cality where no local exists, may apply directly to the National Secretary for admission to the Party, enclosing one month's dues, and will be enrolled as a member-at-large. 10. In regard to fBlmphlets, leaflets, platforms, and other Information, ad- dress the National Secretary, William Butscher.Theater Bldg., Court Square, Springfield, Mass. SUBSCRIBE FOR The People, weekly, 184 William sr.. New York. "Haverhill Social Democrat," week- ly. 25 Washington st., Haverhill, Mass. "Workers' Call," weekly, 36 North • lark St., Chicago. 111. "Public Ownership," weekly, SOt? 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