3. if"
 
 B AC O N'S 
 
 NOVUM ORGANUM 
 
 EDITED 
 
 WITH INTRODUCTION, NOTES, ETL\ 
 
 THOMAS FOWLER, D.D., F.S.A. 
 
 PRESIDENT OF CuRPUS CHRISTI COLLEGE 
 
 WYKEHAM PROFESSOR OF LOGIC IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD 
 AND HONORARY DOCTOR OF LAWS IN THE UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH 
 
 SECOND EDITION 
 Corrected and Revised 
 
 AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 
 MDCCCLXXXIX 
 
 [All rights reserved]
 
 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 
 
 THIS Edition of the Novum Organum is intended 
 to supply a want which, I think, must often have 
 been felt by students namely, a commentary, which, 
 besides explaining the difficulties of the work (by 
 no means few or small), should also present Bacon 
 in his relations to the History of Philosophy, Logic, 
 and Science. That I have fully succeeded in meet- 
 ing this want, I cannot flatter myself, but, at least, 
 I have spared no pains in the attempt, consistent 
 with the brevity imposed on me by the limits of 
 a single volume. Throughout my Notes and In- 
 troduction I have had two objects in view one to 
 execute as complete an edition as possible of my 
 author, the other to produce a work of educational 
 value to the student of philosophy, or, generally, of 
 the history of thought and science. Where these 
 two objects have at all interfered with each other, 
 instead of sacrificing one, I have endeavoured to 
 combine both. Thus, the frequent references to 
 Bacon's other writings, and what I may call the
 
 vi PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 
 
 antiquarian portions of the work, would hardly have 
 been necessary for merely educational purposes. On 
 the other hand, if I could always have relied on the 
 co-operation of a mature student, some of the refe- 
 rences and many, perhaps, of the explanations might 
 have been spared. But, as a rule, I think, the results 
 aimed at by the two objects have pretty nearly 
 coincided, and I have thought it, at least, safer 
 to err on the side of offering too much elucidation 
 rather than too little. 
 
 The position of Bacon mid-way, as it were, between 
 Scholasticism, on one side, and Modern Philosophy 
 and Science, on the other, is so interesting that I 
 cannot but think that much has even still to be learnt 
 from the study of his works, and especially of this, 
 the chief and most influential of them all. Not 
 only is the Novum Organum a collection of fine 
 sayings and suggestive remarks, but a knowledge of 
 it is indispensable to the student of the History either 
 of Logic, of Philosophy, or of the Physical Sciences. 
 Moreover, it furnishes an excellent starting-point in 
 the history of any of these subjects, whether we wish 
 to go backwards or forwards. But this very fact 
 renders it essential that it should be accompanied 
 with a copious commentary, both to point out the 
 objects of interest, and to institute comparisons with 
 what the reader has seen or will see elsewhere. Nor 
 is the interest of the work simply historical. As I 
 have pointed out in the section of the Introduction 
 devoted to that subject, its present value to the student 
 of philosophy or logic is also, I believe, by no means 
 inconsiderable.
 
 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. vii 
 
 That many of Bacon's individual maxims and 
 doctrines may be found in other authors of the period 
 I am fully aware, and have not failed elsewhere to 
 notice ; but there is no other writer who brings 
 together his stores in such rich abundance, who 
 clothes his sentiments in such felicitous language, or 
 who, I believe, is so truly representative of the hopes 
 and aspirations, of the thoughts and tendencies of that 
 remarkable time. 
 
 Those subjects which could not conveniently be 
 treated within the compass of notes, and were still 
 of too much importance to be omitted, I have dis- 
 cussed at some length in the Introduction. In the 
 preliminary remarks to this portion of my work, I 
 have stated my reasons for writing in detached 
 sections rather than for offering a general appreciation 
 of Bacon's doctrines and position. 
 
 I have only annotated the Novum Organum itself, 
 though I have thought it would be interesting to 
 print the preliminary pieces which appeared with it 
 on its first publication. The text of these pieces, as 
 well as of the work itself, is re-produced after the 
 First Edition, with the exception of several altera- 
 tions in the punctuation and the frequent substitution 
 of small for capital letters. The annotation of the 
 minor pieces would merely have resulted in much 
 useless repetition. 
 
 The Index to the Text is based on Mr. Kitchin's 
 (as that also is based on the Index appended to the
 
 viii PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 
 
 Oxford Edition of 1813), though I have introduced 
 many alterations and additions. With the Index to 
 the Text is incorporated the Index to the Notes. 
 This is, for the most part, in English, as the other 
 is, for the most part, in Latin. The admixture of 
 English and Latin in the same Index presents, it 
 must be confessed, a somewhat motley appearance, 
 but I trust that this defect will be more than out- 
 weighed by the facility for reference which is afforded 
 by such an arrangement. When a word occurs in 
 the Notes only, it is printed in Italics ; when it occurs 
 in the Text only, or both in the Text and the Notes, 
 it is printed in the ordinary Roman type. 
 
 I have thought it desirable to draw up a separate 
 Index to the Introduction. 
 
 It only remains to express my obligations to 
 previous writers on the same subject, and to the 
 friends who have assisted me in my work. I have 
 read, or, at least, consulted all the annotated editions 
 of the Novum Organum and all the dissertations on 
 Bacon's Logic or Philosophy, to which I have been 
 able to obtain access. To these works I have, 
 wherever there was occasion, expressed my obligations, 
 but I must here specially select, for more particular 
 acknowledgment, the magnificent Edition of Bacon's 
 Works by Ellis and Speckling, the French Edition 
 by M. Bouillet, the Edition of the Novum Organum 
 by Mr. Kitchin (whose generosity m allowing me 
 to replace it by the present edition demands my 
 special thanks), the works on Bacon's Philosophy
 
 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. ix 
 
 by De Remusat and Kuno Fischer, Mr. Macvey 
 Napier's Essay on Bacon, and Professor Playfair's 
 Preliminary Dissertation in the Encyclopaedia Bri- 
 tannica. With reference to previous writers generally, 
 I may here take occasion to remark that, where any 
 explanation, reference, authority, &c., mentioned by 
 them, had previously occurred to me or would cer- 
 tainly have occurred to me in the course of composition, 
 I have not thought it necessary to make any special 
 acknowledgment, or to adopt inverted commas, but, 
 where this has not been the case, I believe I have 
 almost invariably done so. The question of literary 
 property is always a difficult one, but I have certainly 
 not consciously or deliberately appropriated what is 
 not my own. 
 
 I have to thank Mr. Spedding for the uniform 
 courtesy with which he has answered any questions 
 relative to the literary department of my work, 
 Professors Rolleston and Clifton, who have occa- 
 sionally supplemented my own somewhat defective 
 knowledge of scientific facts, my colleagues, Mr. W. 
 Warde Fowler and Mr. N. Bodington, Fellows of 
 Lincoln College, who have given me much valuable 
 assistance in revising the proofs and suggesting cor- 
 rections, during the progress of the work, as well as 
 Mr. J. A. Stewart, late Senior Student of Ch. Ch., and 
 Mr. J. Cotter Morison, who have performed the same 
 service for me with regard to detached portions of the 
 book. But my thanks are especially due to Professor 
 H. J. S. Smith, who, notwithstanding his numerous 
 engagements, has kindly revised my proofs, and 
 frequently given me the benefit of his very valuable
 
 x PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 
 
 advice and assistance. Had his other pursuits ad- 
 mitted of it, I know of no one who, from his varied 
 accomplishments, was better fitted to undertake the 
 task of editing the Novum Organum than Professor 
 Smith himself. 
 
 LINCOLN COLLEGK, 
 Feb. 4, 1878.
 
 PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. 
 
 THE present edition has been carefully revised, and 
 I trust will be found as free from errors and inaccura- 
 cies as the nature of such a work permits. Amongst 
 other friends I have to thank, for various corrections 
 and suggestions, the late Mr. Mark Pattison, Mr. 
 By water of Exeter College, Mr. Case of Corpus 
 Christi College, and my cousin, the Rev. J. T. Fowler 
 of Hatfield Hall, Durham. 
 
 The most important alterations or additions in this 
 Edition occur in the passage on the relation of Bacon 
 to Harvey (p. 28) ; in that on Bacon's modified adop- 
 tion of the Triad of Paracelsus (p. 29) ; in that on the 
 tenacity with which many English mathematicians still 
 adhered to the Cartesian system after the publication 
 of Newton's discoveries (p. 36) ; in the statement of 
 the practical aspect of Bacon's doctrine of Forms 
 (p. 58) ; in the introduction of a note on Bacon's 
 rejection of metaphysics in the ordinary acceptation 
 of the term (p. 67); in a reference, as connected with 
 Aristotle's habits of observation, to Dr. William Ogle's 
 Translation of the De Partibus Animalium (p. 70) ; 
 in the passages on Aristotle's doctrine of Induction 
 (p. 87) ; in a considerable addition to the foot-note on
 
 xii PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. 
 
 traces of Bacon's influence to be found in the works 
 of Locke (p. 99) ; in the introduction of additional 
 matter on the testimonies to Bacon of Vico (p. 109) 
 and Comenius (pp. 109-10) and of a new paragraph 
 on the testimony of Barrow (pp. 120-1); in the addi- 
 tion of a new paragraph (marked 6th) on the Nature 
 of Bacon's Influence on Science, pointing out more 
 definitely, than I seem to have done in the First 
 Edition, what I regard as the most distinctive feature 
 in Bacon's reform of Logic (pp. 128-9) ! m sonie cor- 
 rections of and several additions to the Section on the 
 Bibliography of the Novum Organum ; and, lastly, in 
 the introduction of, or in additions to or modifications 
 of, the following foot-notes l : p. 192, notes 1,2; p. 194, 
 n. 7; p. 198, n. 16 ; p. 206, u. 31 ; pp. 211-12, ;/. 42 ; 
 pp. 222-3, n - 7o; P- 228, n. 83; p. 236, n. 6; p. 243, 
 n. 26; p. 245, 11. 32; p. 251, n. 52; p. 253, n. 59; 
 p. 258, 11. 73; p. 259, n. 74; p. 284, n. 38; p. 296, 
 n. 62 (new note) ; p. 310, n. 4 and n. 7 ; p. 315, n. 20 ; 
 p. 347, 11. 19 ; p. 355, n. 42 ; p. 357, n. 47; p. 358, 
 " 53 ; PP- 361-3, n. 62 ; p. 374, 11. 6 ; p. 386, 11. 42 ; 
 p. 393, 11. 64 ; p. 409, 11. 17; p. 425, n. 6 1 ; p. 440, 
 " 97 : P- 453, n. 37 ; p. 460, n. 57 ; p. 487, n. 27 ; 
 p. 488, n. 31 ; p. 491, 11. 37; p. 492, 11. 42 ; p. 496, 
 n. 50; p. 500, 11. 58; p. 509, n. 83; p. 559, n. 53 ; 
 p. 566, 11. 74; p. 576, 11. 8. 
 
 As it appears to me that differences between authors 
 are, as a rule, better discussed in their works than in 
 the pages of newspapers or magazines, I avail myself 
 
 1 The references, throughout, are to the ne\v, not to the old, edition. 
 In some cases the notes are altogether new.
 
 PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. xiii 
 
 of this opportunity to reply to certain strictures recently 
 passed by Dr. Abbott, in his work, entituled ' Francis 
 Bacon ' (Macmillan and Co., 1885), on a small work of 
 my own, bearing the same title, which was published 
 in Messrs. Sampson Low and Co.'s Series of English 
 Philosophers, in 1881. Nor is my rejoinder irrelevant 
 to the present occasion, as much of the discussion bears 
 on points common to my smaller work and the Intro- 
 duction to the Novum Organum. 
 
 The most important difference between myself and 
 Dr. Abbott turns on our respective views of Bacon's 
 ' moral system.' And I cannot but think that, as in 
 many other controversies, the real issue is largely ob- 
 scured by the ambiguous use of terms. The passages in 
 Dr. Abbott's Edition of Bacon's Essays, which origin- 
 ally gave occasion to our controversy, occur in Ch. 5 
 of his Introduction (Vol. I, pp. 136, 7), and are to the 
 following effect : ' But it is through Machiavelli, most 
 of all, that we arrive at a clear understanding of Bacon's 
 moral system. For, however Bacon may disown his 
 master and rebel against some of the blunt and logical 
 Machiavellian dicta, yet Machiavelli was unquestion- 
 ably Bacon's guide, if not in theoretical, at all events 
 in practical morality.' And, again, 'The morality of the 
 
 Essays, which are eminently practical, is the 
 
 pure and simple morality of Machiavelli.' These 
 statements I criticised in my ' Francis Bacon,' pp. 41 
 45, and Dr. Abbott has replied to my criticisms in an 
 Appendix to his ' Francis Bacon/ pp. 457-60, under 
 the very ambiguous title ' Professor Fowler's Defence 
 of Bacon's Morality.' This last term covers no less 
 than three distinct conceptions, which Dr. Abbott does
 
 xiv PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. 
 
 not appear to me to have clearly discriminated, namely, 
 Bacon's theory of Ethics, his practical maxims, and 
 his own conduct. It is clearly with the first of these 
 conceptions that, writing on Bacon in his capacity of 
 a ' Philosopher ' (for it is in a series of ' English 
 Philosophers' that I am treating of him), I am mainly 
 concerned. And if any of my readers, who is in- 
 terested in the subject of Bacon's theory of Moral 
 Philosophy, will take the trouble to refer to the pas- 
 sage cited (as it exists in extenso in my own work, and 
 not in the extremely inadequate compression of it, 
 cited, however, as if it were continuous and exhaustive, 
 which is presented by Dr. Abbott), I think he can 
 hardly fail to arrive at the same conclusion with myself 
 that, in ethical theory at least, ' Bacon's place is, surely, 
 not with the small class of moralists, who, like Machia- 
 velli, Hobbes, and Mandeville, appeal only, or mainly, 
 to the selfish instincts of mankind, or to the reflexions 
 of a cool self-love, but with that far larger class who 
 
 O 
 
 recognise benevolent principles of action as co-ordinate 
 with and often controlling those which merely regard 
 ourselves.' But that Dr. Abbott's strictures on Bacon's 
 ' morality' cover his ethical theory seems plain from the 
 expression ' moral system,' as well as from the saving 
 clause ' if not in theoretical, at all events in practical 
 morality,' which can only bear the meaning that, while 
 Machiavelli was unquestionably Bacon's guide in 
 practical morality, it is open to question whether he was 
 not also Bacon's cfuide in theoretical morality as well. 
 
 o 
 
 As to the practical maxims of conduct which appear 
 in the Essays and elsewhere, though I am far less 
 concerned with these than with Bacon's philosophical
 
 PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. xv 
 
 position in relation to ethics, I may offer a few brief 
 considerations in opposition to, or extenuation of, the 
 severe censures passed by Dr. Abbott. In the first 
 place, if I mistake not, even within the sphere of 
 ' practical morality/ the passages which dictate a 
 generous and open line of conduct are largely pre- 
 ponderant over those which suggest, or seem to sug- 
 gest, a self-seeking, mean, or crooked policy. Over 
 against the Essay ' Of Simulation and Dissimulation,' 
 for instance, we ought, in all fairness, to place the 
 Essays 'Of Truth/ and ' Of Wisdom for a Man's Self.' 
 Then, as to those passages which betray the less 
 generous side of Bacon's practical teaching, there are 
 two considerations which the modern reader is very apt 
 to ignore, but which it is most pertinent to the matter 
 in issue that he should bear in mind. First, these 
 passages mostly bear on the conduct of life in politics 
 and diplomacy, departments of activity in which 
 candour, truthfulness, and fair dealing are not even 
 now so general as to give us much occasion for triumph 
 over our ancestors. Even in this department of 
 practical morals, there is no doubt that the growth 
 of public sentiment has brought about a certain im- 
 provement, but, after all, it may be questioned whether 
 the great difference, in this respect, bet\veen Bacon's 
 time and our own, is not that men then openly avowed 
 the motives and devices which they now at least pay 
 the homage to virtue of concealing from others and 
 often, perhaps, even from themselves. That open deal- 
 ing as between rival statesmen and rival nations was 
 a counsel of perfection, which, however desirable, was 
 not altogether attainable, might well be taken for
 
 xvi PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. 
 
 granted in the courts and camps of the sixteenth and 
 seventeenth centuries ; and a writer so analytic, and, 
 I may add, so candid as Bacon was certain to bring 
 out this dark side of political morality in bold relief, 
 though with him its recognition is most distinctly the ex- 
 ception and not the rule, while, with Machiavelli, it is 
 the postulate and basis of his entire system. Another 
 observation, which should never be lost sight of in 
 reading any of Bacon's writings, is the tendency, which 
 he shared with many authors of his generation, to lay 
 peculiar emphasis on the particular aspect of a subject 
 with which he happened, at the time, to be dealing. 
 All qualifications and countervailing considerations are, 
 for the moment, kept out of sight, and the object is to 
 place before the reader a particular point of view in its 
 strongest colours. What Bacon himself would have 
 
 o 
 
 called a ' Marino; instance ' of this mode of treatment 
 
 o o 
 
 is to be found in the Temporis Partus Masculus (see 
 Introduction, pp. 8, 9), where he sets himself to 'dis- 
 course scornfully of the philosophy of the Grecians.' 
 Another good instance is to be found in the ' Antitheta ' 
 in the sixth Book of the De Augmentis (see especially 
 E. and S., vol. I, p. 688, etc.). But instances of this 
 kind abound in Bacon's works, and we need not go 
 further than the Novum Organum to find our examples, 
 such as are notably the attacks on Aristotle or Gilbert 
 and the apparent depreciation of syllogistic logic. 
 Hence, there is, perhaps, no author with regard to 
 whom it is so necessary to lay together the various 
 utterances on a subject, as scattered throughout his 
 works, before arriving at a definite estimate of his real 
 opinions.
 
 PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. xvii 
 
 The question as to the morality of Bacon's own 
 conduct, in the various passages of his life, will pro- 
 bably continue to divide biographers, historians, and 
 reviewers to the world's end. His was, no doubt, a 
 complex character, and the events and persons, that 
 constituted his surroundings, rendered, in his case, the 
 conduct of life peculiarly difficult. But, as regards 
 both his character and his acts, I believe that the good 
 largely preponderated over the evil, nor can I, on these 
 points, accept the guidance of Dr. Abbott, as free from 
 hostile bias. To me it appears of great importance to 
 the fame and credit of Bacon, as well as to the cause 
 of historical truth, that even ' readers of limited leisure ' 
 should not ' be prepared to accept ' Dr. Abbott's book 
 ' on its own merits as a fairly complete account of the 
 life and works of Bacon,' but that they should supple- 
 ment their studies by the perusal, at least, of Professor 
 Gardiner's article in the Dictionary of National Bio- 
 graphy and of Mr. Spedding's ' Account of the Life 
 and Times of Francis Bacon ' (London, Triibner and 
 Co., 1878). The latter work, which appeared four 
 years later than the last volume of the ' Letters and 
 Life,' not only contains an abridgment, supervised by 
 Mr. Spedcling himself, of his larger work, but, in some 
 places, new matter of importance, and it appears to me 
 unfortunate, in the interests of that not inconsiderable 
 class of readers who wish to see both sides of a ques- 
 tion, that Dr. Abbott makes no reference either to this 
 work or to the valuable series of papers contributed 
 by Mr. Spedding to Vols. XXVII and XXVIII of the 
 Contemporary Review, under the titles of the ' Latest 
 Theory about Bacon ' and ' Lord Macaulay's Essay on 
 
 b
 
 xviii PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. 
 
 Bacon examined.' These papers were occasioned by 
 Dr. Abbott's Introduction to his Edition of Bacon's 
 Essays, and he replies to the series more immediately 
 concerning himself in the June number of 1876 (Vol. 
 XXVIII). Dr. Abbott's more leisurely readers will 
 clo well to turn to these additional materials for form- 
 ing a judgment on the controverted points of Bacon's 
 life. 
 
 The most telling portion of Dr. Abbott's Appendix 
 on ' Professor Fowler's Defence of Bacon's Morality' 
 is, doubtless, that in which he alludes to Bacon's self- 
 revelations in the ' Commentarius Solutus.' Some of 
 these revelations are certainly not of a pleasant 
 character, but, without dwelling on the question how 
 far the reputation of many of the rising lawyers and 
 politicians even of our own time might be affected 
 by a similar photograph of their inmost thoughts and 
 most secret aims, I may ask the reader of Dr. Abbott's 
 pages to suspend his judgment till he has at least 
 taken account of the considerations adduced, in ex- 
 planation or extenuation, by Mr. Spedding in his ' Life 
 and Times of Francis Bacon,' Vol. I, pp. 528-550, or 
 the 'Letters and Life,' Vol. IV, pp. 18-37. 
 
 Of Dr. Abbott's minor criticisms of my views on 
 Bacon's philosophy, the most important is that in 
 which (p. 405) he demurs to my supposition that Bacon, 
 in his later years, was less disposed, than in earlier life, 
 to accept, on authority and without reservation, the 
 dogmas of the Church ('Francis Bacon,' p. 182; Intro- 
 duction to Novum Organum, p. 47), and to my argu- 
 ment founded on the omission, in his later work the
 
 PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. xix 
 
 De Augmentis, of certain passages on the nature and 
 attributes of God, which occur in his earlier work The 
 Advancement of Learning. Dr. Abbott thinks that 
 the omissions and modifications in the De Augmentis, 
 as compared with the fuller and more definite theo- 
 logical statements in the Advancement, are intended 
 to avoid giving offence to Bacon's Roman Catholic 
 readers on the continent. But it so happens that the 
 passages to which I refer are not such as could have 
 given offence to Roman Catholic readers, and hence 
 I cannot see how either my position or my argument 
 is affected by Dr. Abbott's remarks. 
 
 This is hardly the place in which to discuss with 
 Dr. Abbott matters exclusively affecting Bacon's life or 
 personal character. But I may, perhaps, be allowed to 
 point out that, notwithstanding Dr. Abbott's apparent 
 surprise (pp. xv, 320) at my theory 2 that 'the root 
 from which all Bacon's errors and misfortunes 
 sprang ' was carelessness in money-matters, leading 
 to constant pecuniary difficulties, and, as a natural 
 result, to undue office-seeking and an inordinate 
 craving for preferment, his own account on p. 321 is 
 perfectly consistent with mine, providing only that we 
 bear in mind the well-known psychological fact that 
 habits formed in early life often continue to act with 
 undiminished, or even increased force, though the 
 specific circumstances which gave birth to them have 
 ceased to operate. Unqualified statements, however, of 
 this nature are usually erroneous, and, perhaps, I may 
 
 2 I can hardly, however, claim originality for this theory, which was 
 probably suggested by a passage occurring at the end of Mr. Spedding's 
 ' Life and Times of Francis Bacon ' as well as of the ' Letters and Life.'
 
 xx PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. 
 
 here be permitted to substitute for the word ' all ' the 
 more qualified expression 'most of his errors and 
 misfortunes. With this qualification, I believe the 
 statement to be true. 
 
 CORPUS CHRISTI COLLEGE, 
 Dec. i, 1888.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION v 
 
 PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION xi 
 
 INTRODUCTION ...... i 
 
 i. DATES OF THE LEADING EVENTS IN BACON'S LIFE, AND 
 
 OF THE FIRST PUBLICATION OF HIS PRINCIPAL WRITINGS 3 
 
 2. THE OBJECT OF THE NoVUM ORGANUM . . 5 
 3. RELATION OF THE NOVUM ORGANUM TO THE MORE 
 
 IMPORTANT OF BACON'S OTHER PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS 6 
 
 4. WAS THE NOVUM ORGANUM WRITTEN IN LATIN? . 12 
 
 5. BACON'S GENERAL PHILOSOPHICAL OPINIONS . . 14 
 
 6. BACON'S SCIENTIFIC ATTAINMENTS AND OPINIONS, WITH 
 SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE STATE OF KNOWLEDGE IN 
 
 HIS TIME . . . . . .22 
 
 7. BACON'S RELIGIOUS OPINIONS . . . .44 
 
 8. THE MEANING ATTACHED BY BACON TO THE WORD 
 ' FORM ' (INCLUDING A NOTE ON THE ' FOUR CAUSES ' 
 OF ARISTOTLE) . . . . -54 
 
 9. BACON'S METHOD OF EXCLUSIONS . . . 60 
 
 10. BACON'S REJECTION OF FINAL CAUSES IN PHYSICS . 64 
 
 n. THE CAUSES OF ARISTOTLE'S FAILURE IN HIS PHYSICAL 
 
 RESEARCHES . . . . .68 
 
 12. THE REACTION AGAINST THE AUTHORITY OF ARISTOTLE 72 
 
 13. ANTICIPATIONS OF BACON'S METHOD AND TEACHING . 86 
 
 14. BACON'S INFLUENCE ON PHILOSOPHY AND SCIENCE, IN- 
 CLUDING THE TESTIMONIES OF EARLY WRITERS TO 
 HIM ... ... 98 
 
 15. PRESENT VALUE OF BACON'S LOGICAL WORKS . . 131 
 
 1 6. OPPONENTS OF BACON . . . . 135 
 
 17. BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE NOVUM ORGANUM . . 145
 
 xxii CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 PRELIMINARY PIECES (PREFACES TO THE INSTAURATIO MAGNA 
 
 AND Novoi ORGANUM, DISTRIBUTIO OPERIS, ETC.) . 157 
 
 SUMMARY OF BOOK I . . . . .190 
 
 BOOK I . . . . . . .191 
 
 SUMMARY OF BOOK II . . . . .342 
 
 BOOK II . . . . 343 
 
 INDEX TO INTRODUCTION . . . . 603 
 
 INDEX TO TEXT AND NOTES . . . 609
 
 NOVUM ORGANUM.
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 T N the various sections of this Introduction, which will be of the 
 nature of what are commonly called Prolegomena, I propose 
 to discuss a number of questions which, either from their im- 
 portance or from want of space, I have found it inconvenient to 
 treat in the notes. Many of these have been selected for me, by 
 the circumstance that they have been the points on which the con- 
 troversies in respect to Bacon's writings or philosophy have mainly 
 turned. It was impossible to pass them over in silence, and some 
 of them seemed to demand a fuller treatment than they had hitherto 
 received. Hence the length of several of the sections, such as those on 
 Bacon's Influence, the Anticipations of his teaching, &c. Other ques- 
 tions have been selected by me more spontaneously, on account of their 
 importance to a due understanding of Bacon's position as a reformer 
 of logic and science. Such are those on the present value of Bacon's 
 writings, on his general philosophical opinions, on the meaning he 
 attaches to the word ' Form,' on his method of Exclusions, &c. But, 
 with reference to all the sections alike, I must warn the reader that I 
 have studied thoroughness of treatment even at the expense of occa- 
 sional prolixity. A general sketch of Bacon's philosophy and a general 
 appreciation of its merits and its relation to other systems are to be 
 found in almost every History of Philosophy, and I have not thought 
 it desirable to add to the number of such accounts already existing. 
 But it has appeared to me that a more complete treatment than is usual 
 of special questions, mainly connected with the Novum Organum 
 or its history, might be not only a real contribution to the large 
 amount of literature we already possess on the subject, but also the 
 best introduction to the intelligent study of this edition. In adopting 
 
 B
 
 2 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 this course, I have assumed in my readers a certain amount of 
 acquaintance with the history of philosophical speculation, as well as 
 with the outlines of logic. But to readers, who do not come to the 
 study of the book with this amount of acquirement, I cannot think 
 that an edition, worth the putting out, could be of any service. 
 
 The arrangement of the Sections has been a matter of some 
 difficulty, as several of them stand in little relation to those that pre- 
 cede or follow. On the whole, I have thought it most convenient, 
 keeping apart as far as possible the expository sections from those 
 which are mainly historical, and bringing together those which stand 
 in any close connexion, to adopt the following order : 
 
 i. Dates of the leading events in Bacon's Life, and of the first 
 publication of his principal writings. 
 
 2. The object of the Novum Organum. 
 
 3. Relation of the Novum Organum to the more important of 
 Bacon's other philosophical works. 
 
 4. Was the Novum Organum written in Latin ? 
 
 5. Bacon's general philosophical opinions. 
 
 6. Bacon's scientific attainments and opinions, with special 
 reference to the state of knowledge in his time. 
 
 7. Bacon's religious opinions. 
 
 8. The meaning attached by Bacon to the word ' Form ' (in- 
 cluding a note on the ' Four Causes ' of Aristotle). 
 
 9. Bacon's method of Exclusions. 
 
 10. Bacon's rejection of Final Causes in Physics. 
 
 ii. The causes of Aristotle's failure in his physical researches. 
 
 12. The reaction against the authority of Aristotle. 
 
 13. Anticipations of Bacon's Method and Teaching. 
 
 14. Bacon's Influence on Philosophy and Science, including the 
 Testimonies of early writers to him. 
 
 15. Present Value of Bacon's Logical Works. 
 
 1 6. Opponents of Bacon. 
 
 17. Bibliography of the Novum Organum. 
 
 * ** Short summaries of the contents of Books I and II are 
 prefixed to those Books respectively.
 
 DATES OF EVENTS AND PUBLICATIONS. 
 
 3 
 
 I. DATES OF THE LEADING EVENTS IN BACON'S LIFE, 
 AND OF THE FIRST PUBLICATION OF HIS PRINCIPAL 
 WRITINGS. 
 
 Jan. 22, 1560-1. 
 April, 1573. 
 
 June 27, 1575. 
 
 Sept. 25, 1576. 
 
 March 20, 1578-9. 
 
 June 27, 1582. 
 
 1583. 
 
 Nov. 23, 1584. 
 1586. 
 
 J597- 
 Feb. 1 600- 1. 
 
 1601. 
 
 Born at York House ..... 
 
 Entered at Trinity College, Cambridge 
 
 Admitted ' de societate magistrorum ' at Gray's 
 Inn . ....... 
 
 Accompanies Sir Amias Paulet to Paris 
 
 Returns to England ..... 
 
 Admitted Utter Barrister of Gray's Inn 
 
 First essay on the Instauration of Philosophy, 
 which he called Temporis Partus Maximus, 
 composed about ...... 
 
 Begins public life. Takes his seat as Member 
 for Melcombe in Dorsetshire 
 
 Becomes a Bencher of Gray's Inn 
 
 Acquaintance with Essex begins about 
 
 Edition of the Essays in their earliest shape 
 
 Arraignment of Essex .... 
 
 ' Declaration of the Practices and Treasons 
 attempted and committed by Robert late Earl 
 of Essex ' ....... 
 
 Death of Elisabeth and Accession of James March 24, 1602-3. 
 
 Publication of the Advancement of Learning Oct. 1605. 
 
 Gunpowder Plot ..... Nov. 5, 1605. 
 
 Marriage to Alice Barnham . . May 10, 1606. 
 
 Appointed Solicitor General . . . June 25, 1607. 
 
 [' It was probably about this time that Bacon finally settled the 
 plan of his " Great Instauration," and began to call it by that name.' 
 Spedding's Letters and Life, vol. iii. p. 363.] 
 
 Composition of the Cogitata et Visa . 
 
 Composition of the Novum Organum pro- 
 bably begun ....... 
 
 An instalment of the Instauratio Magna (pro- 
 bably the Redargutio Philosophiarum) sent to 
 Toby Matthew 
 
 Publication of De Sapientia Veterum . 
 
 Publication of the Essays in their second form 
 
 Appointed Attorney General 
 
 Returned Member for Cambridge University 
 
 B 2 
 
 Summer of 1607. 
 
 1608. 
 
 Oct. 10, 1609. 
 End of 1609. 
 Oct. 12, 1612. 
 Oct. 28, 1613. 
 April 2, 1614.
 
 4 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Peacham's case ...... 1614-15. 
 
 Admitted Privy-Councillor .... June 9, 1616. 
 
 Appointed Lord Keeper .... March 7, 1616-17. 
 
 Appointed Lord Chancellor .... Jan. 4, 1617-18. 
 
 Created Baron Verulam .... July 12, 1618. 
 
 Execution of Raleigh .... Oct. 29, 1618. 
 
 Publication of the Novum Organum . . Oct. 12, 1620. 
 
 Created Viscount St. Alban's . . . Jan. 27, 1620-1. 
 
 Meeting of Parliament .... Jan. 30, 1620-1. 
 
 Sentence of the House of Lords . . May 3, 1621. 
 
 Retires to Gorhambury .... June 23, 1621. 
 
 Limited pardon sealed by the King, probably in Nov. 1621. 
 
 Publication of the History of Henry VII . End of March,i622. 
 
 Publication of the first monthly instalment 
 of the Natural and Experimental History 
 
 Historia Ventorum ..... November, 1622. 
 
 Publication of another instalment Historia 
 
 Vitae et Mortis ...... Jan. 16223. 
 
 Publication of the De Augmentis . . Oct. 1623. 
 
 Death of James I ..... March 27, 1625. 
 
 Publication of the third Edition of the Essays, 
 
 much enlarged . . . . . . 1:625. 
 
 Death .... April 9 (Easter Sunday), 1626. 
 
 Publication of the Sylva Sylvarum and New 
 Atlantis, by Rawley . . . . . . . 1627. 
 
 Publication of ' Certaine Miscellany Works ' 
 by Rawley . . . . . . . . . 1629. 
 
 Publication of the Opera Moralia et Civilia by 
 Rawley . ......... 1638. 
 
 Publication of the Remains ... . 1648. 
 
 Publication of Isaac Gruter's Collection . . . J653- 
 
 Publication of the Resuscitatio by Rawley . . . J 657. 
 
 Publication of the Opuscula varia posthuma 
 by Rawley 1658. 
 
 Publication of the Second Edition of the 
 Resuscitatio, containing new matter . . . . 1661. 
 
 Publication of the Third Edition of the 
 Resuscitatio, after Rawley's death, also contain- 
 ing new matter . . . . . . . . 1671.
 
 OBJECT OF THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 5 
 
 Publication of Baconiana by Tenison . . . 1679. 
 
 Publication of Letters and Remains by Stephens . 1702. 
 
 (Second Collection) . . . 1734- 
 
 Publication of Letters, Speeches, &c. by Birch . 1763-4. 
 
 2. ON THE OBJECT OF THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 THE object of the Novum Organum, and of Bacon's philosophy 
 in general, is, stated summarily, to enlarge the dominion of man, 
 ' Regnum Hominis ' as he phrases it, by increasing his knowledge 
 of Nature and his power over her operations. This end can only 
 be accomplished, he conceives, by freeing the mind from its false 
 prejudices, especially its habit of blind submission to authority, and 
 thus bringing it face to face with the facts of Nature. But these facts 
 are themselves of little use, unless sifted, compared, and employed as 
 stepping-stones to generalisations from which other facts can be legiti- 
 mately deduced. Hence, the need of a new method of Induction, 
 which shall not merely accumulate but select instances on certain 
 rational principles, draw legitimate inferences from them, and thus 
 guarantee the truth of those first principles from which our deductive 
 reasoning proceeds. This more scientific form of Induction it is 
 more especially the aim oif the Novum Organum to supply, but, 
 previously to laying down any rules for it or exemplifying its em- 
 ployment, it is necessary to insist on its importance, to free the 
 mind from those obstacles which might prevent it from having 
 recourse to this assistance, to point out the sources of our errors 
 in the past, and to shew what hopes may be conceived of the future. 
 The preliminary task is undertaken in Book I. The formal ex- 
 position of the method begins in Book II, but the work, as left by 
 Bacon, is not completed. 
 
 This brief summary may be useful to the student, and, therefore, 
 I place it at the head of the Introduction. But it appears to me 
 undesirable to expand it, as, otherwise, I should be anticipating the 
 words of my author as well as rendering necessary several explana- 
 tions which would now needlessly delay and weary the reader, but 
 which I shall offer from time to time, in their proper place, as the 
 work proceeds.
 
 6 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 3. RELATION OF THE NOVUM ORGANUM TO THE MORE 
 IMPORTANT OF BACON'S OTHER PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 
 
 IN his letter to Father Fulgentio, which Mr. Spedding refers to 
 1625 *, Bacon says : 'Equidem memini me, quadraginta abhinc annis, 
 juvenile opusculum circa has res confecisse, quod magna prorsus 
 fiducia et magnifico titulo "Temporis Partum Maximum" inscripsi.' 
 This statement would shew that, at or about the early age of twenty- 
 five, Bacon had already begun to contemplate the Renovation of 
 Science. But the first form in which this idea occurred to him 
 seems to have been to write a great work on the Interpretation of 
 Nature, that is, on the new method of Induction 2 . Of this pro- 
 jected work, we have some fragments in Valerius Terminus, the 
 whole or the greater part of which seems to have been written about 
 1603 or 1604 3 . It is needless to add that Bacon's idea was after- 
 wards far more fully carried out, in part at least, by the Novum 
 Organum. Of the much more extended scheme of the Great 
 Instauration in six parts, we have the first intimation 4 in the Partis 
 Instaurationis Secundae Delineatio et Argumentum, which Mr. 
 Spedding thinks ' may be referred with tolerable confidence to the 
 year 1606 or 1607 5 ,' and certainly to some time prior to the com- 
 position of the Cogitata et Visa, which, in its first form, seems to 
 have been composed in the summer or autumn of 1607 r> . Both 
 these works are interesting as covering much of the same ground 
 as the Novum Organum, and may profitably be compared with it 
 and with one another. 
 
 Of the Great Instauration, no part, as Mr. Ellis truly says, can be 
 regarded as absolutely complete, though the first part, the Parti- 
 tiones Scientiarum, pointing out what had been done and what 
 remained to be done in the various sciences, is more adequately 
 represented than any other. This part is contained in the De Aug- 
 
 1 Spedding's Letters and Life, vol. vii. pp. 530-533. 
 
 2 Ellis and Spedding's Edition of Bacon's Works, vol. i. pp. 82, 83. 
 
 :! See a discussion on the date of this work by Mr. Spedding, E. and S., vol. iii. 
 pp. 206-213. 
 
 ' But it does not follow that Bacon had not long before formed the design. See 
 Mr. Spedding's remarks on this subject, vol. i. pp. 103-106. The name Instaura- 
 tio, he tells us, does not occur in any of Bacon's letters till 1609 (-p. 107). 
 
 "' Vol. iii. p. 544. 
 
 b See E. and S., vol. iii. p. 589 ; Spedding's Letters and Life, vol. iii. pp. 365, 
 366. The Cogitata et Visa seems to have undergone much subsequent cor- 
 rection.
 
 RELATION TO BACON'S OTHER WORKS. 7 
 
 mentis, published in 1623 (about three years after the publication of 
 the Novum Organum), and founded on a previous work, written in 
 English and published in 1605, entitled, Of the Proficience and 
 Advancement of Learning. When the latter work was written, 
 Bacon had probably not yet matured his conception of the Great 
 Instauration. There is a fragment of a work on the same subject, 
 intermediate in date between these two, first published by Gruter 
 in 1653, entitled Descriptio Globi Intellectualis. This tract, which 
 may be referred to about the year 1612, was designed on a larger 
 scale than either of the two already referred to. The part worked out 
 is mainly on Astronomy, and appended to it is another tract, entitled 
 Thema Coeli, giving a provisional account of Bacon's own astrono- 
 mical views, and evidently forming part of the same work. Por- 
 tions of the tract entitled Valerius Terminus, referred to in the last 
 paragraph, also go over the same ground as the Advancement and 
 the De Augmentis. 
 
 The second part of the Great Instauration, or the proper method 
 of interpreting Nature, was evidently the one (if we except the sixth, 
 which was to be the crown of the whole, and the gradual work of 
 posterity) to which Bacon attached the greatest importance. It is 
 mainly represented by the Novum Organum, though preliminary 
 drafts of portions of this work are to be found in parts of the 
 Valerius Terminus, and in the Partis Secundae Delineatio, the 
 Cogitata et Visa, the Temporis Partus Masculus, and the Filum 
 Labyrinthi sive Inquisitio Legitima de Motu, to say nothing of 
 smaller pieces, such as De Interpretatione Naturae Sententiae Duo- 
 decim, &c. The scheme of the Valerius Terminus does not appear 
 to extend beyond the first and second parts of the Great Instaura- 
 tion, and another peculiarity is that what in the Novum Organum 
 is called the investigation of the form is there (ch. n) called the 
 freeing of a direction. In the Partis Secundae Delineatio we have, 
 as already noticed, the first intimation of the six parts of the Great 
 Instauration, but neither there nor in Valerius Terminus does the 
 idea yet seem to have occurred to Bacon of setting forth his meaning 
 mainly by means of an example. This plan is announced at the 
 end of the Cogitata et Visa 7 , and is worked out in the second book 
 
 7 ' Atque diu et acriter rem cogitanti et perpendenti, ante omnia visum est 
 ei Tabulas Inveniendi, sive legitimae Inquisitionis formulas in aliquibus subjectis, 
 proponi tanquam ad exemplum et operis descriptionem fere visibilem.' E. and S., 
 vol. iii. p. 619. The example first selected by Bacon was Motion. See the Filum 
 Labyrinthi, sive Inquisitio Legitima de Motu, printed by Ellis and Spedding in
 
 8 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 of the Novum Organum. On the other hand, in the Partis Secundae 
 Delineatio, as Mr. Spedding remarks in his Preface to that work 
 (vol. iii. p. 544), ' the description of the Ministratio ad Rationem 
 adds something to what we otherwise know concerning those parts 
 of the inductive process which were to have been developed in the 
 third book of the Novum Organum.' Appended to the Delineatio 
 in Ellis and Spedding's Edition is a tract called Redargutio Philo- 
 sophiarum 8 , which, says Mr. Spedding, ' may be considered as the 
 first chapter of the second part of the Instauratio, as it was then 
 designed.' It consists, as its name implies, of an attack upon pre- 
 ceding systems of philosophy, and, though designed to be part of 
 the work of which the Delineatio is the sketch, was probably not 
 composed till some time afterwards 9 . Closely resembling the 
 Redargutio, but far more arrogant in its tone, is the extant portion 
 of another work entitled Temporis Partus Masculus, sive De Inter- 
 pretatione Naturae Libri Tres. Of this work the first and second 
 chapters only exist, the second, as Mr. Spedding thinks, written at a 
 considerable interval after the first, though before the Redargutio. 
 This second chapter goes over the same ground as the Redargutio 
 and the aphorisms on the Idola Theatri in the Novum Organum, 
 but is written in a peculiarly arrogant, not to say insolent, tone. 
 Mr. Spedding conjectures, I think rightly, that this arrogance and 
 exaggeration are to be explained on the supposition that Bacon was 
 making an experiment in the art of commanding attention and 
 winning disciples 10 . If he spoke loud enough, and used sufficiently 
 strong language, he thought he might compel men to listen to him. 
 
 vol. iii. p. 621, &c. This piece is followed in Ellis and Spedding's Edition by a 
 iough and imperfect draught of an enquiry on Heat and Cold, written probably in 
 1608. 
 
 8 In Isaac Gruter's Edition, only a small portion of the Redargutio (namely to 
 the words ' in chorum receptis,' E. and S., vol. iii. p. 561) follows the Delineatio. 
 But in the Appendix to Mallet's Life of Bacon (1760), the same tract, with the 
 title, beginning at the words ' Dum haec tractarcm' (E. and S., p. 558), is printed 
 for the first time from the Harleian MSS. Thus, the two copies over-lap, and 
 Mr. Spedding has restored the tract by piecing them together. 
 
 '' See Mr. Spedding's Preface, vol. iii. pp. 544-546. 
 
 1J In the Preface to the Delineatio (p. 545), Mr. Spedding quotes, amongst 
 others, the two following entries from Bacon's Diary (the Commentarius Solutus), 
 dated July 26, 1608 : 
 
 ' Discoursing scornfully of the philosophy of the Grecians, with some better 
 respect to the /Egyptians, Persians, Caldees, and the utmost antiquity, and the 
 mysteries of the poets.' 
 
 ' Comparing the case with that which Livy sayeth of Alexander, Nil aliud quam 
 bene ausus vana contemnere.'
 
 RELATION TO BACON'S OTHER WORKS. 9 
 
 To me the whole performance seems to have a strained and almost 
 theatrical character. 
 
 The composition of the Novum Organum (as I have shewn in the 
 section on its Bibliography) appears to have been commenced about 
 1608. When the first edition appeared in 1620, it was preceded by 
 the piece beginning, ' Franciscus de Verulamio sic cogitavit,' a Dedi- 
 cation to the King, a Preface to the Instauratio Magna (of which, 
 though only the second part, it was the first instalment), the Distri- 
 butio Operis (that is, the plan of the whole Instauration), and a 
 Preface peculiar to itself. It was followed by a small tract, entitled 
 Parasceue ad Historiam Naturalem et Experimentalem, printed, by 
 anticipation, as a sort of specimen or, possibly, resume of the penulti- 
 mate part of the Novum Organum, promised in ii. 21. Finally the 
 volume is closed by a Catalogus Historiarum Particularium Se- 
 cundum Capita, or list of desiderata in the specific materials for 
 induction. 
 
 The Novum Organum, I need hardly remark, is only a fragment 
 of the much larger work which Bacon contemplated under that title, 
 as adequately representing the second part of the Great Instauration. 
 The enumeration of the parts wanting will be found in Book ii. 
 Aph. 21, and, again, though less distinctly, in Aph. 52. Nevertheless, 
 though only a fragment, the Novum Organum, and especially the first 
 Book, is the most carefully written of all Bacon's philosophical works. 
 According to Rawley 11 , it was written out twelve several times, and 
 we have just seen by what a number of essays the final effort was 
 preceded. Moreover, as describing the new method of which the 
 renovation of knowledge was to be the result, it was the keystone 
 of Bacon's entire system. 
 
 The Third Part of the Great Instauration is designated Phaeno- 
 mena Universi, sive Historia Naturalis et Experimentalis ad con- 
 dendam Philosophiam, and was to contain a collection of arranged 
 and sifted materials on w r hich the method of induction was to work. 
 Of this part, even according to Bacon's limited conception of the 
 extent and variety of nature, we have only a very small portion, and, 
 according to a juster estimate of the boundless extent of the ' Phaeno- 
 mena Universi,' that portion might almost be described as infini- 
 tesimal. Such as it is, however, it is contained mainly in the 
 Historia Ventorum, the Historia Vitae et Mortis, the Historia Densi 
 et Rari, the Sylva Sylvarum, and the New r Atlantis. In the year 1622 
 
 11 See the Life prefixed to the Opuscula as well as that prefixed to the 
 Resuscitatio.
 
 10 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Bacon published a small volume entitled Historia Naturalis, <Scc., 
 quae est Instaurationis Magnae Pars Tertia. In the beginning of 
 the Dedication, he thus describes his design and the character of the 
 present instalment : ' Primitias Historiae nostrae Naturalis Celsitudini 
 tuae humillime offero. Rem mole perpusillam, veluti Granum Sinapis : 
 sed tamen pignus eorum, quae Deo volente sequentur. Obstrinximus 
 enim nos ipsos tanquam voto, singulis nos mensibus, ad quos Dei 
 bonitas (cujus agitur Gloria tanquam in cantico novo) vitam nostram 
 produxerit, unam aut plures ejus partes, prout fuerint magis aut 
 minus arduae aut copiosae, confecturos et edituros. Moti etiam 
 fortasse erunt alii, nostro exemplo, ad similem industriam : praesertim 
 postquam penitus perspexerint, quid agatur. Nam in Historia Natu- 
 rali bona, et bene instituta, claves sunt et Scientiarum et Operum.' 
 This volume contains only general prefatory remarks, the Historia 
 Ventorum, and an Aditus to each of the following proposed treatises : 
 Historia Densi et Rari ; Historia Gravis et Levis ; Historia Sym- 
 pathiae et Antipathiae Rerum ; Historia Sulphuris, Mercurii, et Salis ; 
 and Historia Vitae et Mortis. These five ' Historiae ' were to follow 
 the Historia Ventorum at intervals of a month. It appears that the 
 volume containing the Historia Ventorum was published about the 
 beginning of November, 1622 ; the Historia Vitae et Mortis about 
 the end of the following January, 1622-3 12 . T ne reason for bringing 
 out the latter book before the four intermediate ones is stated to be 
 ' propter eximiam rei utilitatem ; in qua vel minima temporis jactura 
 pro pretiosa haberi debet.' The Historia Densi et Rari did not 
 appear till the publication of Dr. Rawley's Opuscula Varia Posthuma 
 in 1658. It goes over a good deal of the same ground as a tract, 
 entitled Phaenomena Universa, published by Gruter in i653 ls . The 
 remaining three subjects Bacon does not appear to have handled, at 
 least in separate treatises. 
 
 The Sylva Sylvarum, which is a miscellaneous collection of obser- 
 vations and experiments, taken mainly from books, was not published 
 till after Bacon's death. It was edited by Rawley in 1627, Bacon 
 having died in 1626. Interesting in many respects as this collection 
 is, it is the least creditable of Bacon's philosophical works, and has 
 furnished Liebig and other antagonists with many of their most 
 effective weapons. In fact, as Bacon is reported by Rawley to have 
 said himself, 'if he should have served the glory of his own Name, he 
 
 '- See a note by Mr. Speckling, E. and S., vol. ii. p. 3. 
 
 13 On the relation between these; two works, see a note by Mr. Speckling, vol. ii. 
 p. 229.
 
 RELATION TO BACON'S OTHER WORKS. II 
 
 had been better not to have published this Natural History.' In my 
 remarks on Liebig, under the section headed ' Opponents of Bacon,' 
 I have spoken at greater length on this subject. 
 
 Appended to the Sylva Sylvarum in Rawley's Edition is the 
 New Atlantis, a work also then for the first time published. This is 
 deservedly one of the most popular of Bacon's works ; it bears the 
 stamp of his genius as much, perhaps, as anything which he wrote ; 
 and, lastly, it is credited, and I conceive justly so, with having, to 
 a large extent, suggested the foundation and programme of our 
 own Royal Society, if not of several foreign scientific associations as 
 well. Its relation to the Sylva Sylvarum cannot be better described 
 than in the language of Mr. Spedding : ' The New Atlantis seems to 
 have been written in 1624, and, though not finished, to have been 
 intended for publication as it stands. It was published accordingly 
 by Dr. Rawley in 1627, at the end of the volume containing the 
 Sylva Sylvarum ; for which place Bacon had himself designed it, the 
 subjects of the two being so near akin ; the one representing his idea 
 of what should be the end of the work which in the other he sup- 
 posed himself to be beginning. For the story of Solomon's House is 
 nothing more than a vision of the practical results which he antici- 
 pated from the study of natural history diligently and systematically 
 carried on through successive generations 14 .' 
 
 Amongst the ' Impetus Philosophici ' which occupy the latter part 
 of Gruter's volume are two small pieces entitled Scala Intellectus 
 sive Filuni Labyrinthi and Prodromi sive Anticipationes Philoso- 
 phiae Secundae. These were intended as Prefaces to the fourth and 
 fifth parts of the Instauratio respectively. Whether anything more 
 relating to these parts is extant seems open to doubt. Possibly the 
 Inquisitio Legitima de Motu sive Filuni Labyrinthi may be an 
 ' exemplar ' belonging to the fourth part, but Mr. Spedding inclines to 
 think that it was designed originally as the example of method for the 
 second part of the Instauration, and subsequently abandoned for the 
 Inquisitio de Forma Calidi. As respects the fifth part, however, 
 Mr. Spedding seems disposed to admit to a place among the Pro- 
 dromi the treatises entitled De Fluxu et Refluxu Maris, De Prin- 
 cipiis atque Originibus, Cogitationes de Natura Rerum, and Thema 
 Coeli, of which last I have already spoken in connexion with the 
 Descriptio Globi Intellectualis. 
 
 To the sixth part of the Great Instauration, namely Philosophia 
 
 14 E. and S., vol. iii. p. 121.
 
 13 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Secunda, sive Scientia Activa, which, in its full extent, was to be the 
 work of posterity, Bacon hoped himself to supply ' initia non con- 
 temnenda.' For any special treatise, however, which can be referred 
 to this head, we search in vain amongst his works. Nor is this 
 fact without its explanation. The Scientia Activa was to depend 
 on the knowledge of ' Forms,' but how far Bacon was from having 
 attained to a knowledge of ' Forms,' and how vague was the concep- 
 tion which he often attached to this term, will be only too familiar to 
 the attentive student of the Xovum Organum. The story which he 
 applies to the Alchemists '"' of the old man who bequeathed to his 
 sons a piece of gold hidden in a vineyard applies also, in no small 
 measure, to himself. Fie did not discover 'Forms,' but he did what 
 was of tar more value to posterity; he recalled men to the observation 
 of facts, gave an impulse to the study of nature, and, if not the 
 founder of the Inductive Method, at least contributed more than any 
 other man to its wider, more correct, and more fruitful employment. 
 
 4. WAS THE XOVUM ORGAXUM WRITTEN 
 IX LATIN ? 
 
 IN one of his articles in the Allgemeine Zeitung (Nov. 3, i863\ 
 Liebig asserts roundly that Bacon wrote none of his works in Latin; 
 that they were translated by people who knew nothing of the subjects 
 ot which they treated, and, as Bacon was not very clear upon them 
 himself, we may imagine the result ! In another article (March 6, 
 1864), he is especially angry with Sigwart for having called in 
 question this assertion, and reiterates dogmatically the statement 
 that all the Latin works of Bacon required the intervention of a 
 translator. The proof is a letter from Bacon to Dr. Playfer of 
 Cambridge (given in Spedding's Life and Letters, vol. iii. pp. 300, 
 3011, requesting him to undertake the translation of the Advance- 
 ment of Learning. Liebig argues that, if, at the age of forty-six 
 (he should have said ahoiit the age of forty-six or forty-seven; for 
 there is nothing enabling us to fix the exact date of this letter), and 
 when he had but few engagements, Bacon did not recognise his 
 aptitude for translating his first scientific work into Latin, it is hardly 
 likely that he would possess this aptitude in his sixtieth year, when he 
 held high office under the Crown, and was immersed in business. 
 Now, there is nothing whatever in Bacon's letter to Playfer which
 
 WAS THE NOV. ORG. WRITTEN IN LATIN? 13 
 
 either asserts or implies inaptitude to write Latin. And, as to being 
 but little engaged in business, Bacon, if not already actually appointed 
 Solicitor General 16 , was using all his influence to obtain the office, 
 and was certainly recognised, on all sides, as amongst the foremost 
 men both at the Bar and in Parliament. How little idea Liebig could 
 have had of the pressure of public life in England, of the nature 
 of the office of Solicitor General, or of the state of public business 
 at this time, it is quite unnecessary for me to point out to any 
 English reader. Moreover, Bacon's mind was already full of his 
 philosophical projects and of the great revolution which he was to 
 accomplish in the study of nature. Was it likely that he would waste his 
 time in turning into Latin a work which already existed in English ? 
 
 Such is the exceedingly slender character of the negative evidence 
 on which we are required to accept the very sweeping assertion, 
 that Bacon could not write Latin and that all his works were 
 originally composed in English ! 
 
 But, with respect to the Novum Organum, it happens that we pos- 
 sess positive evidence to the contrary. Archbishop Tenison (writing 
 in 1678) states distinctly: 'The Second Part of his Great Instaura- 
 tion (and so considerable a part of it, that the name of the whole is 
 given to it) is his Novum Organum Scientiarum, written by himself 
 in the Latin Tongue 17 .' And, to make this evidence the more 
 weighty, it comes immediately after a description of the negotiations 
 between Bacon and Playfer about the translation of the Advancement 
 of Learning, and a criticism of the translation of the De Augmentis 
 into English by Dr. Gilbert Wats. The evidence of Tenison I 
 regard as almost conclusive, but it is as well, perhaps, to mention one 
 or two subsidiary arguments. Hume (History of England, vol. vi. 
 p. 191) states, in a criticism of Bacon's style, which shews how 
 partial and superficial such judgments ordinarily are : ' Most of his 
 performances were composed in Latin ; though he possessed neither 
 the elegance of that, nor of his native tongue.' Nor, till the time 
 of Liebig (who certainly had no special means of knowledge), am 
 I aware that any one ever questioned the Latin composition of the 
 Novum Organum as well" as of several of Bacon's other works. 
 
 16 Bacon was finally, after much delay in filling up the appointment, made 
 Solicitor General on June 25, 1607. Playfer died, Feb. 2, 1608-9. The letter of 
 Bacon to Playfer was, according to Mr, Speddir.g. ' certainly written " somewhile " 
 after November 1605, when the Advancement of Learning was published ( a good 
 while since,' according to Bacon himself), and certainly not after July 1608.' 
 
 17 Baconiana, pp. 28, 29.
 
 14 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Then, as M. Bouillet remarks, many of the fragments and smaller 
 pieces, such as the Sententiae Duodecim, the Temporis Partus 
 Masculus, the Inquisitio de Motu, &c., are written in Latin, and 
 it is hardly likely that Bacon would have thought it worth while to 
 have these imperfect essays translated for him. 
 
 Again, I may mention that the MS. of the Cogitata et Visa, 
 which I have personally inspected, is corrected throughout in Bacon's 
 own hand-writing, and in such a manner as to shew that he was 
 perfectly familiar with the proprieties of Latin composition 18 . More- 
 over, in the Commentarius Solutus, or Bacon's Common-Place Book, 
 now in the British Museum (Add. MS. 27,278), the entries are made 
 almost indifferently in English and Latin. 
 
 Lastly, the Latin of, at least, the First Book of the Novum 
 Organum, rugged and unclassical as it often is 19 , seems to me so 
 distinctly to bear the mark of genius, and of the same kind of 
 genius that we find stamped on Bacon's English expression, that 
 I should feel it very difficult to refer it to any of the men who sur- 
 rounded Bacon rather than to Bacon himself. 
 
 5. BACON'S GENERAL PHILOSOPHICAL OPINIONS. 
 
 BACON was not the founder of a philosophical school. Indeed, 
 there is no character which he would himself have more emphatically 
 repudiated. ' Primo itaque postulandum videtur, ne existiment ho- 
 mines, nos, more antiquorum Graecorum, aut quorundam novorum 
 hominum, sectam aliquam in philosophia condere velle 2 ".' But, 
 though not the founder of any special school of philosophy, it seems 
 to me unquestionable that his exposition of his method, and, perhaps, 
 also individual expressions in his writings, contributed in no small 
 degree to the creation of what is commonly called the empirical 
 
 ' v It inav be noticed that in Bacon's letter to Andrewes (Spedding's Letters and 
 Life, vol. iv. j>. 141 . lie asks his correspondent 'to mark unto in e whatsoever shall 
 seem unto you either not current in the style,' Sec. This is hardly the language of 
 a man \vho was not himself responsible for the style. Cp. the Postscript to Bodley's 
 Letter to Bacon, published in 'Remains,' pp. $5-87. 
 
 1 ' That Bacon had formed for himself an ideal of Latin composition, for the pur- 
 poses for which he required it, and an ideal just such as we find exemplified in the 
 Novum Organum, is plain fiom the account given by Tenison (Baconiana, p. 26) 
 of his discontent with I)r. I'layfer's performance: ' Upon this great occasion he' 
 (I>r. 1'layfer ' would lie over-accurate; and he sent a Specimen of such superfine 
 Latinity that the Lord llacon did not encourage him to labour further in that work, 
 in the penning of which he desired not so much neat and polite, as clear, masculine, 
 r.iul apt expression.' - u Nov. Org. i. 116.
 
 BACON'S PHILOSOPHICAL OPINIONS. 15 
 
 school of English philosophy. As, however, I have discussed this 
 question in the sections on the Influence and Value of Bacon's 
 writings, it is unnecessary that I should also dwell upon it here. It 
 may be enough to say that, like Socrates, he rather gave an impulse 
 and suggested lines of thought to others, than elaborated a definite 
 system of his own. 
 
 But, at the same time, it is interesting to ask what the opinions of 
 Bacon were, so far as we can gather them, on the controverted ques- 
 tions of psychology, ontology, and ethics. Now, as to what, for want 
 of a better name, may be called ontological or metaphysical questions, 
 the questions, namely, which relate to the origin and essential nature 
 of matter and mind, and the relation between the two, his ordinary 
 attitude is that of a disinterested, if not a contemptuous, silence. 
 The passage just cited proceeds as follows: 'Neque enim hoc agimus; 
 neque etiam multum interesse putamus ad hominum fortunas quales 
 quis opiniones abstractas de natura et rerum principiis habeat; neque 
 dubium est, quin multa hujusmodi et vetera revocari et nova introduci 
 possint; quemadmodum et complura themata coeli supponi possunt, 
 quae cum phaenomenis sat bene conveniunt, inter se tamen dissen- 
 tiunt.' A deep sense of the unprofitable character of these specula- 
 tions has, indeed, been a characteristic not of the Baconian philosophy 
 only, but of British philosophy in general, which, with a healthy instinct, 
 has usually either avoided them altogether or discussed them solely with 
 the view of shewing that they lie outside the limits of human knowledge. 
 An apparent exception is, perhaps, to be found in Bacon's constant re- 
 currence to the doctrines of the Atomists, as to the atoms and the void. 
 But these, properly speaking, are questions of physics rather than of 
 metaphysics. On the standing feud between what are, somewhat 
 uncouthly, called the Idealists, the Materialists, and the Dualists, there 
 is, so far as I am aware, no formal discussion in Bacon's writings, 
 unless we count the passage in the De Principiis atque Originibus 
 (E. and S., vol. iii. p. no\ in which, quite sincerely as I believe, he 
 adopts the scriptural doctrine of creation out of nothing by the omni- 
 potent power of God. ' Tria enim videntur esse dogmata quae 
 scimus ex fide circa hanc rem. Primo, quod materia creata sit ex 
 nihilo. Secundo, quod eductio systematis fuerit per verbum ofnni- 
 potentiae, neque quod materia se ipsa eduxerit e chao in schema- 
 tismum ilium. Tertio, quod schematismus ille (ante praevaricationem) 
 fuerit optimus ex iis quae materia (qualis creata erat) suscipere posset. 
 At philosophiae illae ad nullum horum adscendere potuerunt. * 
 In his itaque fidei atque ejus firmamentis standum.'
 
 1 6 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The fact is that Bacon lived too early or too late to take any serious 
 part in these metaphysical discussions. In their scholastic form they 
 had become discredited, and their new form, under which they were to 
 exercise so much of the best thought of the two succeeding centuries, 
 had not yet been impressed on them by the genius of Descartes. 
 Bacon assumes the ordinary distinction of mind and matter, an 
 universe of objects to be known and a thinking subject capable, with 
 due care and discipline, of attaining to a knowledge of them, without, 
 apparently, troubling himself as to the ulterior questions, what is 
 knowledge, how can I become conscious of that which is not myself, 
 and what are the ultimate meaning and relation of the two terms in 
 this comparison. 
 
 On questions of psychology, as distinct from metaphysics, we find 
 a fair number of passages in Bacon's writings. The most important 
 perhaps of these are those in which, following Telesius 21 , he asserts 
 the duality of the human soul. Man, according to this doctrine (which 
 is stated most fully in De Augmentis, iv. 3), has two souls, one 
 peculiar to himself, the rational soul which he derives from the 
 breath of God, the other, shared by him in common with the brutes, 
 the irrational soul, which comes from ' the wombs of the elements.' 
 ' Yeniamus ad doctrinam de Anima Humana ; e cujus thesauris 
 omnes caeterae doctrinae depromptae sunt. Ejus duae sunt partes ; 
 altera tractat de Anima Rational!, quae divina est ; altera de Irra- 
 tionali, quae communis est cum brutis. Notavimus autem paulo 
 superius (ubi de Form is loquebamur) differentes illas duas Anima- 
 rum emanationes, quae in prima utriusque creatione se dant conspici- 
 endas ; nimirum, quod altera ortum habuerit a Spiraculo Dei, altera e 
 Matricibus Klementorum. Nam de Animae Rationalis generatione 
 primitiva ita ait Scriptura, Formavit hominem dc linw tcrrae, et spiravit 
 in facicm cjus sfiracuhim vitac. At generatio Animae Irrationalis, 
 sive Brutorum, farta est per verba ilia, Producat aqua ; Frodiicat 
 terra ; haec autem Anima (qualis est in homine) Animae Rationali 
 nrganum tantum est. atque originem habct et ipsa quoque, quemad- 
 modum in brutis, e limo terrae. Neque enim dictum est, Formavit 
 corpus homiiiis de liino ferrae, seel Formavit hominem ; intcgrum scilicet 
 hominem, exrepto illo spiraculo. Quamobrem partem primam doc- 
 trinae goneralis circa Animam Humanam, doctrinam de Spiraculo
 
 BACON'S PHILOSOPHICAL OPINIONS. 17 
 
 appellabimus ; Secundam vero, doctrinam de Anima Sensibili sive 
 Producta. Neque tamen, cum hactenus Philosophiam solam tracte- 
 mus (quippe Sacram Theologiam in fine operis collocavimus) parti- 
 tionem istam a Theologia mutuaremus, nisi etiam cum principiis 
 Philosophiae conveniret. Plurimae enim et maximae sunt Animae 
 Humanae praecellentiae supra animas brutorum, etiam philosophanti- 
 bus secundum sensum manifestae. Ubicunque autem tot et tantarum 
 invenitur excellentiarum symbolum, ibi merito semper constitui debet 
 differentia specifica. Itaque nobis non nimium placet confusa ilia et 
 promiscua philosophorum de Animae Functionibus tractatio ; ac si 
 Anima Humana gradu potius quam specie discriminata esset ab 
 anima brutorum; non aliter quam sol inter astra, aut aurum inter 
 metalla.' This theory of the material generation of the lower soul 
 may not unnaturally have contributed to the formation of materialistic 
 hypotheses as to the nature of the soul in general amongst Bacon's 
 successors, with whom the twofold division disappeared, remote as I 
 believe this conclusion to have been from his own views 22 . 
 
 The enquiry into the 'substance' of the rational soul is a matter 
 rather for theology than philosophy ; ' ab eadem inspiratione divina 
 hauriatur [cognitio de Substantia Animae Rationalis], a qua Substantia 
 Animae primo emanavit.' But the doctrine concerning the sensible 
 or produced soul is a fit subject of enquiry in philosophy, even as 
 regards its substance. 'Anima siquidem Sensibilis sive Brutorum 
 plane substantia corporea censenda est, a calore attenuata et facta 
 invisibilis.' It is, in fact, compounded of flame and air (' ex natura 
 flammea et aerea conflata ') 2S . This soul, which, in man, is merely 
 the instrument of the rational soul, might more fitly be termed ' Spirit.' 
 
 Quitting these theories, which to us appear so strange, we may 
 note Bacon's enumeration of the principal faculties (' Facultates 
 Animae ') : ' Intellectus, Ratio, Phantasia, Memoria, Appetitus, Vo- 
 luntas, denique universae illae, circa quas versantur scientiae Logicae 
 et Ethicae 2 V Of these faculties he says we ought, in the ' Doctrina 
 de Anima,' to discuss (' tractare ') the ' Origines,' ' idque physice ' 
 (or, as we should now say, ' psychologically '), ' prout animae innatae 
 sint et adhaereant.' ' In hac parte,' he adds, ' nihil egregii (ut nobis 
 
 22 The materialistic tendency of Bacon's philosophy is, I think, exaggerated by 
 Lange. See Geschichte des Materialismus, 2nd ed., vol. i. pp. 194-199, and other 
 places. Lange, who seems too ready to accept Liebig's conclusions, does scant 
 justice to Bacon's merits. 
 
 23 De Augm. iv. 3. E. and S., vol. i. p. 606. 
 2! Id. p. 607. 
 
 C
 
 !g INTRODUCTION. 
 
 videtur) adhuc repertum est.' The faculties of Memory, Imagin- 
 ation, and Reason are made the basis of the general divisions of 
 Learning into History, Poetry, and Philosophy. 'Intellectus' or 
 Understanding seems to be the generic term including Memory, 
 Imagination, and Reason 25 . As distinct from the ' Doctrina de 
 Anima ' (or, as we should now say, Psychology), there are two arts 
 which treat of the use and objects of the mental faculties. These 
 are Logic and Ethic. ' Logica de Intellectu et Ratione ; Ethica 
 de Yoluntate, Appetitu, et Aflectibus disserit : altera Decreta, altera 
 Actiones progignit.' Imagination exercises the functions of a mes- 
 senger or intermediary in both departments, that of Reason and that 
 of Will. ' Nam Sensus idola omnigena Phantasiae tradit, de quibus 
 postea Ratio judicat : at Ratio vicissim idola electa et probata 
 Phantasiae transmittit, priusquam fiat executio decreti "V 
 
 It may be noticed that the sharp line of demarcation drawn here 
 and in similar passages between the offices of the so-called 'faculties' 
 was a common feature of the philosophy of the seventeenth and 
 eighteenth centuries, and has only been replaced in comparatively 
 recent times by a more just appreciation of the complexity of our 
 various mental operations and of the number of elements which go 
 to make up some even of those psychical acts which at first sight 
 appear the simplest. 
 
 Passing over the very curious remarks which Bacon makes on 
 'Natural Divination' and 'Fascination' (the two 'appendices,' as he 
 calls them, to the part 'De Facultatibus Animae'), I may direct special 
 attention to the distinction which he draws between Perception and 
 Sense, a distinction which he notes as deficient 'in this doctrine.' 
 This distinction is not the same as that drawn by later philosophers 
 between Perception and Sensation 2T , but corresponds rather with that 
 
 -"' Sex- Advancement of Learning, bk. ii. ^E. and S., vol. iii. p. 329} : 'The parts 
 of human learning have reference to the three parts of Man's Understanding, which 
 is the .-eat of learning: History to his Memory, Poesy to his Imagination, and 
 Philosophy to his Reason.' Jn the corresponding part of the De Augmentis (lib. 
 ii. cap. i., the \\ord ' Undemanding ' is replaced by 'Anima Rationalist But, 
 almost immediately afterwards, ' Intellectus ' or Understanding seems to be used as 
 n generic term, tor sense is called the 'door of the understanding' (intellectus 
 jamia . and then the intellectual processes which follow on the impressions of sense 
 are enumerated as Memory, Imagination, and Reason. I do not know of any pas- 
 sage in IJaeon's works, \\here 'intellectus' or understanding is employed in the 
 specific sense appropriated to i-oCs by Plato and Aristotle, as the faculty which 
 apprehends the first principles of knowledge. 
 
 " I >e Augmentis, lib. v. cap. I. 
 
 " 1 confess that I cannot understand how De Rc'musat can have been so utterly
 
 ACON'S PHILOSOPHICAL OPINIONS. 19 
 
 between unconscious or reflex actions and conscious affections. As 
 instances of the former, he gives the attraction of the magnet, the 
 union of two bubbles, &c., in the case of insensible bodies, and, in 
 the case of sensible bodies, the digestion of food, the beating of the 
 heart and pulse, &c. 
 
 That the only source of our ordinary knowledge is to be found in 
 experience Bacon seems to assume throughout his works 28 , though he 
 never, so far as I recollect, attempts to ascertain the conditions of 
 experience or to analyse it into the elements of which it consists. 
 The source of some portions of our knowledge, such as that of ' the 
 substance of the rational soul' 29 ' and of moral principles 3o , is referred 
 to Divine Inspiration, but this, I think, is usually the inspiration of 
 the Bible, given once for all, rather than any constant illumination 
 specially imparted to the individual. In one place, however, at least, 
 (De Augm. lib. ix. ; E. and S. vol. i. p. 83 1 3I ), he does undoubtedly refer 
 our moral sentiments to a sort of divine influence, acting immediately 
 and without any dependence on the ordinary avenues of knowledge. 
 ' Notandum tamen, Lumen Naturae duplici signification accipi ; 
 primo, quatenus oritur ex sensu, inductione, ratione, argumentis, 
 secundum leges coeli ac terrae ; secundo, quatenus animae humanae 
 interne affulget instinctu, secundum legem conscientiae ; quae 
 scintilla quaedam est, et tanquam reliquiae, pristinae et primitrvae 
 puritatis. In quo posteriore sensu praecipue particeps est anima 
 lucis nonnullae ad perfectionem intuendam et discernendam legis 
 moralis; quae tamen lux non prorsus clara sit, sed ejusmodi ut 
 potius vitia quadamtenus redarguat, quam de officiis plene informet.' 
 Here we seem to have a third source of knowledge, corresponding 
 almost exactly with what Butler calls 'conscience 32 ,' in addition to 
 the ' Sense ' and ' Divine Inspiration ' (there confined to Theology) 
 
 mistaken (see p. 270, n. i), as to suppose that Bacon uses these terms in the same 
 sense as Reid and Stewart. 
 
 2S See, for instance, Nov. Org. i. 19-22; De Augm. iii. I ad init. : ' Omnis 
 enim scientia duplicem sortitur informationem. Una inspiratur divinitus, altera 
 
 oritur a sensu Partiemur igitur scientiam in Theologiam et Philosophiam ; ' 
 
 Distributio Operis (reprinted in this edition), 'Sensus, a quo omnia in naturalibus 
 petenda sunt, nisi forte libeat insanire.' 
 
 29 De Augm. iv. 3 (E. and S., vol. i. p. 6o6\ 
 
 30 De Augm. vii. 3 (vol. i. p. 732) ; ix. (pp. 830, 831 \ 
 
 31 Cp. Advancement of Learning, bk. ii. 'E. and S., vol. iii. p. 479). 
 
 32 This faint glimmering, as it were, of a primitive light may be one of the 
 excellencies of the Rational Soul, spoken of in De Augm. iv. 3 ad init. : ' Plurimae 
 enim et maximae sunt Animae Humanae praecellentiae supra animas brutorum, 
 etiarn philosophantibus secundum sensum nianifestae.' 
 
 C 2
 
 20 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 which are spoken of as if they were the sole sources at the beginning 
 of I)e Augmentis, bk. iii. 
 
 It is impossible not to see in these speculations, crude as some of 
 them are, the beginnings of much of the later English psychology 
 which became so famous in the hands of Locke, Hume, Reid, and 
 others. Besides the points already noticed I might also draw atten- 
 tion to the conception that Logic, Ethics, and Politics ought to be 
 treated inductively R3 , the striking contribution towards a theory of 
 Memory and Association which occurs in Novum Organum, ii. 26, 
 and, above all, the invaluable Aphorisms in the first book of the 
 Xovum Organum on the Idola Tribus and the Idola Specus 34 . 
 
 Bacon's Moral Philosophy is mainly contained in the seventh book 
 of the I)e Augmentis, and has, perhaps, hardly received the attention 
 which it deserves. As Logic treats of the Intellect, Ethics treats of 
 the \Yill ; ". 'Voluntatem gubernat recta ratio, seducit bonum ap- 
 parens. Voluntatis stimuli affectus ; ministri, organa et motus 
 voluntarii.' Ethics may be divided into two principal doctrines, one 
 treating of the exemplar or image of good, the other (to which he 
 gives the fanciful title of ' Georgica Animi ') of the regulation and 
 culture of the mind. He finds fault with previous philosophers for 
 not having carried their enquiries deeper, by searching for the roots 
 of good and evil, and the very fibres of those roots ; ' Ante omnia, 
 si Xaturam Rerum non minus quam Axiomata Moralia consuluis- 
 scnt, doctrinas suas minus prolixas, magis autem profundas reddi- 
 dissent ;v '.' Good is either public or private, and the appetite to 
 both these kinds of good is native to the human mind, and, indeed, 
 to everything which exists. ' Inditus est atque impressus unicuique 
 rei appetitus ad duplicem Naturam Boni : alteram, qua res Totum 
 quiddam est in seipsa ; alteram, qua est Pars Totius alicujus Majoris. 
 
 1; See Novum Organum, i. 127. 
 
 ' On the connexion between the mind and body, and the localisation of various 
 moral qualities and intellectual faculties, see a curious passage in l)e Augmentis, 
 iv. i. especially towards the end. 
 
 In I >e Augment!-;, vi. 3 ;K. and S., vol. i. p. 671% there is a good statement 
 <>! the respective ends of Logic and Ethics: 'Finis cnim Dip.lecticae est docere 
 turmam aigunientoruin, ad pracMdia intellectus, non ad insidias. Finis itidem 
 I.'hicac alKciii^ ita componere, tit rationi militent, non autem earn invadant.' 
 
 At the >-ime time, he nowhere expressly discusses the fundamental questions 
 ol Morals, such as the grounds of Moral Obligation or the nature of the Moral 
 I'aculty, unless, indeed, we make an exception in favour of the few words devoted 
 to tlie interims instinctus/ referred to just above.
 
 BACON'S MORAL PHILOSOPHY. 21 
 
 Atque posterior haec ilia altera dignior est et potentior ; cum tendat 
 ad conservationem Formae Amplioris. Nominetur prima Bonum 
 Individuate sive Suitatis ; posterior Bonum Communionis? Those 
 of my readers who are at all acquainted with the subsequent develop- 
 ment of Moral Philosophy in England will not fail to find in this 
 sentence the germ of one of the leading ideas in the systems of 
 Shaftesbury, Hutcheson, and many other English writers. 
 
 With the more minute divisions of Good, and with the details of 
 Bacon's moral system generally, I need not trouble the reader, who 
 can easily consult this part of the De Augmentis for himself 37 . 
 
 There are, however, one or two points which deserve special 
 notice. Thus, Bacon, like all other English writers, down, I believe, 
 to the time of Hobbes, makes morality ultimately dependent on 
 theology. Ethics is the hand-maid of theology, and, though it may 
 contain much useful instruction within its own limits, it must always 
 be subservient to the master-science. ' Quod si quis objiciat ani- 
 morum curationem Theologiae Sacrae munus esse, verissimum est 
 quod asserit ; attamen Philosophiam Moralem in famulitium Theolo- 
 giae recipi instar ancillae prudentis et pedissequae fidelis, quae ad 
 omnes ejus nutus praesto sit et ministret, quid prohibeat ? Etenim 
 quemadmodum in Psalmo habetur, quod oculi ancillae perpetuo ad 
 manus dominae respidufit, cum tamen minime dubium sit, quin haud 
 pauca ancillae judicio et curae relinquantur ; eodem modo et Ethica 
 obsequium Theologiae omnino praestare debet, ejusque praeceptis 
 morigera esse; ita tamen ut et ipsa, intra suos limites, haud pauca 
 sana et utilia documenta continere possit 38 .' Of course, this point of 
 view is hardly consistent with the comprehension of ethics under the 
 sciences admitting of an inductive treatment 30 , but, then, at this 
 stage in the history of ethical thought, we must not expect con- 
 sistency, except in writers, like Hobbes, who had devoted special 
 attention to the ultimate grounds of moral and political ideas. An 
 inconsistency of another kind may be found in Bacon's anxiety to 
 liberate natural philosophy from the control of theology, notwith- 
 standing his readiness to subordinate to that science moral philo- 
 sophy and, as we have seen, even a portion of psychology. 
 
 It may be noticed also that Bacon finds a special argument for the 
 divine origin of the Christian religion in its marked preference of the 
 
 37 I have treated more largely of Bacon's Moral Philosophy in my ' Francis 
 Bacon' (Sampson Low and Co., 1881). See pp. 169-175, and compare pp. 41-45. 
 
 38 De Augmentis, vii. 3. '"'' See Nov. Org. i. 127.
 
 22 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 common to the individual good. ' Nulla omnibus saeculis reperta 
 est vel philosophia vel secta vel religio vel lex aut disciplina, quae in 
 tantum Communionis Bonum exaltavit, Bonum vero Individuale de- 
 pressit, quantum Sancta Fides Christiana; unde liquido pateat unum 
 eundemque Deum fuisse, qui creaturis leges illas Naturae, hominibus 
 vero legem Christianam dedisset 40 .' 
 
 It is a remark very characteristic of Bacon's point of view that the 
 superiority of the public to the private good determines the contro- 
 versy as to the relative advantages of the practical and contemplative 
 life in favour of the former. For the reasons, he says, adduced by 
 Aristotle in favour of the latter have respect only to private good 
 and the pleasure or dignity of the individual. Nor, if the monastic 
 life had been regarded as merely and strictly contemplative, could 
 any doubt on this question have ever arisen in the church : ' Con- 
 templativam vero quod attinet meram, et in seipsa terminatam, 
 quaeque radios nullos sive caloris sive luminis in societatem huma- 
 nam diffundat ; nescit earn certe Theologia 4 V 
 
 In concluding this section, I must again remind the reader that 
 Bacon's merit does not consist in his philosophical teaching in the 
 proper sense of the term, but in his assertion of the necessity of a 
 new method, of a new range of studies, of a new spirit of enquiry. 
 He was a logician, in the widest and fullest sense of the word. 
 A philosopher he did not claim to be ; and, though I believe that 
 his works exerted a very powerful influence on the philosophical 
 speculations of the two succeeding centuries, a philosopher, in the 
 strict sense of the term, he was not. 
 
 6. lUCON'S SCIENTIFIC ATTAINMENTS AND OPINIONS, 
 WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE STATE OF KNOW- 
 LEDGE IN HIS TIME. 
 
 OF the many charges brought against Bacon, as a philosopher 
 and a reformer of science, there are three, connected with the present 
 subject, which it would be vain to deny, though, in the course of 
 this enquiry, we may find something to plead in extenuation of them. 
 1 he first is that he was a Dilettante in science. The second, that 
 he was imperfectly acquainted with the existing state of knowledge. 
 
 I >e Auinneiitis, vii. I. 
 
 DC Au^'in. vii. i (E. and S., vol. i. pp. 718, 719".
 
 BACON'S SCIENTIFIC ATTAINMENTS. 23 
 
 The third, that he grossly exaggerated the defects of his own time, 
 which, in spite of all that he says, was really one of great and 
 fruitful intellectual activity. 
 
 This section (which must necessarily be far briefer than its im- 
 portance demands, though I trust that its omissions will, to a great 
 extent, be supplied in the notes on the Novum Organum itself) cannot 
 be more appropriately commenced than by the following sketch of 
 Bacon's errors and omissions, traced, it must be remembered, by 
 the not unfriendly hand of Mr. Spedding 42 : 
 
 ' It is impossible, I think, to read Mr. Ellis's remarks upon those 
 parts of his works in which he comes in contact with what we call the 
 exact sciences, mathematics, for instance, and mechanics, and not 
 to feel that in the faculty of distinguishing differences, the faculty 
 whose office is (as he describes it in the Novum Organum, i.^figere 
 contemplationes, et morari et haerere in omni subtilitate differentia rum, 
 he was (comparatively at least) deficient. This appears both from 
 the imperfect account of the existing condition of those sciences 
 which he gives in the De Augmentis Scientiarum, no notice being 
 there taken of some of the most important advances which had been 
 made by the writers immediately preceding him ; and from his own 
 experiments and speculations upon subjects which required their help. 
 Though he paid great attention to Astronomy, discussed carefully 
 the methods in which it ought to be studied, constructed for the 
 satisfaction of his own mind an elaborate theory of the heavens, and 
 listened eagerly for the news from the stars brought by Galileo's 
 telescope, he appears to have been utterly ignorant of the discoveries 
 which had just been made by Kepler's calculations 43 . Though he 
 complained in 1623 of the want of compendious methods for facili- 
 tating arithmetical computations, especially with regard to the doctrine 
 
 42 Preface to the De Interpretation Naturae Prooemium, vol. iii. pp. 510-512. 
 The whole of this Preface is very interesting. Mr. Spedding ascribes Bacon's 
 mental defects and his ignorance of so many scientific details mainly to the great 
 predominance, in his mind, of the discursive over the critical faculty, the faculty 
 which detects the broader resemblances and more striking analogies of things over 
 that which notes differences and patiently studies particular facts. 
 
 * 3 See Mr. Ellis's Preface to the Descriptio Globi Intellectualis. [Vol. iii. pp. 723, 
 724. ' The treatise De Stella Martis was published in 1609, and became known in 
 England at least as early as 1610. Harriot, it appears from Professor Rigaud's 
 account of his papers, was then in correspondence with Kepler, and repeated his 
 calculations. That Bacon was acquainted with his writings we can hardly believe ; 
 they bear so directly on the questions which he has discussed that he could scarcely 
 have neglected to notice them, had he known them even by report.']
 
 24 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 of Series, and fully recognised the importance of them as an aid 
 to physical enquiries ; he does not say a word about Napier's 
 Logarithms, which had been published only nine years before and 
 reprinted more than once in the interval 44 . He complained that no 
 considerable advance had been made in Geometry beyond Euclid, 
 without taking any'notice of what had been done by Archimedes and 
 Apollonius 4 ''. He saw the importance of determining accurately the 
 specific gravities of different substances, and himself attempted to 
 form a table of them by a rude process of his own, without knowing 
 of the more scientific though still imperfect methods previously 
 employed by Archimedes, Ghetaldus, and Porta 46 . He speaks of 
 the (vprjKu of Archimedes in a manner which implies that he did not 
 clearly apprehend either the nature of the problem to be solved or 
 
 !l See vol. i. p. 577, note 2. [De Augm. iii. 6. 'In Arithmeticis autem, nee 
 satis varia et cummoda inventa sunt Supputationum compendia, praesertim circa 
 Pri'gressiones, quarum in Physicis usus est non mediocris.' On this passage Mr. 
 Ellis observes in his note : ' One would certainly not infer from this remark, to 
 which there is nothing corresponding in the Advancement of Learning, that Bacon 
 was aware that, in the interval which had elapsed since its publication, the greatest 
 of all inventions for facilitating arithmetical computations had been made known. 
 Napier's Logarithms were published in 1614, and reprinted on the continent in 
 1620; in which year Gunter's Canon of Triangles was also published. In 1618 
 Robert Napier's account of his father's method and Briggs's first table of Logarithms 
 were both published. In the year succeeding that of the publication of the De 
 Augmentis his larger tables, and probably those of Wingate, made their appearance.' 
 
 ' These dates are sufficient to show how much the attention of mathematicians was 
 given to the subject. It would almost seem as if some one, possibly Savile, had 
 told Bacon what was no doubt true that the application of the doctrine of series 
 to arithmetical computation was not as yet brought to perfection, and that he had 
 adopted the remark without understanding the importance of the discovery to 
 which it referred, and perhaps without being aware that any such discovery had 
 been made.' 
 
 I may add that an English translation of Napier's Logarithms by Edward Wright 
 \\as pi.bli-hed at London in 1616. and re-published in 1618.] 
 
 I'!, ibid., note i. [De Augm. iii. 6. ' Quae duae artes,' sc. Geometria et 
 Aiithmetica, ' magno certe cum acumine et industria inquisitae et tractatae sunt; 
 veruntameii et Euclidis laboribus in Geometricis nihil additum est a sequentibus, 
 quod intervallo tot saeculorum dignum sit ; et doctrina de Solidis nee a veteribus 
 nee a modcrnis pro rei usu et excellentia instructa et aucta est.'] 
 
 See Preface to the Historia Densi et Rari, vol. ii. p. 233. [The Archi- 
 
 medes 1'iomotus of M:ui;>.us Ghetaldus was published at Rome in 1603. His 
 
 1 Imdintj specific gravities has, as Mr. Ellis remarks ,vol. ii. p. 230 , 
 
 remained ia r.sc, with certain modifications and corrections, to the present day. 
 
 < inplcte edition of Baptista I'orta's Natural Magic was published at Naples 
 
 in i^ij. Many ol the 'experiments' in Bacon's Syiva Sylvarum are said by Mr. 
 
 je taken from this work. Bacon, therefore, probably became acquainted 
 
 with it between writing the Ilislnia Densi et Rari and the Sylva Sylvarum.]
 
 BACON'S SCIENTIFIC ATTAINMENTS. 25 
 
 the principles upon which the solution depended 47 . In reviewing 
 the progress of Mechanics, he makes no mention either of Archimedes 
 himself, or of Stevinus, Galileo, Guldinus, or Ghetaldus" 18 . He makes 
 no allusion to the theory of Equilibrium 49 . He observes that a ball 
 of one pound weight will fall nearly as fast through the air as a ball 
 of two, without alluding to the theory of the acceleration of falling 
 bodies, which had been made known by Galileo more than thirty 
 years before 50 . He proposes an enquiry with regard to the lever, 
 namely, whether in a balance with arms of different length but equal 
 weight the distance from the fulcrum has any effect upon the in- 
 clination though the theory of the lever was as well understood in 
 his own time as it is now 51 . In making an experiment of his own 
 to ascertain the cause of the motion of a windmill, he overlooks an 
 obvious circumstance which makes the experiment inconclusive, and 
 an equally obvious variation of the same experiment which would 
 have shewn him that his theory was false 52 . He speaks of the poles 
 of the earth as fixed, in a manner which seems to imply that he was 
 not acquainted with the precession of the equinoxes r ' 3 ; and in another 
 place of the north pole being above, and the south pole below, as a 
 
 47 See Preface to the Historia Densi et Rari, vol. ii. p. 233. [The whole of Mr. 
 Ellis's Preface to the Historia Densi et Rari is so interesting with reference to this 
 branch of science, that the student, who has sufficient leisure, should, by all means, 
 read it.] 
 
 48 See vol. i. p. 572, note i. [De Augm. iii. 5. For the contributions of Archi- 
 medes to mechanical and hydrostatical science, see Whewell's History of the Induc- 
 tive Sciences, bk. ii. ch. i, and for those of Galileo and Stevinus, bk. vi. chs. 1,2. I 
 refer to the third edition. For Ghetaldus, who is not mentioned by Whewell or Libri, 
 or even in the Biographic Universelle, see Mr. Ellis's Preface to the Historia Densi et 
 Rari, pp. 229-232, and Montucla, ed. of 1799, &c., ii. 5. The work of Guldinus, 
 De Motu Terrae, &c., was not published till 1622, and his more celebrated work, 
 Centrobarytica, &c., not till 1635. Hence, Bacon may surely, in this case, be ex- 
 cused for his ignorance. For an account of Guldinus and his discoveries, see Mon- 
 tucla, ii. 31-36.] 
 
 49 Id. p. 578, note i. [As Mr. Ellis says, this theory is as old as the time of 
 Archimedes, and, therefore, Bacon's silence is the more remarkable.] 
 
 50 Id. p. 625, note 2. [Galileo's experiments on Falling Bodies were made at 
 Pisa between 1589-1592. It is only fair, however, to Bacon to add that, though 
 these experiments were known to many scientific men, Galileo did not publish any 
 account of them till the appearance of his Dialogues in 1632.] 
 
 51 Vol. i. p. 638, note 2. [De Augm. v. 3. Topic (10). The principle of the 
 lever, in fact, had been known from the days of Archimedes (who lived B.C. 287- 
 212) downwards.] 
 
 02 See Preface to Historia Ventorum, vol. ii. p. 6. [The experiments are described 
 by Bacon in the Historia Ventorum, E. and S., vol. ii. pp. 64, 65.] 
 63 Vol. i. p. 343, note 3. [Nov. Org. ii. 48 (14).]
 
 2 6 I NT RO DUCT 10 X. 
 
 reason why in our hemisphere the north winds predominate over the 
 south 5 V 
 
 ' This list, for which I am entirely indebted to Mr. Ellis's prefaces 
 and notes, might probably be increased; but the instances enumerated 
 are sufficient to shew not only that Bacon was ill read in the history 
 of these branches of learning (and yet it was in this direction 
 that science was making the most real and rapid advances), but 
 also that upon such subjects his ideas were not clear ; this latter 
 detect being no doubt the cause of the other ; for where he could not 
 readily follow the steps of the investigation, he could hardly appreciate 
 the value of the result.' 
 
 To this list, formidable as it is, might be added a number of 
 beliefs in which Bacon was certainly not superior to the current 
 opinions of his time. Thus, he is evidently a believer, not only in 
 Natural but Judicial Astrology, though, it must be owned, with a 
 certain amount of hesitation and discrimination. See the long 
 and remarkable passage in I)e Augmentis, lib. iii. cap. 4 (E. and S., 
 vol. i. pp. 554-560). After beginning with the very true remark, 'At 
 Astrologia multa superstitione referta est, ut vix aliquid sanum in ea 
 reperiatur,' and rejecting various branches of the pretended science, 
 ho, nevertheless, allows that the study of the stars may enable us to 
 predict not only natural events, like floods, frosts, droughts, earth- 
 quakes, ccc., but 'wars, seditions, schisms, transmigrations of peoples, 
 and, in short, all commotions or great revolutions of things, natural 
 as well as civil.' ' Xeque Electiones prorsus rejiciendae sunt ; sed 
 parcius illis quam 1'raedictionibus fidendum. Videmus enim in planta- 
 tionibus et seminationibus et insitionibus, aetatum lunae observationes 
 non esse res omnino frivolas'V 
 
 To the curious and absurd speculations on ' spirit,' which abound 
 in the Xovum Organum and elsewhere, and many of which seem to 
 have been derived from Paracelsus, I shall frequently have occasion 
 to call attention in the notes. A typical passage may be found in 
 Xovum Organum, ii. 40. 
 
 Though 1'atricius had already, in the most scornful language, 
 
 1 \ nl. ii. p. jS, note i. [Hi-toria Ventorum.] I may notice that, in annotating 
 the atiove quotation, I have invariably preserved Mr. Spedding's foot-notes, or 
 rather irlrreiiees. giving my own additions within brackets. 
 
 ( p. Nov. <>rg. ii. ;o <> .5], ' Neque omittendi sunt consensus inter motus et 
 nfffutii!i lunae, 1 1 passioncs corporum ini'erioruni, prout ex experimentis agriculturae, 
 nauiicu-, e! maliciime, aut alias, cum delcetu severo ct sincero colligi et recipi 
 possint. 1
 
 BACON'S SCIENTIFIC OPINIONS. 27 
 
 attacked the Peripatetic doctrine of the transmutabilityof the elements, 
 Bacon evidently believed that air and water, under certain conditions, 
 were mutually convertible. Thus in the Novum Organum, ii. 48 (i i), 
 on which see my note, he absurdly speaks of air ' qui super aquani 
 et aquea multiplicat se, et generat novum aerem,' while air, though 
 a fixed body in the parts immediately above the earth, is resolved 
 again into water in the upper regions of the atmosphere r>r> , 
 
 Connected with this idea of the transmutability of air and water 
 is the strange theory, which he appears to have received without 
 question, that fountains originate in the condensation of air within 
 the hollow parts of the earth. See Historia Densi et Rari (E. and S., 
 vol. ii. p. 293), and Novum Organum, ii. 50 (3), with my note on 
 the latter passage. 
 
 The transmutability of metals was another fancy which Bacon, in 
 part at least, accepted. Thus, in the Historia Densi et Rari (E. and 
 S., vol. ii. pp. 250, 251), though he doubts the possibility of manu- 
 facturing gold, on account of its great weight and density, he has 
 great hopes of producing silver by the conversion of lead or quick- 
 silver : ' Verum versio argenti vivi aut plumbi in argentum (cum 
 argentum sit illis rarius) habenda est pro sperabili; cum tantum 
 fixationem et alia quaedam innuat, non densationem.' In the Sylva 
 Sylvarum (Exps. 326 328), however, though he finds much fault 
 with many of the fanciful conceits of the Alchemists, his hopes seem 
 to have risen, and he actually proposes a recipe for the ' making of 
 gold.' The general question of the transformation of bodies is dis- 
 cussed in Nov. Org. ii. 5. This fancy, or, as, perhaps, we might 
 rather call it, sanguine expectation, I am not inclined to visit very 
 severely on Bacon. Though we may not be able to superinduce the 
 ' forms ' of the various ' simple natures ' which constitute gold, yet, 
 if we could discover that it was a compound, we might be able to 
 put together the elements of which it consists, and thus produce it 
 artificially. Moreover, an error, if such it be 57 , which was shared 
 with Boyle, whose special business was with this class of questions, 
 and treated without disrespect by Newton BR , may well be pardoned 
 
 56 Cp. Historia Densi et Kari (E. and S., vol. ii. p. 293) with Historia Vitae et 
 Mortis (E. and S., vol. ii. p. 225). 
 
 57 See note on word ' Possibilis ' in Bk. ii. Aph. i. 
 
 58 Mr. Macvey Napier (Essay on Bacon, p. 7) calls attention to a letter from 
 Newton to Oldenburg, then Secretary of the Royal Society, on certain experiments 
 recently made by Boyle with reference to this subject. This letter, which contains 
 a gentle criticism of Boyle's investigations, not unmixed with irony, but by no 
 means treating the problem as an absurd or insoluble one, is printed in the General
 
 2 8 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 to Bacon, who did not claim more than a general acquaintance with 
 the special branches of science. 
 
 It appears, at first sight, less excusable, whether we put it down to 
 lack of curiosity, or to want of sufficient appreciation of its import- 
 ance, that Bacon makes no mention of Harvey's great discovery of 
 the Circulation of the Blood. As Harvey began to teach this doctrine 
 in 1619, and as he was court-physician to James I, it is difficult to 
 suppose that Bacon had heard nothing of it 59 . The probability is 
 that, like most of Harvey's contemporaries, he regarded the theory as 
 hardly worthy of serious discussion. Aubrey tells us he had heard 
 Harvey say that ' after his booke of the Circulation of the Blood 
 came out [in 1628], he fell mightily in his practice, and 'twas be- 
 lieved by the vulgar that he was crack-brained ; and all the physi- 
 tians were against his opinion, and envyed him 60 .' 
 
 Though the true theory of the Motion of Projectiles had not been 
 distinctly stated till the publication of Galileo's Dialogues on Motion 
 in 1638, still the speculations of Tartalea, Digges, &c., ought, if they 
 had been known to Bacon, to have saved him from shewing such 
 complete ignorance, when treating of the subject, as he exhibits in 
 Nov. Org. ii. 36 (6), ii. 48 ad fin., and other places 61 . It is curious 
 that one of the books (the Pantometria, published in 1591), in which 
 Digges speaks of the compound motion of a projectile, was dedicated 
 to Bacon's father. 
 
 Notwithstanding his frequent criticisms of the Peripatetic doctrine 
 of Motion, it is plain that Bacon entertained no doubt of the 'latio 
 gravium versus terrain, et levium versus ambitum coeli l12 ,' or of the 
 
 Dictionary, Historical and Critical, based on Bayle, by Bernard, Birch, &c., London, 
 '735; v l- 'ii- P- 558. In the note on this and the preceding page are several 
 extracts from Doyle's papers, letters, &c. Boyle was certainly quite as much a 
 believer in the transmutation of the metals, and on much the same grounds, as 
 Bacon. Sue some curious passages in his Works, vol. ii. pp. 515, 516 ; vol. iii. p. 621 
 (ed. ot 1744'. In the former passage, he seems to entertain no kind of doubt that 
 he has produced silver out of gold, ' or at least a new kind of metal very different 
 from gold.' lie proceeds to conclude generally 'that there may be a real trans- 
 mutation of one metal into another, even among the perfectcst and noblest metals, 
 and that cflected by factitious agents in a short time, and, if I may so speak, after 
 a mechanical manner.' 
 
 IU In the Historia I >en-i et Ran, and in the very part which was probably written 
 during Bacon's last 'quinquennium,' he thinks it a sufficient account of pulsation in 
 the heart and arte.ies of animal.-, to say that it is due to the endless and alternate 
 dilatation and contraction of the spirits. See E. and S., vol. ii. p. 263. 
 
 01 Aubrey's Lives, vol. ii. p. 383. 
 1 See my notes on these two pas-ages, especially the latter. 
 
 '' Xov. Org. ii. 46.
 
 BACON'S SCIENTIFIC OPINIONS. 29 
 
 existence of bodies having positive levity. In fact, in Nov. Org. ii. 35, 
 he repeats, in almost the precise words of Aristotle himself, the Aris- 
 totelian division of what is called ' motion of translation ' ($0/30), and 
 sums up his account with the words ' Atque ista pulchra dictu sunt.' 
 And though, with respect to the circular and eternal motion of the 
 heavenly bodies, he impugns Aristotle's theory in the Descriptio 
 Globi Intellectualis 6 \ I am not aware of any passage in which it 
 appears to occur to him that the received division of light and heavy, 
 and the two kinds of motion founded thereon, may be without 
 foundation M . At the same time, considering the obscurity of the 
 views of motion which then prevailed, and the fact that the weight of 
 the atmosphere had not yet been discovered, we are not here so much 
 justified in complaining of ignorance, as of a want of that insight 
 which in a man of Bacon's genius might possibly have been expected. 
 Connected with these opinions, are the theories that air has no weight, 
 being indifferent as regards gravity and levity, and that flame and 
 ' living spirits ' are positively light G5 . 
 
 Passing to a very different subject, we find that, of the triad of 
 Paracelsus, sulphur, mercury, and salt, Bacon adopts two principles, 
 namely sulphur and mercury, as pervading the universe (quasi per 
 universitatem rerum permeare), and, apparently, as being the ulti- 
 mate elements of matter (naturas admodum primordiales, et penitis- 
 simos materiae schematismos ; et inter Formas Primae Classis fere 
 praecipuas) fiG . The mode in which he traces these principles through 
 all things in heaven and earth and under the earth appears to us pecu- 
 liarly absurd. He omits Salt, as compounded of the two others, but, 
 in doing so, can hardly be said to have improved on the theory of 
 Valentinus and Paracelsus. In two notes on Nov. Org. ii. 50 (6) 
 
 03 See my note to the passage on motion in Nov. Org. ii. 35. 
 
 64 He certainly criticises the explanations given (Nov. Org. ii. 35), but he does not 
 call in question the supposed facts themselves. It should, perhaps, also be men- 
 tioned that he does not recogni?e in air and similar bodies ' tarn fortis appetitus 
 petendi superiora, quam putatur.' Historia Densi et Rari (E. and S., vol. ii. 
 
 P- 2 55)- 
 
 65 Animal spirits, as being compounded of air and flame, are intermediate, in 
 point of levity, between the two. Sec Historia Densi et Rari 'E. and S., vol. ii. 
 pp. 255, 256). 'At spiritus vivos acre ipso aliquanto rariores existimamus : turn 
 quia inflammantur nonnihil ; turn quia diligenter experti sumus, aerem ad minu- 
 
 endum aut sublevandum pondtis nihil conferre At cor; us animale vivum 
 
 et mortuum gravitate manifesto differunt ; licet hand tantum quantum putantur. 
 Quare videtur aer pondus non minuere ; spiritus autcm vivus hoc facere.' 
 
 60 Cp. Nov. Org. ii. 50 (6) with Aditus ad Historian Sulphuris, Mercurii, 
 et Salis (E. and S., vol. ii. p. 82 .
 
 3 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ad init., I have spoken at such length on the history of this dogma, 
 and the manner in which Bacon presents it in various parts of his 
 works, that it would be superfluous to say anything further on the 
 subject in this place. 
 
 That in the Sylva Sylvarum (on which, however, see the apologetic 
 remarks of Rawley in his preface to the work 67 ) Bacon affords his coun- 
 tenance to many of the most absurd fancies of his time, is a fact so well 
 known and so universally confessed, that it hardly requires illustration. 
 I may give as instances, the conceit that the blood-stone is good for 
 them that bleed at the nose, with the quaere, whether 'the stone 
 taken out of the toad's head be not of the like virtue, for the toad 
 loveth shade and coolness c8 ;' the 'report' of 'the writers of natural 
 magic,' quoted apparently with approval, that ' the heart of an ape, 
 worn near the heart, comforteth the heart, and increaseth audacity,' 
 ' and that the same heart likewise of an ape, applied to the neck or 
 head, helpeth the wit, and is good for the falling sickness co ; ' the 
 statement that ' there be divers sorts of bracelets fit to comfort the 
 spirits, and they be of three intentions, refrigerant, corroborant, and 
 aperient 70 ;' the suggestion to 'try the force of imagination upon 
 staying the working of beer when the barm is put in, or upon the 
 coming of butter or cheese, after the churning, or the rennet be put 
 in 71 ;' the sections on the influences of the moon 72 ; the notion thai 
 water is congealed into crystals . I might, of course, greatly extend 
 this list, but there is no object in doing so. The reader, who is curious 
 in such matters, may refer to the tenth century, which is full of 
 absurdities of this kind. On Bacon's behalf, it may be pleaded that 
 these were the fancies of his age, from which probably no man of that 
 time was altogether free 74 . We have only to look into books like 
 Sir Thomas Browne's 'Vulgar and Common Errors' or the various 
 works of Joseph Glanville, to see how persistent such notions were 
 even in the generation after Bacon's death. Moreover, a large 
 number of them may be grouped under the heads of ' sympathy and 
 antipathy,' ' force of imagination,' &c., subjects on which peculiarly 
 obscure ideas prevailed at this time. Lastly, Bacon's very hopeful- 
 
 In the section on the Opponents ofBacon, I have transcribed the more impor- 
 tant part of Kau ley's Apology. 
 
 " J - X P- '/>: Cu I'-*!'- 97- s - 7 " Exp. <;6i. 71 Exp. 992. 
 
 ''' Exps. Sno-?<)7. ' Exp. 3(4. Cp. Nov. Org. ii. 4 S (4). 
 
 Some excellent illustrations of the super.-tltious fancies \\hich prevailed in 
 Bacon's time, and of the strange avidity with which they were swallowed even by 
 cultivated men, may be foiu.d in 1'attUon'j CasauLon, pp. 497-500.
 
 BACON'S SCIENTIFIC ATTAINMENTS. 31 
 
 ness, and his sanguine expectations of what nature had in store for 
 those who diligently studied her, may have rendered him peculiarly 
 liable to be imposed on by these ' old wives' fables.' 
 
 But far the most important and, perhaps at first sight, the least 
 excusable of Bacon's scientific errors was his persistent rejection of 
 the Copernican theory 73 . It seems strange that one who laid claim 
 to be the great reformer of science should have steadily refused to 
 admit the greatest reform in scientific conceptions which had been 
 proposed for many generations, and which had already been before 
 the world for eighty years. To say nothing of Copernicans before 
 Copernicus 76 , the views of Kopernik himself were first published in a 
 letter by Rheticus in 1540, though his great work ' De Revolutionibus 
 orbium coelestium ' did not see the light till the very day of his death, 
 May 24, 1543 7? . The precise thesis maintained, it must be re- 
 collected, was that if the sun be regarded as the immovable centre of 
 the universe (we now, of course, know that it is not), and the earth 
 be supposed to have both a diurnal and an orbital motion, the 
 apparent phenomena of the heavens admit of a far more simple 
 mathematical explanation than on the received or Ptolemaic system 78 . 
 Whether this hypothesis represents what really does take place, that 
 is, whether the mathematical theory is also the true physical theory, 
 was another question, which might be resolved differently, or left 
 unresolved, by those who maintained the former. As Professor De 
 
 75 M. Bouillet, in a note on Nov. Org. ii. 36, is so much startled with this fact 
 that he is driven to the supposition that Bacon was deterred from embracing the 
 Copernican theory by fear of the inconvenient consequences which might thereby 
 be entailed on him, ' surtout sous un roi aussi devot que Jacques I er .' But this 
 theory appears to me hardly worth discussion. 
 
 76 On which subject, see an excellent article, entitled ' Copernicus in Italy.' in 
 No. 299 (July, 1877) of the Edinburgh Review. One of the works reviewed is 
 I precursori del Copernico nell' Antichita. Ricerche Storiche. Di G. V. Schia- 
 parelli. Milano, 1873. 
 
 77 The idea of his system, however, must have occurred to him before 1507. He 
 informs Paul the Third in his Dedication that he had kept the book by him for 
 four times the nine years recommended by Horace. 
 
 78 With reference to the merely hypothetical character ascribed to his reasoning, 
 the reader will do well to consult the curious and interesting admonition ' Ad Lec- 
 torem de Hypothesibus hujus operis ' prefixed to the work. This admonition occurs 
 in the first, as well as the subsequent editions, but it seems not to have been written 
 by Copernicus himself. It is not necessary for the hypotheses to be true, or even 
 probable, ' sed sufficit hoc unu.n, si calculum observationibus congruentem ex- 
 hibeant.' The office of the astronomer is confined to observation and calculation, 
 ' cum veras causas assequi uulla ratione possit.'
 
 3 2 INTRO D UCTION. 
 
 Morgan says 79 , ' the question whether Copernicus himself was a 
 Copernican in the modern sense of the word is not easily settled. 
 His phraseology is almost always that of a mathematical Copernican. 
 In a very few places, and cautiously, he leans to the physical truth 
 as probable, and to the diurnal motion as more probable than the 
 orbital.' It was not till the discovery of the satellites of Jupiter by 
 Galileo in 1609, that the Copernican system could be said to be 
 recommended by any other important considerations than those of its 
 simplicity. This important discovery, which was announced to the 
 world in the Sydereus Nuncius in 1610, irresistibly suggested an 
 analogy between the small system of Jupiter, now ocularly demon- 
 strated, and the large system of the Sun, as depicted theoretically by 
 the followers of Copernicus 80 . From this point the controversy 
 assumed a new phase, as is evidenced, amongst other things, by the 
 increased warmth of the dispute. Even still, however, and notwith- 
 standing the mathematical precision given to the theory by the 
 investigations of Kepler (whose work De Motibus Stellae Martis 
 was published in 1609), it cannot be said that, till the laws of formal 
 astronomy were connected by Newton with the physical laws of matter 
 and motion, the motions of the earth or its relation to the rest of the 
 solar system could in any way be regarded as placed beyond the 
 range of dispute. In Bacon's time, and especially during the earlier 
 period of his life, men might be well excused who suspended their 
 judgment, or who even preferred to adhere to the old assumption till 
 their objections to the new theory were removed. The following 
 sentences from Mr. De Morgan 81 are so apposite, and read a lesson 
 so universally useful to us, in estimating the scientific judgments of 
 men in past ages, that I am sure my readers will be grateful to 
 me for transcribing them. ' By investing Copernicus with a system 
 which requires Galileo, Kepler, and Newton to explain it, and their 
 pupils to understand it, the modern astronomer refers the want of 
 
 Al 
 
 n to the ordinary books, Dclambre, "YVhcwcll, &c., the student, who 
 iclination to pursue this subject, is recommended to consult two very 
 ers !.>y the late Profes.-or De Morgan, one entitled, 'Old Arguments 
 tii in of the Knrth,' which appeared in the Companion to the British 
 ^/>, the other, which appeared in the same publication for 1855, 
 
 entitled ' Notes on the Antegalilean Copcrnicans.' 
 
 Kvcn Bacon was sufficiently moved by this discovery to include among his 
 
 nifi rmations in the Thcma Coeli (K. and S., vol. iii. p. 780), ' solisequium ex natura 
 
 itmpiosa in ignibus intinnioribus Veneris et Mercurii ; cum etiam invcntae sint a 
 
 ( ialila--<> stellulae crrantes Jovis asseclae.' 
 
 < oinpanion to the J'.ritish Almanac for 1855, pp. 21, 22.
 
 BACON'S SCIENTIFIC ATTAINMENTS. 33 
 
 immediate acceptance of that system to ignorance, prejudice, and 
 over adherence to antiquity. No doubt all these things can be traced; 
 but the ignorance was of a kind which belonged equally to the 
 partisans and to the opponents, and which fairly imposed on the pro- 
 pounder of the system the onus of meeting arguments, which, in the 
 period we speak of, he did not and could not meet. It must be 
 remembered that, in the sixteenth century, the wit of man could not 
 imagine how, if the earth moved, a stone thrown directly upwards 
 would tumble down upon the spot it was thrown from. Easy ex- 
 periments verify the law of motion which now explains this ; but, to 
 be proved by experiment, a law must be conceived and imagined. 
 To be put under discussion, it must be proposed. Now the advocates 
 of the earth's motion never, before the time of Galileo, even con- 
 ceived this law, never proposed it, and of course never proved it.' 
 
 It is possible to draw up a long list of eminent men, astronomers 
 and others, anterior to or contemporary with Bacon, who adopted 
 and taught the Copernican theory. Such were Rheticus, Reinhold, 
 author of the Prutenic tables (who, however, according to Delambre 82 , 
 simply made use of the observations of Copernicus for the purpose of 
 constructing tables, and gave no opinion as to the motion of either 
 the earth or the sun), Peter Ramus, Francis Patrizi (Patricius), 
 Giordano Bruno, Thomas Digges, William Gilbert, Maestlin (who, 
 however, seems to have been mainly a mathematical Copernican), and, 
 lastly, Kepler and Galileo themselves. But of these, some, like 
 Patricius, Bruno, and Ramus, do not seem to have had any very 
 good reasons for their opinions. Others, like Gilbert 83 , to whom we 
 may add Patricius, only admitted the diurnal motion of the earth, 
 and may therefore be claimed by either side. And against this list 
 we may put the great name of Tycho Brahe 84 (who, however, 
 having died in 1601, did not live to become acquainted with the dis- 
 coveries of Galileo), Vieta, the greatest French mathematician of the 
 
 * 2 Delambre, Histoire de 1'Astronomie Moderne, tome i. pp. 145, 146 : 'II n'a 
 rien change aux theories, il n'a songe qu'a perfectionner les nombres.' Still 
 Delambre thinks that he had a preference for Copernicanism. 
 
 f3 See Descriptio Globi Intellectualis (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 742). In accordance 
 with this opinion, as cited by Bacon and possibly orally communicated to him by 
 Gilbert, are the silence on the orbital motion observed in the De Magnete, lib. vi. 
 capp. 3, 4, and the enumeration of the difficulties attending the theory in the 
 posthumous work, De Mundo Xostro Sublunari, lib. ii. cap. 20. 
 
 ^ As is well known, Tycho Brahe propounded a system of his own, according 
 to which the planets, with the exception of the moon, move round the sun. while 
 the sun itself, with its attendant planets, moves round the earth. 
 
 D
 
 34 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 sixteenth century (who, however, also died as early as 1603), Clavius, 
 who was employed by Gregory XIII to reform the Calendar and 
 was called the Euclid of his age, probably Edward Wright, and pos- 
 sibly, from his silence, even Stevinus. Amongst the latest of the 
 Anti-Copernicans were Thomas Lydiat, who died in 1646, and 
 Riccioli, who in his Almagestum Novum, published as late as 1651, 
 enumerated, according to Whewell 85 , fifty-seven Copernican argu- 
 ments, and pretended to refute them all. 
 
 The list of Anti-Copernicans, respectable though it be, is not, it 
 must be acknowledged, equal in reputation to that of the Coper- 
 nicans, but then posterity, it must be recollected, is always kinder 
 to the winning than to the losing side. And even of the Coper- 
 nicans, as we have seen, some went only half way, while others, 
 probably, did not feel very confident of the conclusions which they 
 had embraced. More or less of hesitation as between the two 
 theories, or rather as between the various theories, was, perhaps, 
 the commonest state of mind among those who were qualified to 
 give any opinion 8C , and this sometimes appears to have been the 
 case, even with Bacon himself, though never to the extent, I believe, 
 of actually altering the conclusions which he had formed on the 
 subject in early life. 
 
 As to the tone in which Bacon treats this question, I cannot but 
 think that most readers have been led to conceive an undue pre- 
 judice against him by the ill-considered statement of Hume, that ' he 
 rejected, with the most positive disdain, the system of Copernicus "V 
 That he consistently rejected the system of Copernicus throughout 
 life, whether as to the annual or as to the diurnal motion, I certainly 
 believe, as I have pointed out in my notes" 8 ; but, if we except 
 a passage in his juvenile performance, the Praise of Knowledge, 
 where he speaks of ' these new carmen who drive the earth about 89 ,' 
 and another in the Temporis Partus Masculus on , where, as I have so 
 
 K5 History of the Inductive Sciences, bk. v. ch. 3. sect. 5. 
 
 * Whewell, in proof of the hesitation felt at even a late period, refers to the be- 
 ginning of the 8th book of Paradise Lost ^first published in 1667'. 
 
 * 7 Hume's History of England, Appendix to the Reign of James I. 
 
 See notes on Nov. Org. ii. 36 (2", 46, 48 '17). In a note on the first of these 
 passages, I have combated a statement made by Dr. Whewell (History of the In- 
 duutive Sciences, 3rd ed., vol. i. Additions, p. 389), that ' it would seem as if Bacon 
 himself had a leaning to believe the diurnal motion of the earth, when he wrote 
 this passage.' 
 
 M Spedd ing's Letters and Life, i. 124. 
 
 ' An non vides (fili) turn eccentricorum et epicyclorum ingeniatores, turn terrae
 
 AGON'S SCIENTIFIC OPINIONS. 35 
 
 often said, he purposely states his views in an exaggerated form, I do 
 not think that the tone in which he speaks of the Copernican theory 
 can at all fairly be described as that of ' positive disdain.' Thus, in 
 Nov. Org. ii. 35, his language is, 'At motus ille perennis rotationis 
 videtur esse coelestium proprius ; statio, sive quies, videtur competere 
 globo ipsi terrae 9 V In ii. 36 (2), he proposes the alternative between 
 the diurnal motion of the earth and that of the heavens as a subject 
 of serious enquiry, to which an ' instantia crucis ' may be applied, 
 though I think there is no doubt as to the side to which he himself 
 leans. In ii. 46, speaking of the enormous velocity which must be 
 ascribed to the heavens on the ordinary theory, he says with the 
 greatest candour, ' quae etiam viros graves ita obstupefecit, ut mallent 
 credere motum terrae 92 .' Again, in ii. 48 (17), speaking also of the 
 motion of the heavens, he says : ' Attamen gravis de illo motu lis est 
 inter nonnullos tarn ex antiquis quam modernis, qui rotationem terrae 
 attribuerunt.' In the De Augmentis, iv. i (E. and S., vol. i. p. 580), 
 we have a cautious and discriminating statement, which must have 
 commended itself to many men at the time : ' Constat similiter sen- 
 tentiam Copernici de Rotatione Terrae (quae nunc quoque invaluit), 
 quia phaenomenis non repugnat, ab Astronomicis Principiis non posse 
 revinci; a Naturalis tamen Philosophiae Principiis, recte positis, posse.' 
 In the Thema Coeli, though he sums up his opinion at the end, by 
 saying ' Negant terram rotare,' he speaks, in the body of the work, 
 as if at one time he had actually hesitated between the two theories : 
 ' Terra itaque stante (id enim nunc nobis videtur verius) 93 .' This work, 
 however, was written about 1612. In the De Augmentis, published 
 in 1623, he pronounces himself far more positively: 'harum suppo- 
 sitionum ' (sc. of the Ptolemaic System) ' absurditas in motum terrae 
 diurnum (quod nobis constat falsissimum esse) homines impegit 94 .' 
 Even this statement, however, emphatic as it is, is far from exhibiting 
 ' the most positive disdain.' Lastly, I ought to mention that, in the 
 Descriptio Globi Intellectualis 95 , Bacon actually advances some very 
 cogent reasons against the Copernican theory, as it was then stated, 
 
 aurigas, aequa et ancipiti phaenomenoram advocatione gaudere?' E. and S., vol. 
 iii. p. 536. 
 
 91 On the real or apparent discrepancy between this passage and one in the 
 Descriptio Globi lutellectualis, see notes on ii. 35. 
 
 92 In the next paragraph, speaking of Galileo's theory of the tides, he adds : ' Sed 
 hoc commentus est concesso non concessibili (quod terra nempe moveatur).' 
 
 93 E. and S., vol. iii. p. 773. 
 
 91 De Augm. iii. 4 (E. and S., vol. i. p. 552). 
 95 E. and S., vol. iii. pp. 740, 741. 
 
 D 2
 
 3 6 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 reasons indeed so cogent that they are amongst those which have 
 led to considerable modifications of that theory 9lJ . 
 
 I conceive, then, with regard to this point, that, on the whole, I have 
 made out a case, if not for acquittal, at least for very considerable 
 mitigation of judgment. Bacon appears, in early life, like the 
 majority, probably, of even his scientific contemporaries, to have 
 conceived a strong prejudice against the Copernican theory. In 
 middle life, he seems for a time to have wavered, or, at least, to have 
 felt some hesitation, though never, I believe, to the extent of adopting 
 the theory of the earth's motion. The reasons against the theory, 
 probably, appeared to him more and more decisive, till at last, with 
 advancing age, he became positive in his opposition to it. Now, 
 surely, this is a piece of mental history so common, and one to which 
 we are all, in turn, so liable, that, before casting our stone at Bacon, 
 we may at least pause to consider the circumstances of his age, the 
 attitude with respect to the same question assumed by his contem- 
 poraries, and the amount of evidence by which the doctrine he 
 rejected was at that time supported. To parallel cases there is no 
 limit, but I may specially mention the tenacity with which many 
 English mathematicians adhered to the Cartesian system long after 
 the publication of Newton's discoveries (which, unlike those of 
 Copernicus, possessed demonstrative force), the tardy reception of 
 those discoveries on the continent of Europe, and the obstinate 
 resistance offered by Leibnitz to the Newtonian doctrine of Gravi- 
 tation 1 ' 7 . Not only are we liable, as I have already intimated, to 
 ascribe to a theory now fully established a degree of perfection and 
 an amount of evidence which it did not at first possess, and then 
 express our surprise that it was not at once universally welcomed, 
 
 '"'' One of these, the triple motion of the earth, as conceived by Copernicus, seems 
 to have been amongst the reasons which prevented Gilbert from positively adopting 
 the theory of the orbital motion, though lie was an enthusiastic adherent of the 
 theory of the diurnal motion. -See his posthumous work, DC Mundo Xostro 
 Sublunari, lib. ii. cap. jo. 
 
 -' All these cases are mentioned in the last section of Playfair's Dissertation, 
 after hi.^ account of Newton's discoveries. lie enters at some length on the two 
 former. For the last 'which appears to me a much stronger case of prejudice, in- 
 veteracy of habit, or whatever we like to call it, than that of Bacon . the reader 
 should refer to the letters which passed between Clarke and Leibnitz. The passage 
 in the text 0:1 the Lnglish mathematicians is stated in a more qualified manner than 
 in the foimei' edition, and is no longer restricted to Cambridge mathematicians 
 I was not, when I originally wrote the passage, acquainted with Dr. NYhewcll's 
 letter in the Museum Criticum, vol. ii. pp. 514-9, for a knowledge of which I am 
 indebted to Mr. C. \\'oidswoith's vSchoIae Academicae, p. 67.
 
 XACON'S SCIENTIFIC ATTAINMENTS. 37 
 
 but we are also given to assume that the almost superstitious rever- 
 ence with which we now invest the great names of the past ought to 
 have exercised an equal influence over their contemporaries 98 . 
 
 Having dwelt so long on the unfavourable side of the picture, 
 we may now turn to the more agreeable task of considering the 
 positive claims of Bacon to recognition in the History of Science. 
 And, first, I must warn my readers against expecting too much. 
 Bacon, I have acknowledged, was a Dilettante (or, to speak more 
 correctly, an Amateur) in science, and, therefore, can hardly be 
 expected to be a great discoverer. Nor did he lay claim to any such 
 distinction. His business was, so to speak, with the philosophy and 
 logic of science, rather than with the body of science itself; what he 
 hoped to do, was not so much to advance science in his own person, 
 as to shew others how it might be advanced, and to impel them to 
 the work. That he was successful in this mission, I think I have 
 succeeded in shewing elsewhere ". But, if an Amateur, he was an 
 Amateur of no ordinary kind. The wealth of illustration exhibited 
 in the Novum Organum and the vast range of subjects reviewed in 
 the De Augmentis shew a width of knowledge and an universality of 
 interest which, notwithstanding all the defects we have just been 
 enumerating, were probably equalled in the case of no other man 
 then living. What he gained in width, he, of course, to a certain 
 extent, lost in depth ; for this is the universal law of the human 
 intellect. He was not a Specialist, and, therefore, cannot be said to 
 have left a great name in the annals of any particular branch of 
 science. But, to say nothing of the place which he merits in the 
 history of Science considered in its totality, he did, I conceive, 
 throw out many suggestions of rare sagacity even in the particular 
 sciences, and, in a certain sense, anticipate more recent discoveries. 
 To some of his more remarkable anticipations of subsequent views or 
 discoveries I shall now proceed to direct the attention of the reader. 
 
 9S It has been frequently remarked that Bacon never mentions Kepler. It is pro- 
 bable, as Mr. Ellis remarks, that he was not acquainted with Kepler's writings, but 
 the mere omission of his name would find at least a parallel in the case of Descartes, 
 who, though long posterior to Bacon, and having frequent occasion to treat of 
 astronomical questions, makes no reference to Kepler in any part of his works. 
 
 I may here take the opportunity of mentioning that the best account and criti- 
 cism of Bacon's astronomical views in detail is to be found in Mr. Ellis's Preface to 
 the Descriptio Globi Intellectualis, vol. iii. pp. 715-726. 
 
 99 See the section on Bacon's Influence on Philosophy and Science.
 
 3 8 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 First of all, in connexion with the subject just discussed at so 
 much length, I may mention his sagacious and possibly fertile sug- 
 gestion of the necessity of a closer union between formal and 
 physical astronomy. ' Nos nulla cum priorum inventorum jactura, 
 tamen longe majus opus movemus; neque enim calculos aut prae- 
 dictiones tantum meditamur, sed philosophiam ; earn scilicet, quae 
 de superiorum corporum non motu solummodo ejusque periodis, sed 
 substantia quoque et omnimoda qualitate, potestate, atque influxu, 
 intellectum humanum informare, secundum rationes naturales atque 
 indubitatas absque traditionum superstitione et levitate, possit ; atque 
 rursus in motu ipso invenire atque explicare, non quid phaenomenis 
 sit consentaneum, sed quid in natura penitus repertum atque actu 
 et reipsa verum sit 1 .' A little further on 2 he draws a distinction 
 between the objects of philosophy and astronomy : ' De substantia 
 coelestium inquirit praecipue philosophia, et de causis motus eorum ; 
 de motu ipso vero et ejus accidentibus, astronomia; de influxu et 
 potestate, utraque. Debuerat autem esse cautum inter astronomiam 
 et philosophiam, ut astronomia praeferat hypotheses quae maxima 
 expeditae ad compendia calculorum ; philosophia vero quae proxime 
 accedunt ad veritatem naturae. * * * * Itaque cum utraque scientia 
 (qualis mine habetur) sit res levis et perfunctoria, fortius omnino 
 figendus est pes ; ac si ista duo, quae propter angustas hominum 
 contemplationes et usum professorium per tot secula disjungi con- 
 sueverunt, una atque eadem res sint, atque in unum scientiae corpus 
 conflata.' Equally or more remarkable is a passage in the De 
 Augmentis 3 , where, also insisting on the importance of Physical 
 Astronomy, he compares mere formal astronomy with the stuffed 
 ox of Prometheus, and insists (a most pregnant idea) on the necessity 
 of connecting celestial with terrestrial phenomena, of explaining what 
 takes place in the heavens and what is seen amongst us, the one 
 by the other. ' Quicunque enim Superlunarium et Sublunarium 
 conficta divortia contempserit, et Materiae Appetitus et Passiones 
 maxime Catholicas (quae in utroque globo validae sunt, et universi- 
 tatem rerum transverberant) bene perspexerit, is ex illis quae apud 
 nos cernuntur luculentam capiet de Rebus Coelestibus informationem, 
 et ab iis e contra quae in coelo fiunt hand pauca de Motibus 
 Inferioribus (qui mine latent) perdiscet ; non tantum quatenus hi ab 
 
 1 Dcscriptio Globi Intellectualis, cap. 5 (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 734". 
 
 3 Ca P- 7 (PP- 74 8 > 749)- 
 
 3 De Augmentis, iii. 4 (E. and S., vol. i. pp. 552-554).
 
 BACON'S SCIENTIFIC ATTAINMENTS. 39 
 
 illis regantur, sed quatenus habeant passiones communes. Quamo- 
 brem hanc partem Astronomiae, quae Physica est, desiderari statuimus. 
 Earn Astronomiam Vivam nominabimus, ad differentiam bovis illius 
 Promethei suffarcinati, et solummodo figura tenus bovis.' This 
 passage might almost be regarded as a prediction not only of the 
 discoveries of Newton, but of the mode in which he made them. 
 And, though views of this kind were already beginning to be in the 
 air, it might be maintained, not without probability, that passages 
 such as these, so admirably expressed, so full of hope, and so rich 
 in suggestion, had no inconsiderable share in bringing about the 
 magnificent results achieved in the studies of astronomy and 
 mechanics by the next generation. As Dr. Whewell says, ' however 
 erroneous might be the points of Bacon's positive astronomical creed, 
 these general views of the nature and position of the science are most 
 sound and philosophical V 
 
 From the consideration of the justness and possible influence of 
 Bacon's views on the union of physical and formal astronomy and on 
 the necessity of combining the explanations of celestial and terrestrial 
 phenomena, we pass by a natural transition to the famous passages 
 on Attraction. In the Lettres sur les Anglois (1728-1730), which, 
 though they certainly did not create, undoubtedly did much to revive 
 the celebrity of Bacon in France, Voltaire says at the end of a long 
 eulogium : ' Mais ce qui m'a le plus surpris, c'a ete de voir dans 
 son livre, en termes expres, cette Attraction nouvelle dont M. Newton 
 passe pour 1'inventeur V And the Article on Bacon in the Diction- 
 naire Philosophique begins : ' Le plus grand service peut-etre que 
 Francois Bacon ait rendu a la philosophic a ete de deviner 1'attraction.' 
 This praise, as I shall presently observe in the section on Bacon's 
 Influence on Philosophy and Science, I believe to be greatly exag- 
 gerated, for it was the discovery of the precise Law of Attraction and 
 its illustration in so many departments of nature rather than the mere 
 divination of its influence which constituted the peculiar merit of 
 Newton ; but, at the same time, few, I think, can read the passages 
 in Bacon, where he alludes to this subject, and fail to recognise their 
 remarkable character. Even allowing for Gilbert's influence fi , I think 
 that the passage in Nov. Org. ii. 36 (3), and the Instantia Crucis 
 
 * History of the Inductive Sciences, bk. vii. ch. i. 
 
 5 Lettre xii. 
 
 6 As I remark in my note on the Text, even if the idea was suggested to Bacon 
 by the work of Gilbert, he ought, at least, to have the credit of having detached the 
 conception of attraction from that of magnetism.
 
 4 o INTRODUCTION. 
 
 there proposed (the reader will do well to study the whole of this 
 section with care), reflect great credit on Bacon's sagacity, and, even 
 if they stood alone, would entitle him to some place in the History 
 of Science 7 . Not only does he suggest the attraction of the earth's 
 mass as the cause of the fall of heavy bodies, but he adds that, if this 
 be the cause, the nearer the bodies approach the earth, the more 
 strongly and with the greater force will they be drawn towards it, 
 while, the further off they are, the weaker and the slower will be 
 their motions. Moreover, the experiment proposed is itself very 
 ingenious, and is, in principle, no other than that recently used in 
 the series of scientific observations instituted in the Dolcoath and 
 Harton Collieries 8 . With this passage, which is, however, the most 
 remarkable, the student may compare what Bacon says on the same 
 subject in Nov. Org. ii. 35, 37, 48 (9) 9 , in the Aditus ad Historian! 
 Gravis et Levis (E. and S., vol. ii. p. 80), and in the Descriptio Globi 
 Intellectualis, cap. 7 (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 762). In the last passage, 
 it is only fair to add, he refers to Gilbert. I may also add that in the 
 Sylva Sylvarum, Exp. 704, Bacon shews a just and intelligent con- 
 ception of the nature of gravity, when he says that it ' is a mere 
 motion of matter, and hath no affinity with the form or kind.' 
 
 On subsidiary points connected with Astronomy, I may adduce as 
 examples of Bacon's sagacity the fact that he saw that there must be 
 some reason why the heavens rotate from east to west, or, as we 
 should put it, why the earth rotates from west to east 10 , the idea of the 
 possibility of predicting comets 11 , and his recognition of the probable 
 or possible influence of the moon on the spring and neap tides 12 . 
 
 7 See the appreciative remarks of Sir John Herschel in his Discourse on the Study 
 of Natural Philosophy, 196. 
 
 " See the remarks of Sir John Herschel referred to above, and Mr. Ellis's note on 
 the pas-age. In my own note, I have pointed out certain defects in the experiment 
 as proposed, when estimated in reference to our present state of knowledge. 
 
 " In this passage Bacon actually contemplates the attraction exerted by the sun 
 upon the planets : ' aut sol alliget astra Veneris et Mercurii, ne longius absint a 
 corpore ejus, quam ad distantiam certam.' 
 
 Nov. Org. ii. 48 (14). For the generalisation, or rather approximate generalisa- 
 tion, of this proposition, and the probable cause of the phenomenon, see my notes 
 on the passage. 
 
 " De Augmcntis, iv. 3 (E. and S., vol. i. p. 558) : ' Praedictiones fieri possint de 
 Cometis futuris, cjui (ut nostra fert conjectura) praenunciari possunt, et de omni 
 genere meteorum,' &c. It must be confessed, however, that he then goes on to 
 speak of the prediction of wars, seditions, schisms, &c. Moreover, the same ques- 
 tion was discussed in the time of Seneca, and even earlier. See Nat. Quaest., lib. 
 vii. capp. 3, 4, 19, 25. The last of these chapters is peculiarly interesting. 
 
 See Nov. Org. ii. 45, 48 (9). In my note on the former passage, I have spoken
 
 BACON'S SCIENTIFIC ATTAINMENTS. 41 
 
 In Nov. Org. ii. 46, we have the brilliant conjecture that the actual 
 state of the starry sky precedes by an interval of time that which is 
 apparent to us, in other words, that light requires time for its trans- 
 mission. ' Atque hoc, cum similibus, nobis quandoque dubitationem 
 peperit plane monstrosam ; videlicet, utrum coeli sereni et stellati 
 facies ad idem tempus cernatur quando vere existit, an potius 
 aliquanto post; et utrum non sit (quatenus ad visum coelestium) 
 non minus tempus verum, et tempus visum, quam locus verus, et 
 locus visus, qui notatur ab astronomis in parallaxibus. Adeo incredi- 
 bile nobis videbatur, species sive radios corporum coelestium per tarn 
 immensa spatia milliarium subito deferri posse ad visum ; sed potius 
 debere eas in tempore aliquo notabili delabi.' Unfortunately, Bacon 
 proceeds to explain away his conjecture by arguments almost as 
 perverse as the thought itself is felicitous 13 . 
 
 Amongst Bacon's claims to the recognition of scientific men, a 
 high place ought to be given to his felicitous illustration of the 
 ' Instantiae Solitariae H ' by the enquiry into the causes of Colour. 
 The passage, to which, with my notes upon it, I must refer the reader, 
 might justly be regarded as a striking anticipation of the optical 
 investigations, afterwards so deservedly celebrated, of Newton. 
 
 In connexion with the same subject, I may refer to some inter- 
 esting speculations on the phenomena of Refraction in Sylva Sylva- 
 rum, Exps. 761, 762. 
 
 Both M. Bouillet and Mr. Ellis rightly call attention to the import- 
 ance of an experiment, tried with a hollow globe of lead, by which 
 Bacon attempted to determine the question of the compressibility or 
 incompressibility of water ls . This experiment has every appearance 
 of having been original, and certainly preceded by nearly fifty years 
 the celebrated experiment of a similar nature, usually called the 
 Florentine experiment, made by the Accademia del Cimento at 
 Florence. Both experiments were, as we now know, inconclusive, 
 
 of Bacon's change of opinion on this subject. On the causes of the semi-diurnal 
 ebb and flow he seems to have been inclined to adopt an entirely different opinion. 
 See notes on Nov. Org. ii. 35 and 36 (i). 
 
 )3 On the Velocity of Light, see my notes on the passage quoted. 
 
 11 Nov. Org. ii. 22. 
 
 15 See Nov. Org. ii. 45, 50 (2) ; Historia Densi et Rari (E. and S., vol. ii. 
 pp. 299, 300). From these passages it appears that Bacon thought he had demon- 
 strated the compressibility of water. From the Florentine experiment, so far as 
 any conclusion at all was drawn, it was the opposite one. On the subject generally, 
 see my notes on Nov. Org. ii. 45.
 
 j2 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 but this circumstance does not detract from the ingenuity of con- 
 ception which suggested them. 
 
 Humboldt (Kosmos, vol. ii. pp. 322, 379, 380) compliments Bacon 
 on having in his Historia Yentorum (which Humboldt dates much 
 too late) considered the direction of the winds in connexion with 
 temperature and aqueous phenomena, and having thereby laid the 
 foundations of a theory of the currents of the atmosphere. 
 
 Again, we find, scattered here and there in Bacon's works, pro- 
 found views of nature, which recent science has done much to 
 illustrate and confirm. Such is the implied criticism of the ordinary 
 doctrine of species contained in the passage on Realism in Nov. Org. 
 i. 66. Such, too, is the opinion on the ultimate constitution of 
 bodies expressed in his atomic theory 16 , and that on the ultimate 
 condition of their parts expressed towards the end of Nov. Org. 
 ii. 48 : 'Etenim in corporibus hie apud nos nulla vera est quies, nee in 
 integris, nee in partibus ; sed tantum secundum apparentiam.' And, 
 to give one more instance, there is shewn throughout his works a 
 wonderful appreciation of the combined unity and variety in Nature, 
 as well as of the necessity of never losing sight of the one in con- 
 sidering the other. See, for example, Nov. Org. ii. 17, and the 
 Ii :stantiae Clandestinae, Monadicae, Deviantes, and Foederis to which 
 M. Bouillet so appropriately calls attention (he might have added the 
 Instantiae Conformes and Limitaneae) in his note on that passage. 
 
 Bacon's constant references to the new science of Magnetism, 
 recently almost created by Gilbert, shewed no unwillingness to 
 accept novel theories, when they did not, as seemed to him to be 
 the case with the Copernican theory, involve complex and arbitrary 
 assumptions. 
 
 The suggestions and contributions made by Bacon to the sciences 
 <>\ mind and conduct seem to me neither few nor unimportant. But 
 to these I have drawn attention in two other sections, that on his 
 general philosophical opinions and that on his influence on Philosophy 
 and Science. 
 
 I have reserved to the last some remarks on the investigation into 
 the nature of Heat, which occupies so conspicuous a place in the 
 \ovum Organum. It is quite true, as Mr. Ellis points out in his 
 General Preface 1T , that the provisional conclusion adopted by Bacon 
 in ii. 20, as his Yindemiatio Prima, is not the result of the Method of 
 
 Amongst many other places, see Nov. Org. ii. ~, 8. 
 Vol. i. pp. 36. 3-.
 
 BACON'S SCIENTIFIC ATTAINMENTS. 43 
 
 Exclusion, but rests immediately upon the three tables ofComparentia. 
 Hence it does not pretend to be the result of formal proof, but only a 
 sort of probable hypothesis based upon the consideration and com- 
 parison of a large number of instances. Separating, however, the 
 question of the mode by which it was arrived at from the nature and 
 value of the conclusion itself, I think Bacon must be credited with 
 having in a remarkable manner anticipated one of the most beautiful 
 and important discoveries of modern science. Stripping it of certain 
 excrescences, the essential part of the conclusion is that Heat is an 
 expansive motion amongst the minute particles of bodies. And this, 
 after much speculation and experimentation, and the predominance, 
 for a long time, of another theory, namely, that heat is a subtle fluid, 
 called Caloric, is the precise conclusion at which the most eminent 
 physicists have at length arrived. Professor Tyndall does Bacon the 
 justice of quoting in an Appendix 18 a considerable portion of the 
 2oth Aphorism, as illustrating the theory which he has himself so ably 
 and clearly expounded. 
 
 On an impartial investigation, then, of this question ", I think we 
 must conclude that, while Bacon undoubtedly did not possess any- 
 extensive or precise acquaintance with any single branch of science, 
 and while, in some respects, his writings did not keep pace with the 
 discoveries of the day, his range of vision covered an extraordinarily 
 vast sweep of knowledge, and his scientific conceptions, and the 
 
 18 See the Appendix to ch. 2 of Tyndall's Heat a Mode of Motion. It is only 
 fair, perhaps, that I should refer to the unfavourable opinion of this example ex- 
 pressed by Dr. Whewell (Philosophy of Discovery, chs. 15, 16), who pronounces 
 that ' as an example of the mode of interrogating Nature, it cannot be looked upon 
 otherwise than as a complete failure.' Exit, though I cannot admit this criticism 
 as other than very exaggerated even as to the mode of enquiry, with regard to the 
 result it is surely a sufficient answer that Bacon did, as a matter of fact, divine the 
 true nature of heat. 
 
 19 It must be understood that I have not attempted to give an exhaustive account 
 either of Bacon's scientific errors or of his scientific claims to recognition. In each 
 case, I have only attempted to select typical examples, though I think I have in- 
 cluded nearly all the points of real importance on either side. 
 
 Of the invention of the thermometer, ascribed to Bacon by De Vauzelles and 
 Bottillet, I have said nothing, because 1 think the fact that Bacon, in none of the 
 places where he makes mention of this instrument, advances any claim to its inven- 
 tion, is alone a sufficient reason, if not for positively denying his invention of it, 
 at least for not positively ascribing it to him. Mr. Ellis (in a note on Nov. Org. 
 ii- J 3 (38) and De Remusat (pp. 34, 35) agree in thinking that the invention has 
 been ascribed to Bacon without good reason. It was probably due, in the fir^t 
 instance, to Galileo.
 
 44 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 suggestions which from time to time he throws out, occasionally shew 
 a marvellous amount of sagacity and penetration. That they were 
 also fertile in the subsequent History of Science, by raising man's 
 hopes of what might be achieved, by stimulating to enquiry, and by 
 actually supplying new points of view in the interpretation of nature, 
 I can hardly entertain any doubt. 
 
 7. BACON'S RELIGIOUS OPINIONS. 
 
 Two of the most striking Aphorisms in the First Book of the 
 Xovum Organum are the 65th and Sgth. In the former, after 
 speaking of the ' corruptio philosophiae ex superstitione et theologia 
 admista,' Bacon goes on to say : ' Pessima enim res est errorum 
 apotheosis, et pro peste intellectus habenda est, si vanis accedat 
 veneratio. Huic autem vanitati nonnulli ex modernis summa levitate 
 ita indulserunt, ut in primo capitulo Geneseos, et in libro Job, et aliis 
 Scripturis sacris, philosophiam naturalem fundare conati sint ; inter 
 viva quaerentes mortua. Tantoque magis haec vanitas inhibenda 
 venit, et coercenda, quia ex divinorum et humanorum malesana ad- 
 mistione, non solum educitur philosophia phantastica, sed etiam 
 religio haeretica. Itaque salutare admodum est, si mente sobria fidei 
 tantum dentur quae fidei sunt.' In the latter Aphorism he says, 
 speaking of the causes of the slight progress hitherto made by men 
 in the sciences, ' Neque illud praetermittendum est, quod nacta sit 
 philosophia naturalis per omnes aetates adversarium molestum et 
 difficilem ; superstitionem nimirum, et zelum religionis caecum et 
 immoderatum.' And again: 'At in hujusmodi misturis theologiae 
 cum philosophia, ea tantum, quae nunc in philosophia recepta sunt, 
 comprehenduntur ; sed nova, licet in melius mutata, tantum non 
 summoventur et exterminantur.' And he sums up as follows : ' At 
 vere rein reputanti, philosophia naturalis, post verbum Dei, certissima 
 superstitionis medicina est ; eadcmque probatissimum fidei alimen- 
 tuin. Itaque merito religioni donatur tanquam fidissima ancilla : 
 cum altcra voluntatem Dei, altera potestatem manifestet.' 
 
 Now 1 think that these passages, and the complete separation 
 which he there advocates between theology and science, furnish the 
 I icst key to Bacon's religious opinions, and, at the same time, afford 
 an explanation of the almost constant disputes which have been 
 carried on nearly from his own times to ours as to what the nature of 
 his religious opinions really was. It is easy to see that a man who
 
 BACON'S RELIGIOUS OPINIONS. 45 
 
 penned the above sentences might readily be suspected of harbouring 
 in his mind a still greater mistrust of theological conclusions than he 
 overtly expresses ; and it is, at the same time, I think, no less easy to 
 see, if we know anything of the history of opinion, that the maxims 
 expressed might in Bacon's age, when speculations of this kind and 
 the comparison of conclusions arrived at in different branches of 
 knowledge were comparatively rare, be uttered, even by a man of the 
 most religious temperament, in perfect good-faith. 
 
 I am myself of opinion not only that the religious side of these 
 Aphorisms expresses Bacon's sincere convictions, but also that he did 
 not materially dissent from the religious teaching, which was generally 
 current in his day, on what may be called the fundamental doctrines 
 of Christianity. 
 
 In order to arrive at an independent opinion on this point, I will 
 ask the reader, who is interested in the question, carefully to compare 
 the following references (which are, of course, far too long to be 
 extracted) : Nov. Org. i. 65, 89 ; De Augmentis, lib. i. (E. and S., 
 vol. i. pp. 433-437), iii. 2, iii. 4, ix. throughout ; Essays on Unity 
 in Religion, Atheism, and Superstition ; and, lastly, Bacon's formal 
 Confession of Faith 20 . Of this last piece, however, it should be 
 stated that it first appeared in the Remains (1648), and that, as it is 
 described in the Harleian MS. 21 as by Mr. Bacon, it must have been 
 written before the summer of 1603. Thus, it may possibly (though 
 I have no positive reason for saying that it is so) enter into more 
 minute details of doctrine than Bacon would afterwards have been 
 disposed to do. To the Christian Paradoxes I do not refer, as being 
 now known to have been written by another hand 22 . 
 
 On carefully considering these and the other passages in which 
 Bacon alludes to religion, or handles religious subjects, the im- 
 pression left on my mind may be summed up in the following 
 conclusions. 
 
 i st. Notwithstanding his admiration for the philosophy of Demo- 
 critus, and his rejection of Final Causes from the domain of Physics, 
 
 20 For which see E. and S., vol. vii. pp. 215-226. 
 
 21 MS. 1893. fo. i, as referred to by Mr. Spedding. 
 
 a Namely by Herbert Palmer. The piece is included in the second part of his 
 Memorials of Godliness and Christianity. This fact was discovered by the Rev. 
 Alexander Grosart. Much doubt had previously attached to the piece, in conse- 
 quence of its not being included in the collections of either Rawley or Tenison, 
 though it appeared in the Remains of 1648. For the curious history of the piece, 
 and the various conjectures about it, see De Remusat, p. 150. note I, E. and S., 
 vol. vii. p. 289, and, especially, Spcdding's Letters and Life, vol. vi. pp. 129-131.
 
 46 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 he retained an unwavering faith in the existence of the Supreme God, 
 the creator and fashioner of the universe. The following well-known 
 sentences from the Essay on Atheism (published, it must be recol- 
 lected, in its corrected form by Bacon's own authority in 1625, the 
 year before his death) express, I believe, the most sincere convictions 
 of his heart : ' I had rather believe all the fables in the Legend, and 
 the Talmud, and the Alcoran, than that this universal frame is with- 
 out a mind. And therefore God never wrought miracle to convince 
 atheism, because his ordinary works convince it. It is true, that a 
 little philosophy inclineth man's mind to atheism; but depth in philo- 
 sophy bringeth men's minds about to religion. For while the mind 
 of man looketh upon second causes scattered, it may sometimes rest 
 in them, and go no further; but when it beholdeth the chain of them, 
 confederate and linked together, it must needs fly to Providence and 
 Deity. Nay, even that school which is most accused of atheism 
 doth most demonstrate religion ; that is, the school of Leucippus 
 and Democritus and Epicurus. For it is a thousand times more 
 credible that four mutable elements, and one immutable fifth essence, 
 duly and eternally placed, need no God, than that an army of infinite 
 small portions or seeds unplaced should have produced this order 
 and beauty without a divine marshal.' 
 
 2nd. I cannot question that Bacon also accepted the doctrines of a 
 Divine Providence and a providential order of the world. They are> 
 in fact, implied in the above passage. But the student will do well 
 to read the more explicit statement on this subject, contained in De 
 Augmentis, ii. n 23 . This passage, which, in substance, occurs also 
 in the Advancement of Learning, must have passed under Bacon's 
 hands and received his final approval as late as 1622 or 1623. 
 
 3rd. If we compare De Augmentis, lib. i. (E. and S., vol. i. pp. 483, 
 484), lib. iv. cap. i. (p. 585), and lib. iv. cap. 3 (pp. 605, 606), we 
 shall, I think, conclude that, while Bacon had no doubt as to the 
 immortality of the soul, he was, like some of the early fathers, 
 inclined to regard the belief as resting rather on a direct revelation 
 from God than on a necessary, or perhaps even legitimate, conclusion 
 of human reason 24 . 
 
 Cp. also the passage on the proper sphere of Natural Theology in De Aug- 
 mcntis, in. 2 : ' Quocirca, quod sit Dcus, quod rernm habenas tractet, quod summe 
 polens, quod sapiens et praescius, quod bonus, quod remunerator, quod vindex, quod 
 adorandus, ctiain ex operibus cjus demonstrari et cvinci potcst.' 
 
 '" It is notable that in the chapter on Natural Theology, quoted in the last note, 
 he cioes not mention the doctrine of the Immortality of the Soul, though he certainly
 
 BACON'S RELIGIOUS OPINIONS. 47 
 
 4th. With respect to the Christian mysteries, Bacon seems, at least 
 in his earlier years, to have been inclined to trust himself to the 
 guidance of the church ; meaning, doubtless, the church as under- 
 stood by James and Andrewes, which, passing over the intermediate 
 times of Roman superstition, boasted of its now restored connexion 
 with the age of the primitive fathers. ' At restat adhuc,' he says, at 
 the beginning of the last Book of the De Augmentis, 'Theologia 
 Sacra, sive Inspirata. Veruntamen si earn tractare pergamus, ex- 
 eundum nobis foret e Navicula Rationis Humanae, et transeundum 
 in Ecclesiae Navem ; quae sola Acu Nautica Divina pollet ad cursum 
 recte dirigendum.' How far Bacon's confidence in the ' ship of the 
 church' was implicit, and without exception, is, I think, somewhat 
 doubtful. For it is a notable fact (which I have not seen elsewhere 
 noticed) that the passage on the nature and attributes of God, 
 including certain statements on the Trinity and the division of the 
 elect and reprobate, which occurs towards the end of the Advance- 
 ment of Learning, is altogether left out in the De Augmentis, published 
 eighteen years afterwards. Nor, generally, do I notice in Bacon's 
 later works any disposition to enter into details on the more specific 
 doctrines of religion 23 . 
 
 5th. Connected with this fact, is the very wide toleration which he 
 was evidently ready to concede to dissidents from the more generally 
 
 says nothing to intimate any desire of positively excluding it from the sphere of 
 these enquiries. 
 
 25 Macaulay (Essay on Bacon) says, on the whole, very truly : ' He loved to 
 dwell on the power of the Christian religion to effect much that the ancient philo- 
 sophers could only promise. He loved to consider that religion as the bond of 
 charity, the curb of evil passions, the consolation of the wretched, the support of the 
 timid, the hope of the dying. But controversies on speculative points of theology 
 seem to have engaged scarcely any portion of his attention. In what he wrote on 
 Church Government he showed, as far as he dared, a tolerant and charitable spirit. 
 He troubled himself not at all about Homoousians and Homoiousians, Monothe- 
 lites and Nestorians. He lived in an age in which disputes on the most subtle 
 points of divinity excited an intense interest throughout Europe, and nowhere more 
 than in England. He was placed in the very thick of the conflict. He was in 
 power at the time of the Synod of Dort, and must for months have been daily 
 deafened with talk about election, reprobation, and final perseverance. Yet we do 
 not remember a line in his works from which it can be inferred that he was either 
 a Calvinist or an Arminian.' I am disposed, however, to think that this description 
 applies with more complete accuracy to Bacon's later than his earlier state of feel- 
 ing on these subjects. 
 
 Dr. Abbott (' Francis Bacon,' p. 405) criticises the passage in the Text, in which 
 I have suggested a change of opinion on religious subjects in Bacon's later years. 
 In the Preface I have explained why I cannot accept his criticism.
 
 48 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 received theological opinions. Witness the following passages from 
 the essay Of Unity in Religion : ' Concerning the Bounds of Unity ; 
 the true placing of them importeth exceedingly. There appear to be 
 two extremes. For to certain zelants all speech of pacification is 
 odious. Is it peace, Jehu ? What hast thou to do with peace 1 turn thee 
 behind me. Peace is not the matter, but following and party. Con- 
 trariwise, certain Laodiceans and lukewarm persons think they may 
 accommodate points of religion by middle ways, and taking part of 
 both, and witty reconcilements ; as if they would make an arbitrement 
 between God and man. Both these extremes are to be avoided ; 
 which will be done, if the league of Christians penned by our Saviour 
 himself were in the two cross clauses thereof soundly and plainly 
 expounded : He that is not until us is against us ; and again, He that 
 is not against us is with us : that is, if the points fundamental and of 
 substance in religion were truly discerned and distinguished from 
 points not merely of faith, but of opinion, order, or good intention. 
 This is a thing may seem to many a matter trivial, and done already. 
 But if it were done less partially, it would be embraced more generally.' 
 ' Concerning the Means of procuring Unity ; men must beware, 
 that in the procuring or muniting of religious unity they do not 
 dissolve and deface the laws of charity and of human society. There 
 he two swords amongst Christians, the spiritual and temporal ; and 
 both have their due office and place in the maintenance of religion. 
 Hut we may not take up the third sword, which is Mahomet's sword, 
 or like unto it ; that is, to propagate religion by wars or by sanguinary 
 persecutions to force consciences ; except it be in cases of overt 
 scandal, blasphemy, or intermixture of practice against the state : 
 much less to nourish seditions ; to authorise conspiracies and rebel- 
 lions; to put the sword into the people's hands ; and the like: tending 
 to the subversion of all government, which is the ordinance of God. 
 For this is but to clash the first table against the second ; and so to 
 consider men as Christians, as we forget that they are men. Lucretius 
 the poet, when lie beheld the act of Agamemnon, that could endure 
 the sacrificing of his own daughter, exclaimed : 
 
 Tantum Rclligio potuit suadere malorum : 
 
 What would he have said, if he had known of the massacre in 
 France, or the powder treason of England ? He would have been 
 seven times more Epicure and atheist than he was. For as the 
 temporal sword is to be drawn with great circumspection in cases 
 ot religion ; so it is a thing monstrous to put it into the hands of 
 
 i
 
 BACON'S RELIGIOUS OPINIONS. 49 
 
 the common people. Let that be left unto the Anabaptists, and other 
 furies. It was great blasphemy when the devil said, I will ascend and 
 be like the Highest ; but it is greater blasphemy to personate God, 
 and bring him in saying, / will descend, and be like the prince of 
 darkness : and what is it better, to make the cause of religion to 
 descend to the cruel and execrable actions of murthering princes, 
 butchery of people, and subversion of states and governments ? 
 Surely this is to bring down the Holy Ghost, instead of the like- 
 ness of a dove, in the shape of a vulture or raven and set out 
 of the bark of a Christian church a flag of a bark of pirates and 
 Assassins. Therefore it is most necessary that the church by doctrine 
 and decree, princes by their sword, and all learnings, both Christian 
 and moral, as by their Mercury rod, do damn and send to hell for 
 ever those facts and opinions tending to the support of the same ; as 
 hath been already in good part done. Surely in counsels concerning 
 religion, that counsel of the apostle would be prefixed, Ira hominis 
 non implet justitiam Dei. And it was a notable observation of a wise 
 father, and no less ingenuously confessed ; that those which held and 
 persuaded pressure of consciences, were commonly interessed therein them- 
 selves for their own ends? 
 
 Here we seem to detect the first note of the key which was after- 
 wards struck with such effect by Chillingworth in his Religion of 
 Protestants, by Jeremy Taylor in his Liberty of Prophesying, and, 
 above all, by Locke in his Letters on Toleration. And, like these 
 writers, Bacon probably did not see the consequences of his own 
 principles. Like them, he would probably have set limits to Tolera- 
 tion, nor am I sure that he would not have set precisely the same 
 limits as Locke, namely, by excluding ' Papists ' on the one side 
 and 'Atheists' on the other. As in the case of Locke, too, and, 
 perhaps, of all who advocated Toleration in those days, when the 
 true principles of Political Philosophy were so imperfectly understood, 
 Bacon's zeal against persecution and intolerance arose, probably, in 
 no small measure, from vagueness, uncertainty, or indifference, in his 
 own religious beliefs. 
 
 6th. The indifference of which I have just spoken was, I think, 
 certainly one of Bacon's characteristics in relation to religious con- 
 troversies. It was not merely that he saw the hollowness or absurdity 
 of many of the disputes current in his own day. ' A man that is of 
 judgment and understanding shall sometimes hear ignorant men 
 differ, and know well within himself that those which so differ mean 
 one thing, and yet they themselves would never agree.' ' Men create 
 
 E
 
 50 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 oppositions which are not ; and put them into new terms so fixed, as 
 whereas the meaning ought to govern the term, the term in effect 
 governeth the meaning - 6 .' A man so acute as Bacon could not 
 help seeing thus far, but his indifference, I think, extended far beyond 
 the range of these mere verbal quibbles and scholastic combats. His 
 indifference was not simply an indifference of the head ; it was an 
 indifference of the heart. What he really cared for was the advance- 
 ment of science, the knowledge of nature, the extension of the king- 
 dom of man 27 . He did not repudiate religion, or even theology; 
 rather, he was a respectful, though silent, worshipper ; but, like 
 many another man, he entered the shrine only on occasion, while, 
 at most times, his business lay far away. There was, perhaps, 
 a latent feeling that not much knowledge was to be had in these 
 subjects, numerous and eager as were the workmen engaged in 
 attempting to extract it ; while, in the wide field of nature, the 
 harvest was ready, though the labourers were few. And so Bacon 
 contented himself with working in what appeared to him the more 
 promising field of labour. He sought God in nature, and there he 
 recognised, reverenced, and adored Him. The same God was also 
 to be found in the ark of the Church, and the pages of the Bible : 
 but Bacon's tastes and pursuits lay another way, and hence, though 
 he had no inclination to call in question the leading verities of faith, 
 he received them, always without enthusiasm, and sometimes, even, 
 with apparent indifference. 
 
 7th. This last consideration may afford some explanation of the 
 two other points to which I shall call attention. One of these is 
 the evident preference which Bacon accords to Atheism over Super- 
 stition. ' It were better to have no opinion of God at all, than such 
 an opinion as is unworthy of him. For the one is unbelief, the 
 other is contumely : and certainly superstition is the reproach of 
 the D'jity. Plutarch saith well to that purpose: Surely (saith he) / 
 had ra flier a great deal men should say there was no suck man at all 
 as Plutarch, than that they should say that there was one Plutarch that 
 would eat his children as soon as tJicy were born ; as the poets speak 
 of Saturn. And as the contumely is greater towards God, so the 
 danger is greater towards men. Atheism leaves a man to sense, to 
 philosophy, to natural piety, to laws, to reputation; all which may
 
 BACON'S RELIGIOUS OPINIONS. 51 
 
 be guides to an outward moral virtue, though religion were not ; but 
 superstition dismounts all these, and erecteth an absolute monarchy 
 in the minds of men. Therefore atheism did never perturb states ; 
 for it makes men wary of themselves, as looking no further : and 
 we see the times inclined to atheism (as the time of Augustus Caesar) 
 were civil times. But superstition hath been the confusion of many 
 states, and bringeth in a new primum mobile, that ravisheth all the 
 spheres of government 2 V In this passage, I think, Bacon thoroughly 
 represents the spirit of his time. The recoil from the superstitions 
 of the Church of Rome, and especially from the dangers with which 
 the machinations of that Church seemed to threaten the civil power, 
 had become, in the reformed countries, so intense, and almost so 
 unreasoning, that men could conceive of no opinions equally dan- 
 gerous either to the well-being of the individual conscience or to the 
 security of the state. It required experiences like those of the French 
 Revolution to convince men that the dissolution of the restraints of 
 religion, in minds which from infancy had been accustomed to them, 
 might be even still more desolating in its effects on morals and 
 government. And meanwhile, this view, as stated by Bacon, bore 
 fruit and multiplied. The undiscriminating denunciation of Super- 
 stition in the seventeenth century, coupled with the freer mode of 
 enquiry into the fundamentals of religion which marked the close 
 of the period, terminated in results, which, however much he may 
 have contributed to them, he would probably have been among the 
 last to welcome. 
 
 8th. The last point which I shall notice is also one which had 
 a great and undoubted effect on subsequent speculation. The 
 interests of Bacon, as we have seen, were in the progress of science. 
 What he, above all things, desired was a clear and unimpeded course 
 for his favourite pursuit. Now he could never forget (or the divines 
 and controversialists of his time would never have allowed him to 
 forget) what he states so emphatically in the Novum Organum- 9 , 
 ' quod nacta sit Philosophia Naturalis per omnes aetates adversarium 
 molestum et difficilem ; superstitionem nimirum, et zelum religionis 
 caecum et immoderatum.' What then so effectual, and what so obvious, 
 as to declare an entire separation between the spheres of Science and 
 Theology, of Reason and Faith? Their admixture had made the 
 
 28 Essay Of Superstition. Cp. a letter to Toby Matthew on his conversion to 
 Romanism (Spedding's Letters and Life, vol. iv. p. 10), where we find pretty nearly 
 
 he same words as those contained in the beginning of this quotation. 
 
 29 i. 89. 
 
 E 2
 
 5 2 I NT ROD UCTION. 
 
 one fantastic, and the other heretical. The remedy, therefore, was 
 to put them asunder; to give to reason the things of reason, and 
 to faith the things of faith. Then, the one would declare the Will 
 of God, and the other His Power 30 . Nor was the idea of this truce, 
 I think, suggested solely by the motive of preserving the rights of 
 science. It was in perfect sincerity, I think, that Bacon wrote, 
 ' Concludamus igitur, Theologiam Sacram ex verbo et oraculis Dei, 
 non ex lumine naturae aut rationis dictamine, hauriri debere. Scriptum 
 est enim, Coeli enarrant gloriam Dei ; at nusquam scriptum invenitur, 
 Coeli enarrant voluntatem Dei 31 .' The method of the Scholastics 
 had been thoroughly vicious, both in applying Scripture to establish 
 the principles of science, and in applying reason to establish the 
 principles of religion. Far different was the procedure recommended 
 by Bacon both in the one case and the other. ' Quantum vero ad 
 Illationes, nosse debemus, relinqui nobis usum rationis et ratiocina- 
 tionis (quoad mysteria) secundarium quendam et respectivum, non 
 primitivum et absolutum. Postquam enim Articuli et Principia 
 Religion is jam in sedibus suis fuerint locata, ita ut a rationis examine 
 penitus eximantur, turn demum conceditur ab illis Illationes derivare 
 ac deducere, secundum analogiam ipsorum. In rebus quidem na- 
 turalibus hoc non tenet. Nam et ipsa principia examini subjiciuntur ; 
 per Inductionem(inquam) licet minime per Syllogismum ; atque eadem 
 ilia nullam habent cum ratione repugnantiam, ut ab eodem fonte turn 
 primae propositioncs turn mediae deducantur. Aliter fit in Religione ; 
 ubi et primae propositiones authypostatae sunt, atque per se sub- 
 sistentes ; et rursus non reguntur ab ilia Ratione quae propositiones 
 consequentes dcducit 32 . That it did not occur to Bacon to ask 
 on what grounds the authority of Scripture itself reposed, may to 
 us appear strange, but this was not one of the questions which the 
 men of that age were in the habit of putting. I see no reason 
 to doubt that Bacon accepted the authority of Scripture as an ultimate 
 fact, though, as I have already intimated, he may, especially towards 
 
 ; " Nov. Org. i. 6;, P 9 . 
 
 ;1 Do Auinncntis, lib. ix. ' E. and S., vol. i. p. 830). Cp. what lie says in the 
 chapter on Natural Theology (iii. 2) : ' Verum ex intuitu rerum naturalium atque 
 liumanac rationis principiis. de fidei mysteriis vel ratioeinari vel etiam snadere 
 vehementius. aut rursus ea curiosius introspLere et ventilare et de modo mysterii 
 inquirerc, hand tutuni meo judicio fuerit. J)a l-'iiici quae Fidci sunt. ***** 
 <Juan- frustra sudaveiit, qui eoelestia religionis arcana nostrae rationi adaptare 
 conabitur.' 
 
 3J De Auj;m. Lib. ix., 1C. and S , vol. i. pp. 832. 833.
 
 BACON'S RELIGIOUS OPINIONS. 53 
 
 the latter period of his life, have felt some hesitation as to the 
 truth or exactitude of some of the dogmatic inferences which had 
 been deduced from its language. 
 
 This sharp separation of Religion and Science, Faith and Reason, 
 probably exercised a considerable influence on the turn which these 
 speculations took amongst Bacon's successors. Hobbes, while he 
 shewed no disposition to restrict scientific discussions, relegated reli- 
 gion altogether to the cognisance of the magistrate. It was the duty of 
 the state to provide a religion for its subjects, and these had nothing 
 to do but to accept it without doubt, or, at least, without any expres- 
 sion of doubt. Thus, the sphere of religion was removed altogether 
 from the arena of discussion, and we seem here to have almost a 
 parody of some of the principles propounded by Bacon. Pascal, 
 though whether he was influenced by the writings of Bacon or not 
 I have no sufficient grounds for determining, attempted to make the 
 divorce between Faith and Reason complete, in the interests of 
 Religion, as, at a later period, Hume did, or pretended to do, in the 
 interests of Philosophy. Locke, though he took a great interest in 
 theological questions and himself wrote theological works, shews no 
 disposition either, on the one hand, to question the authority, or even 
 the infallibility, of the Scriptures, or, on the other hand, to allow 
 them to exert any influence on his philosophical speculations. Bayle 
 tries to exaggerate the discrepancies, but, not having the robust 
 faith of Bacon or Locke, he seems, with some hesitation, ready to 
 sacrifice the claims of religious belief to the exigencies of human 
 reason. But, however it may have been with particular individuals, 
 I cannot question that the general tendency, predominant, especially 
 in England, till quite recently, to draw a distinct line of demarcation 
 between the spheres of religion, on the one side, and philosophy and 
 science, on the other, and to combine a sincere belief in the tradi- 
 tional teaching of the Bible or the Church with a perfect independ- 
 ence in the sphere of speculation, is due, in large measure, to the 
 teaching and example of Bacon. Whether this procedure be or be 
 not legitimate, this is not the place to enquire 33 . 
 
 33 In writing this section, I have, of course, read carefully the considerable por- 
 tion of his work which Kuno Fischer devotes to the same subject. But my conclu- 
 sions, many of which agree with his, had almost all been previously arrived at by 
 an independent study of Bacon's writings.
 
 - 4 INTRODUCTION, 
 
 8. THE MEANING ATTACHED BY BACON TO THE 
 WORD 'FORM 34 .' 
 
 WHAT Bacon precisely means by this word ' Form,' is one of the 
 first questions which must occur to every reader of the Novum 
 Organum, and it is probably one of the last difficulties which will 
 be cleared from his path. I was at one time inclined to think that, 
 in various parts of his works, he attached to it two entirely distinct 
 meanings, which may be represented roughly by ' cause' and 'essence,' 
 but, as will appear from the sequel, I am now of opinion that, though 
 the word has undoubtedly various shades of meaning in different 
 places, all these admit of derivation from a single conception. The 
 
 ' * For the sake of those who are unacquainted, or have only a slight acquaintance, 
 with the philosophy of Aristotle, it is, perhaps, desirable that I should here give a 
 brief account of the Aristotelian distinction of the Four Causes. These are popu- 
 larly known as the Material, Formal, Final, and Efficient Causes. Their Greek 
 equivalents are respectively : for the Material Cause, 77 ^A?; or TO l ov or TO 
 viroictififi'ov ; for the Formal Cause, TO tldos or j) nopfy-q or TO ri fy elvat or TO 
 TI tcTi or 77 ovaia ; for the Final Cause, TO ov tveita. or TV TWOS eveKa or TO 
 T(\cs ; for the Efficient Cause, TO odfv i) dpx^l TTJS Kivrjaeais or TO oOev r) K:VTJO-^ 
 or TO mvovv. Of these, the Formal and Material Cause can only be known in 
 relation to each other ; thus, the block of marble, which is matter in relation 
 to the formed statue, itself has form in relation to the quarry from which it 
 was hewn, and this again in relation to the stuff out of which it was formed, 
 and so on, till we come to the itpwrrj V\TJ or shapeless matter or matter 
 without form, which, however, is a mere mental abstraction, having no actual 
 existence. Nor is matter necessarily body. Tnus ,Phys. II. 3", letters are the 
 matter of syllables, and the premisses the matter of a syllogism. It_it^i5p! v 
 that on which form supervenes (TO TJVWV ovTcav dvdyKr] TOVTO, sc. the form, eivat, 
 An. 1'ost. ii. n) ; and form supervening on matter brings into existence the finished 
 product, be it the statue, man, life, mind, health, or what not. The^ efficient 
 cause is that by the instrumentality of which form supervenes upon matter, 
 as, for instance, in the case of the statue, the sculptor, or, in the case of health, 
 the medical art, or, in the case of the universe at large, God or voi>s. The 
 final cause (and it is always assumed by Aristotle that there is one ; ovStv 
 ^art]v rj <j>vais Troiff) is that for_ which the object exists, the end it subserves, as, 
 for instance, in the case of a statue, the pleasure or improvement of man, in the 
 case of the bones of an animal, the support of the body and the protection of its 
 .-olter pails, in the case of the state, the welfare of the citizens, and so on. 
 
 The student who requires further infoimation should consult Ueberweg, Zeller, or 
 some other History of Philosophy. He should also read, with special attention, 
 1'ii vs. ii. 3 (repeated in Metaph. iv. (v.) 2 , Metaph. i. 3, and An. Post. ii. 1 1. On 
 the question of the coincidences which sometimes exist amongst these Causes, and 
 other difficulties, I have not entered. Nor do I think it would be of any service to 
 draw out the diliereiices of meaning in these terms as employed by Bacon and as 
 employed by Aristotle. The student, who is even moderately acquainted with both 
 authors, can easily, if he has the curiosity, do this work for himself.
 
 BACON'S USAGE OF < FORM: 55 
 
 best course of proceeding, however, will be, first, to collect the 
 more important passages in which he attempts either to define the 
 term, or to state with precision the sense in which he accepts or does 
 not accept the investigation of ' forms ' as a legitimate branch of his 
 own philosophy. 
 
 The most striking passage of all, perhaps, is that in Nov. Org. i. 
 51 : ' Intellectus humanus fertur ad abstracta propter naturam pro- 
 priam. * * * * Materia potius considerari debet, et ejus schematism}, 
 et meta-schematismi, atque actus purus, et lex actus sive motus ; 
 Formae enim commenta animi humani sunt, nisi libeat leges illas 
 actus Formas appellare.' In strong contrast with this passage, is that 
 in De Augmentis, iii. 4 (E. and S., vol. i. pp. 564-568), where he 
 states 'inventiqnem Formarum ex omnibus scientiae partibus dig- 
 nissimam esse quae investigetur, si modo fieri possit ut reperiantur. 
 Ad inventionis possibilitatem vero quod attinet, sunt certe ignavi 
 regionum exploratores, qui, ubi nil nisi coelum et pontum vident, 
 terras ultra esse prorsus negant.' This passage (which is far too 
 long to be quoted at length) is well worthy of the student's attention, 
 and should be read with care 33 . I may specially refer to the following 
 points as noteworthy. He speaks of an inveterate opinion, ' Rerum 
 formas essentiales, seu veras differentias, nulla humana inveniri 
 diligentia posse.' Plato, a man of a sublime genius, who saw every- 
 thing as from a high rock, in his doctrine of Ideas perceived that 
 Forms are the true object of knowledge ; ' utcunque sententiae hujus 
 verissimae fructum amiserit, Formas penitus a Materia abstractas, 
 non in Materia determinatas, contemplando etprensando.' ' Quod si 
 diligenter, serio, et sincere, ad actionem et usum oculos convertamus, 
 non difficile erit disquirere, et notitiam assequi, quae sint illae formae 
 quarum cognitio res humanas miris modis locupletare et beare possit.' 
 The forms of substances (except that of man, whose form, according 
 to the scriptural expression, seems to be ' spiraculum vitae ') ' ita 
 perplexae sunt et complicatae, ut aut omnino de iis inquirere frustra 
 sit, aut inquisitio earum, qualis esse potest, seponi ad tempus, et, 
 postquam formae simplicioris naturae rite exploratae sint et inventae, 
 turn demum institui debeat.' We next have the notion that the forms 
 of simple natures or qualities, such as dense and rare, hot and cold, 
 heavy and light, &c., like the letters of the alphabet, are only few 
 in number, that, consequently, the problem of discovering them is 
 
 35 The passage is to be found with little variation in the much earlier work, the 
 Advancement of Learning, published in 1605. See bk. ii. (E. and S., vol. iii. 
 PP- 355-357)-
 
 56 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 not an impossible one, and that, when discovered, we may, by com- 
 bination of them, arrive at a knowledge of the ' essences and forms ' 
 of all substances. Speaking a little further on of these ' simplices 
 rerum formae,' or ' formae primae classis,' he says, 'licet numero 
 paucae, tamen commensurationibus et co-ordinationibus suis omnem 
 varietatem constituunt.' The efficient cause is distinguished from the 
 form, as being ' nihil aliud quam vehiculum formae.' Lastly, the 
 knowledge of the form frees and vastly enlarges human power : 
 ' Causae enim physicae ' (that is, the efficient and material causes) 
 ' novis inventis, in simili materia, lucem et ansam praebent ; at qui 
 formam aliquam novit, novit etiam ultimam possibilitatem superin- 
 ducendi naturam illam in omnigenam materiam, eoque minus inter 
 operandum restringitur et alligatur, vel ad materiae basim, vel ad 
 conditionem efficientis 36 .' 
 
 Returning to the Novum Organum, we find that, in the second 
 book, Bacon attempts to describe Form by a number of equivalents. 
 Thus, at the beginning, he says : ' Super datum corpus novam 
 naturam sive novas naturas generare et superinducere, opus et in- 
 tentio est humanae potentiae. Datae autem naturae formam, sive 
 differentiam veram, sive naturam naturantem, sive fontem emanationis 
 (ista enim vocabula habemus, quae ad indicationem rei proxime 
 accedunt) invenire, opus et intentio est humanae scientiae.' Again, 
 in ii. 4, he tells us : ' forma vera talis est, ut naturam datam ex fonte 
 aliquo essentiae deducat quae inest pluribus et notior est naturae 
 (ut loquuntur) quam ipsa forma ; ' in other words, it is the ' differentia 
 vera.' In ii. 20, ad fin. he calls it the ' definitio vera : ' 'Ex Vin- 
 demiatione autem ista Prima, Forma sive definitio vera Caloris talis 
 est,' &c. In another place (ii. 13), the form is actually described as 
 ' ipsissima res 3 V Then, there are other passages, where, as in i. 51, 
 an attempt is made to explain it by means of the word 'law.' Thus, 
 in ii. 2, we have the passage : ' Licet enim in natura nihil vere existat 
 praeter corpora individua, edentia actus puros individuos ex lege ; 
 in doctrinis tamen, ilia ipsa lex, ejusque inquisitio, et inventio, atque 
 explicatio, pro fundamento est tarn ad sciendum, quam ad operandum. 
 Earn autem legem, ejusque paragraphos, formarum nomine intelli- 
 
 '' The same ideas occur in, perhaps, a still more striking form in Nov. Org. 
 ii. 3. 
 
 ' ' Cum enim Forma rei sit ipsissima res ; neque differat res a forma, aliter 
 <juam different apparens et existens, aut exterius et interius, aut in orcline ad 
 huminem et in ordine ad universum.' Introduction to Aph. 13. See my note on 
 the passage.
 
 BACON'S USAGE OF 'FORM.' 57 
 
 gimus ; praesertim cum hoc vocabulum invaluerit, et familiariter 
 occurrat.' Again, in ii. 5, we have the expression 'leges funda- 
 mentales et communes, quae constituunt formas.' But, perhaps, the 
 most explicit passage of all is that in ii. 1 7 : ' Nos enim quum de 
 formis loquimur, nil aliud intelligimus, quam leges illas et determina- 
 tiones actus puri quae naturam aliquam simplicem ordinant et con- 
 stituunt, ut calorem, lumen, pondus, in omnimoda materia et subjecto 
 susceptibili. Itaque eadem res est forma calidi aut forma luminis, et 
 lex calidi sive lex luminis.' 
 
 Now, these various passages admit, I think, of being ranged under 
 two classes, according as the word ' Form ' may be replaced by words 
 like essence, differentia, definition, &c., or by words like law, cause, 
 &c. 33 In the first class of passages, we may, perhaps, best arrive at 
 Bacon's meaning by distinguishing the different kinds of attributes 
 which may be predicated of any substance or quality. Leaving out 
 purely accidental attributes, which are sometimes predicable and 
 sometimes not, these may be divided into such as are derived from 
 other attributes, as effects from causes, and those which, so far as we 
 can ascertain, are independent and underived. The latter are what 
 may be called the essential attributes, and, taken together, constitute, 
 in the most intelligible sense which can be attached to that word, the 
 essence of the substance, class, or quality 39 . When we attempt to express 
 the essence in words, we enumerate the essential qualities, or construct 
 its definition. But the important or characteristic part of the definition 
 is the differentia ; for the genus may be regarded as already known 
 before we begin to define, our object being to discover the differentia 
 or differentiae which distinguish the term defined from certain other 
 terms which fall under the same genus. We see, then, how, from the 
 conception of the aggregate of independent and underived (or, as we 
 might call them, primary] attributes, we are able to explain alike the 
 expressions of essence, definition, and differentia, whether applied to 
 a class (as, say, man or horse), or to what is ordinarily called a sub- 
 stance (as, say, gold), or to a quality (as, say, heat). It is only to 
 the last of these, however, namely qualities or ' simple natures,' that 
 Bacon regarded his method as, at least immediately, applicable. 
 
 38 There is one passage (i. 75), in which the two meanings are brought together : 
 ' Hinc opinio, quod formae sive verae rerum differentiae (quae revera sunt leges 
 actus puri) inventu impossibiles sint, et ultra hominem.' 
 
 VJ For a further explanation of my meaning and for illustrations of what I have 
 said in the text, the student may consult the chapters on Heads of Prcdicables and 
 Definitions in my Deductive Logic.
 
 .- 8 I NT ROD UCTION. 
 
 *J 
 
 Coming to the seconcfclass of passages, in which the conception of 
 : law ' predominates, we find that they are founded on the scholastic, 
 or rather Aristotelian, distinction of potentia and actus, Swapis and 
 iitpyfia. As this distinction is explained in the notes on i. 51, I may 
 refer the reader, who is not already acquainted with it, to that place. 
 The 'form ' is 'lex actus sive motus,' ' lex ilia et determinatio actus 
 puri quae naturam aliquam simplicem ordinat et constituit in omni- 
 moda materia et subjecto susceptibili.' The ' form,' then, according 
 to this mode of representing it, is the law which governs (or, as we 
 should rather say, expresses) the process by which a quality (or body) 
 is developed out of its pre-existing conditions. It may be defined 
 as the law of the development or manifestation or production of any 
 given quality or body. (Cp. Nov. Org. II. 25 ad. init.) And, if we 
 take into account the pre-existing conditions as well as the law of 
 their development, we obtain the conception of ' cause ' in its fullest 
 extent. We thus see how the word ' form ' may be replaced by ' law ' 
 or ' cause.' 
 
 Xow, is it possible to reconcile or bring into any connexion these 
 two apparently divergent meanings ? The form, we have seen, is, 
 according to the one conception, the aggregate of the primary or 
 underived attributes from which the other attributes are derived, as 
 effects from causes. According to the other conception, it is the law 
 according to which the phenomenon in question is developed out of 
 pre-existing conditions, or, taking into account the conditions, it is, in 
 brief, its cause. But, practically (and the practical interest is with 
 Bacon, we must recollect, always supreme), these two conceptions 
 may, if we take a sufficiently sanguine view of human power, be 
 regarded as leading to the same result. Given the aggregate of 
 primary and underived attributes, and the phenomenon follows as a 
 matter of course. Given the pre-existing conditions and the law of 
 their development, and (on the important assumption that we are 
 able to further the development of the conditions, that we possess 
 an ' efficiens ' as a ' vehiculum formae ') we are ourselves able to 
 produce the effect. Thus, the knowledge of the essence (in the 
 sense which I have attached to that word) and the knowledge of 
 the cause are, for all practical purposes, the same' 1 ". If, to take 
 l':;.con's instances, we know that heat consists in a certain kind of 
 
 To this explanation it might certainly be objected that I am confounding laws of 
 co-existence with laws of succession. Hut then, I think, it might be replied that we 
 must conceive of the secondary or derived qualities as following on the collocation of 
 the piiniary or underived qualities, even though the time occupied be infinitesimal.
 
 BACON'S USAGE OF 'FORM? 59 
 
 motion, or whiteness in a certain juxtaposition of particles, we are 
 already acquainted with the law of its development or cause of its 
 production. Or, to take Lasalle's instance of ' Form ' (which seems 
 to me a very good one), if we are acquainted with Newton's analysis 
 of a white ray of light into the several coloured rays of which it is 
 composed, it is indifferent whether we speak of these rays as consti- 
 tuting (= being the essence of) whiteness, or as producing ( = being 
 the cause of) whiteness. And, as substances or concrete bodies were, 
 according to Bacon's conception, ' formae copulatae,' or combinations 
 of certain 'simple natures,' a knowledge of the 'essence' would, in 
 their case also, be equivalent to a knowledge of the 'cause.' So far, 
 indeed, did Bacon carry this idea that he supposed that, if we could 
 ever attain (as he did not despair of attaining) to a knowledge of the 
 various ' simple natures ' which constitute substances, we should be 
 able, by superimposing them severally, one on the other, to produce 
 the substance in question. See, for instance, the beginning of the 
 5th Aphorism of the Second Book of the Novum Organum, which 
 furnishes a good example both of the simplicity which he ascribed to 
 Nature and of the sanguine expectations which he had formedof our 
 ultimate power over its operations. 
 
 The great difference which Bacon himself conceived as distinguish- 
 ing his own doctrine of Forms from that of the Schoolmen was that, 
 whereas, with them, the ' Form ' simply replaced the thing to be 
 explained by some empty abstraction, with him, the ' Form ' was to 
 set forth the several conditions on which the phenomenon was de- 
 pendent, and thus render possible its artificial production. That 
 this conception, however obscurely and ambiguously it is often 
 stated, is an eminently just and fertile one, cannot be doubted. 
 
 The reader, who is acquainted with the logic of Aristotle, will not 
 fail to notice the parallel between Bacon's conception of ' Form,' as 
 including the ideas of essence, definition, and cause, and that class of 
 essential definitions in which the cause of the term defined is set forth 
 in the definition, as, for instance, ri 8' eW! ppovrr) ; v//w/>o? a7rocr/3ewv/ne'-ou 
 iTvpos fv vfipeaiv (An. Post. ii. 10). To know a thing (that is, to know 
 its essence) and to know its cause are frequently stated by Aristotle 
 
 to be identical. Thus, TO ri f'ariv ei'SeVcu TCIVTO tori KCU 8u\ ri f&Tiv. An. 
 
 Post. ii. 2 41 . 
 
 11 On the Aristotelian doctrine of Definition, which presents several points of 
 interest in connexion with what has been said in this section, see the excellent
 
 60 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The reader will find a good account of ' Form ' in Mr. Ellis's 
 General Preface to the Philosophical Works of Bacon, sect. 8. My 
 conclusions are in general accordance with his, though I have arrived 
 at them by a somewhat different route. 
 
 9. THE METHOD OF EXCLUSIONS. 
 
 BACON evidently regarded this method as the corner-stone of his 
 system 42 . See, for instance, Nov. Org. i. 69, 105; ii. 15, 16, 19. 
 To understand his meaning, these passages should be carefully 
 studied in connexion with each other as well as with the various 
 places where he speaks of the discovery of Forms. 
 
 The complex substances and operations of nature admitted, he 
 conceived, as we have already seen in the section on ' Forms,' of 
 being broken up into a few k simple natures,' just as the numerous 
 words of a language are composed of a small number of simple 
 sounds or letters. The first business of science, then, was to ascertain 
 the ' forms ' of these simple natures. This work might, he supposed, 
 be effected by means of the ' Method of Exclusions.' The number 
 of ' simple natures ' being limited, and, as he seems to have thought, 
 at least ultimately ascertainable, if we w r ish to find with what other 
 nature any given nature is invariably connected (this phrase is mine, 
 not his) either as an effect or as a species, we have nothing to do 
 but to go on ascertaining with what natures it is not so connected. 
 And if we can succeed in excluding all but one, it follows that this 
 is the nature of which we are in search. ' Est itaque Inductionis 
 verae opus primum (quatenus ad inveniendas formas) rejectio sive 
 exclusiva naturarum singularum, quae non inveniuntur in aliqua 
 instantia, ubi natura data adest ; aut inveniuntur in aliqua instantia, 
 
 monograph of Rassow, Aristotelis de Notionis Definitione Doctrina, Berlin, 1843. 
 Those who have not access to this work may with advantage consult Grote's 
 Aristotle or the Appendix on Definition in Mansel's Edition of Aldrich. 
 
 Mr. Ellis refers to a curious and apt passage in the exposition of the Fable of 
 Cupid (De Principiis atque Originibus, E. and S., vol. iii. pp. Si, 82) : ' Idque a 
 parabola ipsa monemur, ubi eleganter fingitur Cupido, ovum Nocte incubante ex- 
 clusum. * * Aptissime autem refertur illud de ovo Noctis ad demonstrationes 
 per quas Cupido iste in luccm cditur. Quae enim per affirmativas concluduntur, 
 videntur partus lucis ; quae vero per negativas et exclusiones, ea tanquam a tene- 
 bris et nocte cxprimuntur et educuntur. Est autem iste Cupido vere ovum 
 cxclusum a Nocte ; notitia enim cjus v quac oinnino haberi potest) proceclit per 
 exclusiones et negativas.'
 
 METHOD OF EXCLUSIONS. 6 1 
 
 ubi natura data abest ; aut inveniuntur in aliqua instantia crescere, 
 cum natura data decrescat ; aut decrescere, cum natura data crescat. 
 Tumvero post rejectionem et exclusivamdebitismodis factam, secundo 
 loco (tanquam in fundo) manebit (abeuntibus in fumum opinionibus 
 volatilibus) forma affirmativa, solida, et vera, et bene terminata * 3 .' In 
 the present state of knowledge, however, he does not seem to think 
 this ideal attainable. ' Neque vero ipsa exclusiva ullo modo perfecta 
 est, neque adeo esse potest sub initiis' (ii. 19). Hence the necessity 
 not only of the ' Tables,' but also of the ' praerogativae instantiarum ' 
 and other 'aids of the intellect,' in order to complete, as far as 
 may be, the ' Exclusiva ; ' as well as of some method of clearing up 
 our conceptions of the ' simple natures ' (which method he like- 
 wise regarded as inductive, though he says nothing further about it 44 . 
 See i. 14, 1 8). ' Itaque nos, qui nee ignari sumus, nee obliti, quantum 
 opus aggrediamur (viz. ut faciamus intellectum humanum rebus et 
 naturae parem), nullo modo acquiescimus in his, quae adhuc prae- 
 cepimus : sed et rem in ulterius provehimus, et fortiora auxilia in 
 usum intellectus machinamur et ministramus ; quae nunc subjun- 
 gemus 45 .' 
 
 Now, perhaps, the first remark that occurs to one in considering 
 this method is that it seems to be assumed that every 'simple nature' 
 has some other ' simple nature ' which is its form, or part of its form. 
 Thus, heat, which is itself a simple nature, is a species of motion, or, 
 to put the same thing in different words, an effect of motion. Some 
 of the ' simple natures,' then, are genera or causes of the other 
 simple natures. But, if so, there must evidently be some one or 
 more of the ' simple natures ' which cannot be brought under any 
 genus or cause. This or these, then, have no 'form 4( V 
 
 Another remark, already made by Mr. Ellis 4T , is that of the two 
 concomitant natures, or, as I have put it, of the two natures 
 
 4; Nov. Org. ii. 16. 
 
 u I am inclined to think that Bacon supposed the work of clearing up our con- 
 ceptions and that of establishing true axioms would proceed pari passu, though 
 Mr. Ellis (General Preface, p. 37) is apparently of a different opinion. See my note 
 on ii. 19. 
 
 45 Nov. Org. ii. 19. 
 
 40 This, perhaps, may have been the reason why Bacon, in writing the second 
 book of the Novum Organum, changed his example from Motion to Heat. It 
 would have been found very difficult to assign the ' form ' of Motion. For this 
 earlier example of his method, ' Filum Labyrinthi, sive Inquisitio Legitima de 
 Motu,' see Ellis and Spedding, vol. iii. pp. 621-640. 
 
 47 General Preface to the Philosophical Works, p. 33.
 
 6 2 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 invariably connected, there is nothing to determine which is the 
 Form of the other, except the somewhat vague statement that one, 
 besides being convertible with the other, is a limitation of some 
 ' more general nature : ' ' inveniatur natura alia, quae sit cum natura 
 data convertibilis, et tamen sit limitatio naturae notioris, instar 
 generis veri 48 .' It might, however, be asked, how are we to ascer- 
 tain the genus of which the Form is the limitation and the ' natura 
 data ' the species ? How, for instance, are we to know that heat is 
 a species of motion, rather than motion a species of heat? And 
 still, before we begin to search for the differentia, this preliminary 
 point must be settled. The best solution, it appears to me, of this 
 difficulty is to suppose that Bacon was thinking quite as much of 
 the relation of cause and effect as of that of genus and species, and 
 that the subsequence in thought of the ' limitation ' (constituting the 
 species) to the genus which it qualifies should be translated, in order 
 to express his meaning fully, into the subsequence in time of the 
 effect to the cause. The question which of two natures is cause, and 
 which effect, can, of course, always be determined in any individual 
 instance, if we can ascertain which of the two has preceded the 
 other. 
 
 A third remark is one which I have frequently had occasion to 
 make in the notes on the early Aphorisms of the Second Book, 
 namely, that the whole of the enquiry into Form, and, consequently, 
 the Method of Fxclusions, proceeds on the assumption that every 
 phenomenon has only one cause, that is to say, is due to only one 
 set of conditions. Of the ' simple natures ' there is some one, and 
 one only, which, if it could be found, is the 'Form' of the 'natura 
 data.' ' Turn vero post rejectionem et exclusivam debitis modis 
 fartam, sccundo loco * * * mancbit * * * forma affirmativa.' But 
 the same event, as is so often and so justly insisted on by Mr. Mill, 
 whenever he has occasion to speak of what he terms ' Plurality of 
 Causes,' may be due to one set of conditions at one time and to a 
 different set of conditions at another. (On Bacon's neglect of this 
 consideration, see Mill's Logic, bk. v. ch. 3. 7.) Hence, though it 
 is invariably true that the same cause is always followed by the same 
 effect, the converse proposition that the same effect is always due to 
 the same cause would frequently be misleading. Of Bacon's criteria 
 of a Form, therefore, as well as of the exclusion of a Form, some, as 
 
 Nov. Org. ii. 4. Cp. A ph. 15.
 
 METHOD OF EXCLUSIONS. 63 
 
 I have pointed out in the notes on Aphs. 15 and 16 of Book ii, 
 are vitiated through his ignoring this circumstance. 
 
 I may remark, lastly, that the force of Bacon's argument is much 
 more apparent, as well as really greater, when stated affirmatively 
 than negatively. If the connexion between two phenomena or 
 'natures' satisfies all the requirements of the Inductive Methods (and, 
 on a liberal interpretation, we may regard all these requirements 
 as stated in Nov. Org. ii. 15), we are surely justified, without going 
 through any ' exclusion ' of other natures, in affirming a causal 
 relation between them. On the other hand, however large the 
 number of ' natures ' which we can succeed in excluding, we can 
 hardly ever be certain, in the present state of knowledge or any 
 which we are likely to attain, that we have excluded all but one. 
 And, even supposing we are able to attain this certainty, how do 
 we know, unless we have some positive evidence, that the remaining 
 nature is the cause or ' form ' of the given nature ? Might they not 
 both be, so far as our knowledge reaches, ultimate facts of nature, 
 uniformities of coexistence, like Inertia and Gravity 49 ? That Bacon 
 should have overlooked this objection to his method is the more 
 remarkable, when we take into account Aph. 48 of Book i, where he 
 seems to be warning his readers against the commission of this very 
 error 50 . 
 
 On the whole, it will be seen that Bacon greatly exaggerated the 
 value of this method, though the elimination of error is undoubtedly 
 a most important step towards the discovery of truth, and though, 
 in the course of his exposition, he enunciates a number of rules and 
 maxims which contain the germ of much which is most valuable in 
 the modern Theory of Induction. 
 
 I cannot close this section without bearing my testimony to the 
 excellence of Mr. Ellis's remarks on the subject here discussed. See 
 his 'General Preface to the Philosophical Works,' vol. i. pp. 32-39. 
 What I have said ought not to prevent the student from having 
 recourse to this additional assistance on one of the most obscure 
 topics connected with Bacon's system. 
 
 49 See my Inductive Logic, 4th ed., pp. 219, 220 ; and Bain's Inductive Logic, 
 bk. iii. ch. 3, ' Induction of Co-Existence.' 
 
 5U ' At majore cum pernicie intervenit haec impotentia mentis in inventione 
 causarum : nam cum maxime universalia in natura positiva esse debeant, quemad- 
 modum inveniuntur, neque sunt revera causabilia ; tamen intellectus humanus. 
 nescius acquiescere, adhuc appetit notiora. '
 
 64 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 10. BACON'S REJECTION OF FINAL CAUSES 
 IN PHYSICS. 
 
 THE true key to Bacon's views on the employment of Final Causes 
 is to be found in the De Augmentis, iii. 4. They are there rejected 
 from Physics, but transferred to what Bacon calls ' Metaphysics.' 
 'Metaphysicae pars secunda est Finalium Causarum inquisitio, quam 
 non ut praetermissam sed ut male collocatam notamus. Solent 
 enim inquiri inter Physica, non inter Metaphysica. Quanquam si 
 ordinis hoc solum vitium esset, non mihi fuerit tanti. Ordo enim 
 ad illustrationem pertinet, neque est ex substantia scientiarum. At 
 haec ordinis inversio defectum insignem peperit, et maximam phi- 
 losophiac induxit calamitatem. Tractatio enim Causarum Finalium 
 in Physicis inquisitionem Causarum Physicarum expulit et dejecit ; 
 effecitque ut homines in istiusmodi speciosis et umbratilibus causis 
 acquiescerent, nee inquisitionem causarum realium et vere Physicarum 
 strenue urgerent ; ingenti scientiarum detrimento r>1 .' He proceeds 
 to give instances, and to speak of Aristotle, Plato, Democritus. &c., 
 in a passage which is well worthy of the student's attention. He 
 then continues : ' Neque haec eo dicimus quod Causae illae Finales 
 verae non sint, et inquisitione admodum clignae, in speculationibus 
 Metaphysicae; sed quia, dum in Physicarum Causarum possessiones 
 excummt et irruunt, misere earn provinciam depopulantur et vastant. 
 Alioquin, si modo intra terminos suos coerceantur, magnopere hal- 
 lucinantur quicunque eas Physicis Causis adversari aut repugnare 
 putent.' * * ' Neque vero ista res in dubium vocat Providen- 
 
 tiam Divinam, aut ei quicquam derogat, sed potius eandem miris 
 modi's confirmat et evehit.' : * ' Adeo ut tantum absit ut 
 
 Causae Physicae homines a Deo et Providentia abducant, ut contra 
 potius philosophi illi qui in iisdem eruendis occupati fuerunt nullum 
 exitum rei reperiant nisi postremo ad Deum et Providentiam confu- 
 giant.' To these quotations may be added some of the passages quoted 
 or referred to in the section on Bacon's Religious Opinions, especially 
 those in the Essay on Atheism and in the De Augmentis, iii. 2. 
 
 The student who has carefully considered these passages will, 
 I think, lie able to form a just estimate of the extent to which Bacon 
 did and the extent to which lie did not intend to reject the study of 
 Final Causes from philosophy. lie spoke, I believe, quite seriously, 
 
 11 E. and S., vol. i. pp. 568, 569.
 
 REJECTION OF ''FINAL CAUSES! 65 
 
 and not with the slightest intention of employing banter, when he 
 compared the enquiry into Final Causes with a virgin consecrated to 
 God 52 . We may, he conceived, legitimately contemplate the ends 
 and objects of the various parts of nature, their relations to one 
 another, and the harmony of the whole, and so rise to some con- 
 ception, however faint, of the power and wisdom of Him who framed 
 the Universe. ' Quod sit Deus, quod rerum habenas tractet, quod 
 summe potens, quod sapiens et praescius, quod bonus, ***** 
 etiam ex operibus ejus demonstrari et evinci potest 53 .' But then this 
 enquiry must remain consecrated to the service of God. As soon as 
 it intrudes into the province of Physics, it is attended with no results ; 
 nay rather, as it diverts the mind from the enquiry into the efficient 
 and material causes, the proper objects of physics, it becomes 
 positively baneful 64 . 
 
 Apparently inconsistent, however, with this limitation of the 
 censure on the pursuit of Final Causes are passages such as that 
 in Nov. Org. i. 48, where he seems to condemn them generally, 
 as being ' plane ex natura hominis potius quam universi 5> V 
 
 Now, with regard to these passages, I may observe, first, that as 
 the De Augmentis received Bacon's final supervision after the pub- 
 lication of the Novum Organum, and as far the most explicit and 
 elaborate passage on this subject is to be found in that work, we are 
 bound, if there is any contradiction, to accept Bacon's later and more 
 detailed rather than his earlier and more casual utterances 5fl . 
 
 52 ' Nam Causaram Finalium inquisitio sterilis est, et tanquam virgo Deo conse- 
 crata nihil parit.' De Augm. iii. 5. ' Nihil parit,' as Mr. Ellis observes in his 
 note on the passage, simply means ' non parit opera.' This fact will be plain to 
 any one who will consult the context. Bacon is speaking of the divisions of the 
 ' Doctrina Operativa.' The enquiry into Efficient and Material Causes produces 
 Mechanics ; that into Formal Causes produces Magic ; that into Final Causes 
 ' nihil parit.' 
 
 Dugald Stewart (Elements, Ed. Hamilton, Works, vol. iii.; says that this epi- 
 grammatic maxim has been, perhaps, oftener quoted, particularly by French 
 writers, than any other sentence in Bacon's works ; these quotations, he adds, have 
 generally been made without any reference to the context, and ; consequently, with 
 considerable misunderstanding of Bacon's meaning. 
 
 53 De Augm. iii. 2. 
 
 r ' 1 ' At ex his, Causa Finalis tantum abest ut prosit, ut etiam scientias corrampat, 
 nisi in hominis actionibus.' Nov. Org. ii. 2. See also the passage quoted above 
 from De Augm. iii. 4. 
 
 " Cp. Nov. Org. i. 65, ii. 2. 
 
 50 To this remark it might, perhaps, be objected that the passage in the De 
 Augmentis is little more than a repetition of what appeared in Bacon's earlier 
 work, the Advancement of Learning, which was first published in 1605. But we 
 
 F
 
 6 6 INTRODUCTION, 
 
 In the second place, even though we may regard the analogy of 
 human actions (which are always directed to some specific end, and 
 that too one which usually admits of being ascertained without 
 much difficulty) as wrongly applied to the processes of nature, it does 
 not follow that there is no plan whatsoever in the operations of 
 nature, or even that such plan may not, at least in its broad outlines, 
 admit of being discovered by us. Of the ' work which God worketh 
 from the beginning to the end,' namely the ' summary law of nature,' 
 Bacon does indeed declare that ' it may fairly be doubted whether 
 man's inquiry can attain to it 57 ,' but, at the same time, we may attain 
 to a sufficiently clear vision of that work to perceive, at least, the 
 power, the wisdom, and the goodness of the source from which it 
 issues, foolish and inadequate as may be our guesses with regard 
 to the details of the scheme. And this, I think, is the answer which 
 Bacon himself would have made to any one who had charged him 
 with inconsistency in his different utterances on this, one of the most 
 difficult questions which presents itself in the course of human 
 speculation. 
 
 It is an entirely distinct question whether Bacon acted rightly in 
 expelling the consideration of Final Causes so completely as he pro- 
 posed to do from the domain of Physics, and it is certainly a curious 
 commentary on his procedure that, at the very time when he was 
 composing the Novum Organum, Harvey was employing this very 
 mode of reasoning in the famous researches which resulted in the 
 discovery of the Circulation of the Blood :8 . Nor would any one, I 
 presume, now deny that the idea of function, which implies so much 
 of the idea of Final Cause as is included in the word adaptation 
 as distinct from design, is a conception absolutely essential to the 
 successful prosecution of at least one science, that of physiology. 
 And, even in the higher sciences of psychology, ethics, and politics, 
 there are few enquirers who can avoid from time to time asking the 
 question, what purpose does such and such a constituent subserve in 
 the mental, moral, or social economy. In chemistry, mineralogy, 
 
 ki:o\v alike from the testimony of Kawley and from internal evidence that liacon 
 thoroughly revised the work, as it was undergoing translation, and, moreover, in 
 this very passage there are several alterations, including the important addition at 
 the end. 
 
 " DC Augm. iii. 4 V.. and S., vol. i. p. 567"*. 
 
 Harvey began pr.bliely to teach this doctrine in 1619, though his work on the 
 subject \\as mil published till i62S. His discovery set out from observing the 
 action oi the valves in the veins of man}- parts of the body, and enquiring into their 
 purpose, assuming, oi course, that they had some purpose or other.
 
 REJECTION OF 'FINAL CAUSES. 1 67 
 
 and those branches of science to which the word ' physics ' is often 
 restricted, such enquiries are much rarer, but I question whether there 
 is any single science, other than mathematical, from which the idea of 
 adaptation can be strictly and consistently excluded. How we are to 
 interpret the fact of adaptation is a different question, and one which 
 by the great mass of scientific enquirers would now be answered in 
 a far different fashion from what ever occurred to any but a few 
 isolated thinkers in previous generations. The limits of this Intro- 
 duction being necessarily restricted, it is enough here simply to allude 
 to the theory of Evolution, and to works such as those of Mr. Darwin, 
 Mr. Wallace, and Mr. Herbert Spencer. To prevent, however, any 
 misconception of my own opinions, I cannot refrain from repeating 
 here what I have already said in another place, that the main drift of 
 the arguments employed in Natural Theology is not affected by the 
 modern theory of Evolution. If I may be allowed to quote myself, 
 ' I am far from denying that the Argument from Final Causes, if it 
 take sufficient account of the evolution of organisms and their power 
 of adapting themselves to external circumstances, and if it be based 
 on the contemplation of Nature as a whole, instead of on that of 
 individual objects, may admit of being stated in such a form as to 
 occupy once more an important position in any scheme of Natural 
 Theology. Bearing in mind these qualifications, it may be perfectly 
 legitimate to speak, with reference to the universe at large, of design 
 and a designer, whatever may have been the agency, and however 
 mysterious and prolonged the process, by which an intelligent 
 Creator may have worked. Theories of evolution may be so 
 stated as not to impair, but indefinitely to exalt, our ideas of the 
 power, wisdom, and benevolence of the Being in whom Nature 
 had its source 59 .' 
 
 My conclusion, then, is, in brief, that Bacon did not intend to ex- 
 clude the employment of the argument from Final Causes in Meta- 
 physics (or, as we should now rather say, Natural Theology Gu ), while 
 his exclusion of it from the domain of physics was far too rigid and 
 
 59 Inductive Logic, 4th Ed., p. 338, note. 
 
 61 Bacon did not recognise any science of Metaphysics (in the ordinary sense of 
 that term) as distinct from Natural Theology. See his letter to Father Baranzan 
 (published in Spedding's Letters and Life of Bacon, vol. vii. pp. 375-7) : ' De 
 Metaphysica ne sis sollicitus. Nulla enim erit post veram Physicam inventatn ; 
 ultra quam nihil praeter divina.' Cp. pp. 15, 16 of this Introduction. On p. 64 
 it will have been seen that he sometimes employed the term in a peculiar sense 
 of his own.
 
 68 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 absolute. In his defence, however, it ought to be pleaded that the 
 use of this topic in ancient and mediaeval philosophy, as well as in the 
 writings of Bacon's contemporaries, was often arbitrary, fanciful, and 
 absurd to the last degree. ' The handling of final causes ' had cer- 
 tainly ' intercepted the severe and diligent inquiry of all real and 
 physical causes,' and it might well be maintained that their temporary 
 expulsion, could it have been effected, would have been a real service 
 to science. As it was, I believe that the protest of Bacon and 
 1 )escartes, who was as little tolerant as Bacon himself of this mode 
 of explaining physical phenomena cl , exerted a decidedly wholesome 
 influence on the scientific procedure of their successors. 
 
 In my Inductive Logic, I have given a large number of instances 
 of the absurd or misplaced employment of this Argument, which, I 
 think, will be quite sufficient to shew the pernicious and misleading 
 effect which, at times, it has exercised. To these and to my general 
 criticism of the Argument, I must, for the sake of saving space, now 
 refer the reader G2 . 
 
 II. THE CAUSES OF ARISTOTLE'S FAILURE IN HIS 
 PHYSICAL RESEARCHES. 
 
 AMONGST the various causes which have been assigned for Aris- 
 totle's comparative failure in this branch of his philosophy are the 
 neglect of facts (or, as it has been otherwise phrased, his disregard of 
 experience), a partiality for abstract reasoning, a want of distinctness 
 and of appropriateness to the facts in the Ideas he employs, and the 
 
 i;i ' Ita (Icnique nullas unquam rationes circa res naturales a fine, quern Deus aut 
 natura in iis faciendis sibi proposuit, clesumemus ; quia non tantum nobis debemus 
 firmware, ut ejus consiliorum partieipes nos esse putemus.' Do Principiis Philoso- 
 phise, i. 2S. In the Fourth Meditation, after speaking of the difficulty of pene- 
 trating the divine designs, he continues : ' ex hoc satis etiam scio innumerabilia 
 ilium posse quorum causas ignorem ; atque oh hanc unicam rationcm to turn illud 
 cau^arum genus, quod a fine peti solet. in rebus Physicis nullum usurn habere exis- 
 timo; non enim absque temeritatc me puto posse investigare fines Dei.' It would 
 not be difficult to maintain that Descartes' views, as expressed in these passages, 
 \verc influenced by those of liacon. 
 
 See Inductive Logic, ^th Ed., pp. 33^-352. The earliest criticism of Bacon's 
 rejection of Final Causes, which possesses much value or discrimination, is to be 
 found in Diigahl Stewart's Elements, part ii. subdivision I. ch. 4. sect. 6 (Ed. 
 Hamilton, ^Yorks, vol. iii. pp. 335- -3,^7). Much of what Stewart says would now 
 require to be re-cast, in view of the facts and theory of Evolution. liut the 
 student will still find his remarks of considerable interest.
 
 CAUSES OF ARISTOTLE'S FAILURE IN PHYSICS. 69 
 
 absence of verification. Of the first, it may be shewn (as has been 
 abundantly done by Dr. Whewell in his History of the Inductive 
 Sciences and by Mr. G. H. Lewes in his work on Aristotle, and as 
 will be obvious to any one acquainted with Aristotle's physical 
 treatises), that it is very inaccurately stated. Aristotle, especially in 
 his History of Animals, has collected a large number of facts, though 
 the facts may not always be well selected or precisely described. As 
 to the second charge, not only does it err in vagueness, but it may 
 be met with a plea of justification. ' Abstract reasoning,' provided 
 it be properly conducted, is quite as essential a factor of science, as 
 is the accumulation of facts. The third charge (which is that ad- 
 vanced by Dr. Whewell 63 ) is certainly well-grounded, but it specifies, 
 as it appears to me, only one of many causes, while it leaves un- 
 answered the question, 'Why are Aristotle's ideas inappropriate to 
 his facts?', one of the very problems to be solved. Nor does it seem 
 to me that the fourth cause (which is that assigned by Mr. Lewes in 
 his work on Aristotle) supplies an adequate explanation. For what 
 is Verification ? It is the confirmation of one mode of proof by 
 another, as, for instance, of induction by deduction, or of deduction 
 by induction. But, though Aristotle's reasoning is undoubtedly often 
 deficient in this respect, and especially in the confirmation of his 
 a priori arguments by an inductive examination of facts, yet surely 
 this is not an exhaustive account of the causes which contributed to 
 render so large a proportion of his physical researches futile. 
 
 To me it appears that many circumstances combined to mar his 
 efforts in this department of philosophy. Without attempting a 
 complete enumeration, and without pretending that those here given 
 are always mutually exclusive, I may specify the following : 
 
 (i) His observations, though very numerous and often very care- 
 fully conducted, were not infrequently inaccurate or insufficient, 
 owing either to his own defects as an observer or, perhaps still 
 oftener, to his relying too implicitly on the authority of others. I 
 may refer for instances to some of the cases adduced by Mr. Lewes 
 in his Aristotle (see, especially, pp. 272, 3, and p. 332\ and by the 
 author of an exceedingly interesting Article on the Historia Animalium 
 in the Quarterly Review, No. 233, which, while it does justice to 
 Aristotle, also freely points out his demerits. See also my Inductive 
 Logic, 4th Ed., pp. 277-279 64 . 
 
 See Dr. Whewell's History of the Inductive Sciences, bk. i. ch. 3. sect. 2. 
 
 On the other hand, the student will do well to read, in arrest of judgment on
 
 ;o 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 (2) Though it cannot be said with truth that Aristotle never tried 
 experiments, still it must be confessed that he did so very rarely. 
 The following interesting examples (interesting mainly because they 
 are so rare) are given by Mr. Lewes. ' He refers to the experiment of 
 tying or removing the right testis of the male, previous to congress, 
 in disproof of the hypothesis that the sexes are derived from the right 
 and left testes. He refers to the experiment of removing the eyes 
 from young birds, to show that these organs are capable of being 
 reproduced, a capability not observed in adult birds. Although he 
 places the seat of motive power in the heart, yet he refers to the 
 experiment of removing the heart from tortoises, after which they 
 still continue for some time to move ; and to prove that the nutritive 
 soul is contained in the centre, he refers to the insects whose heads 
 and limbs may be removed without destroying their vitality.' Mr. 
 Lewes adds with regard to the last experiment : ' The fact is incor- 
 rectly stated. The separated head will live almost as long as the 
 body ; and I have often found the hinder part of a triton live and 
 move for hours after its separation from the body.' See Lewes' 
 Aristotle, pp. 1 1 2, 3. I do not recollect any experiments proposed 
 by Aristotle in any branch of natural science other than physiology. 
 
 (3") He frequently adopted traditional beliefs or stories, some even 
 which appear to us to be of a ridiculous character, without any further 
 investigation. To say nothing of the doctrine of the Elements, the 
 popular notions about gravity and levity, and the like, I may instance 
 from his physiological works the curious statements about the lion, as, 
 for example, that it has only one bone in its neck, but no cervical 
 vertebrae (Hist. An. ii. i (3) ), the story that the hen-partridge 
 is impregnated by hearing the voice or smelling the breath of the 
 male bird (I)e Gen. Anim. iii. i (26, kc.) ), and the statement, 
 adopted probably from Herodotus, that the crocodile moves its upper 
 jaw (Hist. An. i. 1 1 (10) and iii. 7 (4) ). For additional instances, see 
 the Article in the Quarterly Review, above referred to. Sometimes, as 
 in the case of the cranium of the dog, which he supposes to consist of 
 a single bone (Hist. An. iii. 7 (3) ) it is difficult to say whether the mis- 
 take is due to defective observation or to the unsuspecting reception 
 of a popular belief, or, lastly, to over-hasty generalisation. 
 
 (4) The fault just noticed was also undoubtedly the cause of many 
 of Aristotle's errors. Though, perhaps, he was not without the con- 
 
 thc extreme carelessness often attributed to Aristotle's habits of observation, Dr. 
 \\ ilham Ogle's introduction to his translation of the De Partibus Anirmlium.
 
 CAUSES OF ARISTOTLE'S FAILURE IN PHYSICS. 71 
 
 ception of scientific induction 65 , yet the form of induction which he 
 usually employs is that of Simple Enumeration. And, as the enume- 
 ration of instances must, in most cases, necessarily be scanty, he 
 naturally lapsed into the habit of generalising on insufficient data. 
 The selection of instances as distinct from their enumeration (the point 
 on which Bacon so constantly and emphatically insists) would, doubt- 
 less, have done much to transform the philosophy of the time, and to 
 accelerate the progress of science. But it is precisely this difference 
 which distinguishes modern from ancient induction. As I have else- 
 where (see Inductive Logic, 4th Ed., pp. 277, &c.) spoken at some 
 length on this defect in Aristotle's method, I shall not dwell on it in 
 this place. It may be described, from different points of view, either 
 as hasty generalisation, or as the use of Inductio per Enumerationem 
 Simplicem in place of Scientific Induction. 
 
 (5) Another most important cause of failure is to be found in 
 Aristotle's vague use of general terms. Words like motion, hot and 
 cold, moist and dry, heavy and light, generation and corruption, 
 natural and unnatural, &c., are employed simply in their popular 
 acceptation, without any attempt to give them a definite and precise 
 meaning. The problems proposed for solution being thus wanting 
 in precision, it is not surprising that the results arrived at are vague 
 and unscientific. Under this head, cp. Herschel on the Study of 
 Natural Philosophy, Part ii. ch. 3, and Whewell's History of the 
 Inductive Sciences, Book i. ch. 2. sect. 2. 
 
 (6) Lastly, I may add that Aristotle was often diverted from the study 
 of facts, and prevented from perceiving the due significance of those 
 which he did observe, by his eagerness to discover illustrations of his 
 favourite metaphysical distinctions, such as Swc^uy and eWpyfto, the ten 
 categories with their subdivisions, the four causes, the different kinds 
 of motion, and the like. His partiality for assigning the final rather 
 than the efficient causes of phenomena is specially to be noticed 
 under this head, as having often led him to the perversion of facts or 
 to erroneous generalisations. This a priori nsMQ&e, of investigation, the 
 disposition to look out for illustrations of preconceived maxims or 
 ideas instead of patiently considering what conclusions the facts lead 
 to, is peculiarly opposed to the Baconian method and the spirit of 
 modern science. 
 
 Briefly to sum up, Aristotle's collection of facts was often inade- 
 
 Gr ' On Aristotle's Induction, see some further remarks, with references, at the 
 beginning of the section on ' Anticipations of Bacon's Method and Teaching.'
 
 72 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 quate either in number or character to form a basis of induction, his 
 method was often unscientific, his ideas were often vague and indis- 
 tinct, and his fundamental maxims and distinctions were often 
 preconceived and assumed rather than gathered from experience and 
 reasoning 6C . 
 
 It should, however, be recollected that scientific ideas, adequate 
 and appropriate to the explanation of scientific facts, are usually the 
 slow growth of time, and occur to men only as the sequel of many 
 unsuccessful efforts. Even had Aristotle's collection of facts been 
 more complete and accurate than it was, they had hardly been known 
 sufficiently long to suggest either to him or others the conceptions 
 which were adequate to connect and explain them. We are not 
 perhaps justified in expecting the master to have effected more than 
 he did. The fault was in the scholars, who, instead of carrying on 
 the master's work, contented themselves with blindly bowing to his 
 authority, and repeating his maxims. This undiscriminating admira- 
 tion naturally, in its turn, provoked the reaction, often almost equally 
 undiscriminating, of which I proceed to treat in the next section. 
 
 12. THE REACTION AGAINST THE AUTHORITY 
 OF ARISTOTLE. 
 
 THE violence with which Bacon attacks the person and philosophy 
 of Aristotle is by no means peculiar to him ; an exaggerated reaction 
 against the authority of the Aristotelian philosophy was a common 
 feature of his time and of that immediately preceding it. The 
 exaggerated reverence for an author not unnaturally leads to an 
 exaggerated depreciation of him, and the appeal which men were at 
 one time in the habit of constantly making to the authority of the 
 great philosopher as a final arbiter of all controversy may, at least, 
 excuse, if it does not justify, the virulence and bitterness with which 
 his name was handled by the advocates of a new method and the 
 exponents of a new learning. 
 
 I shall not attempt to describe the varying fortunes of Aristotle 
 
 !i Eucken '.quoted by Lange, Geschichte cles Materialismus, and Ed., vol. i. 
 p. 135 refers Aristotle's failure in his physical researches almost exclusively to the 
 want of scientific instruments, but, as Lange remarks, the moderns began their work 
 of discovery with almost exactly the same scientific appliances as the ancients, and 
 invented the instruments as they proceeded in their researches.
 
 REACTION AGAINST ARISTOTLE. 73 
 
 in the schools of the Middle Ages, the gradual diffusion of his works, 
 the predominant influence which, as a rule, he exercised, or the 
 occasional protests, followed sometimes by authoritative decrees, 
 which, on theological grounds, were directed against that influence i;? . 
 Nor shall I describe the treatment which, as the supposed source of 
 the scholastic dogmas, the Aristotelian philosophy received at the 
 hands of the Reformers, who, with the one exception of Melanchthon, 
 so bitterly, and often so ignorantly, opposed it. As illustrating the 
 position of Bacon, I am concerned solely with the philosophical 
 reaction against the Aristotelian method and doctrine, and this it 
 may be interesting to the reader to see exemplified at some length. 
 
 Even so early as the twelfth century, we find John of Salisbury 
 (b. about 1 1 20, d. 1180) thinking it necessary to warn his readers 
 that Aristotle had ' erred in many things.' In the curious and 
 interesting treatise, entitled ' Metalogicus,' he grants, on the one hand, 
 that Aristotle was pre-eminently ' the philosopher,' and, in the art 
 of dialectic at least, excelled all others : 'Sed cum singuli suis meritis 
 splendeant, omnes se Aristotelis adorare vestigia gloriantur, adeo 
 quidem ut commune omnium philosophorum nomen praeeminentia 
 quadam sibi proprium fecerit. Nam et autonomatice, id est excel- 
 lenter, philosophus appellatur c8 .' On the other hand, while re- 
 commending the study of Aristotle rather than Boethius, he adds : 
 ' Nee tamen Aristotelem ubique plane aut sensisse aut dixisse 
 protestor, ut sacrosanctum sit, quidquid scripsit. Nam in pluribus, 
 obtinente ratione et auctoritate fidei, convincitur errasse : siquidem 
 non modo studiosum quemlibet, sed et Deum ipsum prava posse 
 committere asserit. ****** Sunt et multi errores ejus, qui in 
 scripturis tarn ethnicis quam fidelibus poterunt inveniri ; verum in 
 logica parem habuisse non legitur. Unde sic accipiendus est, ut ad 
 promovendos juvenes ad gravioris philosophiae instituta doctor sit, 
 non morum, sed disceptationum 'V 
 
 In the next century, Roger Bacon (b. 1214, d. 1292 or 4) used 
 language of a similar purport, shewing at once a discriminating 
 
 67 See, amongst other books, Du Boulay, Historia Universitatis Parisiensis ; 
 Jourdain, Recherches critiques sur l'age et 1'origine des traductions latines d'Aris- 
 tote, &c. ; Renan, Averroes et Averroisme ; Haureau, De la Philosophic Scolas- 
 tique ; Stockl, Geschichte der Philosophic des Mittelalters. 
 
 68 Metalogicus, lib. ii. cap. 16. Cp. Polycraticus, lib. vii. cap. 6 : ' Sicut enim 
 urbs Romam, Maronem poeta cxprimit, sic et philosophi nomen circa Aristotelem 
 utentium placito contractum est.' 
 
 6y Metalogicus, lib. iv. cap. 27.
 
 74 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 respect for the authority of Aristotle, a consciousness that this 
 authority was liable to be strained, and a determination to claim for 
 himself and his contemporaries the liberty of enquiry and, if need 
 were, even of dissent. ' Nam de famosis philosophus solus Aristoteles 
 cum sua familia vocatus est judicio omnium sapientum, quoniam ipse 
 omnes partes philosophiae digessit secundum possibilitatem sui tem- 
 poris, sed tamen ad finem sapientiae non pervenit, sicut satis mani- 
 festabitur inferius 70 .' ' Hie enim praecedentium philosophorum 
 errores evacuavit, et augmentavit philosophiam, aspirans ad ejus 
 complementum, quod habuerint antiqui patriarchae, quamvis non 
 potuit singula perficere. Nam posteriores ipsum in aliquibus cor- 
 rexerunt, et multa ad ejus opera addiderunt, et adhuc addentur usque 
 ad finem mundi ; quia nihil est perfectum in humanis inventionibus, 
 ut in prioribus est expositum. Hunc natura firmavit, utdicit Averroes 
 in 3 (i de Anima, ut ultimam perfectionem hominis inveniret. Hie 
 omnium philosophorum magnorum testimonio praefertur philosophis, 
 et philosophiae ascribendum est id quod ipse affirmavit ; unde nunc 
 temporis autonomatice Philosophus nominatur, in auctoritate phi- 
 losophiae, sicut Paulus in doctrina sapientiae sacrae 71 .' ' Et non 
 crLclo quod Aristoteles plus scivit quam sciunt aliqui sapientes simul 
 congregati. Non dico quin scivit plura quolibet per se, sed aliquot 
 simul juncti plura facerent quam ipse fecit, si expensas sufficientes 
 haberent T 'V In another very remarkable passage, strangely mis- 
 interpreted by Dr. Jebb, who is implicitly followed by Dr. Whewell 73 , 
 Roger P>acon, while praising Aristotle himself as indispensable to 
 the student of philosophy, complains so bitterly of the inaccuracy 
 and obscurity of the translations that he says it would have been 
 better if they had never been made, and, had he power over them, 
 lie would cause them all to be burnt. ' De qua causa est perversitas 
 translationis maxime in libris Aristotelis et scientia ejus, quae sunt 
 fundamentum totius studii sapientiae. Quare qui ignorat ejus labores, 
 in vanum laborat et littus arat, nccunquam potest in aliis promoveri. 
 Sic translatae sunt et scientiae communes, ut logica, naturalis phi- 
 losophia, mathematica, ut nullus mortalis possit aliquid dignum de 
 
 "" Opus Majlis, pars i. cap. 3 ;Kd. Jebb, p. 6). 
 
 71 Id. pars ii. cap. 8 (Kd. Jebb, p. 36). 
 
 7 -' O] us Tn-tium, cap. 36 (Kd. Brewer, p. 117). 
 
 ' J Both these writers transfer what Bacon says of the translations of Aristotle to 
 llu: works of Aristotle himself, thus almost grotesquely misrepresenting the senti- 
 ments of the author. See 1 >r. Jebh's Preface to the Opus Majns, and Dr. YVhewell's 
 History of the Inductive Sciences, 3rd Ed., vol. i. p. 371.
 
 REACTION AGAINST ARISTOTLE. 75 
 
 eis intelligere veraciter, sicut ego expertus sum omnino. ****** 
 Certus igitur sum, quod melius esset Latinis, quod sapientia 
 Aristotelis non esset translata, quam tali obscuritate et perversitate 
 tradita, sicut eis qui ponuntur ibi triginta vel quadraginta annos ; 
 et quanto plus laborant, tanto minus sciunt, sicut ego probavi in 
 omnibus qui libris Aristotelis adhaeserunt. Unde dominus Robertus, 
 quondam episcopus Lincolniensis sanctae memoriae, neglexit omnino 
 libros Aristotelis et vias eorum, et per experientiam propriam, et 
 auctores alios, et per alias scientias negotiatus est in sapientialibus 
 Aristotelis ; et melius centies milesies scivit et scripsit ilia de quibus 
 libri Aristotelis loquuntur, quam in ipsius perversis translationibus 
 capi possunt. ****** Si enim haberem potestatem super libros 
 Aristotelis ego facerem omnes cremari, quia non est nisi temporis 
 amissio studere in illis, et causa erroris et rnultiplicatio ignorantiae, 
 ultra id quod valeat explicari. Et quoniam labores Aristotelis sunt 
 fundamenta totius sapientiae, ideo nemo potest aestimare quantum 
 dispendium accidit Latinis, quia malas translationes receperunt 
 philosophi 7 V 
 
 Passing to the Renaissance, we find a tone of expression very 
 different from the cautious and discriminative criticism of these early 
 writers. Men, who had new theories to propound, had become 
 impatient of the constant appeal to authority, and in their minds 
 the name of Aristotle was associated with the ideas of inflexible 
 dogma and unreasoning opposition to enquiry. He was for them 
 the dictator, the tyrant of the schools, and, till he was dethroned, 
 there was no hope for any regeneration of science, or even for any 
 opportunity of fair discussion. Nor, considering the slavish deference 
 which had long been paid to the name of Aristotle, can this feel- 
 ing, however exaggerated and unreasoning the form which it often 
 assumed, be regarded with surprise. It seems to have originated 
 chiefly amongst the Italian ' novellists,' as they are called by Bacon, 
 and to have spread rapidly amongst all who were foremost in the 
 revival either of science or letters. The works of Laurentius Valla, 
 Rodolphus Agricola, H. C. Agrippa, Ludovicus Vives, Paracelsus, 
 Nizolius, Ramus, Telesius, Patricius, Giordano Bruno, Campanella, 
 M. Aur. Severinus, Nicolaus Cabeus 73 , and others, all teem with 
 
 74 Compendium Studii, cap. 8 (Brewer's Ed., pp. 468, 9). The whole passage 
 from which these extracts are taken is very curious and well worth reading. 
 
 75 Much more moderate in their strictures were Cardan and Galileo, while 
 amongst the defenders of Aristotle we may count Pomponatius (b. 1462, d. 1524 
 or 6) and Caesalpinus (b. 1519, d. 1603).
 
 7 6 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 passages indicative of the reaction against Aristotelianism, and ex- 
 emplifying in various degrees the intensity of feeling, often passing 
 into a bitterness approximating to personal hatred, with which the 
 attack on his authority was carried on. Of these passages I proceed 
 to give some examples, which are both interesting in themselves 
 and illustrative of the spirit of violent hostility towards the old 
 learning, and especially towards the name of Aristotle, which is 
 so frequently evinced in the works of Bacon v \ 
 
 Laurentius Valla (b. 1406, d. 1457"), in the Preface to his books 
 on Dialectic, claims the liberty of dissenting from Aristotle, adducing 
 the example of the older Greek philosophers who had always claimed 
 the liberty of dissenting even from the leader of their own sect : 
 ' Quo minus ferendi sunt recentes peripatetici, qui nullius sectae 
 homini interdicunt libertate ab Aristotele dissentiendi ; quasi sophos 
 hie non philosophus, et quasi nemo hoc antea fecerit.' He then 
 quotes a number of Greek and Latin authors who had dissented from 
 Aristotle, and proceeds : 'At caeteri Latini caeteros philosophos pro 
 asophis habent : unum Aristotelem amplectentes. Quidni ? cum 
 eum solum cognitum habeant : si modo cognoscere est, non in 
 propria sed in aliena lingua lectitare, ne dicam non sincera. Non 
 solum quia plerique ejus libri corrupte translati sunt, sed etiam quia 
 multa belle dicuntur graece, quae non belle dicuntur latine. Quae 
 res in plurimos maximosque errores egregia quoque ingenia induxit. 
 Adde hue ignorationem nostrae. Quotus enim quisque post Boetium 
 iuit, qui Latinus dici mereatur et non Barbaras? Nam Avicenna et 
 Averrois plane barbari fuerunt, nostrae linguae prorsus ignari, et 
 graeca vix tincti. * * Hos ego homines verear ? hos ego 
 
 audiam ? vetantes, ne quid in Aristotelem dicam. Hos sibi tantum 
 sumere patiar ? quod non ipsis Athenis, quod non omnibus philoso- 
 phis, (juod non cunctis saeculis concederetur. Neque vero mihi 
 videtur tanti ingenii Aristoteles, ut quasi Achilles Herculesve inter 
 heroes, aut 'Luna inter sidera, nedum Sol sit aestimandus. ***** 
 At enim composuit plura cmam caeteri Aristoteles. Num. protinus et 
 praestantiora ? ' He then attacks him as a compiler, who did not 
 acknowledge the sources of his compilations. The passage, as it 
 proceeds, furnishes curious evidence of the adoration with which 
 Aristotle was commonly regarded. ' Composuit plura quam caeteri.
 
 REACTION AGAINST ARISTOTLE. 77 
 
 Esto. Num cuncta quam caeteri melius ? Num ita ut nihil alii queant 
 dicere ? Num ut pro deo habendus sit ? Pudet referre apud quosdam 
 esse morem initiandi discipulos, et jurejurando adigendi, nunquam 
 se Aristoteli repugnaturos : genus hominum superstitiosum atque 
 vecors, et de seipso male meritum : cum se facultate fraudent in- 
 dagandae veritatis : quos si reprehendere jure optimo possumus, quod 
 hanc sibi legem imposuerint, qua tandem insectatione castigare 
 debemus, si hanc legem in alios transferunt ? Quare illis contemptis 
 ac spretis si qua sunt quae quam in Aristotele melius dici possunt, 
 ea tentabo ipse melius pro mea virili dicere : non hominis (quod 
 absit) insimulandi gratia, sed honorandae veritatis.' Throughout the 
 work, he freely expresses his differences from Aristotle in detail, 
 using such phrases as 'ineptissima comparatio,' and the like. 
 
 Rodolphus Agricola (b. 1443, d. 1485), who, though a native of 
 the Low Countries, had received his philosophical education in Italy, 
 praises Aristotle generally, but complains of his obscurity, and claims 
 the right of forming an independent judgment 7T . His language is 
 much less incisive than that of Laurentius Valla, but will be read with 
 interest as affording further evidence of the opinions of the time. ' Ego 
 Aristotelem summo ingenio, doctrina, eloquentia, rerum peritia, 
 prudentiaque, et (ut semel dicam) summum quidem hominem, sed 
 hominem tamen fuisse puto : hoc est, quern et latere aliquid potuerit, 
 quique, ut non omnia primus invenerit, ita aliis post se invenienda 
 aliqua reliquerit, qui etiam non omnia quae invenerat crediderit in 
 vulgus prodenda, et nonnunquam fortasse contradicendi studio, quo 
 maxima fere tentantur ingenia, non tarn quid ipse sentiret, quam 
 contra quid alius sensisset, dicendum putaret. Plurima ille recte, sed 
 et alius aliquid non male. Quo justiorem ego veniam credo illis 
 esse oportere, si qui fuerunt, qui putarent, non utique illi tanquam 
 scopulo usquequaque adhaerescendum esse, neque de suis despera- 
 runt ingeniis : cum ingrati possit et inique de parente omnium natura 
 existimantis videri, credere ipsam omnia sua in uno illo partu effun- 
 dentem munera, reliqua posteritati humani generis in omne aevum 
 sterilem effoetamque manere voluisse.' 
 
 In the De Incertitudine et Vanitate Scientiarum (where, however, 
 it is the business of the author to find fault) Henricus Cornelius 
 Agrippa (b. 1486, d. 1535), after enumerating the logical works of 
 Aristotle, proceeds in language which reminds us of some of the 
 Aphorisms of Bacon : ' quae secuti Peripatetici, opinantur nihil stare, 
 
 77 See his De Inventione Dialectica, lib. i. Ed. of 1552, pp. 23, 24.
 
 78 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 aut sciri posse, nisi quod syllogizando probetur per Demonstrationem, 
 earn videlicet, quam depingit Aristoteles, sed tamen nunquam in dog- 
 matibus suis observavit, cum omnes suae argumentationes ex prae- 
 suppositis ab eo deducantur, quae secuti omnes isti scientiarum pol- 
 licitatores, hactenus nullas aut paucissimas veras demonstrationes 
 dederunt, nedum in naturalibus, sed omnes deducunt illas ex prae- 
 acceptis, aut ab suo Aristotele aut ab alio, qui ilia prior dixerit, 
 quorum authoritatem servant sibi pro principiis demonstrationis 78 .' 
 He then goes on to complain that Aristotle's demonstrations are 
 either circular or proceed from occult and unknown properties. In 
 the preceding chapter (De Rhetorica) the old charge of impiety is 
 renewed against the Aristotelians, while the Platonists are, as sub- 
 sequently by Bacon, accused of superstition : ' Et qui Aristoteli et 
 Platoni impensius student, fiunt illi quidem superstitiosi, hi vero impii.' 
 Ludovicus Vives (b. 1492, d. 1540) was a Spaniard by birth, 
 though he spent the greater part of his life in France, England 79 , and 
 Belgium. In his book entitled ' De Causis Corruptarum Artium' he 
 frequently alludes to Aristotle. Generally speaking, he extols him, 
 but enlarges on his great obscurity, rendered still more obscure by 
 the bad literal translations then in vogue. He notes contradictions 
 in his philosophy, but allows that these are almost unavoidable. In one 
 place, he offers a curious explanation of Aristotle's obscurity. He had 
 so bitterly attacked his predecessors that he feared retaliation from his 
 successors, and therefore purposely made his language ambiguous, in 
 order to baffle opposition. ' Ea res ' (namely Aristotle's misrepresen- 
 tation of the opinions of the older philosophers) ' non solum veras 
 antiquorum sententias nobis ademit, quae fortassis jactura fuisset 
 tolerabilis, verum, quod est gravius, Aristotelem nobis timidiorem 
 effecit ad eloquendum quae sentiret, reputantem scilicet quod est in 
 rnimo: Ab alio expectes, alteri quod feceris"".' Aristotle's treatment 
 of his predecessors is turned into an argument for subjecting his 
 own opinions to examination. ' Quid Aristoteles ipse, an non supe- 
 riorum omnium placita convellere est ausus ? nobis examinare saltern 
 ac cetisere nefas erit? praesertim quod, ut Seneca sapienter dicit, qui 
 ante nos ista moverunt, non domini nostri, sed duces sum. Patet 
 
 7s Cap. vii. De Dialeetiea. 
 
 ' ; ' Jle uns nominated by ]!p. Foxe, in 1517, as the first Professor of Latin in his 
 new foundation, Corpus Christi College, Oxford. I hit, during his residence in 
 r.ngland, he was thrown into prison by Henry VIII, for having opposed him on 
 the question of the I)ivorce. 
 
 > " Lib. i. llasle Kd. of i-.?~., p. 338.
 
 REACTION AGAINST ARISTOTLE. 79 
 
 omnibus veritas, nondum est occupata. Multum ex ilia etiam futuris 
 relictum est 81 .' The obscurity, ambiguity, and subtlety of Aristotle 
 is a theme to which he constantly reverts. 'Sed redeo jam ad ea quae 
 de Aristotelis operibus coeperam dicere. Vicit ille quidem superiores 
 omnes atque etiam posteros, est autem in definiendo vafer et occultus, 
 adeo ut pleraque sint idcirco in ejus philosophia incerta et perplexa, 
 parum etiam vera, dum magis curat, quern in modum reprehensionem 
 excludat, quam ut asserat verum. * * Sed enimvero neque haec 
 ipsa Aristotelis volumina potuerunt ' [sc. nominales] ' intelligere, pri- 
 mum propter locutionem astrictam, et ex brevitate obscuram, hinc 
 propter intricatas et obliquas sententias, turn etiam ob immodicas sub- 
 tilitates, quibus Aristoteles plerumque non exacuit ingenia, sed pertur- 
 bat et frangit, tenebrasque et hallucinationem inducit aciei mentis, 
 dum conatur minutias quasdam tenuissimas ostendere, et inutiles per 
 se, et quae intentionem obtutus ingenii subterfugiant ac frustrentur 8 ' 2 .' 
 More specifically, Vives attacks the logic of Aristotle in terms which 
 recal to us the language of Bacon, and perhaps still more of Ramus. 
 After speaking of the dialectical method of Plato's dialogues, and the 
 germs of logical precepts which are to be found in them, he proceeds: 
 'Sed indubie Aristoteles earn in artis faciem reduxit, ut et rhetoricam. 
 Caeterum, quod liceat cum bona venia dicere, praeterquam quod more 
 suo obscure, et prolixe, etiam parum apte ad usum vel inveniendi 
 argumenta vel judicandi argumentationes. Nemo est enim, qui, 
 quantumlibet diligenter lecta et excussa universa Aristotelis logica, 
 sentiat se instrumentum habere, quo in aliqua ad disserendum materia 
 argumenta in promptu excogitet 83 .' 
 
 Paracelsus (b. 1493, d. 1541), as might be expected from the 
 eccentricity of his character, attacks Aristotle with more asperity and 
 coarseness of expression than any of the writers already cited. The 
 following extracts will suffice as examples of the tone and manner of 
 his attack : 
 
 ' Ex Philosophia a primis illico ejus incunabulis muscus excrevit : 
 
 81 In libros de Disciplinis Praefatio. Id. p. 325. In the context of this passage, 
 there are several sentences which remind us of Bacon. Thus, he says that nature 
 is not effete or exhausted, ' ut nihil prioribus annis simile pariat,' but rather the ex- 
 perience of the past ought to enable us far to outstrip our predecessors. At the 
 same time, he claims no superiority for himself, nor does he aim at founding a sect. 
 ' Neque vero ipse aequari me antiquis illis postulo, sed rationes eorum comparari 
 cum meis.' ' Equidem ut de me uno loquar. nolim quenquam se mihi addicere : 
 nee autor unquam sectae, nee suasor ero, etiam si in me a verba jurandum sit.' 
 
 f ' 2 De Causis Corruptarum Artium, lib. v. Basle Edition of 1555, p. 410. 
 
 83 Id. lib. iii. p. 375.
 
 80 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 huic postea annati fungi sunt, ceu glandulae in corpore. Aristoteles 
 et ejus asseclae cum Philosophia idem egerunt, quod feces, quae a 
 vino terram extrahunt. Et spuma, licet quidem eorum quae olla 
 continet, pessima sit : nihilominus tamen in loco sublimiori obnitat, 
 et inferiora meliora obtegit. Hinc etiam, quia melioris obtecti ali- 
 quem gustum resipit, inter cibos quoque numeratur ilia : sed canum 
 tamen solum ac felium. Idem hie de vetere quoque Philosophia 
 censendum est : quae fungos saltern ac spumas tractat, non ipsam, 
 unde enata est, materiam 84 .' 
 
 ' Primum autem nos movet justa compellatio nostrorum in Philo- 
 sophia antecessorum qui operosis laboribus Generationem hominis 
 descripserunt. Quibus etsi quidem Naturae lex nihil denegavit; illis 
 tamen eadem nihil quoque largita videtur. Quicquid enim tradiderunt, 
 id non (ut nostra Philosophia) ex luce rationis enatum est : sed ex 
 argutiis potius interioris sensus ejus, quern ex nobis ipsis concepimus. 
 Quibus pro responsione hoc reddimus, ipsos ex stio tantum cerebro 
 scripsisse, et non ex experientia aut oculari cognitione. Sola enim 
 experientia et scientia digna est, quae quid in lucem proferat, non vero 
 autodoxia, et experientia praesumta. Acutus phantastes Aristoteles 
 de Generatione monumenta non pauca post se reliquit. Is tamen et 
 in ipsa natura misere seductus et Philosophiae naturalis mire ignarus 
 exsistit. Acutus tamen in opinionibus erroneis et contra naturam 
 impingentibus idem ipse fuit, et momentis admodum probabilibus 
 suam sententiam stabilivit, eamque rationibus prudentibus confirmavit, 
 ac sententiis artificiosis et jucundis illustravit. Quae tamen si omnia 
 ita sese praecise in natura haberent quemadmodum blanda ejus verba 
 supponunt; cm is clariorem unquam in natura lucem desideraret? Sic 
 et caeteri ipsius asseclae, interpretes et discipuli eidem acumini ac 
 subtilitati studuerunt, ut multis ambagibus ac artificiosis ingeniosisque 
 argumentis suas opiniones munirent et stabilirent : Quae tamen 
 omnia in fundamento naturae nil nisi fumus sunt, ac flos contritus et 
 flaccidus. Nobis autem ita persuasum est, praeter beatitudinem 
 aeternam, hominis nihil uspiam nobilius aut praestabilius exstare, 
 <]iiam naturam cognovisse, ac ab ilia ut a magistra ipsa fundamentum 
 omnc Philosophiae didicisse. Hoc ut statuimus : sic contra damna- 
 mus argutias ingeniosas quae se Philosophiam jactant, nee tamen 
 quicquam aliud (mam opinio speciosa et suis quasi floribus picta et 
 i-xornata est "V 
 
 sl Paradoxomm torn. ii. Opera Omnia, Geneva, 1658, vol. i. p. iSS. 
 '"' Paradoxomm torn. i. Op. Omn. vol. i. p. 148.
 
 REACTION AGAINST ARISTOTLE. 81 
 
 Nizolius (b. 1498, d. 1566) in his 'Anti-Barbarus Philosophicus 
 sive Philosophia Scholasticorum impugnata 86 ,' first published in 1553, 
 begins at once with an attack on the received mode of philosophising 
 and the inordinate importance attached to the works of Aristotle. 
 The received philosophy, he says, has only been able to maintain 
 itself through the rudeness of the times and the ignorance of men 
 ' qui quae a quibusdam antiquis et Graecis Scriptoribus, ne dicam 
 nugatoribus, invenerunt tradita et literis consignata, ea omnia prorsus 
 temere et sine ulla consideratione receperunt, receptaque approbave- 
 runt : perinde ac si essent oracula quaedam delphica, aut arcana 
 divinitus revelata, quae nullo pacto falsa esse possent.' Not content 
 with this undiscriminating deference, they have made the Logic of 
 Aristotle as it were the door to all knowledge, and his Physics and 
 Metaphysics the steps as it were to the summit of wisdom. ' Quae 
 omnia nos in toto hoc opere usque adeo falsa et a veritate aliena esse 
 sumus ostensuri, ut contra potius, qui per omnia in veritate investi- 
 ganda sequatur praecepta Pseudophilosophorum, et Aristoteli soli 
 ejusque doctrinae in philosophando sit addictus, is nunquam nee 
 recte philosophari nee perfecte veritatem invenire possit 8 V He 
 recommends, indeed, that the works of Aristotle should be frequently 
 read, 'sed cum diligenti consideratione atque judicio,' and praises the 
 ' Ethics, Politics, (Economics, the Books on Animals, and Rhetorics': 
 ' tamen affirmamus et contendimus non multo pauciora vel falsa, vel 
 inutilia, vel etiam ridicula ab eodem scripta reperiri, ut in majori parte 
 librorum Naturalium, ac pene in totis Dialecticis, et non paucissimis 
 Metaphysicis.' He then applies to Aristotle's writings the proverb : 
 ' Ubi bene, nihil melius ; ubi male, nihil pejus 8 ".' When he comes 
 to detail, his criticisms of Aristotle betray the same kind of impatience 
 and asperity with which we are familiar in the works of Bacon. 
 The following may serve as one specimen out of many : ' Quis nisi 
 mente captus hoc modo proprium assignaret? Sed Aristoteles, ut 
 librum magnum faceret, nihil praetermittebat, quamvis absurdum et 
 ridiculum 89 .' At the end of the treatise 90 , there is an unsparing in- 
 vective against Aristotle, accompanied by an attack on Picus Miran- 
 dula and others for confining their criticisms to the Commentators on 
 
 *'' The alternative title of this work is ' De veris principiis et vera ratione philo- 
 sophandi contra Pseudo-Philosophos.' It was republished at Frankfort in 1674, 
 with a preliminary dissertation by Leibnitz. 
 
 '' Anti-Barbarus Philosophicus, Prooemium, Ed. Leibnitz, pp. 1,2. 
 
 ^ Lib. i. cap. i, Ed. Leibnitz, pp. 5, 6. 
 
 * Lib. iv. cap. i. * J Lib. iv. cap. S. 
 
 G
 
 8 2 I NT ROD UCTION. 
 
 Aristotle, without having the courage to extend them to Aristotle him- 
 self. The chapter concludes with two warnings 'memoriae mandanda, 
 et assidue diligenter cogitanda omnibus qui recte philosophari 
 cupiunt, quorum unum est, Ubicunque et quotcunque Dialectici 
 Metaphysicique sunt, ibidem et totidem esse capitales veritatis hostes; 
 alterum vero, Quamdiu in scholis Philosophorum regnabit Aristoteles 
 iste Dialecticus et Metaphysicus, tamdiu in eis et falsitatem et bar- 
 bariem, si non linguae et oris, at certe pectoris et cordis regnaturam.' 
 
 Over the remaining names on our list we must pass more lightly. 
 Ramus (b. 1502, or, according to another account, 1515, d. in the 
 Massacre of St. Bartholomew 1572) marks the climax of the reaction 
 against Aristotle. He is said to have selected as the thesis for his 
 Master of Arts' Degree the position that all the dogmas of Aristotle 
 are false : ' Lutetiae Magisterii titulurn suscepturus, problema hoc 
 sumpsit ; quaecunque ab Aristotele dicta essent, commentitia esse 01 .' 
 In this story, however, there is probably some exaggeration. But, 
 whether this be the case or not, the life, lectures, and works of Ramus 
 formed one long protest against the ascendency of the Aristotelian 
 philosophy, and especially of the Aristotelian Logic. One or two 
 specimens of his diatribes against Aristotle, taken from the Aris- 
 totelicae Animadversiones, will be sufficient to give an idea of the 
 vehemence with which he carried on his attack : 
 
 ' Ars dialectica est imago naturalis dialecticae : in commentariis 
 autem Aristotelis nihil est ad naturae monitionem propositum : nihil 
 (si naturae veritatem spectes) non confusum, non perturbatum, non 
 contaminatum, non foedatum : ars igitur dialectica in commentariis 
 Aristotelis nulla est" 2 .' 
 
 ' Hicmihi omnes Musae et Charites sunt implorandae, ut publicam 
 pestem, et tot jam saeculis corroboratam atque inveteratam aegrotan- 
 tibus ostendant : phanaticis quibusdam ingeniis persuadeant, ut se 
 colligant : naturam suam intueantur : dei opt. max. munera, quibus 
 affect i sunt, suspiciant : * ::: animadvertant ne nimis ingrata 
 
 barbaraque impietate divinam munificentiam despiciant, nimiumque 
 stolido dementique furore non perturbatorem tanti boni, sed erep- 
 torem : non hostem humani judicii, sed tortorem, carnificemque 
 diligant. Sic enim verissime profiteri possum, si daemonum omnium 
 conventum aliqujin princeps ipse tenebrarum de extinguendo doc- 
 trinae hujus lumine ageret, auditaque singulorum sententia statueret, 
 
 1'etn Kami Vita ex J. T. Freigio desoiipta, appended to Milton's Logic. 
 " Lyons Edition of 1545, p. 7.
 
 REACTION AGAINST ARISTOTLE. 83 
 
 non perniciosius, exitiosius, calamitosius quicquam repcrturum, quam 
 ab uno Aristotele repertum est. 
 
 Dii talem terris avertite pestem : 
 
 Quid est judicium, o domine Aristoteles, o unice naturae fili, o 
 deus amentium? sc. dormit. genera judicii quot sunt ? nondum e 
 somno excitatus est. sed fortasse deus iste per sacerdotem, aut in- 
 terpretem aliquem loquitur, heus Aristotelei sacerdotes, quoniam deus 
 vester dormiens nos hie despicit, quid est judicium ? quae sunt judicii 
 genera ? ' 
 
 We see from these quotations, which might be multiplied to almost 
 any extent, that the cautious criticism of the earlier writers has 
 degenerated into mere abuse, and that often of the most grossly 
 exaggerated kind. 
 
 Bacon in his sixteenth year (September 1576) was sent by his 
 father into France, in the train of the English Ambassador, Sir Amias 
 Paulet. There he resided, chiefly in Paris, till his father's death in 
 March 1578-9 93 . During these two years and a half, he must have 
 heard much, and heard with curiosity and interest, of the opinions 
 of Ramus, of the revolt against Aristotle, and of the hopes to be 
 entertained from the inauguration of a new method of enquiry and 
 from giving a new direction to scientific study. Hence, it is not 
 unlikely, as M. Barthelemy Saint-Hilaire 94 suggests, that his sojourn 
 in Paris, where Ramism was then in the air, may have had a con- 
 siderable influence in determining the philosophical position which he 
 afterwards assumed. 
 
 At this time, the spirit of revolt against Aristotle was everywhere in 
 the ascendant. Bernardino Telesio of Cosenza (b. 1509, d. 1588), 
 whom Bacon pronounced the ' best of the novellists,' and to whom he 
 makes constant reference throughout his works, invariably criticises 
 Aristotle with the utmost freedom. The reader who is curious to 
 see the direction which this criticism takes, and the tone in which it is 
 conducted, may refer to the Prooemium to the two books ' De Rerum 
 Natura juxta propria principia,' &c., and to the Dedication prefixed to 
 the nine books bearing the same title. In the latter writing he says 
 of the Aristotelian philosophy : ' et sensui, et sibi etiam ipsi, quin et 
 Deo Opt. Max. passim repugnat.' His tone, however, compared 
 with that of Ramus, is unusually moderate and respectful 9r '. 
 
 5)3 See Spedding's Life and Letters of Bacon, vol. i. pp. 6-8. 
 
 94 De la Logique d'Aristote, vol. ii. pp. 265, 6. 
 
 95 See, for instance, De Rerum Natura, lib. iii. cap. i : ' Nihil, si in iis [sc. Aris- 
 
 G 2
 
 84 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Far the most systematic of the opponents of the Aristotelian phi- 
 losophy in general was Patrizzi or Patricius (b. 1529, d. 1597)- His 
 Discussiones Peripateticae are throughout, for the most part, a bitter 
 attack on the life, works, and opinions of Aristotle. Thus, he fre- 
 quently breaks out into invectives such as this : ' Quicunque igitur ex 
 Aristotelis dogmatibus philosophatur, is dialectice philosophatur, non 
 philosophice, non scientifice, non rerum veritatis, sed Aristotelicorum 
 placitorum est amator '"''.' And, in another place, after comparing 
 two contradictory passages from Aristotle, he says : ' Qua re quid in- 
 constantius? quid tanti nominis philosopho indignius ? Sed licuit 
 sibi quidquid voluit : et tamen, omnia credita a suis sunt oracula, in 
 contrariis dogmatibus permultis fides par illi habita 9 V His reasons 
 for combating the philosophy of Aristotle are given at length in an 
 Appendix, entituled ' Veritatis Studiosis,' at the end of his ' Nova de 
 Universis Philosophia.' 
 
 Giordano Bruno (b. about 1550, burnt at Rome 1600) was another 
 of the more prominent opponents of Aristotelianism. He wrote a 
 special treatise, entituled Acrotismus, seu rationes articulorum physi- 
 corum adversus peripateticos Parisiis propositorum. In the Dedica- 
 tion prefixed to this work, he says that he should not have written the 
 book, had he thought that the University of Paris owed more to 
 Aristotle, than Aristotle to it. In the celebrated Dialogue, entituled 
 ' La Cena de le Ceneri,' Bruno states that the most enthusiastic ad- 
 herents of Aristotle ('who are the enemies of those who are not the 
 friends of Aristotle, who would live and die for Aristotle ') are often 
 entirely ignorant of the meaning of even the titles of his works (' i 
 quali non intendono ne anche quel die significano i titoli de libri 
 d'Aristotele '). He adds that the real question which ought to be 
 debated between the Aristotelians and their opponents is not whether 
 a doctrine be old or new, but whether it be true or false fl8 . 
 
 Campanella (b. 1568, d. 1639) was an enthusiastic follower of 
 Telesio, and one of the more outspoken of the anti-Aristotelians. One 
 of his works, published at Naples in 1591, was entituled Philosophia 
 sensibus demonstrata ; adversus eos qui proprio arbitratu, non autem 
 
 totelis Sententiis] tractandis plus justo intcrdum immoremur, mortales nobis, ut 
 ignoseant, sed quod a sumnio naturae interprete dissentire audeainus et non 
 nuniinis instar ilium venerenuir, rogandos esse cxistimamus : qui si illius dictum 
 audiaiil, ant (actuin imitcntur,' &c. 
 
 " ; Disc. I'erip., torn. i. lib. 13, Basle Edition of 1581, p. 170. 
 
 ' Id. torn. iv. lib. i . p. 7,73. 
 
 J * Kdition of 1584, pp. 16, 17.
 
 REACTION AGAINST ARISTOTLE. 85 
 
 sensata duce natura philosophati sunt : cum vera defensione Bernard! 
 Telesii. The Preface to this work, written in 1589, abounds in open 
 or covert attacks on Aristotle. Campanula's objections to the phi- 
 losophy of Aristotle were based as much on theological as on philoso- 
 phical grounds. In a work entituled Disputatio in Prologum Instaura- 
 tarum Scientiarum ad Scholas Christianas, praesertim Parisienses, the 
 reader will find a very curious list of these theological objections. 
 
 M. A. Severinus 99 (b. 1580, d. 1656), a junior contemporary of 
 Bacon, and, like Campanella, a follower of Telesius, was mainly a 
 writer of medical works. One of these is inscribed Antiperipatias, 
 hoc est adversus Aristoteleos, de respiratione piscium, &c. Like 
 Bacon, he attacks Aristotle for his treatment of the older Greek 
 Philosophers. Thus, he quotes with approbation the words of 
 Cabaeus, the last author on our list, when describing Aristotle as 
 ' adeo male meritus de antiquis, dum semper in pejorem sensum 
 interpretatur, ut proinde dignus esset, qui ab omnibus male 
 acciperetur, nee unquam ejus dicta ad bonum sensum traherentur.' 
 
 Nicolaus Cabaeus, a Jesuit, in his commentaries on the Meteoro- 
 logica of Aristotle, published at Rome in 1646, constantly asserts that 
 we should follow experience and not Aristotle. But, at the same time, 
 he adopts a far more moderate tone than most of the writers whom 
 I have hitherto noticed. Thus, in the Preface ' Ad Lectorem ' he 
 states his position as follows : ' Illud quidem affirmo, longe diversis 
 finibus contineri fidem et scientiam. Si Aristotelem volumus sapi- 
 entiae ducem, non abnuo : si doctrinae magistrum, non recuso : si 
 sapientiae parentem, agnosco in multis, maximisque rebus, et admirer : 
 si ad illius solum suffragium imus in sententiam, si in illius tantum 
 pronunciatis conquiescimus, et ejus dicta, absque alia probatione, 
 nobis sentiendi norma sunt, non admitto : imo dico, qui sic faciunt 
 longe ab Aristotelis doctrina recedere : qui vult ilium esse Philo- 
 sophum, et ilium sapientem, qui rerum causas noverit, non qui 
 alicujus dicta memoriae consecravit.' 
 
 These selections, which I have brought down to the time of Bacon 
 himself, will be sufficient to shew the nature and strength of the 
 reaction against the philosophy of Aristotle. From his more moderate 
 critics, or those who complained of the blind submission of his 
 followers rather than of the tone and method of the master himself, 
 
 9 This Severinus must not be confounded with P. Severinus the Dane, of whom 
 Bacon speaks in the Temporis Partus Mascnlus, in De Augmentis, iii. 4, and pro- 
 bably in Nov. Org. i. 116.
 
 86 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 such as Cardan and Galileo, I have not thought it necessary to 
 quote. 
 
 Bacon's own criticisms, degenerating often into invectives, will be 
 sufficiently illustrated from the Novum Organum and the parallel 
 passages which, from time to time, I shall quote from his other 
 writings. 
 
 13. ANTICIPATIONS OF BACON'S METHOD AND 
 TEACHING. 
 
 TAKING the main peculiarities of Bacon's method and teaching to 
 have been (i) the emphasis with which he insisted on the necessity 
 of consulting and collecting facts, of going straight to Nature, of 
 instituting observations and experiments before formulating general 
 propositions ; (2) the gradual ascent from propositions or axioms of 
 a lower to those of a higher degree of generality ; (3) the selection 
 and comparison of instances in place of the old Inductio per Enume- 
 rationem Simplicem ; (4) the disregard of Authority ; and (5) the 
 restraint of Fancy : we may proceed to enquire how far, in these and 
 other less important or more detailed parts of his system, he was 
 anticipated by preceding writers. Now, it must be confessed at 
 once that, in many of these respects, the method of Bacon is to be 
 found embodied in the teaching and example of Aristotle, and even 
 of Socrates and Plato. Induction of some sort or other, and, con- 
 sequently, the examination and collection of facts, is as old as 
 human reasoning. This object gave me pleasure or pain yesterday, 
 and, therefore, I will pursue or avoid a similar object to-day ; or I 
 compassed my ends in this way yesterday, and, therefore, I will try 
 a similar mode again to-day, are amongst the earliest thoughts which 
 would occur to man. It is, therefore, of course, absurd to represent 
 Bacon as the author or discoverer of Induction. What logicians 
 have done is not to invent forms of reasoning, but to analyse, 
 criticise, and offer rules and cautions for securing the due perform- 
 ance of those which already exist. Hence, it would be utterly 
 superfluous to accumulate early instances of inductive reasoning ; 
 as respects my present purpose, it is quite sufficient to refer to the 
 trraKTiKin Xo'yoi or mipnftoXr) of Socrates *, and to give a very brief 
 
 1 On tliis mode of reasoning and on Plato's method of Exclusions, see my note 
 on Nov. Org. bk. i. aph. 105.
 
 ANTICIPATIONS OF BACON'S DOCTRINES. 87 
 
 account of Aristotle's method, so far as it relates to the present 
 question. 
 
 To my mind nothing can be clearer than that Aristotle bases all 
 evidence ultimately on the observation of individual facts. See, for 
 instance, Metaph. i. i, Post. An. ii. 19. And, in accordance with this 
 doctrine, the ultimate major premiss of any train of deductive 
 reasoning must itself rest on an induction from particulars. 'E< 
 
 Trpoytvu>(TKQfj.ev<t)v 8e natra SiSaovcaXta, axmep Km ei> rots dvaXvTiKols Xeyo/iec' 
 f) [lev yap 6V eVaytuy^?, rj 8e (ruXXoyicr^KW. H fj.ev Si) eTraycoyiy dp\r] ean (cat 
 rov Ka&JXou, 6 8e crvXXoyioy/6s K TK>V Ka66\ov. Elcrlv apa dp^al e a>v 6 
 oriXXoyioyio?, o>v OVK fern truXXoytcr/uos 1 ' fnayooyr) apa. Eth. Nic. vi. 3 (3). 
 *A.8vvaTov 8e ra KaAJXou decaprjaai p.r] 81 eVayeayr}? . . . eTraxdrjvai 8e prj 
 e^ot/Tcis OLCrdrjcrLV d8vvarov' ru>i> yap Ka6' exacrroi' 17 at;r$r;<7ts. An. Post. 
 
 i. 1 8. Unfortunately, Aristotle went no further in his formal analysis 
 of induction than to reduce it to the syllogistic type, and, as an 
 almost necessary consequence of this procedure, he regarded an 
 exhaustive enumeration of all the instances (Inductio Completa) 
 
 as its typical form. Aei 8e voiiv TO r TO e'| imav-ruiv TUIV KaS" fxaaTov 
 <TvyKtlu,evov' rj yap enayutyrj 8ia iravraw. An. Pr. ii. 23. But, as, in 
 
 most cases, it was impossible to satisfy this requirement in practice 2 , 
 we find him, as a matter of fact, selecting his instances, and that often 
 with great skill 3 , though sometimes, it must be confessed, with much 
 carelessness. (On this and other points connected with Aristotle's 
 method, cp. 1 1 of this Introduction.) Some of his remarks on the 
 proper examination of facts or theories are characterised by great 
 
 2 He does not always insist on it, even theoretically. See An. Post. i. 31. p. 88 a. 
 4-5 ; Top. viii. 8. p. 160. b. 3. 
 
 3 Ueberweg (System der Logik) rightly calls attention to De Partibus Anima- 
 lium, iv. 2 (677 a 3O-b i), as shewing that Aristotle was aware, in practice, of 
 the importance of having regard to causal connexion in framing our generalisations. 
 The chapter is also interesting as affording examples of the ' negative instances ' to 
 which Bacon attaches so much importance. At the same time, it is remarkable 
 for the carelessness of observation which it displays. 
 
 My friend Mr. J. A. Stewart of Christ Church has drawn my attention to a re- 
 markable correspondence between some of the loci in Topics, ii. 10, n, and the 
 canons of reasoning in modern Inductive Logic. The passage is worth more 
 attention than it has received. 
 
 It may here be noticed that Aristotle also recognises an imperfect form of in- 
 duction, in the irapabfif^a. or eTrajojjfj ^ropi/n;. See An. Pr. ii. 24. 
 
 The student, who wishes to obtain a clear idea of Aristotle's doctrine of In- 
 duction, will do well to compare the following passages : An. Pr. ii. 23, 24 ; An. 
 Post. i. i, 2, 3, 18, 31, ii. 5, 19; Top. i. 12, ii. 10, ii, viii. i, 2, 8; Metaph. i. i; 
 De Part. An. iv. 2 ; Eth. Nic. vi. 3 (3), ii (4-6).
 
 88 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 sagacity. Take, for instance, the passage in Eth. vii. i (5) : A *', 
 
 SiffTrep firl rSnv aXXtoi/, TtOevras TO. fyaivopiva, K.a\ np>Toi> Sianoprja-avras, ovrat 
 SfiKvvvcu pd\to-Ta ptv navra TO. ei>8oa u(p\ ravra ra TrdGr], fl 8e p.r], TO TrAftora 
 KOI Kvpiutrara- cav yap \vr)rai re TO. 8v(TXfpn teal KaTa\fi7rr]Tai ra ei>8oa, 
 
 tftetypivov av eiij HKIMM 4 . In his treatises generally, but especially 
 in the Politics and the Historia Animalium, we find extensive collec- 
 tions of facts ; nor, as I have shewn elsewhere 5 , did he altogether 
 neglect experiment. That he was impatient, and even jealous, of 
 the authority of others 6 , has generally been brought as a charge 
 against him, and, about the time of the Revival of Letters, was 
 frequently adduced as an argtimentum ad hominem by those who 
 were anxious to throw off the bonds of his own authority. 
 
 As the works of Aristotle, and specially his logical works, were 
 constantly being reproduced and commented on during the Middle 
 Ages, it would be easy, though superfluous, to accumulate from 
 mediaeval writers passages on the origin of knowledge in the per- 
 ceptions of the senses (as being, at least, its condition, if not its 
 source), and on the relation of induction to deduction. It will be 
 sufficient, as a specimen, to quote the following passages from the 
 Metalogicus of John of Salisbury (lib. iv. capp. 8, 9), written about 
 1 1 60: ' Et sic demonstrandi scientiam statuit, ac si sensu corporeo 
 teneatur, quae ratio indubitata sic esse convincit. Communes enim 
 conceptiones a singulorum inductione fidem sortiuntur. Impossible 
 enim est universalia speculari, non per inductionem ; quoniam, ut 
 ait, quae ex abstractione dicuntur per inductiones ignota nota fiunt. 
 Inducere autem non habentes sensum, impossibile est. Singular/mm 
 enim sensus est ; nee contingit ipsorum accipere scientiam, neque 
 ex universalibus sine inductione, nee per inductionem sine sensu. 
 Fit ergo ex sensu memoria ; ex memoria multorum saepius iterata, 
 experimentum ; ab experiments scientiae aut artis ratio manat. 
 Porro ab arte, quae usu et exercitatione firmata est, provenit facultas 
 exsequendi ea, quae ex arte gerenda sunt. Sic itaque sensus corporis, 
 qui prima vis aut primum exercitium animae est, omnium artium 
 praejacit fundamenta ; et praeexistentem format cognitionem, quae 
 primis principiis viam non modo aperit, sed et parit.' ' Planum 
 autem est hoc diligentius inspicienti per singula. Nam cum sensus, 
 
 4 Cp. Eth. Nic. i. 8 (i) ; Eth. Eud. i. 6. 
 
 r> See 1 1 of this Introduction. 
 
 f ' The case of Reason versus Authority has never been better or more tersely put 
 than by Aristotle, Eth. Nic. i. 6 (i) : dfj.<poiv -yap UVTOIV <pi\oiv, oaiov TrpoTifj.di> TTJI/ 
 u\r]0fiav. Hence the proverb : ' Amicus Plato ; magis arnica veritas.'
 
 ANTICIPATIONS OF BACON'S DOCTRINES. 89 
 
 secundum Aristotelem, sit naturalis potentia indicativa rerum, aut 
 omnino non est aut vix est cognitio, deficiente sensu.' 
 
 Fertile, however, as these principles might have been in a different 
 age, it must be confessed that they bore little fruit in the time of 
 which I am speaking. It was only men of rare curiosity or of a 
 singular love of nature, like Albert the Great 7 or our own Roger 
 Bacon, who saw the supreme importance of interrogating facts or of 
 basing science upon experience. To the latter of these great names 
 I shall devote some little space. 
 
 First, however, I may remark, by way of parenthesis, that Dr. 
 Whewell 8 discovers certain resemblances between the mediaeval 
 mystic Richard of St. Victor (died 1173) and Francis Bacon. Of 
 these, the most important is the dictum that 'Physical science 
 ascends from effects to causes, and descends again from causes to 
 effects 9 .' This, however, appears to me to be one of those incidental 
 utterances which might easily be made without perceiving, as Bacon 
 undoubtedly did perceive, its scientific value or the practical con- 
 sequences to which, if properly developed, it would lead. 
 
 The comparison of the speculations of Roger Bacon (who wrote 
 towards the end of the thirteenth century) with those of his namesake 
 are specially interesting, and have been made much of by those who 
 deny or depreciate the originality of the latter 10 . The whole spirit of 
 his works bears, perhaps, a nearer resemblance to those of Francis 
 Bacon than can be found in any intermediate writer, but here, of 
 course, I must confine myself to specific points and to a few typical 
 quotations. 
 
 In the Opus Majus, Part vi. capp. i, 2 (Ed. Jebb, pp. 445, &c.), there 
 is a striking disquisition on the necessity and utility of experimental 
 science. The passage is too long to quote at length, but, amongst 
 other things, he says : ' Sine experientia nihil sufficienter sciri potest. 
 Duo enim sunt modi cognoscendi, scilicet per argumentum et experi- 
 mentum. Argumentum concludit et facit nos concludere quaestionem, 
 
 7 A good account of the physical speculations of this philosopher will be found 
 in Pouchet, Histoire des Sciences Naturelles au Moyen Age, and of his relation to 
 the Scholastic controversies in Haureau, De la Philosophic Scolastique, chs. 17-19. 
 
 8 Philosophy of Discovery, pp. 52, 53. 
 
 9 ' Physica est quae causas rerum ex suis effectibus, et effectus ex causis depre- 
 hendit.' Tractatus Exceptionum, lib. i. cap. 7. A little above, he says, ' Physica 
 tractat de invisibilibus visibilium causis.' 
 
 10 See, especially, Pouchet, Histoire des Sciences Naturelles au Moyen Age ou 
 Albert Le Grand et son epoque, pp. 326-370. I refer to Pouchet as less of a 
 partisan than many other writers who have handled the same subject.
 
 90 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 sed non certificat neque removet dubitationem, ut quiescat animus in 
 intuitu veritatis, nisi earn inveniat via experientiae; quia multi habent 
 argumenta ad scibilia, sed quia non habent experientiam, negligunt 
 ea, nee vitant nociva nee persequuntur bona.' And again : 'Qui ergo 
 vult sine demonstratione gaudere de veritatibus rerum, oportet quod 
 experientiae sciat vacare. Nam multa scribunt auctores, et vulgus 
 tenet per argumenta, quae fingit sine experientia, quae sunt omnino 
 falsa.' He then proceeds, on the ground of experience, to refute a 
 number of vulgar errors, such as that the diamond can only be broken 
 by goat's blood, &c. At the beginning of cap. 2, he says : ' Haec 
 scientia experimentalis a vulgo studentium est penitus ignorata.' And 
 a little further on (p. 448) : ' Et haec scientia habet tres magnas prae- 
 rogativas respectu aliarum scientiarum. Una est quod omnium 
 illarum conclusiones nobiles investigat per experientiam. Scientiae 
 enim aliae sciunt sua principia invenire per experimenta, sed "con- 
 clusiones per argumenta facta ex principiis inventis. Si vero debeant 
 habere experientiam conclusionum suarum particularem et com- 
 pletam, tune oportet quod habeant per adjutorium istius scientiae 
 nobilis.' This last passage distinctly asserts the use of experience 
 both in establishing the principles of science and in verifying its 
 conclusions. 
 
 To the same effect is the teaching of cap. 13 of the Opus Tertium. 
 The following passages remind one of Francis Bacon's conception of 
 Natural Philosophy as the 'mater scientiarum.' 'Sed praeter has 
 scientias est una perfectior omnibus, cui omnes famulantur, et quae 
 omnes miro modo certificat : et haec vocatur scientia experimentalis, 
 quae negligit argumenta, quoniam non certificant, quantumcunque 
 sint fortia, nisi simul adsit experientia conclusionis.' 'Et haec scientia 
 certificat omnia naturalia et artificialia in particulari et in propria 
 disciplina, per experientiam perfectam ; non per argumenta, ut 
 sciuntiae pure speculativae, nee per debiles et imperfectas experi- 
 entias, ut scientiae operativae. Et ideo haec est domina omnium 
 scientiarum praecedentium, et finis totius speculationis.' (Ed. Brewer, 
 PP- 43-47-) 
 
 Again, another point of contact between the two Bacons is the 
 almost exaggerated importance which they attach to utility as the end 
 of science. ' Caeterum ante omnia,' says Roger Bacon, ' utilitas 
 cujuslibct rci consideranda est.' ' Quapropter oportet (mod homo 
 considcret utilitatem scientiarum antequam aggrediatur singulas divi- 
 sim prosequendo.' ' Et igitur cogitavi in pracambulo tractatu utili- 
 tatcs philosopbiae praemittere, ut tune scientiae, quae videntur nihil
 
 ANTICIPATIONS OF BACON'S DOCTRINES. 91 
 
 valere, quaerantur cum diligentia et fervore. Et certus sum quod 
 aliter non est via ad considerandum scientias philosophiae in particu- 
 lar! et in propria disciplina.' ' Et non est dubium quin quicunque, 
 quantumcunque sit sapiens, resiliret a primo libro geometriae, nisi 
 sciret ejus utilitatem ; et sic de aliis scientiis omnibus, ut probavi 
 centies. Qui enim auscultat quod triangulus habet tres angulos 
 aequales duobus rectis angulis, et demonstrationem ejus, si nescit 
 utilitatem, ipse non dabit festucam, immo non dignabitur scire.' 
 (Opus Tertium, capp. 5, 6, Ed. Brewer, pp. 18-22.) 
 
 Both writers alike shew their strength, when repudiating the charge 
 of novelty. 'Et si obnixe adhuc tertio objiciatur, quod sancti aliqua 
 redarguunt de his, quae scribo, et Gratianus et alii, respondeo quod 
 nunquam fuit tempus quin ea, quae de novo proponuntur, habeant 
 contradictionem, etiam a sanctis et a bonis viris, et a sapientibus in 
 aliis, licet non in his quae inconvenienter reprobant.' (Opus Tertium, 
 cap. 9. p. 28.) In the Opus Majus (cap. 6. p. 9), he quotes several 
 passages from Seneca, to the effect 'quanto juniores tanto perspi- 
 caciores, quia juniores posteriores successione temporum ingrediuntur 
 labores priorum.' and then adds : ' Nam semper posteriores addi- 
 derunt ad opera priorum, et multa correxerunt, et plura mutaverunt, 
 sicut maxime per Aristotelem patet, qui omnes sententias praece- 
 dentium discussit.' 
 
 The comprehensive view which both these authors took of the 
 various sciences, and the necessity which they saw of studying them 
 in their mutual relations, constitute other points of resemblance 
 between them, as do also the exalted hopes they entertained from the 
 patient study of nature and its application to the purposes of art. 
 
 The four causes of error ('comprehendendae veritatis offendicula,' 
 Opus Majus, ad init., Opus Tertium, cap. 22) are compared with the 
 four 'Idola' of the Novum Organum in a note on Book i. Aph. 38. 
 The resemblance, however, is not very close, and, as I have there 
 argued, following Mr. Ellis and Mr. Spedding, Francis Bacon is not 
 likely to have seen the Opus Majus. Nor, I may add, is he likely 
 to have been acquainted with any of the works of Roger Bacon in 
 which remarks such as those above quoted are to be found 11 . The 
 
 11 Once, and I believe once only, Bacon refers to his namesake, and then in terms 
 of faint praise. See Temporis Partus Masculus (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 534) : ' Si- 
 quidem utile genus eorum est, qui de theoriis non admodum solliciti, mechanica 
 quadam subtilitate rerum inventarum extensiones prehendunt ; qualis est Bacon.' 
 In the Historia Vitae et Mortis, however, there are traces of his having read 
 Dr. Dee's translation (published in 1618) of Roger Bacon's tract De po:estate
 
 9 2 INTROD VCTION. 
 
 parallelisms, therefore, between the two writers, however close in 
 some cases, are, I believe, accidental. 
 
 Having thus dwelt with some minuteness on the anticipations of 
 Bacon's teaching to be found in the works of his almost equally 
 illustrious namesake in the thirteenth century, I may pass more 
 lightly over the intermediate period. 
 
 Passing over about two centuries, during which, it may be noticed, 
 the precepts and example of Roger Bacon seem to have had little 
 effect (for the schools were engaged with far different work), we come 
 to that almost universal genius painter, poet, sculptor, architect, 
 mechanist, mathematician, Leonardo da Vinci (b. 1452, d. 1519) 12 . 
 Speaking of certain unpublished manuscripts by him, now in the 
 Library of the Institute at Paris, Libri (Histoire des Sciences Mathe- 
 matiques en Italie, tome 3. p. 30) says : ' Souvent on trouve dans le 
 meme feuillet . . . des preceptes qui sembleraient tires de Bacon, s'ils 
 n'etaient ecrits longtemps avant la naissance du chancelier d'Angle- 
 terre.' And again (pp. 55, 56): 'Dans ses notes . . . ce qui frappe 
 surtout, c'est la methode philosophique qu'il a constamment suivie. 
 
 mirabili Artis et Naturae. He may also have read the treatise De retardandis 
 senectutis accidentibus, which was published in Latin at Oxford in 1590. 
 
 12 Hallam, Libri, Whewell, Brewster, and De Remusat, all refer to J. B. Venturi, 
 Essai sur les Ouvrages Physico-Mathematiques de Leonard de Vinci, Paris, 1799- 
 A copy of this tract, which is, I believe, very rare, exists in the British Museum, 
 but I do not know whether the MSS. referred to in it have ever been published in 
 lull. Whewell quotes from Venturi the following striking maxims : 
 
 ' " Theory is the general, Experiments are the soldiers. The interpreter of the 
 artifices of nature is Experience : she is never deceived. Our judgment sometimes 
 is deceived, because it expects effects which Experience refuses to allow." And again, 
 " We must consult Experience, and vary the circumstances till we have drawn from 
 them general rules ; for it is she who furnishes true rules. But of what use, you 
 nsk, are these rules ; I reply, that they direct us in the researches of nature and the 
 operations of art. They prevent our imposing upon ourselves and others by pro- 
 mising ourselves results which we cannot obtain. 
 
 ' " In the study of the sciences which depend on Mathematics, those who do not 
 consult nature but authors, are not the children of nature, they are only her grand- 
 children. She is the true teacher of men of genius. But see the absurdity of men ! 
 They turn up their noses at a man who prefers to learn from nature herself rather 
 than from authors who are only her clerks." 
 
 ' In another place, in reference to a particular case, he says, " Nature begins from 
 the Reason and ends in Experience ; but for all that, we must take the opposite 
 course ; begin from the Experiment and try to discover the Reason." ' Whewell's 
 Philosophy of Discovery, pp. 106, 107. 
 
 In Ilallam's History of Literature, Part i. ch. 3. sect. 5, to which the student 
 would do well to refer, there is a still fuller account of Venturi's tract.
 
 ANTICIPATIONS OF BACON'S DOCTRINES. 93 
 
 Un siecle avant Galilee et Bacon, pendant qu'on se bornait generale- 
 ment a commenter les anciens, Leonard a porte le flambeau de la 
 critique dans toutes les parties de la science, et il a donne les pre"- 
 ceptes les plus vrais, les plus justes, les plus philosophiques, pour 
 parvenir a reconnaitre les causes des phenomenes naturels. Brisant 
 le joug de 1'autorite, combattant les qualites occultes, il proclama 
 rexpe"rience comme le seul guide sur, et il ne s'en ecarta jamais. II 
 repete sans cesse que, pour parvenir a la connaissance des pheno- 
 menes naturels et pour en tirer tout le fruit possible, on doit com- 
 mencer par Fobservation, passer a 1'experience, et a 1'aide de celle-ci 
 chercher a determiner la cause, puis formuler une regie et la soumettre 
 au calcul. Souvent il revient a ce precepte et il montre par de 
 nombreuses applications toute 1'importance de la philosophie des 
 sciences.' 
 
 It is needless to remark that these manuscript notes of Leonardo 
 da Vinci can by no possibility have fallen under the eye of Bacon. 
 
 Coming now to writers whom Bacon had read, or may have read, 
 we find H. C. Agrippa (1486-1535), in his De Vanitate Scientiarum 
 (cap. 7, De Dialectica), accusing the Logicians of his time of either 
 assuming their first principles or accepting them simply on authority, 
 ' aut ab suo Aristotele, aut abs alio, qui ilia prior dixerit.' But, in the 
 same chapter, Agrippa, after his manner, inveighs also against those 
 sciences which are founded on the perceptions of the senses. 
 
 Ludovicus Vives (1492-1540) has some remarks worthy of Bacon 
 himself on the subject of Authority. See Praefatio in libros de Disci- 
 plinis (Basle Ed. of 1555, vol. i. pp. 324, 325) : ' Neque enim effoeta 
 est jam vel exhausta natura, ut nihil prioribus annis simile pariat.' 
 ' Quantum enim ad disciplinas percipiendas omnes aditum nobis 
 inventa superiorum saeculorum aperiunt, et experientia tarn diuturna, 
 ut appareat posse nos, si modo applicaremus eodem animum, melius 
 in universum pronunciare de rebus vitae et naturae, quam Aristotelem, 
 Platonem, aut quenquam antiquorum.' For more to the same effect, 
 see the last section. Stubbe charges Bacon with having borrowed in 
 the De Augmentis from this author's treatise, De Causis Corruptarum 
 Artium, but no one who compares the two books can regard the debt, 
 if any, as a great one. 
 
 The constant appeals to experience made by Paracelsus (1493- 
 1541) are recognised by Bacon himself in the Temporis Partus 
 Masculus (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 538): ' Denique Paracelsum et 
 Severinum [sc. Petrum, 1542-1602], cum tantis clamoribus homines 
 ad experientiae suggestum convocant, praecones mihi exopto.' He
 
 94 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 goes on, however, to say that the appeal to experience was in itself 
 by no means sufficient to conduct them to truth. ' Quid igitur ? Num 
 veritatis compotes isti ? Nihilo minus.' And, towards the end of the 
 treatise (p. 539), he adds: 'Ego vero (fill), si te jamjam animo ab 
 idolis non repurgato vertiginosis experientiae ambagibus committerem, 
 nae tu ducem cito desiderares.' Paracelsus (as I have elsewhere 
 noticed) is specially emphatic in his rejection of authority. 
 
 De Remusat (pp. 388-390), following De Gerando, bestows what 
 appears to me the most exaggerated praise on a small work, published 
 at Basle in 1558, by Acontio or Contio, entitled ' De Methodo sive 
 recta investigandarum tradendarumque artium ac scientiarum ratione.' 
 It seems to me ridiculous to insinuate, as De Remusat appears to do, 
 that Bacon was under special obligations to a work, from which, in- 
 deed, there was little to borrow. The book is, for the time at which it 
 was written, a clear and useful little treatise on the practical applica- 
 tions of Logic to study and teaching, but it discusses the four causes, 
 definition, division, and the like, rather than induction and the kindred 
 topics of observation, experiment, &c. The only part of it which 
 admits of comparison with the Novum Organum is pp. 75-78, 
 Leyden Ed., 1617. Speaking of Division, he says that, before we 
 divide, we ought to know ' totum ipsum, quod dividendum sit. 
 Quamobrem, si forte in promptu non sit, indagare illud opportebit ab 
 aliquorum singularium inspectione.' He then shews how we may 
 arrive at a knowledge of the whole from an examination of particular 
 instances, ' abstrahendo semper ilia universa a singularibus.' He 
 proceeds to say that the likenesses of diverse things are the means 
 by which we arrive at our knowledge of the whole : ' quamobrem 
 perscrutari illam similitudinem quam diligentissime in rebus dissimi- 
 libus nccesse est.' But, surely, this has been a common-place of 
 logicians from the days of Socrates and Plato downwards. 
 
 The principal object of this work seems to be to recommend the 
 ' methodus resolutiva ' or analytic method, the method of working 
 backwards from the effect to the cause, or the end to the means, 
 in preference to the 'methodus compositiva ' or synthetic method. 
 
 Telesio (1509-1588), whom he himself calls the 'best of the 
 novellists,' Bacon had no doubt read with great care, and in this 
 author's works he could not fail to notice the attacks on Aristotle 
 (referred to in the last section) and the constant appeals to sense 
 and experience. The very title of the first of Telesius' nine books 
 'De Rerum Natura' is sufficient to shew the spirit in which he 
 writes : ' Mundi Constructionem, Corporumque in eo Contentorum
 
 ANTICIPATIONS OF BACON'S DOCTRINES. 95 
 
 Magnitudinem, Naturamque non ratione, quod antiquioribus factum 
 est, inquirendam, sed sensu percipiendam, et ab ipsis habendam 
 esse rebus.' In the Prooemium to the same work, he speaks, much 
 in the same tone as Bacon does afterwards, of those who 'veluti 
 cum Deo de sapientia contendentes decertantesque, mundi ipsius 
 principia et causas ratione inquirere ausi, et quae non invenerant 
 inventa ea sibi esse existimantes, volentesque veluti suo arbitratu 
 mundum effinxere.' And again : ' non scilicet eo usque sibi homines 
 placere, et eo usque animo efferri oportebat, ut veluti naturae prae- 
 euntes [compare Bacon's "anticipatio naturae"], et Dei ipsius non 
 sapientiam modo, sed potentiam etiam affectantes, ea ipsi rebus 
 darent, quae rebus inesse intuiti non forent, et quae ab ipsis omnino 
 habenda erant rebus.' In opposition to this ambitious method, he 
 declares his own intention of following only sense and nature : 
 'sensum videlicet nos, et naturam, aliud praeterea nihil sequuti 
 sumus, quae, perpetuo sibi ipsi concors, idem semper et eodem 
 agit modo, atque idem semper operatur.' In book viii, where he 
 discusses the nature of knowledge, he lays down, amongst others, 
 the following propositions : ' Scientiarum omnium et geometriae 
 ipsius principia a sensu haberi, vel proxima eorum, quae sensu 
 percepta sunt, similitudine, et conclusiones omnes ex iis pendere ' 
 (cap. 4) ; ' Conclusiones naturales in eo mathematicis praestare, 
 quod hae a signo omnes, illae vero a propriis causis propriisque 
 manant principiis.' (cap. 5.) Here, and elsewhere in this Book, 
 Telesius enunciates the principle of the origin of all knowledge 
 in the perceptions of the senses, at least as distinctly, if not more 
 distinctly, than Bacon himself. With regard to individual doctrines, 
 I shall, from time to time, draw attention in the notes to many 
 points of agreement between Bacon and Telesius, but I am not 
 aware that, as regards method, there is anything more to notice 
 than the general agreement which I have already pointed out. 
 There is, so far as I am aware, no attempt in the works of Telesius 
 to analyse induction, or to give any specific rules for its right 
 conduct. 
 
 The origin of knowledge in the perceptions of the senses and the 
 consequent importance of experience seems to have been a common- 
 place of philosophers in the sixteenth century. Caesalpinus (1519- 
 1603) the adherent, and Patricius (1529-1597) the opponent of 
 Aristotle, are agreed on this point. 
 
 Not to multiply quotations needlessly, I shall pass on to Campanella 
 (1568-1639), whose name is frequently coupled with that of Bacon
 
 96 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 by the German writers of the seventeenth century, and who was cele- 
 brated, in his time, as a disciple of Telesius. In the Preface to one 
 of his works, entituled Philosophia Sensibus Demonstrata, &c., already 
 referred to on p. 84, he says : ' Idcirco, cum ea sit rerum ad Sentien- 
 tem animam intelligentemque adaequata cognitio, ab ipsis procedens 
 rebus, eo pacto creatis existentibus dispositisque a summo rerum 
 Conditore, quo pacto esse intelligi debeant ; efficitur, ut a rebus ipsis 
 sentitis sint accipiendae rerum origines, quantitates, formae, facul- 
 tates, et facies, ac mutationes, et quales sunt, tales esse decernantur, 
 minime autem sicut nostra dictat ratio, longe mutabilis ob dissimiles 
 rerum variabilium inspectiones, modosque in intelligente spiritu re- 
 servatos. Hinc nos, post assiduam valde quinque annorum lectionem 
 Antiquorum philosophorum, praecipue Peripateticorum et Platoni- 
 corum ****** decrevimus rerum naturam ex sensu investi- 
 gandam esse, cui ipsa talem prompte sese offert, qualis est, et 
 qualem Deus esse voluit.' (p. i.) 
 
 And again, a little further on, he adds : ' Quas ob res Scientiam 
 de rebus esse considerantes, non de verbis, nee de Aristotelis dictis, 
 ejusque intellectu et intentione, ab ipsis rebus capiendam censui- 
 mus, et investigavimus. Itaque decrevimus, modum investigandi 
 res componere per viam sensus et experientiae, ubi non de 
 vocibus tractetur, et obscuris dictis, sed de rebus per voces ab ipsis 
 rebus excerptas, non fictas, et quo pacto sint res investigandae 
 ab operationibus, faciebus, similitudinibus, et congruentiis earum.' 
 
 (P- 3-) 
 
 From works written by Bacon's contemporaries copious extracts 
 might be made on the then pretty familiar themes of the abuse of 
 authority, and of the necessity of consulting nature and trying 
 experiments for ourselves. See, for instance, Kepler's Introduction 
 to the Astronomia Nova, published in 1609, and Galileo's works, 
 passim ". It will be sufficient to close this section with a brief notice 
 of the famous work of one of Bacon's countrymen, the celebrated 
 William Gilbert, father of the sciences of electricity and magnetism. 
 In the address 'Ad Lectorem Candidum ' prefixed to the treatise 'De 
 Magnete,' published in 1600, there is much which admits of com- 
 parison with some of Bacon's Aphorisms. Thus, he contrasts ex- 
 periments and demonstrations with probable conjectures and ' vulgo 
 philosophantium placita.' After describing, with much disparage- 
 
 ' ;l> It should be noticed, however, that the most famous of Galileo's works, the 
 Dialogo dei Massimi Sistcmi, was not published till 1632.
 
 ANTICIPATIONS OF BACON'S DOCTRINES. 97 
 
 ment, the 'tarn vastus Librorum Oceanus, quibus studiosorum 
 ingenia perturbantur fatiganturque,' he asks : ' Quid ego huic tarn 
 perturbatae reipublicae literariae aliquid ulterius adjungerem, aut 
 juratis in aliorum sententias, aut absurdissimis bonarum artium cor- 
 ruptoribus, literatis idiotis,grammaticis, sophistis, rabulis,et plebeculae 
 perversae, Philosophiam hanc inclytam, et propter inaudita plurima 
 quasi novam, et incredibilem damnandam et maledictis dilacerandam 
 exponerem ? Sed vobis tantum fere philosophantibus viris ingenuis, 
 qui non ex libris solum, sed ex rebus ipsis scientiam quaeritis, 
 fundamenta ista magnetica commendavi, novo philosophandi genere. 
 At si ipsis opinionibus et paradoxis assentire aliquibus visum non 
 fuerit, videant tamen experimentorum et inventorum, quibus praecipue 
 floret philosophia omnis, magnam frequentiam : quae multis nostris 
 curis, vigiliis, et impensis eruta et demonstrata sunt. Illis gaudete, 
 et in meliores usus, si poteritis, fruimini. Scio, quemadmodum 
 arduum est vetustis novitatem dare, obsoletis nitorem, obscuris lucem, 
 fastiditis gratiam, dubiis fidem : ita multo magis novis et inauditis, 
 contra omnes omnium opiniones, authoritatem aliquam conciliare et 
 stabilire, difficillimum. Neque illud curamus ; paucis enim philo- 
 sophandum censuimus.' The ancient Greeks he forbears to call 
 to his aid. To Aristotle, Ptolemy, Galen, &c., 'suus semper honos 
 tribuatur.' But our age also has brought to light many things which, 
 had they been alive, they would freely have embraced. He uses the 
 expression ' libere philosophari,' and, throughout, extols experiment. 
 It is needless to add that the body of Gilbert's work furnishes many 
 examples of bold, ingenious, and apposite experiments. 
 
 When we pass in review these and similar writers, we see that the 
 origin of knowledge in the perceptions of the senses, as taught by Aris- 
 totle, had been a tradition of the schools, which had been constantly 
 repeated with more or less of emphasis and more or less conscious- 
 ness of its significance ; that its corollary, the necessity, for the 
 purposes of science, of careful observation of facts, had, though more 
 fitfully, still repeatedly been asserted, and, amongst Bacon's immediate 
 predecessors and contemporaries, had become almost a common-place 
 of the more liberal and adventurous investigators of nature. Experi- 
 ment, too, though more rarely, had been warmly recommended in 
 theory and successfully adopted in practice. The argument from 
 Authority (as we have seen, both in this and the last section) had been 
 combated by many with at least sufficient vehemence, nor had the 
 fancies and arbitrary hypotheses of philosophers escaped the animad-
 
 9 8 I NT ROD UCT1ON. 
 
 versions even of those who were equally ready to give play to their 
 own imagination. But, so far as I can ascertain, no one had yet 
 pronounced himself even on these topics with so much point and 
 force, or in a manner so well calculated to lay hold of the popular 
 sympathy, as Bacon ; while, with respect to the fertile conception of 
 a scientific and methodical process of induction, as opposed to that 
 then in vogue, I have found nothing in any previous writer which 
 can properly and fairly be said to be an anticipation of the sug- 
 gestions so abundantly scattered throughout the Novum Organum. 
 To these conclusions I shall hereafter revert in another section, that 
 on the Present Value of Bacon's Logical Works. 
 
 14. BACON'S INFLUENCE ON PHILOSOPHY AND SCIENCE, 
 INCLUDING THE TESTIMONIES OF EARLY WRITERS 
 TO HIM. 
 
 ONE who claims to be a Reformer of Scientific Method may 
 fairly be expected to exert an influence not on this or that branch 
 of knowledge only, but, though it may be in varying degrees, on 
 all branches of knowledge alike. For, different as may be its appli- 
 cations, the fundamental characteristics of Logical Method are the 
 same in all subjects. And this fact Bacon clearly saw. ' Etiam dubi- 
 tabit quispiam, potius quam objiciet, utrum nos de Naturali tantum 
 Philosophia, an etiam de scientiis reliquis, Logicis, Ethicis, Politicis, 
 secundum viam nostram perficiendis loquamur. At nos certe de 
 universis haec quae dicta sunt intelligimus : atque quemadmodum 
 vulgaris logica, quae regit res per Syllogismum, non tantum ad 
 naturales, sed ad omnes scientias pertinet ; ita et nostra, quae pro- 
 cedit per Inductionem, omnia complectitur.' (Nov. Org. i. 127.) 
 
 We may, therefore, conveniently divide the subject of this section by 
 asking, ist, what was the influence of Bacon's Reform on Philosophy 
 (under which head I include all enquiries into the grounds, conditions, 
 and character of human knowledge and human practice), and 2nd, what 
 was its influence on Science (a word which I take in its modern 
 sense, as restricted to enquiries into the constitution and modes of 
 action of corporeal objects). 
 
 "U ith respect to the first question, I can only state strongly my 
 own belief that the most characteristic school of English psychologists 
 and moralists, and, through them, a most important school of Euro-
 
 BACON'S INFLUENCE ON PHILOSOPHY. 
 
 99 
 
 pean philosophy, in general, has been profoundly influenced by the 
 method and speculations of Bacon. The main principle of Locke's 
 Essay, namely that all our ideas are derived from either sensation or 
 reflexion, appears to rne to be contained in germ in the ist Aphorism 
 of the Novum Organum, while to the attentive reader there can be 
 no doubt that his whole mode of treating psychological questions is 
 thoroughly imbued with the spirit of Bacon's method. It is true that 
 Locke never mentions Bacon expressly in the Essay 14 , but, as I shall 
 point out hereafter, the frequent citation of authors' names was not 
 a fashion of that time. Though the whole of the work might not im- 
 properly be regarded as a polemic against the philosophy of Descartes, 
 it is only very seldom that Locke refers to him by name. Again, I 
 think it would be very difficult for any one, after carefully reading the 
 7th Book of the De Augmentis and after tracing the obvious applica- 
 tions of Bacon's principles and method to the science of conduct, 
 to resist the conclusion that his speculations and, perhaps still more, 
 his method of investigation are, to a large extent, the source of that 
 great school of moral philosophy which, numbering men so widely 
 divergent in many respects as Hobbes and Cumberland, Butler and 
 Bentham, agrees in basing the rules of conduct on an inductive 
 examination of the principles of human nature and the consequences 
 of human actions. English philosophy, or, at least, much the larger 
 portion of it, seems to me to be thoroughly Baconian in its aims, 
 
 14 There is a very probable allusion to Bacon in the discussion on Syllogism, 
 which occurs in the chapter on Reason (bk. iv. ch. 17. 4) : 'And therefore 
 Syllogism has been thought more proper for the attaining Victory in Dispute, than 
 for the Discovery or Confirmation of Truth in fair enquiries.' Cp., amongst other 
 passages, Nov. Org. i. 13. ' Assensum itaque constringit, non res.' The next 
 clause, ' And if it be certain that Fallacy can be couched in Syllogisms, as it cannot 
 be denied, it must be something else, and not Syllogism, that must discover them,' 
 corresponds with Bacon's frequent pleas for a new Logic which shall test the ' prin- 
 cipia scientiarum ' themselves. Cp. also Locke's Essay, bk. ii. ch. 12. i, with 
 Nov. Org. i. 4. 
 
 At the beginning of the short work on the Conduct of the Understanding, Locke 
 justifies his own opinions on the insufficiency of the rules of the ' Logic now in use ' 
 by the authority of the ' great Lord Verulam, who not servilely thinking learning 
 could not be advanced beyond what it was, because for many ages it had not been, 
 did not rest in the lazy approbation and applause of what was, because it was ; but 
 enlarged his mind to what might be.' Throughout this treatise, Bacon's influence 
 is manifest. At the same time, Locke's emphatic denial of the possibility of attain- 
 ing, by means of experiment and observation, to any certain knowledge with regard 
 to the general course of nature (see Essay, bk. iv. ch. 6} would seem to shew either 
 that he had never read the Second Book of the Novum Organum or that he did 
 not admit the assumptions on which it proceeds. 
 
 H 2
 
 TOO INTRODUCTION. 
 
 in its spirit, and in its method. In the eyes of many this may be 
 a reproach, but, if it be true as a fact, it will go far towards estab- 
 lishing a conclusion as to the influence of Bacon over, at least, one 
 large department of investigation. 
 
 Before leaving this branch of our subject, it is only fair to mention 
 one very peculiar circumstance connected with it. Hobbes had, in 
 early life, been Bacon's secretary, but, though he wrote a work ex- 
 pressly on 'Computation or Logic,' there is no mention in it of 
 Induction 15 , of the Baconian method, or of Bacon himself. It is, 
 perhaps, still more singular that there is no mention of Bacon in 
 the Epistle Dedicatory to the Elements of Philosophy (Molesworth's 
 Edition, English Works, vol. i. ad init.), where he refers to Galileo, 
 Kepler, Harvey, Gassendi, Mersenne, c. Bacon's name, in fact, so 
 far as I am aware, occurs only twice in the whole of Hobbes' works, 
 and there without any epithet of praise or blame (see Problemata 
 Physica, Molesworth's Edition, Latin Works, vol. iv. p. 317; De- 
 cameron Physiologicum, English Works, vol. vii. p. 112). From the 
 extent of Hobbes' writings and the intimate personal relations which 
 had formerly existed between him and Bacon, I can hardly refer 
 this silence to mere accident. It may have been due to some per- 
 sonal pique, or the abstract character of Hobbes' mind may have 
 rebelled against the concrete and inductive spirit of Bacon's philo- 
 sophy. For it may be noticed that there are few writers on moral 
 and political questions in whose works the historical spirit is more 
 conspicuously absent than in Hobbes. 
 
 De Remusat draws attention to the silence of Lord Herbert of 
 Cherbury, but the whole bent of his genius was so different from that 
 of Bacon, that this fact is hardly surprising. 
 
 Spinoza, in a letter written in 1661 (Bruder's Ed., vol. ii. p. 146, 
 Ep. ii), has some interesting remarks on Bacon. Having been asked 
 his opinion on Bacon and Descartes, he objects to them, firstly, 'quod 
 tarn longe acognitione primae causae et origine omnium rerum aber- 
 rarint ;' secondly, 'quod veram naturam humanae mentis non cogno- 
 verint :' thirdly, 'quod veram causam erroris nunquam assecuti sint.' 
 He then proceeds to criticise Bacon's Idola Tribus. In Ep. 42 
 
 1 ' I)e Remusat, whose remarks on Hobbes (pp. 405-408) seem to me very just and 
 interesting, says that, to the best of his belief, the word Induction occurs only once 
 in Hobbes' writing-;. This mention of it is in a mathematical controversy with 
 \\allis Molesworth's Kd., Latin Works, vol. iv. p. 179), where he says in a spirit 
 the very reverse of Baconian : ' Inductio autem demonstratio non est, nisi ubi par- 
 ticularia omnia enumcrantur, quod hie est impossibile.'
 
 BACON'S INFLUENCE ON SCIENCE. 101 
 
 (p. 270), there is another allusion to Bacon : 'Ad haec intelligendum, 
 saltern quoad methodus exigit, non est opus naturam mentis per 
 primam ejus causam cognoscere, sed sufficit mentis sive percep- 
 tionum historiolam concinnare modo illo quo Verulamius docet.' 
 
 The second question is, to my mind, much more difficult to answer 
 than the first, though I can entertain no doubt that Bacon has exerted 
 a real and beneficial influence on the subsequent progress of science. 
 The extent of this influence, however, and its precise character are 
 not easy to determine. 
 
 The best mode of proceeding, perhaps, is to lay before the reader, 
 in chronological order, the testimonies to Bacon's influence and to the 
 value of his method (the attacks or innuendos of his opponents are 
 noticed elsewhere), and then to attempt briefly to estimate the direc- 
 tion in which his influence was exerted and the value historically, as 
 bearing on the subsequent progress of science, of the rules and 
 maxims which he enforces. 
 
 TESTIMONIES TO THE VALUE OF BACON'S METHOD AND TO HIS 
 INFLUENCE ON THE PROGRESS OF SCIENCE. 
 
 PASSING over the contemporary evidence of Dr. Collins (given in 
 Rawley's life of Bacon), Ben Jensen, 16 , Sir Henry Wotton 17 , the Uni- 
 
 16 Ben Jonson's Discoveries, Works, vol. vii. p. 100, Whalley's Edition, as quoted 
 by Macvey Napier. I ought to take this opportunity of acknowledging the great 
 service which has been rendered to me in the composition of this section by 
 Mr. Napier's Essay. De Remusat (livre iv. ch. 2) reproduces it to a very large 
 extent. 
 
 17 Reliquiae Wottonianae, 3rd Ed., pp. 298-300. And yet this letter to Bacon is 
 so interesting that I cannot refrain from extracting a portion of it : 'I have your 
 Lordship's Letters dated the 2oth of October [1620], and I have withal by the 
 care of my Cousin Mr. Thomas Meawtis, and by your own special favour, three 
 copies of that Work [the Novum Organum], wherewith your Lordship hath done 
 a great and ever-living benefit to all the children of Nature, and to Nature herself, 
 in her utmost extent and latitude : who never before had so noble nor so true an 
 Interpreter, or (as I am readier to style your Lordship) never so inward a Secre- 
 tary of her Cabinet : But of your said work (which came but this week to my 
 hands) I shall find occasion to speak more hereafter, having yet read only the first 
 Book thereof, and a few Aphorisms of the second. For it is not a banquet, that 
 men may superficially taste, and put up the rest in their pockets ; but, in truth, a 
 solid feast, which requireth due mastication. Therefore, when I have once myself 
 perused the whole, I determine to have it read piece by piece at certain hours in 
 my domestic College, as an ancient Author : For I have learned thus much by it 
 already, that we are extremely mistaken in the computation of Antiquity, by search- 
 ing it backwards, because indeed the first times were the youngest ; especially in 
 points of natural discovery and experience. ***** I lay a night at Lintz, the
 
 102 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 versity of Oxford", &c., as being liable to the objection that it is 
 merely complimentary or proceeds from persons who had themselves 
 no intimate acquaintance with science 19 , I proceed at once to cite 
 Descartes, himself an immediate successor of Bacon, and the ori- 
 ginator of a very different school of philosophy : 
 
 'J'avois oublie a lire un billet que je viens de trouver en votre 
 lettre, ou vous me mandez avoir envoye ma lettre a M. Mydorga, et 
 que vous de'sirez savoir un moyen de faire des experiences utiles. A 
 cela je n'ai rien a dire apres ce que Verulamius en a ecrit, sinon que,' 
 &c. Au. P. Mersenne 20 , 1631 (CEuvres de Descartes, Ed. Cousin, 
 vol. vi. p. 182). 
 
 'Vous m'avez autrefois mande que vous connoisiez des gens qui se 
 plaisoient a travailler pour 1'avancement des sciences, jusques a vouloir 
 meme faire toutes sortes d'experiences a leurs depens : si quelqu'un 
 de cette humeur vouloit entreprendre d'ecrire 1'histoire des apparences 
 celestes selon la methode de Verulamius, et que, sans y mettre au- 
 cunes raisons ni hypothese, il nous decrivit exactement le ciel tel qu'il 
 paroit maintenant, quelle situation a chaque etoile fixe au respect de 
 ses voisines * * * * ce seroit un ouvrage qui seroit plus utile au 
 public qu'il ne semble peut-etre d'abord, et qui me soulageroit de 
 beaucoup de peine.' Id. 1632, p. 210. In another letter to P. 
 Mersenne (p. 93), Bacon is also mentioned. 
 
 These passages shew not only that Descartes entertained a great 
 
 Metropolis of the higher Austria. ***** There I found Kepler, a man famous 
 in the Sciences, as your Lordship knows, to whom I purpose to convey from hence 
 one of your Books, that he may see we have some of our own that can honour our 
 King, as well as he hath done with his Harmonica.' 
 
 Izaak \Valton, in his life of George Herbert, borrowing, apparently, the language 
 of Wotton, speaks of Bacon as ' the great Secretary of Nature and all learning, 
 Sir Francis Bacon." 
 
 ls Given in Baconiana, pp. 204-206. 
 
 19 These objections, however, would hardly apply to the evidence which we 
 obtain incidentally from a letter of Bacon himself to Andrewes (E. and S., vol. vi. 
 p. I3\ in which he says (in 1622) : 'I have received from many parts beyond the 
 seas testimonies touching that work [the Novum Organum], such as beyond which 
 T could not expect at the first in so abstruse an argument.' 
 
 '-'' Merscnne himself, in his work La V trite des Sciences (published in 1625^, has 
 a special chapter on Bacon, in which he maintains against the sceptics that Bacon's 
 <ystem is intended, not to destroy the authority of the senses and the reason, but to 
 discover means for arriving at the knowledge of nature and its effects. The Idols 
 are called the lour buttresses (arcs-botitans) of the Organon. Mersenne criticises 
 Bacon's attack on Aristotle, and makes several remarks on his individual experi- 
 ments, as well as on the theological opinions which are expressed in his works.
 
 BACON'S INFLUENCE ON SCIENCE. 103 
 
 respect for Bacon, but that he regarded his works as a real contri- 
 bution to scientific method 21 . 
 
 Gassendi (who was, in many respects, a precursor of Locke, and 
 whom that philosopher appears to have carefully studied) gives in his 
 book De Logicae Origine et Varietate, cap. 10, a somewhat elaborate 
 account of the contents of the Novum Organum, while, in cap. u, he 
 compares it favourably with the Logic of Descartes. In the book De 
 Logicae Fine, cap. 6, he recurs to the subject. It is plain that he 
 sympathises warmly with Bacon's aims and efforts : 'Ausu vere 
 Heroico novam tentare viam est ausus, sperareque fore ut, modo illi 
 strenue diligenterque insistatur, nova tandem eaque perfecta condi 
 haberique Philosophia possit.' Descartes is spoken of as imitating 
 Bacon in the destructive part of his method, and praised accordingly. 
 But, in the constructive parts, their methods diverged as widely as 
 could be : ' Non eandem tamen viam est quam Verulamius ingressus ; 
 sed cum Verulamius auxilia a rebus ad perficiendam Intellectus cogi- 
 tationem petierit, ipse, omni rerum cogitatione ablegata, censuit in 
 ipsa cogitatione satis esse praesidii, ut Intellectus possit vi sua in 
 omnium rerum etiam abstrusissimarum, hoc est non modo corporum, 
 sed Dei etiam ac Animae, notitiam perfectam venire.' 
 
 ' In another work ' (I here quote from Mr. Macvey Napier), ' his 
 valuable account of his celebrated friend Peiresc [contained in vol. v. 
 of Gassendi's works], there is a passage in which Bacon is mentioned 
 in a way particularly deserving of notice in the present discussion. 
 " No man," says Gassendi, speaking of his friend, " made more 
 observations, or caused more to be made, to the end that at last 
 some notions of natural things, more sound and pure than those 
 commonly received, might be collected ; for which reason he admired 
 the genius, and approved the design of that great chancellor of 
 
 21 In M. Baillet's Life of Descartes (published at Paris in 1691), part i. pp. 147- 
 149, we are told of the regret of Descartes and others at hearing of Bacon's death : 
 ' Cette nouvelle toucha sensiblement ceux qui aspiroient apres le retablissement de 
 la veritable Philosophic, et qui scavoient que Bacon travailloit a ce grand dessein 
 depuis plusieurs annees.' The author then proceeds to contrast the grandeur of his 
 design with the slenderness of his performance, and, like a true disciple, says that 
 the execution of a design so heroic was reserved for a genius still more extra- 
 ordinary. Of the actual performance in the Novum Organum he speaks dis- 
 paragingly : ' Mais ce n'etoit qu'un essay de ses sublimes projets, capable seule- 
 ment de laisser dans 1'esprit de ses lecteurs une idee tres-grande de ce qu'il faisoit 
 esperer a la Posterite. Aussi voyons nous qu'il n'y approfondit rien ; que les pro- 
 positions et les axiomes qu'il y avance sont plutot des avis et des expediens pour 
 donner des ouvertures a mediter, que des maximes propres a etablir des principes.' 
 Bayle, in his meagre account of Bacon, refers to this work.
 
 104 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 England, Sir Francis Bacon." Now, Peiresc died in 1637, only eleven 
 years after Bacon. But this is not all. He was the first man in 
 France, according to Bailly, who deserved the name of an astronomer; 
 and he, as well as Gassendi (who was also distinguished as an 
 astronomer), was a correspondent, friend, and admirer of Galileo : 
 yet we see that Bacon was considered by both as the great leader of 
 reform in Natural Philosophy.' 
 
 Passing over the testimony of Costar (Entretiens de Voiture et de 
 Costar, p. 173, Ed. de Paris, 1654), as cited by Bayle, who also tells 
 us that passages collected from the works of Bacon were used by 
 Costar as the foundation of his Common-Place Book, we come to the 
 curious little book, entitled Relation d'un Voyage en Angleterre, by 
 M. Sorbiere (Paris 1664, Cologne 1666). 
 
 M. Sorbiere (whose account of England is not altogether flattering) 
 says : ' De tout temps 1' Angleterre a produit d'excellents esprits, qui 
 se sont pleus a 1'estude des choses naturelles ; et quand elle n'auroit 
 donne a cette science que Gilbert, Harvaeus, et Bacon, elle auroit 
 dequoy le disputer a la France, et a 1'Italie, qui nous ont donne 
 Galilee, Descartes, et Gassendi. Mais, a dire le vray, Bacon le Chan- 
 cellier 1'a emporte par dessus tous les autres en grandeur de dessein } 
 et en cette docte et judicieuse tablature qu'il nous a laissee, pour 
 reduire utilement en pratique, et tirer hors des disputes de 1'Escole, 
 ce que Ton a de connoissances de la Nature ; afin de les appliquer a 
 la mechanique, et en applanir les difficultez que Ton rencontre dans la 
 vie. Ce grand homme est sans doute celuy qui a le plus puissam- 
 ment solicite les interests de la physique, et excite le monde a faire 
 des experiences ' (pp. 63, 64 of Cologne Ed.). 
 
 As Mr. Napier, to whom I am indebted for the reference to 
 Sorbiere, though he only quotes a small portion of the passage, 
 justly says : This testimony ' is entitled to greater consideration from 
 Sorbiere having for some time acted as Secretary of one of those 
 associations of Parisian philosophers in which the Academy of 
 Sciences had its origin.' 
 
 In the Journal des Savans (March 8, 1666), there is a very interest- 
 ing notice of the Frankfort Edition of Bacon's works. The writer 
 begins by saying : ' On peut dire que ce grand Chancellier est un de 
 ceux qui ont le plus contribue a 1'avancement des sciences. Car 
 reconnaissant que les Anciens nous les ont laissees tres-imparfaites 
 et que les modernes n'y ont pas fait de grands progrez ; il a com- 
 pose deux livres pour enseigner par quels moyens on les peut per- 
 fectionner.' Speaking of the Novum Organum, he says : ' II enseigne
 
 TESTIMONIES TO BACON'S INFLUENCE. 105 
 
 une Logique nouvelle, dont le principal but est de montrer la maniere 
 de faire une bonne Induction, comme la fin principale de la Logique 
 d'Aristote est de faire un bon syllogisme. Get Ouvrage est excellent, 
 et cet Auteur 1'a toujours considere comme son chef d'oeuvre : on dit 
 meme qu'il y a travaille dix-huit ans avant que de le publier.' 
 
 Jean Baptiste Du Hamel, the well-known author of the Philosophia 
 Vetus et Nova, and the first Secretary of the Academy of Sciences, in 
 his work De Mente Humana, published in 167 2, gives a long account 
 of the Baconian method (lib. iii. capp. 7-9), and, in speaking of 
 Induction, says : ' Verulamius primus hoc argumentum tractavit uber- 
 rime,' ' Hoc argumentationis genus a Verulamio tractatum uberrime 
 et ab aliis fere neglectum.' It is plain, therefore, that he regarded 
 Bacon as virtually the author of the Inductive or Experimental 
 Method. 
 
 Bayle (whose Dictionary was first published in 1697) says little 
 of Bacon, though, as Mr. Napier points out, he says nothing at all, 
 in the shape of a separate article, of either Galileo or Descartes. But 
 the meagreness of his account is no proof of disparagement. For he 
 calls Bacon ' un des plus grans Esprits de son siecle, et 1'un de ceux 
 qui connurent le plus doctement 1'imperfection ou etoit la Philosophic.' 
 He adds : ' II travailla fortement aux moiens d'y remedier, et il forma 
 de tres-beaux plans de reformation. Le public recut favorablement 
 ses Ouvrages.' 
 
 This evidence (which, I believe, might be greatly extended 22 ) is 
 sufficient to shew that Bacon's name was, at this period, well known 
 in France, and that his merits were recognised by some of the fore- 
 most men in philosophy and science. So inaccurate is the statement 
 of Montucla 23 , accepted by Dugald Stewart, and since frequently 
 repeated, that the celebrity of Bacon's writings in France hardly dates 
 back beyond the appearance of the Encyclopedic. 
 
 It is unquestionable, however, that the patronage of Voltaire and 
 the Encyclopaedists did much to extend the study of Bacon's writings, 
 
 22 Thus Malebranche, in the Recherche de la Verite (the first volume of which 
 was published in 1674), livre ii. 2 me partie, ch. 2, quotes from the ' Chancelier 
 Bacon,' ' ces paroles fort judicieuses : ' ' omnes perceptiones tarn sensus quam mentis 
 sunt ex analogia hominis,' &c. See Nov. Org. i. 41. 
 
 23 Histoire des Mathematiques, Preface, p. ix. (ist Ed.) : ' les cents du Chancelier 
 Bacon, dont la celebrite en France n'a guere pour date que celle de 1'Encyclopedie.' 
 It may here be mentioned that a French translation of the De Augmentis appeared 
 in Paris in 1624, the very year after the first publication of the work, and another 
 in 1632. On an early MS. translation of the Xovum Organum, which exists in the 
 Bibliotheque Nationale, see a note on the last section of this Introduction.
 
 I0 6 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 besides producing a considerable controversy as to his true meaning 
 on many questions of philosophy and theology (see section on the 
 Bibliography of the Novum Organum). Voltaire devoted to Bacon the 
 twelfth of his Lettres sur les Anglois (1728-1 730), and directed special 
 attention to the Novum Organum : ' Le plus singulier, et le meilleur de 
 ses ouvrages, est celui qui est aujourdhui le moinslu, et le plus util; je 
 veux parler de son Novum Sdentiarum Organum. C'est 1'echafaut 
 avec lequel on a bati la nouvelle Philosophic, et quand cet edifice 
 a etc eleve, au moins en partie, 1'echafaut n'a plus etc d'aucun 
 usage.' 
 
 ' Le Chancelier Bacon ne connoissoit pas encore la nature, mais il 
 scavoit et indiquoit tous les chemins qui menent a elle. II avoit 
 meprise de bonne heure ce que les Universites appelloient la Philo- 
 sophic, et il faisoit tout ce qui dependoit de lui, afin que ces 
 compagnies institutes pour la perfection de la raison humaine ne 
 continuassent pas de la gater par leurs quiddites, leurs horreurs du 
 vuide, leurs formes substancielles, et tous ces mots impertinens, que 
 non seulement 1'ignorance rendoit respectables mais qu'un melange 
 ridicule avec la religion avoit rendu sacres.' 
 
 ' II est le Pere de la Philosophic experimentale. * * * * En un 
 mot, personne avant le Chancelier Bacon n'avoit connu la Philo- 
 sophic experimentale, et de toutes les epreuves physiques qu'on a 
 faites depuis lui, il n'y en a presque pas une qui ne soit indiquee dans 
 son livre. II en avoit fait lui-meme plusieurs. * * * * Mais ce qui 
 m'a le plus surpris, c'a etc de voir dans son livre, en termes expres, 
 cette Attraction nouvelle dont M. Newton passe pour 1'inventeur.' 
 
 In the Dictionnaire Philosophique, Art. Bacon, this letter is repro- 
 duced, with additions on Attraction, the Article beginning : ' Le plus 
 grand service peut-etre que Frangois Bacon ait rendu a la philosophic 
 a ete de deviner 1'attraction.' Though to some extent deserved, 
 Voltaire's praise on this particular point is, as the readers of the 
 Novum Organum will easily discover for themselves, greatly exag- 
 gerated. 
 
 Condillac, in the Introduction to his Essai sur 1'Origine des Con- 
 naissances Humaines (1746), singles out Bacon as, perhaps, the first 
 who had perceived that all our knowledge has its origin in sense (a 
 proposition which, in this unqualified form, Bacon would probably not 
 have accepted). This principle is, he proceeds, 'lefondement d'un 
 ouvrage dans lequel il donne d'excellens conseils pour 1'avancement 
 des sciences.' Towards the end of the Essay (2 me Partie, section 2. 
 ch. 3), his praise rises still higher. Amongst other things, he says :
 
 TESTIMONIES TO BACON'S INFLUENCE. 107 
 
 ' Personne n'a mieux connu que lui la cause de nos erreurs ; car il a 
 vu que les idees, qui sont 1'ouvrage de 1'esprit, avaient ete mal faites, 
 et que, par consequent, pour avancer dans la recherche de la verite", 
 il fallait les refaire.' * : * ' Bacon proposait une methode trop 
 parfaite, pour etre 1'auteur d'une revolution, et celle de Descartes 
 devait reussir, parce qu'elle laissait subsister une partie des erreurs.' 
 In the Histoire Moderne (which, however, appeared after the publica- 
 tion of the Encyclopedic), besides passing a high eulogium on Bacon, 
 he gives a brief summary of a portion of the First Book of the Novum 
 Organum. See livre xx. ch. 12. It may be worth noticing that 
 Condillac's objections to Bacon's threefold division of the sciences 
 are peculiarly acute and effective. 
 
 In 1751 appeared the Encyclopedic. This work not only contained 
 a flattering article on ' Baconisme,' but, in the Discours Preliminaire 
 by D'Alembert, he is styled ' le plus grand, le plus universel, et le plus 
 eloquent des Philosophies.' The exaggerated tone here adopted (as, 
 for instance; ' Bacon, ne dans le sein de la nuit la plus profonde, sentit 
 que la Philosophic n'etoit pas encore '), as well as the fact that the 
 Encyclopaedists claimed Bacon as one of themselves, not unnaturally 
 gave rise to a violent reaction against him, such as we witness in the 
 work of De Maistre, which will be noticed in a subsequent section. 
 
 It is unnecessary to pursue any further the subject of Bacon's 
 reputation and influence in France, and we now turn to Italy. 
 
 That Bacon's works were well known and esteemed in Italy, even 
 during his lifetime, is plain from the following passage in the Life of 
 Bacon prefixed by Rawley to his Resuscitatio, published in 1657 : 
 
 ' His fame is greater and sounds louder in foreign parts abroad, 
 than at home in his own nation ; thereby verifying that divine 
 sentence, A prophet is not without honour, save in his oum country, 
 and in his own house. Concerning which I will give you a taste only, 
 out of a letter written from Italy (the storehouse of refined wits) 
 to the late Earl of Devonshire, then the Lord Candish : I will expect 
 the new essays of my Lord Chancellor Bacon, as also his History, ^yith 
 a great deal of desire, and whatsoever else he shall compose : but in 
 particular of his History I promise myself a thing perfect and singular, 
 especially in Henry the Seventh, where he may exercise the talent of his 
 divine understanding. This lord is more and more known, and his books 
 here more and more delighted in ; and those men that have more than 
 ordinary knowledge in human affairs, esteem him one of the most capable 
 spirits of this age ; and he is truly such. Now his fame doth not
 
 10 8 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 decrease with days since, but rather increase. Divers of his works 
 have been anciently and yet lately translated into other tongues, both 
 learned and modern, by foreign pens.' 
 
 Further evidence of the same fact is furnished by Bacon's cor- 
 respondence with two distinguished Italian ecclesiastics, Father 
 Baranzan and Father Fulgentio. Bacon's very interesting letter to the 
 former, who was a young professor of mathematics and philosophy 
 at Annecy in Savoy, was preserved by J. P. Niceron in his Memoires, 
 and is reproduced by Mr. Spedding in his seventh volume of Bacon's 
 Life and Letters, pp. 3/4-378. Baranzan's letter, which called forth 
 this response, is unfortunately not extant. With Father Fulgentio, 
 who, according to Archbishop Tenison 24 , was 'a Divine (if I mis- 
 take not) of the Republic of Venice, and the same who wrote 
 the Life of his Colleague, the excellent Father Paul,' passed at least 
 one interchange of letters. Here, again, the letter of Fulgentio is 
 unfortunately lost, but Bacon's reply is given in Tenison's Baconiana 
 (pp. 196-200), and in the seventh volume of Spedding's Life and 
 Letters of Bacon, pp. 531-533. 
 
 Attention is drawn by Mr. Napier to a curious and interesting 
 letter from Toby Matthew to Bacon, dated Brussels, April 4, i6i9 25 , 
 in which he connects the name of Bacon with that of Galileo. ' It 
 may please your Lordship, there was with me this day one Mr. 
 Richard White, who hath spent some little time at Florence, and is 
 now gone into England. He tells me, that Galileo had answered 
 your discourse concerning the flux and reflux of the sea, and was 
 sending it unto me ; but that Mr. White hindered him, because his 
 answer was grounded upon a false supposition, namely, that there 
 was in the ocean a full sea but once in twenty-four hours. But now 
 I will call upon Galileo again.' As the tract De Fluxu et Refluxu 
 Maris was not published till it was included in Gruter's collection 
 of 1653, it must have been communicated to Galileo in manuscript, 
 thus shewing the interest already taken in Bacon's writings. It is 
 true, I believe, that Galileo makes no mention of Bacon's works, 
 but then, as I shall presently have occasion to remark, and as we 
 have already seen in the case of Locke, the habit of referring to 
 contemporary or recent writers was at this time comparatively 
 rare. 
 
 Yico, the celebrated Italian Publicist (b. 1668, d. 1744), frequently 
 
 ' Account of all the Lord Bacon's Works, prefixed to the Baconiana, p. 101. 
 -' See Spcddiny's Life and Letters of Bacon, vol. vii. pp. 35-37.
 
 TESTIMONIES TO BACON'S INFLUENCE. 109 
 
 alludes to Bacon 26 . In the Scienza Nuova (in its second form), lib. ii. 
 (Works, Milan Ed. of 1836, vol. v. p. 253), he bears this testimony: 
 ' Onde a gran ragione il Verulamio, gran filosofo egualmente e poli- 
 tico, propone, commenda ed illustra PInduzione nel suo Organo; 
 et e seguito tuttavia dagli Inghilesi con gran frutto della Sperimentale 
 Filosofia.' I am indebted for this reference to M. de Remusat, who 
 cites the French translation published in 1844, p. 165. 
 
 Mr. Napier, with the most commendable industry, collects the 
 German and Dutch testimonies to Bacon from the Frankfort Edition 
 of Campanella's Realis Philosophia Epilogistica by Tobias Adams in 
 1623 down to the Compendium Historiae Philosophicae of Buddaeus, 
 published in 1731. In the Preface to the first-mentioned book, the 
 aim and method of Campanella are compared with those of Bacon, 
 ' sagacissimus Philosophus ' (who, it must be remembered, was still 
 alive, and working at the Instauratio Magna), ' quamvis non dubitem 
 quin longe plura et majora per inductiones diligentiores, quibus ille 
 insistit, investigari, multaque emendari et elucidari rectius possint.' 
 The next authority to which Mr. Napier refers is Comenius's Sy- 
 nopsis Physicae ad lumen divinum reformatae, published in 1643. 
 This author, who speaks of Bacon (' magnus Verulamius ') in his 
 Preface with the greatest respect, also couples him with Campanella : 
 ' hos enim Hercules, qui debellandis monstris expurgandisque Augiae 
 stabulis feliciter admoverunt manus, commonstrasse, et illis, quos 
 Aristotelicae vane turgidae Philosophiae dementatos tenet authoritas, 
 opposuisse, sufficiat.' And, again, he describes the Instauratio Magna 
 as 'opus suspiciendum et quod ego non aliter quam lucidissimum 
 exorientis novi saeculi Phosphorum intueri soleo.' 
 
 The educational works, it may be added, of the last author (b. in 
 Moravia 1592, d. 1671, many of whose writings were published at 
 Leszno in Poland) are full of allusions to Bacon, and it is curious 
 to note how strikingly Baconian in character are many of his thoughts 
 and modes of expression 2? . If any reader cares to pursue this sub- 
 ject, he will find an excellent example of what I mean in the Pan- 
 
 16 'In the " De Ratione Studiorum," ' says Professor Flint (Vico, p. 31), ' the 
 influence of Bacon's " De Augmentis Scientiarum " is very apparent. At the time 
 of writing it, he had been for some time acquainted with Bacon's writings, and had 
 conceived for them high admiration. Their author he pronounces " an incompar- 
 able man." Bacon as powerfully attracted as Descartes repelled him.' 
 
 27 I am indebted to the late Mr. Mark Pattison for first directing my attention to 
 these facts with regard to Comenius.
 
 1 1 o I NT ROD UCTION. 
 
 .sophici Libri Delineatio (occupying pp. 403-456 of the first Part of 
 the Opera Didactica, published at Amsterdam, in 1657). Speaking 
 of rules for distinguishing the true from the false, Comenius says : 
 1 Atque talem normam in natura scrutanda reperisse visus est Illus- 
 trissimus Verulamius, artificiosam quandam inductionem, quae revera 
 in naturae abdita penetrandi reclusa via est. Verum enimvero, quia 
 haec plurium hominum et seculorum continuatam industriam poscit, 
 atque adeo turn operosa turn a successu quasi incerto suspensa vide- 
 tur, fit ut praeclarum inventum a plerisque tanquam inutile contem- 
 natur.' In a previous passage, he asks : ' Non est nihil, quod Veru- 
 lamius mirabili suo organo rerum naturas intime scrutandi modum 
 infallibilem detexit?' This work was published at Oxford in the year 
 1637, under the title of Conatuum Comenianorum Praeludia. 
 
 But what is more remarkable than individual passages is the 
 general influence of Bacon's writings on the tone and thoughts of 
 this author. 
 
 In 1652, Isaac Gruter, writing to Rawley in reference to a projected 
 edition of Bacon's works, speaks of them as ' diu faventissimis Eruditi 
 mundi praeconiis et applausu contestatissimo excepta.' Baconiana, 
 p. 224. 
 
 The famous jurist Puffendorf is quoted by Sir Thomas Pope 
 Blount (Censura Celebriorum Authorum, p. 635) to the following 
 effect : ' Sapientissimus quondam Angliae Cancellarius, qui praecipue 
 nostro saeculo velut classicum cecinisse et signum sustulisse videtur, 
 ut in rebus philosophicis aliquid ulterius et exquisitius investigaretur 
 quam quo hactenus Scholarum parietes resonuerant. Sic ut si quae 
 est pulchrius nostro tempore efflorescentis Philosophiae gratia, isti 
 viro non minima ex parte debeatur.' Specim. Controvers. cap. i. 
 sect. 5. 
 
 But more important than the testimony of any of these writers is 
 that of Leibnitz. In the Confessio Naturae contra Atheistas (1668), 
 he begins : ' Divini ingenii vir Franciscus Baconus de Verulamio 
 recte dixit,' &c. In his account of his own studies, under the name 
 of Wilhelmus Pacidius (Opera Philosophica, Ed. Erdmann, pp. 91, 
 92), he says, ' Interea feliciter accidit ut consilia magni viri Francisci 
 Baconi, Angliae Cancellarii, de augmentis scientiarum, et cogitata 
 excitatissima Cardani et Campanellac et specimina melioris philo- 
 sophiae Kepleri et Galilei et Cartesii ad manus pervenirent.' He, 
 then, felt himself, as it were, carried into another world (velut in 
 alium orbem delatus). Again, in the De Stilo Philosophico Nizolii 
 (p. 61) he describes the 'incomparable Vcrulam ' and other famous
 
 TESTIMONIES TO BACON'S INFLUENCE. in 
 
 men as having recalled philosophy ' ex aeris divagationibus aut etiam 
 spatio imaginario ad terram hanc nostram et usum vitae.' And in 
 one of his Reflexions, printed under the title of ' Leibnitiana ' (Opera 
 Philologica, Ed. Dutens, vol. vi. p. 303), where he is comparing the 
 ' ingenium acutum ' with the ' ingenium magnum,' he speaks in terms 
 which to many will appear exaggerated : ' Etiam in scriptoribus has 
 differentias agnosco. Quid Cartesio in physicis, Hobbio in moralibus 
 acutius? At si ille Bacono, hie Campanellae comparetur, apparet 
 illos humi repere ; hos magnitudine cogitationum, consiliorum, immo 
 destinationum assurgere in nubes, ac pene humanae potentiae im- 
 paria moliri. Illi ergo tradendis principiis, hi conclusionibus ad usum 
 insignibus eliciendis meliores.' It is curious so frequently to find 
 the name of Bacon coupled by German writers with that of 
 Campanella. 
 
 Not the less important for being discriminating is the very interest- 
 ing and judicious testimony of the celebrated physicist, Huyghens, 
 in his annotations on Baillet's Life of Descartes (which work appeared 
 in 1691). This passage is preserved by Cousin in his Fragments 
 Philosophiques, tome ii. p. 160, and proceeds as follows: 'Les 
 modernes, comme Telesius, Campanella, Gilbert, retenoient de mesme 
 que les Aristoteliciens plusieurs qualites occultes, et n'avoient pas 
 assez d'invention et de mathematiques pour faire un systeme entier ; 
 Gassendi non plus, quoyqu'il ait reconnu et decouvert les inepties 
 des Aristoteliciens. Verulamius a vu de mesme Pinsuffisance de cette 
 philosophic peripateticienne, et de plus a enseigne de tres bonnes 
 methodes pour en batir une meilleure a faire des experiences et a s'en 
 bien servir. II en a donne des exemples assez rares, pour ce qui 
 regarde la chaleur dans les corps, qu'il conclut n'estre qu'un mouve- 
 ment des particules qui les composent. Mais au reste il n'entendoit 
 point les mathematiques et manquoit de penetration pour les choses 
 de physique, n'ayant pas pu concevoir seulement la possibilite du 
 mouvement de la terre, dont il se moque comme d'une chose 
 absurde.' Then follows an estimate of Galileo and Descartes 2 ". 
 
 Morhof, in his Polyhistor (torn. ii. lib. 2. cap. i), has a special 
 chapter entituled : ' Quomodo Historia Naturalis sit instituenda, e 
 mente Francisci Baconis Verulamii, et ejus sequentium vestigia.' 
 Here and elsewhere he is profuse in his praise of Bacon. 
 
 Boerhaave, who, as Mr. Napier says, was himself an eminent 
 
 w For another eulogium on Bacon by Huyghens, see De Remusat, Histoire de 
 la Philosophic en Augleterre, depuis Bacon jusqu' a Locke, tome i. p. 158.
 
 112 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 improver of science in several of its branches, and who was placed 
 in a situation, which, in a particular manner, enabled him to collect 
 the general sentiment of Europe upon any point connected with the 
 history of philosophy, in his Discourse de comparando certo in 
 Physicis, delivered before the University of Leyden in 1715, pro- 
 nounced an eulogium on Bacon which it would be difficult to exceed : 
 ' Atque hujus quidem Physices fortunas laudare licet ex quo magnum 
 Verulamium summo suo bono accepit ! Virum certe ad omnia, quae 
 scientia humana comprehendi possunt, indaganda facile principem, 
 et de quo dubites utrum consilio, an exemplo, major fuerit in in- 
 stauranda deformata Physica. Absque invidia dixero, quidquid 
 incrementi cepit naturalis historia ab ineunte decimo sexto seculo 
 in hanc usque horam, omne id acceptum debemus monitis et pre- 
 ceptis illius viri ; cujus indelibilem memoriam grata colet orbis 
 perpetuitas.' 
 
 Similar is the testimony of Buddaeus (Compendium Historiae 
 Philosophicae, Ed. of 1731, pp. 409-412) : ' Saeculo decimo septimo 
 ineunte, nova lux philosophiae, praesertim in scientia naturali, orta 
 est. Exemplum omnibus praeivit Franciscus Baco de Verulamio, qui, 
 ut, missis abstractis illis et otiosis speculationibus, ad particularia 
 descenderent experimentaque instituendo naturam rerum accuratius 
 contemplarentur, omnibus auctor fuit. Hujus ductum cum multi 
 sequerentur, dici non potest, quanta ad accuratiorem philosophiam 
 facta sit accessio.' 
 
 Morhof (Polyhistor, torn. i. lib. 2. cap. 7) speaks of a work, 
 published in Hungary in 1663, by one John Beyer, entitled ' Filum 
 Labyrinthi vel Cynosura, sive Lux mentium universalis,' &c., in which 
 the author attempted to expound the Baconian philosophy. ' Verum 
 obscurat potius Verulamii sensus omnemque philosophiam, quam ut 
 lumen aliquod accendat.' This fact is interesting as shewing that 
 the fame of Bacon's philosophical reform had reached even remote 
 countries like Hungary. 
 
 On the possible, or, perhaps, probable influence of Bacon's writings 
 on the institution of scientific societies abroad, I shall have occasion 
 to speak in a note on the next division of my subject. 
 
 Returning to England, I shall now attempt to shew the influence of 
 Bacon's writings on the group of men who founded the Royal Society 
 or were amongst its earliest members, and the estimation in which he 
 was held by them. This Society, as is well known, originated in certain
 
 BACON'S INFLUENCE ON SCIENCE. 113 
 
 informal meetings during the Civil Wars (according to Dr. Wallis in 
 1645), though it did not receive its Charter of Incorporation till 1662. 
 Now Bishop Sprat, its earliest historian, in a work written in 1667, 
 speaks of Bacon, as having ' had the true imagination of the whole 
 extent of this enterprise, as it is now set on foot.' And then he . 
 proceeds : ' In whose books there are everywhere scattered the best 
 arguments, that can be produced for the defence of Experimental 
 Philosophy; and the best directions that are needful to promote it. 
 All which he has already adorned with so much art ; that if my desires 
 could have prevailed with some excellent friends of mine, who engaged 
 me to this work : there should have been no other Preface to the History 
 of the Royal Society, but some of his writings.' The passage is too 
 long to quote at length, but will be found in Dr. Sprat's History of 
 the Royal Society, pp. 35, 36, and in Tenison's Baconiana, pp. 264- 
 266. What Sprat, notwithstanding his eulogium of the philosophical 
 works in general, says of the Sylva Sylvarum is unfortunately very 
 true : ' He seems rather to take all that comes, than to choose ; and 
 to heap rather than to register.' ' But,' he adds, though ' he had not 
 the strength of a thousand men, I do allow him to have had as much 
 as twenty.' 
 
 In another place (p. 144), after complimenting Lord Clarendon 
 and the other Law Officers of the Crown on their share in drawing 
 up the Charter of the Royal Society, Sprat goes on to say : ' But 
 it is enough to declare that my Lord Bacon was a Lawyer, and that 
 these eminent officers of the Law have completed this foundation of 
 the Royal Society : which was a work well becoming the largeness of 
 his Wit to devise, and the greatness of their Prudence to establish.' 
 The allusion here, I presume, is to the New Atlantis. 
 
 In Cowley's Ode to the Royal Society, Bacon's name is equally 
 prominent : 
 
 ' Some few exalted Spirits this latter Age has shown, 
 That lahour'd to assert the Liberty 
 (From Guardians, who were now Usurpers grown) 
 Of this Old Minor still, captiv'd Philosophy ; 
 
 But 'twas Rebellion call'd to fight 
 
 For such a long oppressed Right. 
 Bacon at last, a mighty man, arose 
 
 Whom a wise King and Nature chose 
 
 Lord Chancellour of both their Laws, 
 And boldly undertook the injur'd Pupil's cause.' 
 
 He then describes how he chased away Authority, 
 
 ' Nor suffer' d Living men to be misled 
 
 By the vain shadows of the Dead : ' 
 I
 
 ! ! 4 INTRO D UCTION. 
 
 how he broke the ' Scar-crow Deitie ' of the orchard, how he brought 
 the mind from words to things, &c. 
 
 ' From these and all long Errors of the way, 
 In which our wandring Praedecessors went, 
 And like th' old Hebrews many years did stray 
 
 In Desarts but of small extent, 
 Bacon, like Moses, led us forth at last, 
 
 The barren Wilderness he past, 
 
 Did on the very Border stand 
 
 Of the blest promis'd Land, 
 And from the Mountain's Top of his Exalted Wit, 
 
 Saw it himself, and shew'd us it.' 
 
 It should be noticed that Sprat's book received the sanction of the 
 Royal Society, and that copies of it were sent by them to foreign 
 princes and other eminent persons on the continent. Hence Liebig's 
 sneer at Sprat (Allgemeine Zeitung, March 7, 1864), unless he is 
 prepared to extend it generally to the members of the Royal Society 
 at that time, is entirely out of place. 
 
 But there is much more evidence to the same effect. The cele- 
 brated mathematician, Dr. Wallis, in the very interesting Account of 
 some Passages of his own Life, published in Appendix, Num. xi, to 
 Hearne's Preface to Peter Langtoft's Chronicle 29 , says : 'About the 
 year 1645, while I lived in London, * * * * * I had the opportunity 
 of being acquainted with divers worthy Persons, inquisitive into 
 Natural Philosophy, and other parts of Humane Learning ; and 
 particularly of what hath been called the New Philosophy or Ex- 
 perimental Philosophy.' He then proceeds to give the names of his 
 associates and their places of meeting. ' Our business was to Dis- 
 course and consider of Philosophical Enquiries, and such as related 
 thereunto.' * * 'Some of which were then but New discoveries, 
 
 and others not so generally known and imbraced, as now they are, 
 with other things appertaining to what hath been called The New 
 Philosophy ; which from the times of Galileo at Elorence, and Sir 
 Erancis Bacon (Lord Veruiam) in England, hath been much culti- 
 vated in Italy, Erance, Germany, and other parts abroad, as well as 
 with us in England.' 
 
 In the Dedication to the Royal Society of his Scepsis Scientifica 
 (1665), Glanvill says: ' Eor you really are what former ages could 
 contrive but in wish and Romances ; and Solomon's House in the 
 New Atlantis was a Prophetic Scheme of the Royal Society.' Com- 
 plimentary allusions to Bacon, whom he evidently regards as the 
 
 ' 1'or this reference 1 am indebted to Mr. Napier.
 
 INFLUENCE ON THE ROYAL SOCIETY. 115 
 
 great light of modern philosophy, are of constant occurrence in 
 GlanvilPs works. Mr. Napier cites one more, taken from the Plus 
 Ultra or the Progress and Advancement of Knowledge since the days 
 of Aristotle (1668), having special reference to the Royal Society. 
 After several remarks on the philosophy and aims of Bacon, he 
 proceeds : 
 
 ' This was a mighty design, groundedly laid, wisely exprest, and 
 happily recommended by the Glorious Author, who began nobly, 
 and directed with an incomparable conduct of Wit and Judgment : 
 But to the carrying it on, it was necessary there should be many 
 Heads and many Hands, and those formed into an Assembly, that 
 might intercommunicate their Tryals and Observations, that might 
 joyntly work, and joyntly consider ; that so the improvable and luci- 
 ferous Phaenomena, that lie scatter'd up and down in the vast 
 Champaign of Nature, might be aggregated and brought into a 
 common store. This the Great Man desired, and form'd a Society of 
 Experimenters in a Romantick Model, but could do no more ; His 
 time was not ripe for such performances.' 
 
 ' These things therefore were consider'd also by the later Virtuosi, 
 who several of them combined together, and set themselves on work 
 upon this grand Design 3 V 
 
 Oldenburg, the first Secretary of the Society, in Number 22, p. 391 
 (1666-7), gi ym g an extract from a letter, continues : 'The ingenious 
 Author of this Letter, as he expresses an extraordinary desire to see 
 the Store-House of Natural Philosophy more richly fraughted (a 
 Work begun by the single care and conduct of the excellent Lord 
 Verulam, and prosecuted by the Joynt-undertakings of the Royal 
 Society) so,' &c. He frequently alludes to Bacon, as having given 
 the chief impulse to the study of Experimental Philosophy, as, for 
 instance, in the Prefaces to the Transactions for 1670, 1672, 1677. 
 Thus, in the Preface for 1670, he says that 'his greatest Reputation 
 rebounded first from the most intelligent Forrainers in many parts 
 of Christendome ; ' in that for 1672, 'when our renowned Lord 
 Bacon had demonstrated the methods for a perfect Restauration of 
 all parts of Real knowledge ***** the success became on a 
 sudden stupendous, and Effective philosophy began to sparkle, and 
 even to flow into beams of bright-shining Light, all over the World:' 
 and, lastly, in that for 1677, 'many of the chief Universities in 
 Christendom have already formed themselves into Philosophical 
 
 30 Plus Ultra, pp. 87, 88. 
 I 2
 
 1 1 6 I NT ROD UCTION. 
 
 Societies, and have so largely contributed their aydes to advance the 
 Lord Bacon's Design for the Instauration of Arts and Sciences, that 
 it is now become above my abilities,' &c. 31 
 
 Boyle, who was himself called a Second Bacon, and who lent 
 his rooms for the meetings of the Royal Society during the 
 latter part of its Oxford career, is constant in his allusions to ' our 
 illustrious Verulam,' 'that profound naturalist the Lord Verulam,' 'so 
 judicious a friend to philosophy and mankind, as Sir Francis Bacon,' 
 'our famous experimenter, the Lord Verulam himself,' &c., &c. :ij 
 See his works, passim. Indeed Boyle seems to have been regarded, 
 in a special sense, as a disciple of Bacon. In a letter to him, quoted 
 by Mr. Napier, from Dr. Beal, who was himself elected to the Royal 
 Society in 1662, the writer says : 'You have particularized, explicated, 
 and exemplified those fair encouragements and affectionate directions, 
 which Lord Bacon in a wide generality proposed.' Dr. Seal's letters"' 3 , 
 which are somewhat lengthy, are full of allusions to Bacon. Thus, 
 he speaks of Boyle as 'relieving Lord Bacon's Sylva, and his Novum 
 Organum, which oft-times want your aid,' and, in another letter, there 
 is a passage bearing on the connexion between Bacon's designs and 
 the establishment of the Royal Society : 'And let me say to you, 
 that if you give these things in charge amongst your acquaintance, 
 that each man in his way may add to the search of others, then you 
 do fully prosecute the Yerulamian design ; then our labour is joined 
 
 : ' It may here be noticed that Mi'. Xapier quotes Bilchner, whose work I have 
 not been able to see, as referring the foundation of learned societies throughout 
 Kurope to the influence of Bacon : ' Sed, quae superest dicenda, supremam, <_t, ut 
 nobis videtur, proximam condendae Academiae enarrabimus occasionem. Scilicet 
 po;,tquam, intunte circiter priori saeculo, non inter Britannos solum, sed universi 
 quoque orbis incolas, immortalitati commendatissimus, Franciscus Baco de Yeru- 
 lamio. variis risque ad sapientiae normam elucubratissimis scriptis, utilissima emen- 
 clandae atque instaurandae historiae naturalis dedissct consilia, et absolutissimis 
 rationibus tirmasset : non Angli modo hand incassum se moneri atquc excitari pas.--i 
 stint, sed exterac quo(|i;e gentes, imprimis Galli Italique, sanioris consilii patientes, 
 tanta contentione cum qualibuscunque scientiis generatim, tuna praecipue rerun i 
 naturalium studio aniimim intendemnt, adeo, ut ex illo tempore visi stint homines 
 liihil. vel remotissimis naturae visccribus nbstrusum, quod non captis ex Baeonis 
 nieiite experimentis curiosius rimarentur, relicturi. Atque hie ardor, haec studia 
 inagnam quoque partem condiderunt Academiarum Societatumque hactenus meino- 
 ratarum.' Academiae Xaturae Curiosorum Historia, cap. i. 7. 
 
 And yet Sir J >avid Brewster, in his Life of Newton (eh. 2~. vol. ii. p. 403 of 
 ist !'.<]. . says that 'the amiable and indefatigable Boyle treated Bacon with the 
 .--anic disrespectful .lileiice ' that Newlon did. The silence of Newton I shall discuss 
 presently. 
 
 l'h; s.; are published amongst the Letters from Several Persons to Mr. Bo)!e, 
 in the hut volume of Boyle's Collected Woiks.
 
 INFLUENCE ON THE ROYAL SOCIETY. 117 
 
 and collegiate, and not always running in the narrowness of single 
 endeavours.' Maclaurin, again, in his Account of Newton's Philo- 
 sophical Discoveries (p. 61) says: 'It has been observed that 
 Mr. Boyle was born the same year that Lord Bacon died, as if he 
 had been destin'd to carry on his plan.' 
 
 I come next to Dr. Robert Hooke (b. 1635, d. 1703), who suc- 
 ceeded Oldenburg as Secretary of the Royal Society, and was 
 amongst the most distinguished of its early members. Amongst his 
 Posthumous Works is published one entituled The Present State of 
 Natural Philosophy and the Method of Improving it, which is 
 described by Dr. Whewell as an 'attempt to adapt the Novum 
 Organum to the age which succeeded its publication.' The whole 
 of this treatise is in the lines of the Novum Organum, and much of it 
 is a mere translation of its language. And yet Hooke seldom men- 
 tions Bacon, another proof out of many how little the writers of that 
 time think it necessary to cite by name the authors from whom they 
 borrow or to whom they are under obligations. In one place, how- 
 ever (Posthumous Works, p. 6), he announces his design as follows : 
 ' Some other course therefore must be taken to promote the Search of 
 Knowledge. Some other kind of Art for Enquiry than what hath 
 hitherto been made use of, must be discovered ; the Intellect is not to 
 be suffered to act without its Helps, but is continually to be assisted 
 by some Method or Engine, which shall be as a Guide to regulate its 
 Actions, so as that it shall not be able to act amiss : Of this Engine, 
 no Man except the incomparable Verulam hath had any thoughts, 
 and he indeed hath promoted it to a very good pitch ; but there is 
 yet somewhat more to be added, which he seemed to want time to 
 compleat.' Hooke's work, like its prototype, was unfinished. 
 
 Testimonies of this kind might easily be multiplied to almost any 
 extent. Such are those of John Evelyn, an early member of the 
 Royal Society, and celebrated as the author of Sylva, Numismata S4 , 
 the well-known Diary, &c. ; of Dr. Joshua Childrey, who, in a letter to 
 Oldenburg, preserved by Antony Wood 35 , says ' he first fell in love 
 with the lord Bacon's philosophy in the year 1646,' and who, in 1661, 
 published a work entitled ' Britannia Baconica, or the Natural Rarities 
 
 ;u There are constant allusions to Bacon in both these works, especially in the 
 former : see particularly Numismata, ch. 9. p. 340 ; Sylva, Address to the Reader 
 (much enlarged in the 3rd Edition). 
 
 35 Wood's Athenae Oxonienses, vol. iii. p. 904 (Ed. Bliss, 1817). According to 
 Wood, the Britannia Baconica, mentioned in the text, suggested to Dr. Plot his 
 Natural History of Oxfordshire.
 
 i 1 8 I NT ROD UCTION. 
 
 of England, Scotland, and Wales, historically related, according to 
 the precepts of the Lord Bacon ;' together with many other writers 
 whom it would be tedious to enumerate. 
 
 The authorities cited are, however, amply sufficient to prove the 
 two points which I was anxious to establish : ist, that the foundation 
 of the Royal Society in England, and possibly also that of some 
 similar societies on the Continent, was due to the impulse given by 
 Bacon to the study of experimental science and the plans which he 
 devised for its prosecution ; 2nd, that some of the more eminent men 
 who were amongst the earliest members of that society, Wallis, Boyle, 
 Hooke, &c., were deeply imbued with the spirit of Bacon's teaching, 
 and ready fully to recognise their obligations to him. If these facts 
 be established, as I think they are, there can be no question as to the 
 reality of Bacon's influence on the progress of science in the generation 
 immediately succeeding his own, whatever we may regard the nature 
 of that influence as having been 36 . 
 
 Nor was the ' New Philosophy ' without its influence on the Uni- 
 versities, much as those bodies were occupied at this time with other 
 questions, and deeply rooted as were their prejudices in favour of 
 the old learning. Even if we pass over the Letter of the University 
 of Oxford 37 , written on receipt of Bacon's De Augmentis in 1623, in 
 which he is likened to a literary Hercules, who has further advanced 
 the pillars of learning, deemed by others immovable, as savouring, 
 perhaps, too much of official flattery ; and even if we reject, as testi- 
 mony to himself, and, therefore, perhaps, partial, what he says in his 
 letter to the King about the reception of the Advancement of 
 
 '" For further evidence of Bacon's influence on the group of men who founded 
 the Royal Society, or were amongst its earliest members, see the section on the 
 < >pponents of Bacon, under Dr. Henry Stubbe. 
 
 ' 7 Published in Baconiana, pp. 204-206. The letter is written, throughout, in 
 the most flattering strain, but, as Mr. Napier remarks, ' this piece of homage was 
 offered at a time when all motives to interested adulation had been done away by 
 Bacon's lamentable fall.' The following is a specimen of the language of this 
 letter : ' Creverunt quidem [musae], et sub calamo tuo, qui, tanquam strenuus lite- 
 rarum Alcides, Columnas tuas, Mundo immobiles, propria manu in Orbe Scienti- 
 arum, plus ti/lra statnisti. Euge exercitatissimum Athletam,' &c. 
 
 One thing, I confess, I am ambitious of, with hope, which is that after these 
 beginnings, and the wheel once set on going, men shall sock more truth out of 
 Christian pens, than hitherto they have done out of heathen. I say with hope, 
 because I hear my firmer book of the Advancement of Learning is well tasted in 
 the Imver.-ities here and the English colleges abroad: and this [the Novum 
 Organum] is the same argument sunk deeper.' Letter to the King, in 1620, printed 
 in Speddipg's Life and Letters, vol. vii. pp. 119, 120.
 
 INFLUENCE ON THE UNIVERSITIES. 119 
 
 Learning ' in the universities here and the English colleges abroad,' 
 we have still sufficient evidence to shew that his works were producing 
 a real and perceptible influence. 
 
 The ready welcome accorded to the London savans in Oxford in 
 1648 and 1649 (see Wallis's account), the fact that they were joined 
 by several Oxford men, and the uninterrupted meetings of the 
 incipient Royal Society in Oxford till the dispersion of several of its 
 members in 1658, would alone furnish satisfactory evidence of the 
 spread of the ' New Philosophy' in one, at least, of the Universities 39 . 
 But Bp. Sprat expressly tells us (p. 53) that, besides being ' frequented 
 by some Gentlemen of Philosophical Minds, whom the misfortunes of 
 the Kingdom and the security and ease of a retirement amongst 
 Gown-men had drawn thither,' ' the University had, at that time, many 
 members of its own, who had begun a free way of reasoning,' an 
 expression which undoubtedly denotes the Baconian, as opposed to 
 the Aristotelian or traditional method. In describing their meetings, 
 he proceeds : ' By this means there was a race of young men pro- 
 vided, against the next age, whose minds, receiving from them their 
 first impressions of sober and generous knowledge, were invincibly 
 armed against all the enchantments of Enthusiasm. But what is 
 more, I may venture to affirm that it was in good measure by the 
 influence which these Gentlemen had over the rest, that the University 
 itself, or, at least, any part of its Discipline and Order, was saved 
 from ruin.' 
 
 At a period a little later than the publication of Sprat's book, 
 Dr. Beal, writing to Boyle, Nov. 27, 1671, has a passage which will 
 be read with some interest by many Oxford men, and which, as I 
 have not seen it noticed before, I transcribe at length : 
 
 ' At my request a young Oxonian prepared me a list of fit, capable, 
 and hopeful persons, addicted to the design of the Royal Society, and 
 willing to entertain correspondencies, and to assist in them. They 
 seemed to me by their qualifications, and number, very considerable ; 
 some in every college, and in every hall. Only in one college, there 
 
 39 And yet the Juniors do not seem, at any rate in some of the Colleges, to have 
 profited much from this intellectual activity of their seniors. See Locke's account 
 of the arid and unstimulating character of his studies during the earlier years of his 
 academical life, as given in his confidences to Lady Masham and Le Clerc (Fox 
 Bourne's Life of Locke, vol. i. pp. 47, 48). In referring to Mr. Fox Bourne's 
 work, I must not be supposed to endorse altogether his account of the Oxford cur- 
 riculum at this time, much of which appears to me (as I have pointed out in my 
 own Life of Locke, p. 7) to be an ideal construction. Locke, in later years, joined 
 the scientific circle of which Boyle was the centre.
 
 1 20 I NT ROD UCTION. 
 
 was but one named ; but it is excused, that his list was much too 
 short, and that he wanted time to complete it, and for some reasons 
 he would not be seen to advise with others for fuller information. 
 There are excellent professors, some lecturers, and very many students 
 of useful arts amongst them. And in time they may have their 
 meetings in some of their publick schools, after fit lectures ; and the 
 wings of the Stubbians are already broken, and their reputation 
 withers, as Dr. Bathurst told me.' Boyle's Works, Ed. of 1744, 
 vol. v. p. 498, b. 
 
 Mr. Napier, to whom I am indebted for the two next references, 
 thinks that the ' new philosophy ' had made still greater progress at 
 Cambridge. This conclusion is based mainly on a passage in Antony 
 Wood (Bliss's ed. of the Athenae Oxonienses, 1817, vol. iii. p. 1244), 
 who, in his Life of Glanvill, 'wonders, considering that that house 
 [Exeter College] was then one of the chief nurseries for youth in 
 the university, why he should afterwards lament that his friends did 
 not first send him to Cambridge, because, as he used to say, that 
 new philosophy and the art of philosophising were there more than 
 here in Oxon, and that his first studies in this university did not 
 qualify him for the world of action and business.' This evidence, 
 which I have thought better to give in full, may not be of much 
 value as settling the claims of the rival Universities, but, at all events, 
 it is sufficient to shew that Cambridge had already a reputation for 
 the ' new philosophy.' Of this fact, perhaps, we receive additional 
 testimony in Baker's Reflections upon Learning, first published in 
 1 699. The author was a Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge, 
 ind is now well known for his history of that College, recently pub- 
 lished and edited by Mr. Mayor. In the former work (Chapter on 
 Logic), after making some interesting remarks on the Method of 
 Bacon, he proceeds : ' After the way of free thinking ' (notice, again, 
 this expression) ' had been lai'd open by my Lord Bacon, it was soon 
 after greedily follow'd, for the Understanding affects Freedom as well 
 as the Will, and men will pursue liberty, tho it ends in confusion.' 
 p. 59. This reflexion, however, may have simply a general reference, 
 and may not have been specially suggested by the experience of the 
 writer's own University. 
 
 A still stronger indication, than either of these two, of the way 
 which the ' new philosophy ' had made in Cambridge, in the middle 
 of the seventeenth century, is to be found in the testimony of Isaac 
 Barrow (1652), subsequently the first Lucasian Professor of Mathe- 
 matics, and the immediate predecessor of Newton. In an academical
 
 RELATION OF NEWTON TO BACON. I 21 
 
 exercise, written in the above year, when Barrow was about 22 
 years of age, on the thesis Cartcsiana hypothesis de materid et 
 motu hand satisfacit praecipuis naturae phaenomenis, he passes the 
 highest eulogium on Bacon, and shews, as Ur. Whewell says 40 , ' that 
 he had read the Novum Organum in a careful and intelligent manner, 
 and presumed his Cambridge hearers to be acquainted with the work.' 
 The passages in this exercise, referring to Bacon, ' may be regarded,' 
 as Dr. Whewell also remarks, ' as expressive of the opinions which 
 were then current among active-minded and studious young 
 men.' 
 
 It would be superfluous to extend this enquiry beyond the point at 
 which we have now arrived, as, at the end of the seventeenth century, 
 we are already in the full tide of experimental research, when the fame 
 and influence of Bacon were, as I believe, universally acknowledged 41 . 
 But, before I proceed to consider the nature of this influence, it is 
 necessary that I should entertain a question which has been the occa- 
 sion of considerable dispute, namely, the cause of the complete, and, as 
 it has seemed to some, singular silence with regard to Bacon which 
 is maintained by his illustrious successor, Newton. Some refer it to 
 contemptuous indifference. Thus, Sir David Brewster, whose judg- 
 ment De Remusat accepts, roundly asserts that ' Newton would have 
 enriched science with the same splendid discoveries, if the name and 
 the writings of Bacon had never been heard of,' and says oddly 
 enough, as I have already pointed out, that ' Boyle treated him with 
 the same disrespectful silence 4 V On the other hand, Horace Wai- 
 pole 43 calls Bacon ' the Prophet of Arts, which Newton was sent 
 afterwards to reveal,' and Reid 44 speaks of Newton, as ' having, in 
 the third book of his Principia and in his Optics, had the rules of the 
 Novum Organum constantly in his eye.' Between these conflicting 
 views I shall attempt to decide, considering, first, the external evi- 
 dence of Bacon's influence on Newton, secondly, the internal evidence, 
 so far as it can be derived from Newton's own writings, and, lastly, 
 
 10 For an account of this Dissertation, see Whewell's Philosophy of Discovery, 
 pp. 177-180. 
 
 41 See, for instance, Tatler, No. 267 ; Spectator, No. 554. But the merits and 
 influence of Bacon were now so much taken for granted, that, naturally enough, less 
 was probably said about them than in the previous generation. 
 
 *'-' Brewster's Life of Newton, vol. ii. p. 403. 
 
 43 Royal and Noble Authors, vol. i. p. 162. 
 
 44 Reid's Account of Aristotle's Logic, ch. 6. sect. 2 (Hamilton's Ed. of Reid's 
 Works, p. 712 b).
 
 1 2 2 I NT ROD UCTION. 
 
 the interpretation to be put upon his silence with respect to Bacon's 
 name and works. 
 
 Pemberton, in his View of Sir Isaac Newton's Philosophy (1728), 
 informs us distinctly that Newton ' approved of the following treatise, 
 a great part of which we read together' (Preface). Now, in the 
 Introduction to this work, the author almost at once begins to speak 
 of the irrational method formerly pursued in scientific enquiries, by 
 ' framing conjectures,' ' undertaking intire systems,' ' fathoming at 
 once the greatest depths of nature,' &c. ' Whereas the only method, 
 that can afford us any prospect of success in this difficult work, is to 
 make our enquiries with the utmost caution, and by very slow 
 degrees.' ' This neglect,' he proceeds, ' of the proper means to 
 enlarge our knowledge, joined with the presumption to attempt what 
 was quite out of the power of our limited faculties, the Lord Bacon 
 judiciously observes to be the great obstruction to the progress of 
 science. Indeed that excellent person was the first who expressly 
 writ against this way of philosophising ; and he has laid open at 
 large the absurdity of it in his admirable treatise, intitled Novum 
 Organon Scientiarum ; and has there likewise described the true 
 method, which ought to be followed.' He then goes on to give 
 a copious account of some portions of the First Book of the Novum 
 Organum, especially of the 'Duo viae ' (Aph. 19) and the ' Idola,' 
 and continues : ' But what surprizing advancements in the know- 
 ledge of nature may be made by pursuing the true course in philo- 
 sophical enquiries, when those searches are conducted by a genius 
 equal to so divine a work, will be best understood by considering 
 Sir Isaac Newton's discoveries.' In attempting to give an account of 
 the 'principles whereon Sir Isaac Newton proceeds,' the author 
 evidently has Bacon's method constantly in view, and, in expound- 
 ing the third of the ' Regulae Philosophandi,' he again mentions him 
 by name : ' The only caution here required is ***** as the Lord 
 Bacon very judiciously directs.' Now, supposing Newton to have 
 seen this Introduction, as seems very probable, the controversy may 
 be regarded, I think, as determined, and we may, at least, conclude 
 that Newton would have been ready to acknowledge his obligations 
 to the precepts and warnings, contained in the First Book of the 
 Novum Organum. 
 
 Maclaurin, again, in his Account of Sir Isaac Newton's Philoso- 
 phical Discoveries (published, after his death, in 1748^, evidently 
 regards the connexion between Bacon and Newton as a very close 
 one. The whole of his remarks on Bacon are well worth attention
 
 RELATION OF NEWTON TO BACON. 123 
 
 (see pp. 56-62). I can only give one or two brief extracts. 'Sir 
 Francis Bacon, Lord Verulam, who was cotemporary with Galileo 
 and Kepler, is justly held amongst the restorers of true learning, but 
 more especially the founder of experimental philosophy.' ***** 
 ' He proposed his plan in his Instanratio Magna, with so much 
 strength of argument, and so just a zeal, as renders that admirable 
 work the delight of all who have a taste for solid learning.' * * 
 In his Novum Organum ' his chief design is to shew how to make 
 a good induction, as Aristotle's was to teach how to make a good 
 syllogism. Had the philosophers, since Lord Verulam's time, adhered 
 more closely to his plan, their success had been greater : and Sir 
 Isaac Newton's philosophy had not found the learned so full of 
 prejudices against it, in favour of some systems lately invented and 
 mightily extolled by speculative men; that, while all admired the 
 sublime geometry which shone throughout his work, few for some 
 time appeared to be disposed to hearken to his philosophy, or in a 
 condition to judge of it impartially. However, Lord Bacon's ex- 
 hortations and example had a good effect ; and experimental philo- 
 sophy has been much more cultivated since his time than in any 
 preceding period. Geometry and philosophy advanced together at 
 a great pace, and gave mutual aid to each other.' 
 
 Though Newton's works contain no direct reference to Bacon, 
 there are passages which make it very difficult to suppose that he 
 was not acquainted with, at least, the first book of the Novum 
 Organum either through his own reading or through the common 
 tradition of its teaching. Of the Regulae Philosophandi (^contained 
 in Horsley's Edition of Newton's Works, vol. iii. pp. 2-4), the third 
 has already been referred to in my extract from Pemberton. But, 
 for our present purpose, the fourth is still more to the point. It 
 runs as follows : 
 
 ' In Philosophia experimentali, Propositiones ex phaenomenis per 
 inductionem collectae, non obstantibus contrariis hypothesibus, pro 
 veris aut accurate, aut quam proxime, haberi debent, donee alia 
 occurrerint Phaenomena, per quae aut accuratiores reddantur, aut 
 exceptionibus obnoxiae.' 
 
 ' Hoc fieri debet, ne argumentum inductionis tollatur per hy- 
 potheses.' 
 
 This rule, both in substance and expression, is thoroughly Baconian, 
 and, I venture to suggest, could hardly have been stated as it is by 
 any one not acquainted with the Baconian philosophy.
 
 1 24 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 At the end of the third book of the Optics (Horsley's Ed., vol. iv. 
 pp. 263, 264), there is a longer and fuller passage, much to the same 
 effect : 
 
 ' As in Mathematicks, so in Natural Philosophy, the investigation 
 of difficult things by the method of analysis 45 ought ever to precede 
 the method of composition. This analysis consists in making ex- 
 periments and observations, and in drawing general conclusions from 
 them by induction, and admitting of no objections against the con- 
 clusions, but such as are taken from experiments, or other certain 
 truths. For hypotheses are not to be regarded in Experimental 
 Philosophy. And although the arguing from experiments and ob- 
 servations by induction be no demonstration of general conclusions ; 
 yet it is the best way of arguing which the nature of things admits of, 
 and may be looked upon as so much the stronger, by how much the 
 induction is more general. And if no exception occur from phae- 
 nomena, the conclusion may be pronounced generally. But if at any 
 time afterwards any exception shall occur from experiments ; it may- 
 then begin to be pronounced, with such exceptions as occur. By 
 this way of analysis we may proceed from compounds to ingredi- 
 ents ; and from motions to the forces producing them ; and, in 
 general, from effects to their causes ; and from particular causes 
 to more general ones, till the argument end in the most general. 
 This is the method of Analysis. And the Synthesis consists in 
 assuming the causes discovered and established as principles, and by 
 them explaining the phaenomena proceeding from them, and proving 
 the explanations.' 
 
 This passage, while undoubtedly shewing, as it seems to me, 
 an acquaintance with the Baconian method, is remarkable as denying 
 to induction the force of demonstration (a limitation which we may, 
 perhaps, account for from Newton's mathematical habit of mind and 
 the preponderance of his mathematical pursuits), as well as for the 
 fact that it does not appear to recognise any other form of induction 
 than that ' per enumerationem simplicem.' Both these circumstances 
 incline me to believe that Newton had not studied, or did not 
 remember, or did not accept the teaching of the early part of the 
 Second Book of the Novum Organum, though the precepts and 
 warnings of the First Book, in their most general form, had produced
 
 RELATION OF NEWTON TO BACON. 125 
 
 a deep impression upon him and had, in great measure, suggested 
 to him the aims and methods of his own investigations 4C . 
 
 How then are we to account for his silence, as respects the name 
 and writings of Bacon ? In the first place, I think that the reputation 
 of Bacon, as a reformer of scientific method, had now become so well 
 established a fact, and the leading principles of his philosophy so well 
 known, that explicit reference to him was superfluous. Those who 
 were constantly engaged in the pursuit of experimental philosophy 
 now no more thought of referring to Bacon as an authority for the 
 general principles on which they proceeded, than those engaged 
 in the disputes of the schools thought of referring explicitly to the 
 works of Aristotle or their manuals of logic. And yet, in each case, 
 they would have been perfectly ready to acknowledge the extent of 
 their obligation, if any doubt had been cast upon it. 
 
 In the second place, I must recall to the mind of the reader what 
 I have already more than once had occasion to mention, namely, the 
 comparative rarity of references to contemporary or recent writers 
 amongst the authors of the period of which I am treating. Thus, 
 we have seen that Locke, though, as I conceive and as is generally 
 supposed, owing the method and even the leading ideas of his 
 philosophy to Bacon, never mentions him by name or makes any 
 direct allusion to his writings. Galileo, as I have already remarked, 
 was, I believe, equally silent. But, then, Galileo made no mention 
 of some of the most important discoveries of Kepler, even when it 
 lay in his way to do so 4T . Again, Kepler is never mentioned by 
 Descartes, and ' in treating of the rainbow,' says Professor Playfair 4S , 
 ' Descartes has made no mention of Antonio de Dominis.' I cannot 
 believe that, in all these cases, the silence is due to either contempt 
 or vanity or dishonesty, though, then as now, any of these motives 
 
 411 Dr. Hippus, the author of the Account of the Novum Organum in the Libiary 
 of Useful Knowledge (pt. i. p. 10), adopting a remark of Uugald Stewart Elements, 
 Ed. Hamilton, vol. ii. p. 236), adduces Newton's application of the word ' axiom ' 
 to the Laws of Motion and the higher generalisations of Optics, as a proof 
 of the influence exercised on him by Bacon's logical phraseology. This argument 
 may have some weight, but, as I shall point out in a note on Bk. i. Aph. 7, Newton 
 does not use the word ' axiom ' with so much latitude as does Bacon, and, more- 
 over, in the manuals of logic which he probably read as a young man, so far from 
 finding the word restricted, as at present, to self-evident propositions in mathe- 
 matics, he would find it used as the equivalent of Proposition in general. 
 
 47 See, on this subject, some most interesting remarks of Delambre, Histoire de 
 1'Astronomie Moderne, tome i. pp. 651-653 'ist Ed.\ 
 
 4S Preliminary Dissertation.
 
 1 2 6 INTRO D UCTION. 
 
 may in any particular case have been operative. I am rather inclined 
 to suppose that the authors of that time, writing for a learned class, 
 often did not think it necessary to mention books or discoveries which 
 were familiar to their readers, while we, writing for a more general 
 public, should be liable to be accused of ignorance or plagiarism, if 
 we were to observe a similar silence. 
 
 Lastly, Newton's tastes and genius lay rather in the way of mathe- 
 matical science than of experimental philosophy, properly so called. 
 Bacon's weakness, on the other hand, consisted in his deficiency of 
 mathematical knowledge, and his consequent incapacity of properly 
 estimating or criticising those branches of science which were already 
 expressed, or already admitted of being expressed, in a mathematical 
 form. Hence, we cannot be surprised if the names of Copernicus, 
 Galileo, and Kepler had for Newton a greater attraction than that 
 of Bacon ; though it by no means follows that he regarded him 
 otherwise than with respect and admiration, or that he would not 
 have been ready fully to express his obligations to him for having 
 insisted on raising the superstructure of natural, and therefore ulti- 
 mately of all science, on the true foundations of observation, 
 experiment, and induction. 
 
 Having now, as I conceive, succeeded in establishing the fact of 
 Bacon's influence on the progress of science, I have next to ask what 
 the nature of that influence was. The title of founder or father of 
 experimental philosophy, ascribed to him by Maclaurin and others, 
 expresses the nature of his influence in a rough, and, perhaps, a 
 somewhat exaggerated as well as a somewhat inadequate form, but 
 one which, I think, is, in the main, true. Instead, however, of 
 criticising this or similar expressions, it is better that I should state 
 precisely the conclusions on this subject at which I have myself 
 arrived. 
 
 ist, He called men, as with the voice of a herald 49 , to lay them- 
 selves alongside of nature, to study her ways, and imitate her processes. 
 To use his own homely simile, he rang the bell which called the other 
 wits together : '. Other men indeed had said much the same thing in 
 whispers or in learned books written for a circle of select readers ; 
 but Bacon cried it from the house-tops, and invited all men to come 
 
 '' Thus, he says of himself (De Augm. iv. i ad init.) : 'Ego cnim buccinator 
 
 tantuii],' &c. 
 
 ' I have only taken upon me to ring a bell to call other wits together.' Letter 
 to Dr. riasfer, printed in Speckling' s Letters and Life, vol. iii. p. 301.
 
 NATURE OF BACON'S INFLUENCE ON SCIENCE. 127 
 
 in freely and partake of the feast. In one word, he popularised the 
 study of nature. 
 
 2nd, He insisted, both by example and precept, on the importance 
 of experiment as well as observation. Nature, like a witness, when 
 put to the torture, would reveal her secrets. Experimentation was 
 undoubtedly common in Bacon's time, but it was generally associated 
 with the Alchemists, and so, while it suffered in reputation, it was 
 confined in range. Bacon gave it an extension, a dignity, a popu- 
 larity which, it is not too much to say, must have materially influenced 
 the labours of the Royal Society, and the crowning efforts of Boyle 
 and Newton. 
 
 3rd, In both these ways, Bacon recalled men to the study of facts, 
 and though, in the first instance, he had mainly in view the facts of 
 external nature, the influence of his teaching soon extended itself, as 
 he undoubtedly purposed that it should do, to the facts of mind, 
 conduct, and society. The inductive study of Mental, Moral, and 
 Political Philosophy, which has been the distinctive characteristic of 
 the best English thought from the end of the seventeenth century 
 onwards, is, it seems to me, no less really, though I grant it is less 
 obviously, a result of the Baconian teaching than the inductive study 
 of Natural Philosophy. 
 
 4th, In order to set men free to study facts, it was necessary to 
 deliver them from the pernicious subjection to authority, to which they 
 had so long been enslaved. Here and there throughout the Middle 
 Ages, a solitary thinker, like Roger Bacon, may have asserted his 
 independence, and, during the century preceding Bacon's time, the 
 murmurs of discontent had been becoming loud and frequent, but it 
 required a clear, shrill voice, like that of the author of the Great 
 Instauration, effectually to awaken men from their slumber. Bacon 
 seems to have been thoroughly impressed with the feeling that there 
 was no hope for human fortunes, unless these bonds could be broken; 
 and hence the tone of intended and conscious exaggeration with 
 which he often sets about this task, as is especially the case in the 
 Temporis Partus Masculus and some parts of the Novum Organum. 
 Nor can I doubt that his utterances on this subject had far more 
 influence in producing the intellectual revolution which followed than 
 the utterances of any one of his predecessors, or, perhaps, than those 
 of all taken together. It would hardly, I think, be an exaggeration to 
 compare Bacon, in the intellectual sphere, with Luther, in the sphere 
 of religion. And, in truth, there was much in common between the 
 two men. Both of them were intensely impressed with the importance
 
 T 2 8 INTRO D UCTION. 
 
 and reality of their mission ; both of them were grimly in earnest ; 
 both of them spurned all obstacles in existing opinion, and even 
 exaggerated the differences between themselves and their opponents; 
 and, lastly, each of them retained, far more than he suspected, the 
 habits of thought, the more deeply-engrained prejudices, and even 
 the more misleading forms of expression of his time. Each of them, 
 in fact, sowed the seed, without knowing altogether clearly what 
 manner of fruit it was likely to bring forth. 
 
 5th, Hardly less important than deliverance from the bondage of 
 authority was the emancipation of reason from the bewitching en- 
 chantments of imagination. ' Hypotheses non fingo ' was a maxim 
 which Newton inherited directly from the teaching of Bacon. And, 
 though the reaction against hypothesis was carried much too far, and 
 though Bacon's utterances on this subject, to be serviceable at the 
 present time, require much rectification, the warning was one which, 
 in his own time, was sorely needed, and which could hardly be 
 expressed in language too emphatic. Where authority was wanting, 
 as if by way of revenge, men seemed to put no limit to the wildness 
 of their fancies or the extravagance of their suppositions. Now, as 
 against both authority and hypothesis, Bacon invoked the majesty of 
 facts. The office of Reason, he was, in effect, constantly saying, 
 ought not to be limited to an examination of the conclusions and 
 their dependance on the premisses ; what it ought to insist on doing, 
 is to examine the premisses themselves. What is required is a new 
 Logic, a Logic of Induction, which shall do for the premisses what 
 the old Logic, the Logic of Deduction, does for the conclusions. It 
 is not enough that the conclusion follows from the premisses ; what 
 we require to know is whether the premisses themselves be true, and, 
 unless we can succeed in satisfying this want, we may simply be 
 multiplying error instead of advancing truth. Had this been the only 
 lesson which Bacon read to his generation, he would, assuredly, have 
 deserved to be reckoned amongst the greatest of its benefactors. 
 
 6th, Hence, the most distinctive feature in Bacon's conception of 
 a reformed logic was the profound idea that Induction, instead of 
 being the loose, vague, and uncertain process, which was then in 
 vogue, admitted of being presented with the force of demonstration, 
 and, thereby, if the facts on which it was founded, were true, of 
 supplying as firm a basis for the premisses, as the premisses, if they 
 were true, supplied for the conclusion of the syllogism. ' Inductionem 
 enim censemus earn esse- demonstrandi formam, quae scnsum tuetur 
 et naturam prcmit et operibus imminet ac fere immiscetur.' Distri-
 
 NATURE OF BACON'S INFLUENCE ON SCIENCE. 129 
 
 butio Operis, p. 168. ' Verum ad hujus inductionis, sive demonstra- 
 tionis, instructionem bonam et legitimam quamplurima adhibenda 
 sunt, quae adhuc nullius mortalium cogitationem subiere; adeo ut 
 in ea major sit consumenda opera, quam adhuc consumpta est in 
 syllogismo.' Novum Organum, Bk. I. Aph. 105. As I have said 
 elsewhere 51 , ' Inductive Logic, that is, the systematic analysis and 
 arrangement of inductive evidence, as distinct from the natural in- 
 duction which all men practise, is almost as much the creation of 
 Bacon as Deductive Logic is that of Aristotle. It must, however, be 
 acknowledged that the one left far more to be added and re-modelled 
 by his successors than did the other.' 
 
 7th, But to this Logic of Induction I maintain that Bacon himself 
 made no contemptible contributions. That our instances require to 
 be selected and not merely accumulated, was a very true and a very 
 needful lesson which he was never weary of repeating. And, surely, 
 in this maxim consists the whole gist of the Inductive Logic. On 
 what principles we shall select our instances, and by what means we 
 shall satisfy ourselves of their sufficiency, are other and further ques- 
 tions, confessedly most difficult to answer, on which we could hardly 
 expect much detailed or permanently useful information from a 
 pioneer in this method of inquiry. And yet Bacon is very full on 
 at least the first of these questions, and much of what he says has, 
 even still, a value for the student. But we are, in this section, concerned, 
 we must recollect, not with the present value of his works, but with 
 their past influence. Now, to the amount of that influence, with respect 
 to the subject before us, what better testimony can we have than the 
 repetition of these rules in the next generation by so eminent a man 
 of science as Dr. Robert Hooke, or the appropriation, emendation, 
 and formulation of them, as the bases of their own methods, almost 
 within our own time, by Sir John Herschel and Mr. Mill ? Nor is it 
 an unimportant consideration that such phrases as 'glaring instance, 
 'crucial instance,' 'clandestine instance,' 'solitary instance,' and the 
 like, have become household words in our language, and especially in 
 the vocabulary of scientific men. 
 
 8th, The manner in which he insisted on the subordination of 
 scientific enquiries to practical aims, namely, the furtherance of man's 
 estate and the increase of his command over the comforts and con- 
 
 51 Francis Bacon, p. 91. The paragraph in the text has been added in the 
 Second Edition. But, though, in my first Edition. I seem nowhere explicitly to 
 have enunciated what 1 regard as the distinctive feature in Bacon's reform of logic, 
 the conception underlies nearly all that I have said on the subject. 
 
 K
 
 130 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 veniences of life, is another point in which, I think, Bacon profoundly 
 influenced succeeding generations. That his view was too exclusive, 
 and his language exaggerated, I readily own ; but here again, as in 
 criticising the abuse of authority and imagination, it seems difficult 
 to deny that his influence was, on the whole, most beneficial. When 
 we recollect the frivolous character of many of the questions which 
 men of the most brilliant abilities were then in the habit of disputing, 
 and the profound misery or discomfort in which the mass of man- 
 kind, then even more than now, was sunk, we can hardly feel surprise 
 or regret that a great statesman and a great philosopher should have 
 suggested the application of man's intellectual endowments to the 
 improvement of his material condition. 
 
 9th, Nor must we forget the hopefulness of Bacon as an important 
 element in his influence. Men who despair of mankind and of the 
 future are, happily, seldom successful in persuading others to accept 
 their advice or their systems. There is a healthy instinct in man 
 which leads him to believe that the future will be better than the past, 
 and that the labours of the present generation will not be without 
 their effect in improving the condition of the next. No man was 
 ever inspired with this feeling more strongly than Bacon. He stood, 
 like a prophet, on the verge of the promised land, bidding men leave, 
 without regret, the desert that was behind them, and enter with 
 joyfulness and hopefulness on the rich inheritance that was spread 
 out before them. The sixth part of the Great Instauration, to which 
 all the rest was subservient, the philosophy itself which was to be 
 the result of the right employment of the method, he hoped only to 
 begin. ' The fortune of the human race,' he says, ' will give the 
 issue ; such an issue, it may be, as in the present condition of things 
 and of the minds of men cannot easily be conceived or imagined. 
 For the object in view is not only the contemplative happiness, but 
 the whole fortunes, and affairs, and powers, and works of men 52 .' 
 
 loth, To all these sources of influence we must add the marvellous 
 language in which Bacon often clothes his thoughts. His utterances 
 are not infrequently marked with a grandeur and solemnity of tone, 
 a majesty of diction, which renders it impossible to forget, and 
 difficult even to criticise them. He speaks as one having authority, 
 and it is impossible to resist the magic of his voice. Whenever he 
 wishes to be emphatic, there is the true ring of genius about all that 
 he says. Hence, perhaps, it is that there is no author, unless it be 
 
 52 Distributio Operis, ad fin.
 
 PRESENT VALUE OF BACON'S LOGICAL WORKS. 131 
 
 Shakspeare, who is so easily remembered or so frequently quoted. 
 His phraseology, when most quaint, as in the case of the ' Idols ' and 
 the ' Instances,' is often most attractive to the reader and most per- 
 sistent in its hold on the memory. Hence, too, perhaps, it is that 
 there is no author so stimulating. Bacon might well be called the 
 British Socrates. Even had his individual precepts been utterly 
 worthless, many men must have owed their first impulse to the 
 study of nature, or to independent investigation in general, to the 
 terse and burning words, issuing, as it were, from the lips of an 
 irresistible commander, with which he urges them to the work. 
 
 Such, I conceive, are the principal modes and directions in which 
 the influence of Bacon was exercised. It would be easy to add to 
 these, but they will readily suggest others, and the limits of this 
 work necessarily compel me to aim at brevity rather than ex- 
 pansion. 
 
 15. PRESENT VALUE OF BACON'S LOGICAL WORKS. 
 
 THIS subject has already, to a great extent, been discussed in the 
 latter part of the last section, and it will be unnecessary here to add 
 much to what has there been said. The two questions, however, 
 of Bacon's influence during the past, and the value of his works to 
 the student at the present time, seem to be so distinct as to require 
 separate treatment, however much they may run into each other. 
 
 The intrinsic value of Bacon's logical works to the student at the 
 present time, apart from their historical interest, as having, to adopt 
 the fine saying of Macaulay, ' moved the intellects which have moved 
 the world,' may be briefly considered under two aspects. The first 
 is their general effect in guarding, stimulating, and disciplining the 
 intellect; the second is the amount of definite logical doctrine, 
 comprised in them, which retains any permanent value. 
 
 With regard to the first point, I know no work of the same kind 
 so stimulating to a young reader, or so likely to foster habits of 
 cautious and independent investigation, as the First Book of the 
 Novum Organum. What Bacon says of Plato is pre-eminently true 
 of himself. He was 'a man of a sublime genius, who took a view of 
 everything as from a high rock B V Now to the young student nothing 
 is of so much importance as to be brought into contact with works of 
 
 53 De Augm., lib. iii. cap. 4. 
 K 2
 
 132 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 real genius, and there must be many men who recollect the transition 
 from dry manuals of Logic to the profound and brilliant pages of 
 Bacon as forming one of the eras in their lives. Maxims such as 
 these, ' Homo naturae minister et interpres,' ' Scientia et potentia 
 humana in idem coincidunt,' ' Lucifera experimenta, non fructifera, 
 quaerenda,' ' Recte veritas temporis filia dicitur, non auctoritatis,' 
 ' Pessima res est errorum apotheosis,' which sparkle on almost every 
 page, live long in the memory, and insensibly influence our whole 
 habit of thought. This educational value of the Novum Organum 
 has never, I think, been sufficiently pointed out, but it seems to me 
 very real and very important. As I have already noticed under the 
 last section, there is something about Bacon's diction, his quaintness 
 of expression, and his power of illustration, which lays hold of the 
 mind, and lodges itself in the memory, in a way which we hardly 
 find paralleled in any other author, except it be Shakspeare. And 
 what are the lessons which he thus effectually communicates ? The 
 duty of taking nothing upon trust which we can verify for ourselves ; 
 of rigidly examining our first principles ; of being carefully on our 
 guard against the various delusions arising from the peculiarities of 
 human nature, from our various interests and pursuits, from the force 
 of words, and from the disputes and traditions of the schools; the 
 duty of forming our conclusions slowly and of constantly checking 
 them by comparison with the facts of nature and life ; of avoiding 
 merely subtle and frivolous disputations ; of confining our enquiries to 
 questions of which the solution is within our power ; and of subordi- 
 nating all our investigations to the welfare of man and society. 
 Now, lessons such as these, even though they be stated in a some- 
 what exaggerated form, are so necessary and so useful, that an author 
 who presents them in forcible and pointed language will ever retain 
 his interest and utility for each succeeding generation of learners. 
 
 As regards the second of these questions, the amount of definite 
 logical teaching in Bacon's works which retains a permanent value, 
 the answer is less easy. I cannot, however, agree with those critics 
 who seem to think that almost all his individual precepts are either 
 antiquated or worthless 54 . But, as I have expressed myself fully 
 
 4 Not to mention Liebig and Bacon's professed adversaries, we find even De 
 Remusat saying (p. 254) : ' Bacon n'a point rectifie ou remplace les notions re9iies 
 qu'il condamne, ou ces conceptions scientifiques des choses, sans lesquelles toute 
 recherche marche au hasard. Ainsi point de recette sure, point de methode infail- 
 lible, et le pen d'usage que Ton a fait des formes techniques d'investigation qu'il 
 recommande en rend Tutilite fort suspecte.'
 
 PRESENT VALUE OF BACON'S LOGICAL WORKS. 133 
 
 in the notes on the various details of Bacon's method in the order 
 in which they occur in the text, it is unnecessary that I should here 
 do more than make a few very brief and general remarks. 
 
 Bacon was undoubtedly inclined to underrate the syllogism, that is to 
 say, deductive reasoning, but then we must recollect that he regarded 
 it as his special province to bring out the other side of reasoning, the 
 inductive branch by which general principles are established rather 
 than applied. Nor would it be true to say that he ignored the deduc- 
 tive side of reasoning altogether. Whenever he saw, as he often did 
 see, its value for the purpose of applying the truths already arrived at 
 by induction, he seems without hesitation to have assigned it a co- 
 ordinate rank. Witness, amongst many others, the following pas- 
 sages : ' Majora vero speranda a nova luce axiomatum, ex particu- 
 laribus illis certa via et regula eductorum, quae rursus nova parti- 
 cularia indicent et designent. Neque enim in piano via sita est, sed 
 ascendendo et descendendo ; ascendendo primo ad axiomata, de- 
 scendendo ad opera 55 .' ' Mathematica philosophiam naturalem 
 terminare * * :f * debet 56 .' The seventh of the ' reliqua auxilia 
 intellectus ' (Nov. Org. ii. 21), which were to succeed the Tables, 
 was to be entitled ' Deductio ad Praxin.' 
 
 The charge against Bacon of having, to a certain extent, detracted 
 from the value of his method by depreciating hypothesis and neglect- 
 ing to lay down rules for its legitimate employment, must undoubtedly 
 be admitted. But then we may plead in extenuation his admission, 
 however inconsistent, of hypothesis (' Permissio Intellectus ') in ii. 20, 
 as also in i. 106, and the gross license with which, both in his time and 
 for some time afterwards, this procedure was employed. If Bacon 
 is to be censured in this particular, as he undoubtedly is to be, the 
 censure ought in all fairness to be extended to Newton as well. 
 
 The method, recommended by Bacon, of gradual ascent from 
 particular facts, through axioms of successive degrees of generality, up 
 to the highest generalisations of all 57 , though not, as I conceive, the 
 method which has been usually followed by scientific investigators, or 
 that which would be most likely to contribute to the progress of 
 science, is, certainly, the most convenient mode of representing the 
 laws of nature, when once established. Moreover, the successive 
 steps which led up to, and ultimately established, the Theory of 
 
 56 Nov. Org., Bk. i. Aph. 103. 56 Id., Aph. 96. 
 
 57 See Nov. Org., Bk. i. Aphs. 19, 104, 105. In my note on Aph. 19, I have 
 examined this doctrine of Bacon at some length.
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Gravitation were arrived at very nearly in this exact order. To 
 these considerations I may add that the method proposed by Bacon 
 has met with the approval of no less distinguished an authority than 
 Dr. Whewell 5S . 
 
 With reference to the 'Tables ' which occupy the beginning of the 
 Second Book, it must be acknowledged that, however interesting they 
 may be in the history of Logic, and however much they may have con- 
 tributed to the precise formulation of inductive reasoning, they are only 
 rude and imperfect anticipations of the more refined and conclusive 
 ' Canons of Induction ' which we find in the works of Sir John 
 Herschel, Mr. Mill, and later logicians. Hence, this is a part of 
 Bacon's Logic which is not of much intrinsic value to a student who 
 is already familiar with recent treatises. To this consideration 
 it may be added that the reasoning throughout this part of the 
 Novum Organum is rendered more or less vague and obscure by 
 the employment of the term ' Form,' instead of the more precise 
 expressions, such as Law, Cause, Conditions, &c., by which it is 
 now replaced. 
 
 Of far more intrinsic value to the modern student, as it seems to 
 me, are some of the ' Praerogativae Instantiarum.' Many of the 
 expressions employed for the purpose of designating them still form 
 part of our logical terminology, and it would be very difficult, in 
 many cases, to describe, more aptly and precisely than Bacon does, the 
 nature of the reasoning involved in these 'aids of the understanding. 
 The scientific examples are, generally, far too numerous, and (not- 
 withstanding the value or interest attaching to some of them) are 
 often wrongly stated, trivial, or inappropriate, but it appears to me 
 that less attention than it deserves has been paid to the logical 
 matter contained in this part of Bacon's work. 
 
 The relation of Observation to Experiment and of both to the 
 more purely rational process of Induction, is well conceived and 
 stated by Bacon. 
 
 To the doctrine of Fallacies, or 'Idola,' I have already alluded 
 under the first, or more general head, though it might also well be 
 taken into account in drawing up a list of the special logical doctrines 
 which are of intrinsic value to the modern student. 
 
 It will be seen that I am inclined to attribute to Bacon's logical 
 rules and maxims much more intrinsic value, even for the purposes 
 
 53 See Xuvum Organum Renovatum, bk. ii. ch. 6, and Preface, 3rd Ed., pp. ix, x.
 
 OPPONENTS OF BACON. 135 
 
 of students at the present time, than is usually conceded to them, 
 though I am not prepared to differ substantially from the judgment 
 of M. de Remusat : ' Ses vues generates restent la preuve la plus 
 populaire de son ge"nie 59 .' 
 
 1 6. OPPONENTS OF BACON. 
 
 UNDER this head, I propose only to give some examples of the 
 various grounds of opposition or disparagement to which the 
 Baconian philosophy has been subjected, thinking that, though far 
 from exhaustive, they will be of some interest to the reader. 
 
 Perhaps, I ought first to notice a letter from Sir Thomas Bodley 
 (originally published in Bacon's Remains, 1648, pp. 85-87), 'to Sir 
 Francis Bacon, about his Cogitata et Visa, wherein he declareth his 
 opinion freely touching the same.' The writer, who has evidently a 
 great affection for the old learning, is somewhat scandalised by Bacon's 
 revolutionary sentiments, and thinks that if we ' come babes ad 
 regnum naturae, as we are willed by Scriptures to come ad regnum 
 coelorum, there is nothing more certain than that it would instantly 
 bring us to Barbarism, and after many thousand years leave us more 
 unprovided of theoricall furniture than we are at this present.' The 
 letter is interesting, but it betrays bewilderment and an incapacity to 
 understand Bacon's dissatisfaction with the existing state of things 
 or a reform in the sciences such as he projected. It has, in recent 
 times, been disinterred from oblivion by De Maistre and other 
 antagonists of Bacon. 
 
 Far more pertinent is the unfavourable opinion of Bacon's philo- 
 sophy expressed by Harvey, as given in Aubrey's Lives (Letters 
 written by Eminent Persons in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth 
 Centuries, to which are added Lives of Eminent Men by John 
 Aubrey Esq., 1813, vol. ii. p. 381) : ' He ' (Harvey) 'had been phy- 
 sician to the Lord Ch. Bacon, whom he esteemed much for his witt 
 and style, but would not allow him to be a great philosopher. Said 
 he to me, " He writes philosophy like a L' 1 Chanceller," speaking 
 in derision.' Harvey, however, seems to have had a peculiar dislike 
 of the ' neoteriques,' to whom, we are told on p. 383, he once, in 
 conversation with the writer, applied a very unsavoury epithet. Nor, 
 
 M Bacon, Sa Vie, &c., p. 243.
 
 1 36 I NT ROD UCTION. 
 
 perhaps, did he like Bacon personally ; for (p. 226) 'Dr. Harvey told 
 me his eie was like the eie of a viper.' Be this as it may, the opinion 
 was not an unnatural nor altogether an unfair one, as expressed by a 
 man of great eminence, in a particular branch of science, concerning 
 one who attempted to make all science his province. Then as now, 
 I presume, the philosopher and the specialist were apt to misunderstand 
 and undervalue each other. 
 
 Mr. Napier refers to a work of Alexander Koss, a voluminous 
 author, well known to the readers of Hudibras, entitled Arcana 
 Microcosmi, or the Hid Secrets of Man's Body discovered ; with a 
 Refutation, amongst other books, of 'Lord Bacon's Natural History,' 
 1652. (The copy in the Bodleian is the Ed. of 1651, containing only 
 the refutation of Dr. Browne's Vulgar Errors, and not that of Bacon's 
 Sylva Sylvarum.) The author says : ' I have cursorily run over my 
 Lord's New Philosophy,' and ' find that philosophy is like wine, the 
 older the better to the taste.' He is specially angry with ' these new 
 Philosophers ' for having ' jumbled the predicaments so together, 
 that their scholars can never find out the true genus of things.' 
 Alexander Ross is a very zealous Aristotelian, and, at the end of 
 his attack on Sir Thomas Browne, 'pities to see so many young 
 heads, still gaping like chamelions for knowledge, and are never 
 filled, because they feed upon airy and empty phansies ; loathing the 
 sound, solid and wholesome viands of Peripatetick wisdom, they 
 reject Aristotle's pure Fountains, and dig to themselves cisterns that 
 will hold no water.' ' Let us not wander then any longer with Hagar 
 in the wild desart.' ' Let Prodigals forsake their husks, and leave 
 them to swine.' 
 
 In Francis Osborn's Miscellany (1659), The Author to the Reader, 
 there is a curious sentence, shewing how early the charge of Atheism 
 was directed against Bacon. After speaking of Raleigh having been 
 branded with the title of an Atheist, 'though a known asserter of God 
 and providence,' the writer goes on to say: 'A like censure fell to the 
 share of venerable Bacon, till over-balanced by a greater weight of 
 glory from Strangers.' 
 
 Cudworth, in his Intellectual System (published in 1678), attacks 
 Bacon for having called in question the received doctrine of Final 
 Causes. He seems doubtful, however, what interpretation to put on 
 his words. Thus, having spoken of ' some who have unskilfully 
 attributed their own Properties to Inanimate Bodies,' he proceeds to 
 say : ' Of which Fanciful Extravagances if the Advancer of Learning 
 be understood, there is nothing to be reprehended in this following
 
 OPPONENTS OF BACON. 137 
 
 passage of his, Incredibile est quantum agmen Idolorum Philosophiae 
 immiserit, Naturalium Operationum ad Similitudinem Actionum 
 Humanarum Reductio. But if that of his be extended further, to 
 take away all Final Causes from the things of Nature, as if nothing 
 were done therein for Ends Intended by a Higher Mind, then it is 
 the very Spirit of Atheism and Infidelity.' For the whole discussion, 
 see First Edition, pp. 679-683, or the Latin Translation of 1733, 
 vol. ii. pp. 820-825 ( ca P- 5- 61, 62). Mosheim, who points out that 
 the allusion is to Bacon, attempts, in his note, to explain 'quare Cud- 
 worthius toties eximium huncce virum castiget, qui magnam ubique 
 in scriptis suis supremi Numinis reverentiam et studium testatur C V 
 There can be little doubt that, in his frequent attacks on the philosophy 
 of Democritus, Cudworth also glances at Bacon. De Remusat draws 
 attention to the circumstance that Cudworth did not combat Bacon 
 by name. ' Par equite ou par respect, il n'en veut pas faire un 
 adversaire de la verite. Ainsi que Boyle dans sa defense des causes 
 finales, Cudworth ne nomme point Bacon en soutenant les memes 
 principes que Boyle, et 1'usage s'est etabli presque sans exception de 
 ne pas comprendre Bacon dans les attaques dirigees centre sa 
 doctrine. Compromettre ce nom dans la controverse serait encore 
 aujourd'hui une sorte d'inconvenance.' De Remusat's Bacon, 
 p. 409. 
 
 One of the most violent antagonists of Bacon and of the Royal 
 Society (names which, in his mind, were evidently very closely con- 
 nected) was Dr. Henry Stubbe ; ' the most noted person of his age 
 that these late times have produced,' says Antony Wood, who has 
 devoted to him one of the quaintest and most amusing of his Lives 61 . 
 Stubbe was a turn-coat alike in philosophy, religion, and politics, and 
 was animated by more even than the usual bitterness of his class. 
 His diatribes against Sprat, Glanvill, the Royal Society in general, 
 and Bacon as their philosophical father, are, however virulent, too 
 dull and rambling to be worth transcription, but specimens of them 
 may be found in the Legends no Histories (1670), in the Plus 
 Ultra reduced to a Non Plus (1670), The Lord Bacon's Relation 
 of the Sweating- Sickness (1671), and An Epistolary Discourse 
 concerning Phlebotomy (1671). He speaks repeatedly of 'these 
 
 60 Dugald Stewart (Elements of the Philosophy of the Human Mind, Ed. Hamil- 
 ton, vol. ii. pp. 337-339) has some severe remarks on Cudworth, who, he thinks, is 
 nncandid in his treatment of Bacon. He also points out his carelessness in con- 
 founding the idola specus and the idola tribus. 
 
 61 See Athenae Oxonienses, Ed. Bliss, vol. iii. p. 1069, &c.
 
 j 3 8 IN TROD UCTION. 
 
 Baconical Philosophers,' ' this Bacon-faced generation,' &c. (showing, 
 by the way, pretty conclusively, the influence which was already 
 supposed to be exercised by Bacon's philosophy), and, as a professed 
 admirer of the old learning, somewhat inconsistently ' declares that 
 the Lord Bacon did steal the principal parts of his Novum Organum 
 out of Aristotle, and only disguised his Suggestions in a new Mode 
 and Dress.' Similarly, the Advancement of Learning was stolen 
 from Ludovicus Vives, De causis corruptarum Artium 62 . ' The 
 only judgment I can make of my Lord Bacon's Actings is that 
 being so Flagitious, and so ignominiously degraded : He determined 
 to redeem the Infamy of his past life by amusing the world with 
 New Projects ; and to gain a Chancellorship in Literature, when he 
 was excluded from that on the Bench : And to revenge himself of the 
 Nation whom he had exasperated, by diffusing Heresies in Philosophy, 
 and creating in the Breasts of the English such a desire of Novelty 
 as rose up to a contempt of the Ancient Ecclesiastical and Civil 
 Jurisdiction, and the Old Government as well as Governours of the 
 Realm : And the Root of all our present Distractions was planted by 
 his hand.' See 'The Lord Bacon's Relation of the Sweating-Sickness 
 and Defence of Phlebotomy;' 'Discourse concerning Phlebotomy,' 
 Preface to the Reader. Abundance of evidence shewing Bacon's 
 influence on the 'Bacon-faced generation' is supplied in this diatribe. 
 Thus, 'We acknowledge no Chancellors of Philosophy, Philology, 
 Medicine, &c.' ' No Law ever made him our Dictator, nor is there 
 any Reason that concludes him infallible.' ' Let these insulse Ad- 
 herents of his buy some salt, and make use of more than one grain, 
 when they read him.' Elsewhere, Stubbe informs his readers that 
 it is only out of his regard to Physic, Religion, and Education, that he 
 is led to intermeddle in 'Natural Philosophy,' or the disputes of these 
 ' Experimental Philosophers.' 
 
 Passing to the middle of the eighteenth century, when Bacon was 
 at the zenith of his glory, we find the chorus of approbation broken 
 by the modified praise rather than the disparagement of Hume. The 
 weapon which Hume wielded, comparison with philosophers who 
 have made positive contributions to science, is one which has since 
 
 H Having occasion to compare a remedy against the Sweating-sickness given by 
 Ilolinshed the Chronicler with one given by Bacon, he says: ' The works of the 
 foimer will he much more valued than the latter by our nation, as long as they 
 have any judgment. The truth is the Lord Bacon is like great piles; when the 
 Sun is not high, they cast an extraordinary shadow over the earth, which lesseneth 
 as the Sun grows verticall.' Legends no Histories, pp. 27, 28.
 
 OPPONENTS OF BACON. 139 
 
 been frequently used with effect 63 . I shall give the passage in full, 
 but, as the various topics have all been discussed in previous sections, 
 I shall here make no comment upon it. 
 
 ' The great glory of literature in this island, during the reign of 
 James, was Lord Bacon. Most of his performances were composed 
 in Latin ; though he possessed neither the elegance of that, nor of 
 his native tongue. If we consider the variety of talents displayed by 
 this man, as a public speaker, a man of business, a wit, a courtier, 
 a companion, an author, a philosopher, he is justly the object of great 
 admiration. If we consider him merely as an author and philosopher, 
 the light in which we view him at present, though very estimable, he 
 was yet inferior to his cotemporary Galileo, perhaps even to Kepler. 
 Bacon pointed out at a distance the road to true philosophy: Galileo 
 both pointed it out to others, and made himself considerable advances 
 in it. The Englishman was ignorant of geometry : the Florentine 
 revived that science, excelled in it, and was the first that applied it, 
 together with experiment, to natural philosophy. The former rejected, 
 with the most positive disdain, the system of Copernicus : the latter 
 fortified it with new proofs, derived both from reason and the senses. 
 Bacon's style is stiff and rigid : his wit, though often brilliant, is also 
 often unnatural and far-fetched ; and he seems to be the original of 
 those pointed similes and long-spun allegories, which so much dis- 
 tinguish the English authors : Galileo is a lively and agreeable, 
 though somewhat a prolix, writer. But Italy, not united in any single 
 government, and perhaps satiated with that literary glory which it 
 has possessed both in ancient and modern times, has too much 
 neglected the renown which it has acquired by giving birth to so 
 great a man. That national spirit which prevails among the English, 
 and which forms their great happiness, is the cause why they bestow 
 on all their eminent writers, and on Bacon among the rest, such 
 praises and acclamations, as may often appear partial and excessive C V 
 
 The excessive praise bestowed on Bacon by Voltaire and the 
 Encyclopaedists, though met at first by the argument that they did 
 not truly represent the views of Bacon, at last provoked a violent 
 reaction, to which the well-known work of Count Joseph de Maistre 
 gave expression. This work, entitled Examen de la Philosophic de 
 Bacon, was published posthumously at Paris and Lyons in 1836, 
 
 B3 Besides the works mentioned in this section, see the article on Galileo by 
 M. Biot in the Biographic Universelle. 
 
 64 Hume's History of England, Appendix to the Reign of James I.
 
 1 40 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 and has been re-published at least once. To De Maistre Bacon is, 
 above all things, an atheist, who aggravated his atheism by hypocrisy. 
 But he is also a mere pretender to philosophy and science, a charlatan, 
 an impostor. He contributed nothing to science himself, and it is 
 a mere delusion to suppose that his philosophy has in any way helped 
 to form those who have done so. It is true that he preaches science, 
 but, like his Church, when it preaches Christianity, he preaches 
 without a mission. ' Sa philosophic ressemble a sa religion, qui 
 proteste continuellement : elle est entitlement negative et ne songe 
 qu'a contredire.' To Bacon, as its ultimate source, was due all the 
 atheism, the materialism, the sensualism, the libertinism of the un- 
 toward generation which had just passed away in France. ' On voit 
 que Locke est successeur de Bacon (ce qui est incontestable) ; on 
 voit que Locke a son tour engendra Helvetius, et que tous ces 
 ennemis du genre humain reunis, y compris Cabanis lui-meme, de- 
 scendent de Bacon 65 .' With regard to individual works, the De 
 Augmentis is ' parfaitement nul et meprisable ;' the NovumOrganum 
 is far more condemnable still, for, independently of the particular 
 errors with which it swarms, the general aim of the work renders it 
 worthy of Bedlam (' le rend digne d'un Bedlam '). Towards the end 
 of this tirade (one of the greatest compliments, perhaps, which Bacon 
 has ever received), the author appears for a while to relent, but he 
 soon recovers himself: 'La nature 1'avoit cree bel esprit, moraliste 
 sense et ingenieux, ecrivain elegant, avec je ne sais quelle veine 
 poetique f ' (< qui lui fournit sans cesse une foule d'images extremement 
 heureuses, de maniere que ses ecrits, comme fables, sont encore tres 
 amusans. Tel est son merite reel, qu'il faut bien se garder de 
 meconnaitre ; mais des qu'on le sort du ccrcle assez retreci de ses 
 veritables talens, c'est 1'esprit le plus faux, le plus detestable raison- 
 neur, le plus terrible ennemi de la science qui ait jamais existe. 
 One si on veut louer en lui un amant passionne des sciences, j'y 
 consens encore ; mais c'est 1'eunuque amoureux 07 .' 
 
 De Maistre was a furious, though an ingenious, fanatic. We now 
 come to the attacks of Brewster, Lasson, and Liebig, which, either 
 from their intrinsic merit or from the position of their authors, require
 
 OPPONENTS OF BACON. 141 
 
 more serious attention. As, however, the topics which they start are, 
 for the most part, dealt with elsewhere, either in the Introduction or 
 in the notes to this Edition, I shall here confine myself to a very 
 brief notice of them. 
 
 In his Life of Newton (i855) 68 , Sir D. Brewster, irritated apparently 
 by the injudicious statement of ' some modern writers of celebrity,' 
 that Newton ' owed all his discoveries to the application of the 
 principles of Bacon,' maintains a proposition equally extreme, and, 
 as it seems to me, equally untrue, that he did not ' derive the slightest 
 advantage from Bacon's precepts.' For what I conceive to be a 
 refutation of this position, I must refer the reader back to what I 
 have already said on the relation of Newton to Bacon 6a . Taking 
 occasion of this incidental mention of Bacon, Brewster goes on to 
 combat his claims generally as a reformer of science. He argues j 
 or rather asserts (for, except of the first proposition, he adduces 
 hardly any proof) : ist, that ' the necessity of experimental research, 
 and of advancing gradually from the study of facts to the determina- 
 tion of their cause, is a doctrine which was not only inculcated, but 
 successfully followed by preceding philosophers ; ' 2nd, that no 
 testimonies to the value of Bacon's method have been offered by 
 those who have actually cultivated science ; 3rd, that, as regards 
 his own investigation into the nature of heat, ' the oracle which he 
 had himself established refused to give its responses, and the minister- 
 ing priest was driven with discomfiture from his shrine ; ' 4th, that 
 ' a collection of scientific facts are of themselves incapable of leading 
 to discovery, unless they contain the predominating fact or relation 
 in which the discovery mainly resides.' Briefly to reply to these 
 assertions, the first is, within certain limits and with certain explana- 
 tions, which, however, require to be given, undoubtedly true ; the 
 second I conceive that I have already abundantly disproved ; as 
 to the third, I believe that the 'ministering priest' obtained a far 
 more luminous answer than oracles are usually in the habit of giving ; 
 with regard to the last, if Sir D. Brewster means that a mere collection 
 of facts, without any play of the mind upon them (' permissio intel- 
 lectus,' as Bacon phrased it, or, as we should say in technical language, 
 formation of hypotheses), is seldom or never likely to lead to dis- 
 covery, I cordially agree with him, but then Bacon himself, we must 
 recollect, was happily inconsistent on this point. Brief as is Sir D. 
 Brewster's notice of Bacon, it deserves considerable attention, because 
 
 6 * See vol. ii. pp. 400-406. M See pp. 121-126.
 
 1 43 I NT ROD UCTION. 
 
 his objections anticipated, if indeed they did not suggest, some of 
 the leading criticisms in the two works which follow. 
 
 Lasson's monograph on Bacon (Gustav Lange, Berlin, 1860) 
 appeared in the Jahresbericht tiber die Louisenstadtische Realschule. 
 Though it only extends over thirty-two pages, it is the weightiest of 
 the attacks upon_ Bacon which I have seen. It is written not only 
 with more moderation, but with more knowledge of Bacon's writings, 
 and with more sympathy with the philosophical spirit in its relation 
 to science, than is the violent diatribe of Liebig, to be next noticed. 
 The writer dwells with much emphasis on the scientific progress 
 which had been already made in Bacon's time, and maintains that the 
 reformation of science was not the work of a single man, but 
 the gradual product of the age. Moreover, the necessity of In- 
 duction, the appeal to Observation and Experiment, and the practical 
 aims which should be kept in view in scientific enquiry, had been 
 insisted on by a host of writers before Bacon gave utterance to them. 
 Having, thus, combated Bacon's claim to originality, he next proceeds 
 to an examination of his system. Here, he finds special fault with his 
 mechanical theory of induction, the manner in which he ignores 
 the activity of the Understanding (A^erstandesthatigkeit), his criticism 
 of Final Causes, his conception of Forms, his neglect of quantitative 
 relations, &c. Lasson, like Liebig, is especially severe on the Sylva 
 Sylvarum, which he says might have been more appropriately written 
 in the eleventh than in the seventeenth century. Finally, he puts the 
 question, ' Was Bacon really a Philosopher,' and he answers that, 
 in the proper sense of the word, he was not ; he was a genius, but, at 
 the same time, a Dilettante (ein geistreicher Dilettant). ' Es lasst 
 sich die Frage stellen, ob er iiberhaupt ein Philosoph gewesen, und 
 wir denken, die Frage beantwortet sich von selbst in negativem Sinne, 
 wenn man nic.ht das Wort Philosophic in ungebiihrlich weitem Sinne 
 fasst. Aus allgemeinen Gesichtspunkten raisonniren ist noch nicht 
 philosophiren. * * * * * i n a llem diesem kritischen Hochmuth, wie 
 in der dogmatischen Zuversicht und in dem Unvermogen, Positives 
 zu schaffen, ist Baco ein rechter Vertreter der grossen Masse, des 
 ganz unwissenschaftlichen Bewusstseins. ***** Baco ist ein geist- 
 reicher Dilettant, er hat etwas von Cicero und von Voltaire. Der 
 beriihmte Harvey hat mit Recht von ihm gesagt : er schreibe iiber 
 Philosophic, wie ein Lord-kanzler.' That Bacon, however, did great 
 service in spreading a taste for experimental enquiry and in drawing 
 the popular attention to the importance of consulting facts, is allowed 
 throughout the enquiry.
 
 OPPONENTS OF BACON. 143 
 
 Liebig's onslaught on Bacon (Ueber Francis Bacon von Verulam) 
 appeared both in German and in English in 1863, and was followed 
 by a keen controversy between Liebig and Sigwart. (See the next 
 section, on the Bibliography of the Novum Organum.) The occasion 
 of this work was Liebig's annoyance at the rejection of some of his 
 chemical theories by English agriculturists. Their singular obstinacy 
 must, he thought, be due to some inherent defect in the English 
 mind, and this suspicion led him to the study of the English phi- 
 losophers. When, at last, he came to the works of Bacon, all was 
 clear. These furnished, if not the source, at least the typical example 
 of the methods of experiment and reasoning common amongst the 
 English dilettanti, who had had the temerity to reject his theories. 
 The study of Bacon thus acquired the charm of a scientific discovery; 
 the writer, he tells us, went much deeper than before into the subject, 
 and, hence, the work before us (see Preface to German Edition). 
 
 I have no hesitation in saying that this work, which is extremely 
 bitter in tone, and often very inaccurate, contributes nothing new to 
 the knowledge or appreciation of Bacon's philosophy. It repeats the 
 thread-bare arguments employed by Brewster and Lasson, but with 
 an amount of exaggeration and asperity which is utterly foreign 
 to the second, and would, I think, have been distasteful even to the 
 first of these writers. The author is, at times, almost as violent as De 
 Maistre or Stubbe. Thus (I quote from the English text) : ' Bacon 
 is conscious that in most instances he is not truthful, and has the 
 prudence to blunt the weapons of his adversaries beforehand;' 'Vain 
 self-praise and detraction of others' merit go always hand in hand 
 with his lordship, just as with other vulgar specimens of humanity;' 
 'When a boy, he studied jugglery, and his cleverest trick of all, that of 
 deceiving the world, was quite successful ; ' ' Nature, that had endowed 
 him so richly with her best gifts, had denied him all sense for truth;' 
 he is the type ' of the scientific nut-cracker or the dining philosopher, 
 which, under James I, became the fashion 70 ; ' his scientific investiga- 
 
 7 ' In one of the numbers of the Allgemeine Zeitung (Nov. 7, 1863^, Liebig 
 waxes still more wroth. After describing Bacon's work as a caricature of the 
 scientific movement of the sixteenth century, and Bacon as following in the path of 
 science like a shadow, as parodying the calm and clear image of truth by his bur- 
 lesque contorsions, he compares him successively with a news-hawker, an ape in 
 soldier's-clothes, and a grinder of scientific instruments, who is unconscious of their 
 use. Truly, not only are the sins of the fathers visited upon the children, but 
 those of the children upon the fathers Little can Bacon have anticipated the 
 penalty he would have to pay for the unenlightened obstinacy of English farmers 
 in the nineteenth century !
 
 T44 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 tions were carried on for the sake of reward ; the ' Historia Vitae 
 et Mortis ' was written with the view of augmenting his influence over 
 the King, and was ' intended to justify the inclination of certain 
 persons about the court for the pleasures of the table, as well as 
 other appetites, and to diminish their fear of death.' Notwithstanding 
 all these aspersions, we are told at the end of the article that ' we 
 must not forget that Bacon, above all others, saw and comprehended 
 the value and the importance of natural science for the purposes 
 of life,' while ' Bacon's Essays are unexceptionable documents testi- 
 fying of his genius and sagacity, as well as of his profound knowledge 
 and correct appreciation of human relations and the different con- 
 ditions of men 7 V 
 
 Both Liebig and Lasson lay considerable stress on the crude 
 character of many of the observations and experiments recorded in 
 the Sylva Sylvarum. It is only fair, therefore, to Bacon's memory to 
 quote what is said by Rav/ley in his introduction to that work 72 . 
 ' I have heard his lordship often say that, if he should have served the 
 glory of his own name, he had been better not to have published this 
 Natural History; for it may seem an indigested heap of particulars, 
 and cannot have that lustre which books cast into methods have ; 
 but that he resolved to prefer the good of men, and that which might 
 best secure it, before anything that might have relation to himself.' 
 'And I have heard his lordship speak complainingly, that his lord- 
 ship (who thinketh he deserveth to be an architect in this building) 
 should be forced to be a workman and a labourer, and to dig the clay 
 and burn the brick ; and more than that (according to the hard 
 condition of the Israelites at the latter end), to gather the straw and 
 stubble over all the fields to burn the bricks withal.' Nor is the Sylva 
 Sylvarum so contemptible as Bacon's adversaries represent it to be. 
 It is probably far the best and most complete single collection of 
 the kind that, up to that time, had been published. 
 
 Even Liebig is almost outdone by his French translator, M. de 
 Tchihatchef (Lord Bacon, Paris, 2nd Ed. 1877). The following may 
 serve as choice examples of the indignation which Bacon arouses in 
 the breast of this modern philosopher 73 . ' Paracelse etait presque 
 
 71 See Macmillan's Magazine for July and August, 1863. 
 
 7 - E. and S., vol. ii. pp. 335-337. 
 
 73 M. de Tchihatchef has a wonderful faculty of blundering. The following is 
 such an amusing instance that I cannot refrain from giving it. Sir Henry Savile, 
 in the course of lectures which, as first occupant of one of his own chairs, he gave 
 in Oxford, concluded by saying : ' Exsolvi, per Dei gratiam, Domini Auditores,
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 145 
 
 aussi vaniteux, aussi fanfaron, aussi boursouffle que Bacon ; mais 
 ce qui etablit une difference,' &c. (Preface du Traducteur, p. xxv.) 
 ' Apres de telles preuves, il est done permis de dire maintenant que le 
 role de Bacon, dans 1'histoire des sciences d'observation, fut a peu 
 pres celui de Julien 1'Apostat dans 1'histoire du christianisme, et que la 
 seule place vraiment saillante qu'il occupera dorenavant dans les 
 fastes du passe est celle du plus hardi et surtout du plus heureux des 
 mystificateurs connus ; a ce titre il brillera, en les effagant, au-dessus 
 du comte de Saint-Germain et de Cagliostro.' (Id. p. xxiii.) 
 
 These various accusations against Bacon or his philosophy, when 
 \ve state them in brief, resolve themselves into the following : ist, he 
 was an atheist; 2nd, he was a plagiarist; 3rd, he was a smatterer ; 
 4th, his works have had no influence in the subsequent progress 
 of science ; 5th, his proposed methods of investigation are defective, 
 if not false, in statement, and inapplicable in practice. As these 
 different charges are discussed, and my own opinion on them stated, 
 in other parts of the Introduction, it is unnecessary that I should say 
 anything further on them in this place. 
 
 17. BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 THOUGH the first Edition of the Novum Organum did not appear 
 till the year 1620, we are informed by Dr. Rawley (in the Life of 
 Bacon, prefixed to the Resuscitatio) that he had himself seen at least 
 twelve revisions of the work, ' revised year by year, one after another ; 
 and every year altered and amended in the frame thereof 74 .' If this 
 
 promissum, liberavi fidem meam, explicavi pro meo modulo definitiones, petitiones, 
 communes sententias, et octo priores propositiones Elementorum Euclidis. Hie 
 annis fes?us, cycles artemque repono.' ^Praelectiones &c., Oxonii, 1621.) Dugald 
 Stewart somewhere adduces these words as a proof, if I recollect rightly, of the prolix 
 and elementary teaching of the time, and from him probably (or from Malebranche, 
 who also refers to them as affording an example of the abuse of the commenta- 
 torial spirit, De la Recherche de la Verite, livre ii. 2 me partie, ch. 7), though with 
 some slight exaggeration, Liebig borrows the story. But his translator, having 
 never probably heard of Sir Henry Savile, and either being very careless or having 
 a very imperfect knowledge of the German language, alludes to this anecdote as 
 illustrating the character of the lectures given at this time ' a Seville et a Oxford ' ! 
 74 Cp. the Auctoris Vita, prefixed to the Opuscula Varia posthuma, published in 
 1658 : ' Ipse reperi in nrchivis Dominationis suae autographa plus minus duodccim 
 Organi novi, de anno in annum elaborati et ad incudem revocati ; et singulis annis 
 ulteriore lima subinde politi et castigati.' 
 
 L
 
 1 46 I NT RO DUCT 10 X. 
 
 story be accurate, the original composition of the Novum Organum 
 would be carried back to the year 1608. But the substance of the 
 First Book is to be found in a work composed at a still earlier period, 
 the Cogitata et Visa (E. and S., vol. iii. pp. 587-620). This work, 
 though not published till long after Bacon's death (by Gruter in 
 1653"), must have been composed as early as the summer or autumn 
 of 1607, as, in that and the early part of the following year, it is the 
 subject of a correspondence between Bacon and Sir Thomas Bodley 
 (Spedding's Life and Letters of Bacon, vol. iii. pp. 365, 366) 75 . Still 
 earlier, but standing in much less close relation with the First Book 
 of the XovLim Organum, as it now exists, is the Partis Secundae 
 Delineatio (E. and S., vol. iii. pp. 541-585), which Mr. Spedding 
 refers to the year 1606 or 1607. For an account of this, however, 
 and other preliminary drafts of portions of the Novum Organum, the 
 student must be referred back to 3 of this Introduction. 
 
 The so-called Second Edition of the Novum Organum is a small 
 duodecimo, published at Amsterdam in 1660, but, between this and 
 the First Edition, there were copies published at Leyden in 1645 and 
 i65o 7fi . Except in editions of the Complete Works or the philoso- 
 phical works of Bacon, I cannot find any Latin Edition of the Novum 
 Organum between the year 1660 and the YVtirzburg Edition of 1 780 ' 7 . 
 One appeared at Glasgow in 1803, and another was issued by the 
 Clarendon Press in 1813. Since that time, Dr. Kitchin's and other 
 annotated Editions, to be mentioned below, have made the work, in 
 its separate form, easily procurable. 
 
 7: ' A very beautiful manuscript of this work, corrected in Bacon's ONVII hand- 
 writing a fact which is not only vouched for by Mr. Spedding, but which I have 
 verified by comparison with a letter in the Bodleian written by Bacon to the King, 
 April 21, 1621), exists in (Queen's College Library, Oxford. 
 
 7 ' ; Bouillct speaks of an Edition, published at Leyden in 1652. I can find no 
 other trace of this Edition, and think that he must have mistaken for an edition 
 of the Xovum Organum one of the De Augmentis published at Leyden in that year. 
 His bibliographical account, generally, is not very accurate. Thus, the Ed. of 1650 
 f which, like that of 1645, was published by Adr. Wingaerdc s is called an Eb-evir. 
 
 In 1638, a little 12 volume was issued at Leyden, entitled Franeisci de Veru- 
 lamio Ilistoria Xatumlis et Experimentalis De Vends. &c., containing, in addition 
 to the IIi ; toria Ventorum and other matter, Nov. Org. ii. 11-20 i " De Eorma 
 Caiidi ' , ii. 4^ -De Motus sivc Virtutis Activac Variis Spcciebus' , and the In- 
 stanlia Ciucis on the Tides from ii. 36. In the British Museum, there are reprints 
 of this volume in i64S and 1662. It was translated by R. (',. Gent, London. 16^3. 
 
 77 Watt , Hibliotheca Britannica) speaks of an edition in folio, published at 
 London in 1677, but, a I can find no other trace of tins edition, I suppose he must 
 refer to the Epitome by M. D. in English, to be noticed presently.
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 147 
 
 Of English Translations of the Novum Organum, Peter Shaw's 
 (which has been frequently reprinted) first appeared in 1725, in his 
 English Edition of Bacon's works. One made by Mr. W. Wood was 
 embodied in Montagu's Edition (London, Pickering, 1831), and 
 re-printed by Pickering in a separate form in 1844, and, again, in 
 Bonn's Series (Ed. Devey), 1853. A translation of the First Book 
 only was printed for private circulation by Mr. Glassford, Edinburgh, 
 1844. Dr. Kitchin's Translation appeared in 1855 (Oxford, Clarendon 
 Press), that contained in the 4th vol. of Ellis and Spedding's Edition 
 in 1858 78 , and, lastly, Mr. Andrew Johnson's (Bell and Daldy) 
 in 1859. 
 
 It should be noticed that an English epitome of the Novum Orga- 
 num 'translated and taken out of the Latin by M.D. B.D.' was 
 published in 1676 at the end of the tenth Edition of the Sylva 
 Sylvarum, and was reprinted in the subsequent editions of that 
 work. 
 
 Of published French Translations, I can speak, from personal 
 inspection 79 , only of those of Lasalle (CEuvres de Francois Bacon, 
 Chancellier d'Angleterre, traduites par A. Lasalle, Dijon, An 8 
 [1800]), and of M. Lorquet, which contains only Book i. and portions 
 of Book ii. The latter work, which is bound up with extracts from 
 Descartes and Leibnitz, is an Ouvrage autorise par le conseil royal 
 de 1'instruction, and was published at Paris in 1847. 
 
 In the Pantheon Litteraire, there is a collection of the (Euvres 
 Philosophiques, Morales, et Politiques de Francois Bacon in French 
 by J. A. C. Buchon, Paris, Desrez, 1838. The translation of the 
 Novum Organum is taken from Lasalle. The same translation 
 re-appears, with occasional corrections, and a few meagre notes, in 
 the less complete collection of the CEuvres de Bacon, Traduction 
 revue, corrigee, &c., by F. Riaux, 2 vols. Paris, 1843*. 
 
 78 In the First Edition, I wrongly ascribed this translation to Mr. Headlam, 
 having misinterpreted the account given of it in Mr. Spedding's ' Ili.-tory and Plan 
 of this Edition ' prefixed to the First Volume of E. and S. Mr. Spedding after- 
 wards informed me that the translation was originally made by an Undergraduate 
 of Trinity College, Cambridge, but that he was himself responsible for the form 
 which it ultimately assumed. 
 
 79 M. Bouillet refers to a work entitled ' Fragmens txtraits des ceuvres du chan- 
 cellier Bacon, traduits de Tedition anglaise de P. Shaw,' by Mary Dumoulin, Paris 
 and Amsterdam, 1765, but I have not been able to find this book even in the 
 Bibliotheque Nationale. It seems, amongst other thir.gs, to contain a good 
 analysis of the Novum Organum. See Bouillet, tome ii. Introd., p. Hi. 
 
 60 During a visit to the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paiis. shortly prior to the 
 itsue of my first edition, I found an old French translation in MS. of portions of 
 
 L 2
 
 148 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The best German translation, I believe, is Franz Baco's Neues 
 Organon, Uebersetzt, erlautert, &c., von J. H. von Kirchmann. 
 Berlin, 1870 (published in Kirchmann's Philosophische Bibliothek). 
 Previous German translations are those of Bartholdy (ist Book only\ 
 1793; and of Briick, 1830. 
 
 I have seen an Italian translation (anonymous) published at 
 Bassano in 1788: Nuovo Organo delle Scienze di Francesco 
 Bacone, &c. Traduzione in Italiano, con Annotazioni, &c. Whether 
 there is any more recent translation, I am not aware. 
 
 In the Leipsic edition of the Novum Organum, 1839, a Portuguese 
 translation of the Obras philosophicas, by Jac. de Castro Sarmento, 
 is mentioned as having been published in London, with notes, in 
 3 vols. 4to., in 1731. 
 
 A collection of Bacon's works (Bakon. Sobranie Sochinenii), trans- 
 lated by P. A. Bibiker, was published in Russian, at St. Petersburg, 
 in 1874. 
 
 the Novum Organum, contemporary, I believe, or almost contemporary with the 
 original publication of the work. It is written in a beautiful hand, very similar to 
 much of the writing which I have seen in MSS. of Bacon's own time, and not likely. 
 M. Deprez, one of the gentlemen attached to the Manuscript Department, informed 
 me, to be later than the early part of the seventeenth century. This MS., which 
 is numbered Fr. 19,092, formerly belonged to the Coislin Collection and subse- 
 quently to the Library of St. Germain des Pres. The description of it in the 
 Catalogue is as follows : ' Ex Bibliotheca MSS. Coisliniana, olim Segueriana, quam 
 Illustr. Henrictis Du Cambout, Dux de Coislin, Par Franciae, Episcopus Metensis, 
 &c., Monasteries S. German! a Pratis legavit. An. M Dec. xxxii.' In the Catalogue 
 of Seguier's Collection of MSS. (Paris, 1686), this MS. is not mentioned. 
 
 The piece is entitled Methodes et conceptions du sieur Verulam, Chan pr 
 d'Angleterre, and begins ' Tableau des belles et rares conceptions de Messire 
 francois Yeriilam Chan" dc la grand Bretagne touchants le restablissemen des 
 sciences et I'exp de la methode.' It then proceeds much as in the opening words 
 of the Great Installation. The order of the pieces in the ist Edition is followed 
 throughout, including the Deest Pars Prima, &e., which, so far as I am aware, 
 occurs in no other edition of the seventeenth or eighteenth century. The trans- 
 lation of the ist Book leaves off at the beginning of the loist Aphorism, a space 
 being left for the insertion of that and the remaining Aphorisms of the 1st Book. 
 The 2nd Book is translated as far as the words ' de forma calidi ' in Aph. 11, just 
 before the commencement of the Tables. There are no blank leaves after this break. 
 
 This translation is not, so far as I can ascertain, mentioned by any writer on 
 Bacon, and the translations of Lasalle and Lorquet bear no signs of its having been 
 consulted by those authors. 
 
 1 am inclined to suspect that this translation may have been made by T- Baudoin, 
 who published translations of so many other works of Bacon, and who, as appears 
 from the : Privilege du Roy,' prefixed to his Aphorismes du Droit. had by him a 
 stock of translations from Bacon, which he contemplated publishing from time to 
 time.
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 149 
 
 Through the kindness of Dr. Neubauer (of the Bodleian Library), 
 I am able to add that a translation of the first book of the Novum 
 Organum, in Hungarian, by A. Balogh, together with a biography 
 and an estimate of Bacon's works and philosophy, was published at 
 Budapest in 1885. There are also, in the Hungarian language, 
 reviews of De Remusat and Liebig on Bacon, as well as a treatise 
 (or ? article) on Bacon's Induction by Greguss (Agoston). The 
 work of John Beyer (published, in Hungary, in 1663) has been 
 noticed on p. 112, above. 
 
 At Cracow, in 1834, there was published a book entitled Bakona 
 Metoda Tlumaczenia Natury (the Baconian Method of interpreting 
 Nature), by Michal Wiszniewski. 
 
 There is a Sanskrit version of the Novum Organum, published by 
 order of the Government of the N. W. provinces, for the use of the 
 Benares Sanskrit College, and prepared by Pandit Vitthala S'Astn, 
 Benares, 1852. The materials for this version were published in a 
 separate form by J. A. Ballantyne at Mirzapore in 1852. 'Each 
 sentence has been written with the view of being hereafter rendered 
 into Sanskrit, in order to its eventual reproduction in all the deriva- 
 tive modern languages of India.' 
 
 The first attempt at editing the complete works of Bacon was 
 made by J. B. Schonwetter and J. Gruter, in their edition in Latin, 
 issued at Frankfort on the Main in 1665 8I . The I^atin Works were 
 published by Wettstein at Amsterdam in 1684, and reprinted in 
 1695 and 1730. There was an edition of the Opera Omnia 'opera 
 Simonis Johannis Arnoldi' at Leipsic in 1694. An edition in 4 vols. 
 was issued by J. Blackbourne at London, in 1730. There was a 
 handsome Edition, with a life by Mallet, issued in 1740, and this 
 was followed with tolerable rapidity by several others. The ' trade 
 edition,' in ten volumes octavo, is a reprint of the quarto edition by 
 Birch, 1763. Finally, we have Basil Montagu's edition, Pickering, 
 
 81 Bouillet speaks of a collection of the Latin works of Bacon, edited by Rawley, 
 which appeared at Amsterdam in 6 vols. in 1663. There seems to have been no 
 continuous edition, published in 1663, answering to this description, though, in 
 that and the two or three preceding years, several of Bacon's works were either 
 reprinted, or published for the first time, by the Elzevirs or Ravesteyn. See Les 
 Elzevier by Alphonse \Villems, Bruxelles, iFSo, and the General Biographical 
 Dictionary (Oxford, 1837) fro m tne German of F. A. Ebert. What probably 
 misled Bouillet is that, in the edition of the De Augmentis, published at Amsterdam 
 by Ravesteyn in 1662, there is a preface by Rawley in which he speaks of the 
 volume as 'hunc primum tomum.'
 
 150 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 1825-1836, and the truly valuable and splendid edition of Ellis, 
 Spedding, and Heath, Longmans, 1857, &c. Botiillet's Edition of 
 the Philosophical Works will be noticed below. 
 
 The following are the principal works on Bacon's 'philosophy in 
 general or the Novum Organum in particular, which have fallen 
 under my notice. I omit merely popular lectures, or chapters in 
 Histories of Philosophy, some of the latter of which, however, such, 
 for instance, as those of Brucker, Lewes, Ueberweg, &c., are of con- 
 siderable merit. On the other hand, I insert short notices of the 
 Baconian Philosophy, which would otherwise be likely to escape the 
 reader's attention. 
 
 Voltaire. Lettres sur les Anglois. Lettre XII. About 1728. This 
 letter is reproduced, with additions, in the Dictionnaire Philosophique. 
 
 The Encyclopedic began to appear in 1751. See Discours Pre- 
 liminaire, pp. 24, 25, and Article on Bacon. 
 
 Analyse de la Philosophic du Chancellier Francois Bacon, avec sa 
 vie, &c. par A. Deleyre. Amsterdam and Paris, 1755; Leyden, 1756. 
 Only a small portion of this work refers to the Baconian philosophy 
 properly so called, but in the Preface to the work Le Christianisme 
 c., noticed below, the author says that Bacon is hardly known to the 
 majority of men of letters in France, except through this Analysis of 
 his Philosophy. The book was published anonymously. 
 
 Bouillet refers to an Essay on the Philosophy of Bacon by Ulrich, 
 Berlin, 1780. 
 
 In the Encyclopedic Methodique, Philosophic Ancienne et 
 Moderne, there is a long article on ' Baconisme,' signed by M. 
 Naigeon, giving a classified account of Bacon's opinions on various 
 topics. This article, in which the author follows the estimate of 
 Bacon taken by the Encyclopaedists, appeared in 1791. It incor- 
 porates most of Deleyre's Analysis. 
 
 Le Sage, in a long letter in the Bibliotheque Britannique, Sciences 
 et Arts, tome ix, Geneva, 1798, brings together a number of quotations 
 from Bacon, for the purpose of shewing that he did not reject the 
 enquiry into the general causes of phenomena. In tome viii. of the 
 same series, there is a letter by Le Sage, not expressly written on 
 Bacon, but occasionally alluding to or quoting him. Neither of these 
 articles, however, seems to correspond with the one referred to by 
 De Remusat (p. 392), as contained in tome viii. 
 
 Le Christianisme cle Francois Bacon &c. Nyon, Paris, An 7 
 (1799). 2 vols. This work was written by the Abbe J. A. Emery, but
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 151 
 
 published anonymously. Its object is to vindicate the Christianity 
 of Bacon against the Encyclopaedists. 
 
 Lasalle, noticed above. 
 
 Bacon. Tel qu'il est. Berlin, 1800 (a Pamphlet). Precis de la 
 Philosophic de Bacon. Paris, 1802, 2 vols. Both these works are 
 by J. A. De Luc, and are directed against Lasalle, who had written 
 with a strong pre-disposition to find in Bacon the philosophical and 
 theological principles of the Revolution. De Luc refers to the Abbe 
 Emery's work, Le Christianisme, &c. It may be noticed that Lasalle 
 had omitted all those passages in Bacon's works which appeared to 
 have a religious tendency, calling them contemptuously 'les orenms.' 1 
 
 Dugald Stewart's Preliminary Dissertation, Part i. ch. 2. This 
 Essay first appeared in 1815. 
 
 Review of Stewart's Dissertation, Quarterly Review, No. 33, 1817. 
 
 Basil Montagu's Review of the Novum Organum in the Retrospec- 
 tive Review, vols. 3 and 4, 1821. 
 
 Playfair's Preliminary Dissertation, 1824. Both this and Stewart's 
 Dissertation are prefixed to some of the old editions of the Encyclo- 
 paedia Britannica. From Professor Playfair I find that many sub- 
 sequent writers borrow, with or without acknowledgement. His 
 remarks and illustrations are of peculiar value to an Editor of the 
 Novum Organum. 
 
 Destutt de Tracy, Siemens d'Ideologie, De la Logique, 1826. 
 See Discours Preliminaire and Sommaire Raisonne de 1'Instauratio 
 Magna. [Though the author criticises severely the details of Bacon's 
 method, he follows the Encyclopaedists in exaggerating the reform 
 which Bacon effected. Thus (tome i. p. 380) he says : ' Aussi 1'art 
 logique a-t-il ete completement errone jusqu'a Bacon.' Of his own 
 time, De Tracy says : ' Bacon est encore un de ces auteurs beaucoup 
 plus cites que lus, et beaucoup plus lus qu'entendus.'] 
 
 Dr. Hippus' Account of the Novum Organum, published, in two 
 parts, in the Library of Useful Knowledge, 1827, 1828. Much of 
 this tract is borrowed from Playfair. 
 
 Sir John Herschel's Discourse on the Study of Natural Philosophy, 
 published in Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopaedia, 1831. 
 
 Histoire de la Vie et des Ouvrages de Francois Bacon, par J. B. 
 De Vauzelles. Paris, Levrault, 1833. [M. de Vauzelles promised a 
 translation of the Works, but this, I believe, never appeared.] 
 
 CEuvres Philosophiques de Bacon ; avec Notice, Sommaires, et 
 Eclaircissemens, par M. N. Bouillet, Paris, Hachette, 1834-5. This 
 work (in three large volumes) is highly praised by Mr. Ellis and
 
 152 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 is founded, throughout, on a conscientious comparison of Bacon's 
 various writings. It is now out of print. The notes are somewhat 
 meagre, but it is furnished with valuable Introductions, Summaries, &c. 
 Joseph De Maistre. Examen de la Philosophic de Bacon. 2 vols. 
 Paris and Lyons, 1836; republished 1852. [This is a violent attack 
 on Bacon from an Ultramontane point of view.] 
 
 Macaulay's Essay on Bacon, 1837. Published in the July number 
 of the Edinburgh Review. [Notwithstanding its many defects and 
 misconceptions, this brilliant Essay deserves an important place in 
 an enumeration of Baconian literature, as having done much to 
 revive the popular interest in Bacon's life and works.] 
 
 De Baconis Verulamii Philosophia Dissertatio Academica, Parisiis, 
 1838. (An exercise for the Doctor's Degree by F. Huet.) 
 
 Hallam's History of Literature, Part iii. ch. 3. This work first 
 appeared in 1839. 
 
 F. Baconi de Verulamio Novum Organum, opus diu integris suis 
 partibus desideratum, in usum Juventutis Academicae. Lipsiae, 
 1839-40. This edition has most copious indices, and is furnished 
 with a long ' Propylaeum ' by C. G. M. Janj. 
 
 Whewell's Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences (or, in the more 
 recent form of that work, the Philosophy of Discovery). 1840. 
 
 [The reader will not fail to remark how very rich the decade 
 1830-40 is in works on Bacon]. 
 
 De Vita et Philosophia Francisci Baconi Philosophi (an exercise 
 for the Doctor's Degree) by Gerrit Wilhelmy. Groningen, 1843. 
 Craik (G. I,.), Bacon, his Writings and Philosophy. 3 vols. 1844. 
 Moffett (F. W.), Selections from the Philosophical Works of 
 Bacon, with notes, &c. Dublin, 1847. 
 
 De Gerando, Histoire Comparee des Systemes de Philosophie, 
 2 me Ed., tome vi. ch. 10. (This part of the work, 'Philosophic 
 Moderne,' was first published in 1847.) De Remusat (whose work 
 will be noticed below) is evidently much indebted to De Gerando. 
 
 A Discourse of the Baconian Philosophy, by Samuel Tyler of the 
 Maryland Bar. 2nd Ed. New York, 1850. [I do not know the 
 date of the ist Ed. The author's object is to shew that 'the Baconian 
 philosophy is emphatically the philosophy of Protestantism.' He 
 thinks that, ' when we see how universally the a priori method has 
 led to error, it would almost appear as though that method were the 
 very Organon of Satan.'] 
 
 Extraits du Novum Organum, &c., precedes d'une Introduction, 
 &c., par Emile Burnouf. Paris, 1850.
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 153 
 
 Essay on Lord Bacon by Macvey Napier. Macmillan, 1853. 
 [This work contains much useful historical information as to the 
 reception of the Novum Organum, the opposition to it, &c. It was 
 originally read before the Royal Society of Edinburgh in 1818, and 
 published in their Transactions.] 
 
 English Edition of the De Augmentis and Novum Organum in 
 Bohn's Series, by Joseph Devey. 1853. 
 
 Parallel between Roger Bacon and Francis Bacon in Pouchet's 
 Histoire des Sciences Naturelles au Moyen Age (pp. 363-369). 
 Paris, 1853. 
 
 Esprit et Methode de Bacon en Philosophic, par G. A. Patru. 
 Paris and Grenoble, 1854. 
 
 Essai sur la Methode de Bacon, par A. Biechy. Toulon, 1855. 
 [In this short Essay, the author maintains that Bacon's method and 
 his conception of science are ' dynamist ' or spiritualist as opposed 
 to materialist.] 
 
 Edition of the Novum Organum, with notes, by the Rev. G. W. 
 Kitchin. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1855. [This edition, which 
 has been of great assistance to the present Editor, is frequently 
 referred to in the notes. See also Preface.] 
 
 Edition of the Novum Organum, with English notes, by the Rev. 
 J. A. Brewer. London, 1856. [Privately printed for the use of 
 students of King's College, London.] 
 
 Fischer (Kuno), Franz Baco von Verulam. Die Realphilosophie 
 und ihr Zeitalter. Leipzig, 1856. Of this work an English trans- 
 lation was published by John Oxenford, London, 1857. The original 
 work has also been re-published, with considerable extensions and 
 under a new title : Francis Bacon und Seine Nachfolger ; Entwick- 
 lungsgeschichte der Erfahrungsphilosophie. Leipzig, 1875. [This 
 work is of great importance in the study of the Baconian philosophy, 
 and of peculiar interest as containing so favourable an estimate of 
 Bacon from a foreign writer, belonging himself to a very different 
 school of thought.] 
 
 Bacon, Sa Vie, Son Temps, Sa Philosophic, et Son Influence 
 jusqu'a nos jours par Charles de Remusat. Paris, 1857. [This work, 
 like the last, should be diligently perused by every one who wishes to 
 make a special study of Bacon. M. de Remusat attempts especially 
 to bring out an ideal side in the Baconian philosophy.] 
 
 The magnificent edition of Bacon's works by Ellis, Spedding, and 
 Heath. The ist vol., containing the Novum Organum and De 
 Augmentis, appeared in 1857. No student of Bacon's philosophy
 
 T 54 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 can now dispense with the five volumes, containing the Philosophical 
 Works with prefaces and notes, to which such frequent reference is 
 made in the subsequent pages of this edition. 
 
 Ueber Baco's von Verulam wissenschaftliche Principien von A. 
 Lasson. Berlin, 1860. [This short tract is, to my mind, the most 
 effective of all the attacks on the Baconian philosophy. It must, 
 T think, have suggested to Liebig the onslaught which he made three 
 years subsequently, but it is far more moderate and elevated in tone 
 than is his diatribe, and shews a far more intimate acquaintance both 
 with Bacon's doctrines and with the history of philosophy in general.] 
 
 Ueber Francis Bacon von Verulam und die Methode der Natur- 
 forschung, von Justus von Liebig. Munchen, 1863. [This disquisi- 
 tion is written in a tone of shrill invective, almost as if Bacon were a 
 personal enemy of the writer. See, for a further account of it, 16 
 of this Introduction. Liebig was himself so well satisfied with his 
 performance, that he published it also in an English form, in 
 Macmillan's Magazine (July and August, 1863). It has been 
 translated into French, and published with some notes and addi- 
 tions, by M. De Tchihatchef, Paris, 1866 (2 me Ed., 1877).] 
 
 A large part of Franchi's Letture su la Storia della Filosofia 
 Moderna, Milano, 1863, is devoted to Bacon. [The estimate of him 
 as a reformer of method and science is, on the whole, unfavourable.] 
 
 Liebig's work produced a lively controversy in Germany. He was 
 answered by Heinrich Bohmer, in a work entitled Ueber Francis 
 P>acon von Verulam, &c., Erlangen, 1864 ; and also by Sigwart 
 of Tubingen. Sigwart attacked Liebig's work in the Preussische 
 Jahrbiicher of 1863, S. 93, &c. To this criticism Liebig replied in 
 the Allgemeine Zeitung, Nov. 2-7. Sigwart made his rejoinder in 
 the Preussische Jahrbiicher of 1864, S. 79, &c. Liebig again replied 
 in Allg. Zeit., March 4-7. M. De Tchihatchef has translated Liebig's 
 papers in his ' Lord Bacon,' &c., but they add little of what is new 
 to the original pamphlet. 
 
 A similar and independent controversy, though on a much smaller 
 scale, was carried on in France, in 1866. M. Claude Bernard 
 (Introduction a la medecine experimcntale, Paris, 1866) attacked 
 Bacon's claims as a Reformer of Science, and was answered by M. 
 i'.iul Janet in the Revue des Deux-Mondes of xVpril 15, 1866. 
 
 Ueber Bacon von Verulam, bcsonders vom Medicinischcn Stand- 
 punkte, von Dr. II. von Bamberger. Wiirzburg, 1865. 
 
 De Baronis Baronis de Yerulamio Philosophia scripsit Augustus 
 Dorner. Berlin, 1867.
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 155 
 
 Kirchmann's German Translation, with notes, &c., 1870. (See 
 above, under Translations.) 
 
 On the Inductive Philosophy, including a parallel between Lord 
 Bacon and A. Comte, as philosophers. A Lecture, &c., by A. Elley 
 Finch. London, Longmans, 1872. 
 
 Flaws in the Philosophy of Bacon, by the Rev. John Doherty, 
 published in the Series of Essays on Religion and Literature edited 
 by Archbishop Manning, 3rd Series, 1874. [This essay follows in 
 the lines of De Maistre, though the tone is more moderate.] 
 
 'Lord Bacon,' by Michael Walsh. Leipzig, 1875. [This mono- 
 graph entirely justifies the Author's disclaimer of ' much novelty or 
 originality.'] 
 
 The article on Bacon in Vol. iii. (1875) of the last (gth) edition of 
 the Encyclopaedia Britannica by Mr. Adamson. [This article gives 
 a good deal of interesting matter within a short compass.] 
 
 Lord Bacon's ' Philosophy ' examined, An Essay read at the 
 Catholic Academy, January, 1877, by the Rev. F. H. Laing, D.I). 
 [The object of this Essay is to shew, in opposition to the ' modern 
 " scientifics," ' that, ' like the Luthers, Zwingles, and Cranmers before 
 him,' Bacon was ' the mere ringleader in a low revolt against the 
 dominion of the cultivated human intellect.'] 
 
 ' Bacon,' by Thomas Fowler (the present editor), in the series of 
 ' English Philosophers.' Sampson Low and Co. London, 1881. 
 
 Mr. F. G. Selby's edition of The Advancement of Learning, for the 
 use of Indian Students, Bombay, 1882, contains several remarks 
 bearing on the Novum Organum. 
 
 ' Bacon,' by R. W. Church, Dean of St. Paul's, in the series of 
 'English Men of Letters.' Macmillan and Co. London, 1884. 
 
 ' Francis Bacon,' by Edwin A. Abbott, D.D. Macmillan and Co. 
 London, 1885. [Some remarks on portions of this work will be 
 found in the Preface.] 
 
 'Wer schrieb das Novum Organum von Francis Bacon?' Eine 
 kritische Studie von Eugen Reichel. Stuttgart, 1886. [This some- 
 what heavy brochure, maintaining (apparently in irony) that Bacon 
 did not really originate the Novum Organum, but put together the 
 materials left by some previous writer, seems to be intended as a 
 contribution to the Shakespeare-Bacon controversy, j
 
 FRANCISCUS 
 DE VERULAMIO 
 
 SIC COGITAVIT; 
 TALEMQUE APUD SE 
 
 ralionem instituit, quam Viventibus ct 
 
 Posteris notam fieri ipsorwn 
 
 intercssc putavit. 
 
 CUM illi pro comperto essct intellectum humanum sibi ipsi 
 negotium facessere, neque auxiliis veris (quae in hominis 
 potestate sunt) uti sobrie et commode ; unde multiplex rcrum 
 ignoratio et ex ignoratione re rum detrimenta innumera : omni 
 ope connitendum existimavit. si quo modo commercium istud 
 Mentis et Rerum (cui vix aliquid in terris, aut saltern in terrcnis, 
 se ostendit simile) restitui posset in integrum, aut saltern in 
 melius deduci. Ut vero errores qui invaluerunt, quique in 
 aeternum invalituri sunt, alii post alios (si mens sibi permittatur) 
 ipsi se corrigerent, vel ex vi intellectus propria vel ex auxiliis 
 atque adminiculis dialccticae, nulla prorsus subcrat spes ; 
 propterea quod notiones rerum primae. quas mens haustu 
 facili et supino excipit recondit atque accumulat (undc rcliqua 
 omnia fluunt), vitiosae sint et confusae et tcmerc a rebus 
 abstractae ; neque minor sit in secundis et reliquis libido et 
 inconstantia ; ex quo fit, ut universa ista ratio humana. qua 
 utimur quoad inquisitioncm naturae, non bene congesta et 
 aedificata sit, sed tanquam moles aliqua magnifica sine fun- 
 damento. Dum cnim falsas mentis vires mirantur homines 
 ct celebrant, veras cjusdcm quac esse possint (si debita ei 
 adhibeantur auxilia. atque ipsa rebus morigera sit, n ec im- 
 potenter rebus insultet) praetereunt et perdimt. Rcstabat
 
 ijjS VERULAMIUS SIC COGITAVIT. 
 
 illud unum ut res de integro tentetur melioribus praesidiis, 
 utque fiat scientiarum ct artium atque omnis humanae doc- 
 trinae in universum Instauratio. a debitis cxcitata fundamentis. 
 Hoc vero licet aggressu infinitum quiddam videri possit ac 
 supra vires mortales, tamen idem tractatu sanum invenietur 
 ac sobrium. magis quam ea quae adhuc facta sunt. Exitus 
 cnim hujus rei est nonnullus. In iis vero quae jam fiunt 
 circa scientias. est vertigo quaedam et agitatio perpetua et 
 circulus. Neque eum fugit quanta in solitudine versetur hoc 
 experimentum, et quam durum et incredibilc sit ad faciendam 
 fidem. Nihilominus, ncc rem nee seipsum deserendum ptita- 
 vit, quin viam quae una humanae menti pervia est tentarct 
 atque inirct. Praestat enim principium dare rei quae exitum 
 habere possit. quam in iis quae cxiturn nullum habcnt per- 
 petua contentione et studio implicari. Viae autem contem- 
 plativae viis illis activis decantatis fere respondent : ut altcra. 
 ab initio ardua et difficilis, desinat in apcrtum ; altcra. primo 
 intuitu expedita ct proclivis. ducat in avia et praecipitia. 
 Ouum autem inccrtus csset quando haec alicui posthac 
 in mentem vcntura sint ; eo potissimum usus argumento. 
 quod ncminem hactcnus invcnit qui ad similes cogitationes 
 animum applicuerit ; decrevit prima quaeque quae perficere 
 licuit in publicum cdere. Neque haec festinatio ambi- 
 tiosa fuit, sed sollicita ; lit, si quid illi humanitus acci- 
 dcret. cxtarct tamen dcsignatio quaedam ac dcstinatio rei 
 quam animo complcxus est ; utque cxtaret simul signum ali- 
 quod honcstac suae ct propensae in generis humani com- 
 mocla volimtatis. Ccrte aliam quamcunque am- 
 bitioncm inferiorem duxit re quam prae ma- 
 nibus habuit. Aut enim hoc quod agi- 
 tur nihil est. aut tantum. ut me- 
 rito ipso contcntum esse de- 
 beat ncc fructum ex- 
 tra quacrere.
 
 SERENISSIMO 
 
 POTENTISSIMOQUE 
 PRINCIPI AC DOMINO 
 
 NOSTRO, 
 
 J A C O B O, 
 
 DEI GRATIA 
 
 MAGNAE BRTTANNIAE, 
 
 Franciae, et Hiberniae Regi, 
 
 FIDEI Defensori, etc. 
 
 Serenissime Potentissimeque Rex, 
 
 POTERIT fortasse Majcstas tua me furti incusarc, quod 
 tantum temporis quantum ad haec sufficiat negotiis tuis suffu- 
 ratus sim. Non habeo quod dicam. Temporis cnim non fit 
 restitutio ; nisi forte quod detractum fuerit temporis rebus tuis, 
 id memoriae nominis tui et honor! saeculi tui reponi possit ; si 
 modo haec alicujus sint pretii. Sunt certe prorsus nova : 
 etiam toto gcnere : sed dcscripta ex veteri admodum exem- 
 plari, mundo scilicet ipso, et natura rerum et mentis. Ipse 
 certe (ut ingenue fatear) soleo aestimare hoc opus magis pro 
 partu temporis quam ingenii. Illud enim in co solummodo 
 mirabile est, initia rei et tantas de iis quae invaluerunt sus- 
 piciones alicui in mentem venire potuisse. Caetera non illi- 
 benter sequuntur. At versatur proculdubio casus (ut loquimur) 
 et quiddam quasi fortuitum non minus in iis quae cogitant 
 homines quam in iis quae agunt aut loquuntur. Verum hunc 
 casum (de quo loquor) ita intelligi volo. ut si quid in his quae
 
 160 EPISTOLA DEDICATORIA. 
 
 affero sit boni, id immensae misericordiae et bonitati divinac 
 et foelicitati temporum tuorum tribuatur : cui et vivus integer- 
 rimo affectu servivi. et mortuus fortasse id effecero, ut ilia 
 posteritati, nova hac accensa face in philosophiae tcnebris, 
 praelucere possint. Merito autem temporibus regis omnium 
 sapientissimi et doctissimi Regeneratio ista et Instauratio 
 scientiarum debetur. Superest petitio, Majestatc tua non 
 indigna, et maxime omnium faciens ad id quod agitur. Ea 
 est, ut quando Salomonem in plurimis referas. judiciorum 
 gravitate, regno pacifico, cordis latitudine, librorum denique 
 quos composuisti nobili varietate, etiam hoc ad ejusdem 
 regis exemplum addas. ut cures Historiam Naturalem et 
 Experimentalem, veram ct severam (missis philologicis), 
 et quae sit in ordine ad condendam philosophiam, deni- 
 que qualem suo loco describemus, congeri et perfici : ut 
 tandem post tot mundi aetates philosophia et scientiae non 
 sint amplius pensiles et aereae, scd solidis experientiae 
 omnigenae, ejusdemque bene pensitatae, nitantur 
 fundamentis. Equidem Organum praebui ; ve- 
 rum materies a rebus ipsis petcnda est. 
 Deus Opt. Max. Majestatem 
 tuam cliu servet inco- 
 lumem. 
 
 Scrcnissiinac Ulajestati titac 
 
 Scr i nis dcvinctissiin its, 
 
 ct 
 devotissimtis, 
 
 FRANCISCUS YERULAM 
 CANCELLARIUS.
 
 FRANCISCI 
 DE VERULAMIO 
 
 INSTAURATIO 
 MAGNA. 
 
 PRAEFATIO. 
 
 De statu scientiarum, quod non sit foelix aut majorem in 
 
 modum auctus ; quodque alia omnino quam prio- 
 
 ribus cognita /uerit via aperienda sit intellec- 
 
 tui humano, et alia comparanda auxilia, 
 
 ut mcns suo jure in rerum na- 
 
 turam uti possit. 
 
 VlDENTUR nobis homines nee opes nee vires suas bene 
 nosse ; verum de illis majora quam par cst, de his minora 
 credere. Ita fit, ut aut artes reccptas insanis pretiis aesti- 
 mantes nil amplius quaerant, aut seipsos plus aequo contem- 
 nentes vires suas in levioribus consumant, in iis quae ad 
 sumniam rei faciant non experiantur. Quare sunt et suae 
 scientiis column ae tanquam fatales ; cum ad ulterius pene- 
 trandum homines nee desiderio nee spe excitentur. Atque 
 cum opinio copiae inter maximas causas inopiae sit ; quumque 
 ex fidueia praesentium vera auxilia negligantur in posterum ; 
 ex usu est, et plane ex necessitate, ut ab illis quae adhuc 
 inventa sunt in ipso operis nostri limine (idque relictis am- 
 bagibus et non dissimulanter) honoris et admirationis excessus 
 tollatur; utili monito, ne homines eorum aut copiam aut 
 utilitatem in majus accipiant aut celebrent. Nam si quis in 
 
 M
 
 1 62 PRAEFATIO. 
 
 omnem illam librorum varietatem qua artes et scientiae ex- 
 ultant diligentius introspiciat, ubique inveniet ejusdem rei 
 repetitiones infinitas, tractandi modis diversas, inventione prae- 
 occupatas ; ut omnia primo intuitu numerosa, facto examine, 
 pauca reperiantur. Et de utilitate aperte dicendum est, 
 sapientiam istam quam a Graecis potissimum hausimus pueri- 
 tiam quandam scientiae videri, atque habere quod proprium 
 est puerorum, ut ad garriendum prompta, ad generandum 
 invalida et immatura sit. Controversiarum enim ferax, operum 
 effoeta est. Adeo ut fabula ilia de Scylla in literarum statum, 
 qualis habetur, ad vivum quadrare videatur ; quae virginis os 
 et vultum extulit, ad uterum vero monstra latrantia succinge- 
 bantur et adhaerebant. Ita habent et scientiae quibus in- 
 suevimus generalia quaedam blandientia et speciosa, sed cum 
 ad particularia ventum sit, veluti ad partes generationis, ut 
 fructum et opera ex se edant, turn contentiones et oblatrantes 
 disputationes exoriuntur, in quas desinunt, et quae partus 
 locum obtinent. Praeterea, si hujusmodi scientiae plane res 
 mortua non essent, id minime videtur eventurum fuisse quod 
 per multa jam saecula usu venit, ut illae suis immotae fere 
 haereant vestigiis, nee incrementa genere humano digna sumant : 
 eo usque, ut saepenumero non solum assertio maneat assertio 
 sed etiam quaestio maneat quaestio, et per disputationes non 
 solvatur sed figatur et alatur, omnisque traditio et successio 
 disciplinarum repraesentet et exhibeat personas magistri et 
 auditoris, non inventoris et ejus qui inventis aliquid eximium 
 adjiciat. In artibus autem mechanicis contrarium evenire 
 videmus ; quae. ac si aurae cujusdam vitalis forent participes, 
 quotidie crescunt et perficiuntur, et in primis authoribus rudes 
 plerunque et fere onerosae et informes apparent, postea vero 
 novas virtutes et commoditatem quandam adipiscuntur, eo 
 usque, ut citius studia hominum et cupiditates deficiant et 
 mutentur, quam illae ad culmen et perfectionem suam per- 
 vcnerint. Philosophia contra ct scientiae intellectuales, sta- 
 tuarum more, adorantur et celebrantur, sed non promoventur. 
 Quin etiam in primo nonnunquam authore maxime vigent, et 
 deinceps degenerant. Nam postquam homines dedititii facti 
 sint et in unius sententiam (tanquam pedarii senatorcs) coi- 
 erint, scientiis ipsis amplitudinem non addunt. sed in ccrtis
 
 PRAEFATIO. 163 
 
 authoribus ornandis et stipandis servili officio funguntur. 
 Neque illud afferat quispiam, scientias paullatim succrescentes 
 tandem ad statum quendam pervenisse, et turn demum (quasi 
 confectis spatiis legitimis) in operibus paucorum sedes fixas 
 posuisse ; atque postquam nil melius inveniri potuerit. restare 
 scilicet ut quae inventa sint exornentur et colantur. Atque 
 optandum quidem esset haec ita se habuisse. Rectius illud 
 et verius, istas scientiarum mancipationes nil aliud esse quam 
 rem ex paucorum hominum confidentia et reliquorum socordia 
 et inertia natam. Postquam enim scientiae per partes dili- 
 genter fortasse excultae et tractatae fuerint, turn forte exortus 
 est aliquis, ingenio audax et propter methodi compendia ac- 
 ceptus et celebratus, qui specie tenus artem constituent, revera 
 veterum labores corruperit. Id tamen posteris gratum esse 
 solet, propter usum operis expeditum et inquisitionis novae 
 taedium et impatientiam. Quod si quis consensu jam inve- 
 terato tanquam temporis judicio moveatur, sciat se ratione 
 admodum fallaci et infirma niti. Neque enim nobis magna ex 
 parte notum est, quid in scientiis et artibus, variis saeculis 
 et locis, innotuerit et in publicum emanarit ; multo minus, 
 quid a singulis tentatum sit et secreto agitatum. Itaque nee 
 temporis partus nee abortus extant in fastis. Neque ipse 
 consensus ejusque diuturnitas magni prorsus aestimandus est. 
 Utcunque enim varia sint genera politiarum, unicus est status 
 scientiarum, isque semper fuit et mansurus est popularis. 
 Atque apud populum plurimum vigent doctrinae aut con- 
 tentiosae et pugnaces aut speciosae et inanes, quales videlicet 
 assensum aut illaqueant aut demulcent. Itaque maxima 
 ingenia proculdubio per singulas aetates vim passa sunt ; dum 
 viri captu et intellectu non vulgarcs. nihilo secius existimationi 
 suae consulentes, temporis et multitudinis judicio se sub- 
 miserint. Quamobrem altiores contemplationes si forte usquam 
 emicuerint, opinionum vulgarium ventis subinde agitatae sunt 
 et extinctae. Adeo ut Tempus, tanquam fluvius, levia et 
 inflata ad nos devexerit. gravia et solida demerserit. Ouin 
 et illi ipsi authores qui dictaturam quandam in scientiis in- 
 vaserunt et tanta confidentia de rebus pronuntiant. cum tamen 
 per intervalla ad se redeunt, ad querimonias de subtilitate 
 naturae, veritatis recessibus. rerum obscuritate. causarum 
 
 M 2
 
 1 64 PRAEFATIO. 
 
 implicatione. ingenii human! infirmitate, se convertunt; in hoc 
 nihilo tamen modestiores. cum malint communem hominum 
 et rerum conditionem causari quam de seipsis confiteri. Ouin 
 illis hoc fere solcnne est. ut quicquid ars aliqua non attingat id 
 ipsum ex eadem arte impossibile esse statuant. Neque vero 
 damnari potest ars. quum ipsa disceptet et judicet. Itaquc id 
 agitur. ut ignorantia etiam ab ignominia liberetur. Atque 
 quae tradita et recepta sunt ad hunc fere modum se habent : 
 quoad opera sterilia. quaestionum plena ; incrementis suis tarda 
 et languida: perfectionem in toto simulantia. sed per partes 
 male impleta ; delectu autem popularia et authoribus ipsis 
 suspecta, ideoque artificiis quibusdam munita et ostentata. 
 Qui autem et ipsi experiri et se scientiis addere earumquc 
 fines proferrc statuerunt, nee illi a receptis prorsus desciscere 
 ausi sunt, nee fontes rerum petere. Verum se magnum quid- 
 dam consequutos putant si aliquid ex proprio inserant et 
 adjiciant ; prudenter secum reputantes, se in assentiendo 
 modestiam, in adjiciendo libertatem tueri posse. Verum dum 
 opinionibus et moribus consulitur. mediocritates istae laudatae 
 in magnum scientiarum detrimentum cedunt. Vix enim datur 
 authores simul et aclmirari et supcrare. Sed fit aquarum more, 
 quae non altius asccndunt quam ex quo descenderunt. Itaque 
 hujusmodi homines emendant nonnulla sed parum promovent, 
 et proficiunt in mclius non in majus. Neque tamen defuerunt, 
 qui ausu majorc omnia integra sibi duxerunt. et ingenii impctu 
 usi, priora prosternendo ct destruendo, aditum sibi et placitis 
 suis fecerunt; quorum tumultu non magnopere profectum est: 
 quum philosophiam et artes non re ac opere amplificare. sed 
 placita tantum pcrmutare atque rcgnum opinionum in sc trans- 
 ferre contenderint ; exiguo sane fructu. quum inter errorcs 
 oppositos errandi causac sint fere communes. Si qui autem 
 nee alienis nee propriis placitis obnoxii, sed libertati favcntes. 
 ita animati mere ut alios secum simul quaerere cuperent ; illi 
 sane affectu honesti, sed conatu invalidi fucrunt. Probabilcs 
 enim tantum rationcs secuti vidcntur, et argumentorum ver- 
 tiginc circumagimtur, et promiscua quacrendi licentia severita- 
 tem inquisitionis enervarunt. Xemo autem reperitur, qui in 
 rebus ipsis et experientia moram fecerit legitimam. Atque 
 nonnulli rursus qui experientiae undis se commiscre et fere
 
 PRAEFATIO. 165 
 
 mechanic! facti sunt, tamen in ipsa experientia crraticam 
 quandam inquisitionem exercent, nee ei certa lege militant. 
 Quin et plerique pusilla quaedarn pensa sibi proposuere, pro 
 magno ducentes si unum aliquod inventum eruere possint ; 
 institute non minus tcnui, quam imperito. Nemo enim rei 
 alicujus naturam in ipsa re recte aut foeliciter perscrutatur ; 
 verum post laboriosam experimentorum variationem non ac- 
 quiescit, sed invenit quod ulterius quaerat. Neque illud 
 imprimis omittendum est, quod omnis in experiendo industria 
 statim ab initio opera quaedam destinata praepropero et 
 intempestivo studio captavit ; fructifera (inquam) experimenta, 
 non lucifera, quaesivit ; nee ordinem divinum imitata est, qui 
 primo die lucem tantum creavit, eique unum diem integrum 
 attribuit ; neque illo die quicquam materiati operis produxit, 
 verum sequentibus diebus ad ea descendit. At qui summas 
 dialecticae partes tribuerunt, atque inde fidissima scientiis 
 praesidia comparari putarunt, verissime et optime viderunt 
 intellectum humanum sibi permissum merito suspectum esse 
 debere. Verum infirmior omnino est malo medicina ; nee 
 ipsa mali expers. Siquidem dialectica quae recepta est, licet 
 ad civilia et artes quae in sermone et opinione positae sunt 
 rectissime adhibeatur, naturae tamen subtilitatem longo in- 
 tervallo non attingit ; et prensando quod non capit, ad errores 
 potius stabiliendos et quasi figendos quam ad viam veritati 
 aperiendam valuit 
 
 Ouare, ut quae dicta sunt complectamur, non videtur ho- 
 minibus aut aliena fides aut industria propria circa scientias 
 hactenus foeliciter illuxisse ; praesertim quum et in demonstra- 
 tionibus et in experimentis adhuc cognitis parum sit praesidii. 
 Aedificium autem hujus universi, structura sua, intellectui 
 humano contemplanti, instar labyrinthi est ; ubi tot ambigua 
 viarum, tarn fallaces rerum et signorum similitudines, tarn 
 obliquae et implexae naturarum spirae et nodi, undcquaque se 
 ostendunt. Iter autcm sub incerto sensus lumine. interdum 
 affulgente. interdum se condente, per experientiae et rerum 
 particularium sylvas perpetuo faciendum est. Quin etiam 
 duces itineris (ut dictum est) qui se offerunt, et ipsi implican- 
 tur, atque errorum et errantium numerum augent. In rebus 
 tarn duris, de judicio hominum ex vi propria, aut etiam de
 
 1 66 PRAEFATIO. 
 
 foelicitate fortuita, desperandum est. Neque enim ingeniorum 
 quantacunque excellentia, neque experiendi alea saepius re- 
 petita, ista vincere queat. Vestigia filo regenda sunt : omnisque 
 via, usque a primis ipsis sensuum perceptionibus, certa ratione 
 munienda. Neque haec ita accipienda sunt, ac si nihil omnino 
 tot saeculis, tantis laboribus, actum sit. Neque enim eorum 
 quae inventa sunt nos poenitet. Atque antiqui certe, in iis 
 quae in ingenio et meditatione abstracta posita sunt, mirabiles 
 se viros praestitere. Verum quemadmodum saeculis prioribus, 
 cum homines in navigando per stellarum tantum observationes 
 cursum dirigebant, veteris sane continentis oras legere potue- 
 runt, aut maria aliqua minora et mediterranea trajicere ; 
 priusquam autem oceanus trajiceretur et novi orbis regiones 
 detegerentur, necesse fuit usum acus nauticae, ut ducem viae 
 magis fidum et certum. innotuisse : simili prorsus ratione, quae 
 hucusque in artibus et scientiis inventa sunt, ea hujusmodi 
 sunt ut usu, meditatione, observando. argumentando, reperiri 
 potuerint ; utpote quae sensibus propiora sint et communibus 
 notionibus fere subjaceant ; antequam vero ad remotiora et 
 occultiora naturae liceat appellere, necessario requiritur ut 
 melior et perfectior mentis et intellectus humani usus et 
 adoperatio introducatur. 
 
 Nos certe, aeterno veritatis amore devicti, viarum incertis et 
 arduis ct solitudinibus nos commisimus ; et divino auxilio freti 
 et innixi. mentem nostram et contra opinionum violentias et 
 quasi instructas acies, et contra proprias et internas haesita- 
 tiones et scrupulos, et contra rerum caligincs et nubes et 
 undequaque volantes phantasias, sustinuimus ; ut tandem magis 
 fida et secura indicia viventibus et posteris comparare posse- 
 mus. Qua in re si quid profecerimus, non alia sane ratio nobis 
 viam aperuit quam vera et legitima spiritus humani humiliatio. 
 Omnes enim ante nos, qui ad artes inveniendas se applicuerunt, 
 conjectis paulisper in res et exempla et experientiam oculis, 
 statim, quasi inventio nil aliud esset quam quaedam excogita- 
 tio. spiritus proprios ut sibi oracula exhiberent quodammodo 
 invocarunt. Nos vero inter res caste et perpetuo versantes, 
 intellectum longius a rebus non abstrahimus quam ut rerum 
 imagines et radii (ut in sensu fit) coirc possint ; unde fit, ut 
 ingenii viribus ct excel lentiae non multum relinquatur. Atquc
 
 PRAEFATIO. 167 
 
 quam in inveniendo adhibemus humilitatem, eandem et in 
 docendo sequuti sumus. Neque enim aut confutationum 
 triumphis, aut antiquitatis advocationibus, aut authoritatis 
 usurpatione quadam, aut etiam obscuritatis velo, aliquam his 
 nostris inventis majestatem imponere aut conciliare conamur ; 
 qualia reperire non difficile esset ei, qui nomini suo non animis 
 aliorum lumen affundere conaretur. Non (inquam) ullam aut 
 vim aut insidias hominum judiciis fecimus aut paramus ; verum 
 eos ad res ipsas et rerum foedera adducimus ; ut ipsi videant 
 quid habeant, quid arguant, quid addant atque in commune 
 conferant. Nos autem si qua in re vel male credidimus, vel 
 obdormivimus et minus attendimus, vel defecimus in via et 
 inquisitionem abrupimus, nihilominus iis modis res nudas et 
 apertas exhibemus, ut errores nostri, antequam scientiae mas- 
 sam altius inficiant, notari et separari possint ; atque etiam ut 
 facilis et expedita sit laborum nostrorum continuatio. Atque 
 hoc modo inter empiricam et rationalem facultatem (quarum 
 morosa et inauspicata divortia et repudia omnia in humana 
 familia turbavere) conjugium verum et legitimum in perpetuum 
 nos firmasse existimamus. 
 
 Quamobrem, quum haec arbitrii nostri non sint, in principio 
 operis, ad Deum Patrem. Deum Verbum, Deum Spiritum, 
 preces fimdimus humillimas et ardentissimas, ut humani 
 generis aerumnarum memores et peregrinationis istius vitae 
 in qua dies paucos et malos terimus, novis suis eleemosynis, 
 per manus nostras, familiam humanam dotare dignentur. 
 Atque illud insuper supplices rogamus, ne humana divinis 
 officiant, neve ex reseratione viarum sensus et accensione 
 majore luminis naturalis aliquid incredulitatis et noctis animis 
 nostris erga divina mysteria oboriatur : sed potius, ut ab 
 intellectu puro, a phantasiis et vanitate repurgato et divinis 
 oraculis nihilominus subdito et prorsus dedititio, fidei dentur 
 quae fidei sunt. Postremo, ut scientiae veneno a serpente 
 infuso, quo animus humanus tumet et inflatur, deposito, nee 
 altum sapiamus nee ultra sobrium, sed veritatem in charitate 
 colamus. 
 
 Peractis autem votis, ad homines conversi, quaedam et 
 salutaria monemus et aequa postulamus. Monemus primum 
 (quod etiam precati sumus) ut homines sensum in officio,
 
 i68 PRAEFATIO. 
 
 quoad divina. contineant. Sensus enim (instar solis) globi 
 terrestris faciem aperit, coelestis claudit et obsignat. Rursus, 
 ne hujusce mali fuga in contrarium peccent ; quod certe fiet, 
 si naturae inquisitionem ulla ex parte vcluti interdicto sepa- 
 ratam putant. Neque enim pura ilia et immaculata scientia 
 naturalis, per quam Adam nomina ex proprietate rebus im- 
 posuit, principium aut occasionem lapsui dedit. Sed ambi- 
 tiosa ilia et imperativa scientiae moralis, de bono et malo 
 dijudicantis, cupiclitas, ad hoc ut Homo a Deo deficerct et 
 sibi ipsi leges daret, ea demum ratio atque modus tentationis 
 fuit. De scientiis autem quae naturam contemplantur sanctus 
 ille philosophus pronuntiat, Gloriam Dei esse celare ran ; 
 gloriam rcgis aut cut rcm invenire : non aliter ac si divina 
 natura innocent! et benevolo puerorum ludo delectaretur, qui 
 ideo se abscondunt ut inveniantur ; atque animam humanam 
 sibi collusorem in hoc ludo pro sua in homines indulgentia et 
 bonitate cooptaverit. Postremo omnes in universum monitos 
 volumus, ut scientiae veros fines cogitent ; nee earn aut animi 
 causa petant, aut ad contentionem. aut ut alios despiciant, aut 
 ad commodum, aut ad famam, aut ad potentiam, aut hujus- 
 modi inferiora ; sed ad meritum et usus vitae ; eamque in 
 charitate perficiant et regant. Ex appetitu enim potentiae 
 angeli lapsi sunt ; ex appetitu scientiae, homines ; sed chari- 
 tatis non est excessus ; neque angelus aut homo per earn 
 unquam in periculum venit. 
 
 Postulata autem nostra quae afferimus talia sunt. De 
 nobis ipsis silemus : de re autem quae agitur petimus, ut 
 homines earn non opinionem sed opus esse cogitent ; ac pro 
 certo habeant. non sectae nos alicujus aut placiti, sed utilitatis 
 et amplitudinis humanae fundamenta moliri. Deinde ut suis 
 commodis aequi, exutis opinionum zelis et praejudiciis, in 
 commune consulant ; ac ab erroribus viarum atque impedi- 
 mentis, nostris praesidiis et auxiliis, liberal! et muniti, labo- 
 rum qui restant et ipsi in partern veniant. Praeterea, ut 
 bcnc sperent ; neque Instaurationem nostram, ut quiddam 
 infinitum et ultra mortale, fingant et animo concipiant ; 
 quum rcvcra sit infiniti erroris finis et terminus legiti- 
 mus ; mortalitatis autem et humanitatis non sit immemor. 
 quum reni non intra unius aetatis curriculum omnino perfici
 
 PRAEFATIO. 169 
 
 posse confidat, sed successioni destinet ; dcnique scientias, 
 
 non per arrogantiam in humani ingenii cellulis, sed sub- 
 
 misse in mundo majore quaerat. Vasta vero ut plurimum 
 
 solent esse, quae inania : solida contrahuntur maxime, et in 
 
 parvo sita sunt. Postremo etiam petenclum videtur (ne forte 
 
 quis rei ipsius periculo nobis iniquus esse velit) ut videant 
 
 homines, quatcnus ex eo quod nobis asserere necesse sit (si 
 
 modo nobis ipsi constare velimus) de his nostris opinandi 
 
 aut sententiam ferendi sibi jus permissum putent : quum 
 
 nos omnem istam rationem humanam praematuram, antici- 
 
 pantem, et a rebus temere et citius quam oportuit abstractam, 
 
 (quatenus ad inquisitionem naturae) ut rem va- 
 
 riam et perturbatam et male extructam 
 
 rejiciamus. Neque postulandum est 
 
 ut ejus judicio stetur, quae ipsa 
 
 in judicium vocatur.
 
 DISTRIBUTIO 
 O PERIS. 
 
 Ejus constituuntur Paries sex. 
 
 Prima ; Partitiones Scientiarum. 
 
 Secunda ; Novum Organum, sive Indicia de Interpretations 
 
 Naturae. 
 Tertia ; Phaenomena Universi, sive Historia Naturalis et 
 
 Experimentalis ad condendam Philosophiam. 
 Ouarta ; Scala Intellectus. 
 
 Qu'nta ; Prodromi, sive Anticipationes Philosophiae Secnndae. 
 Sexta ; Philosophic*, Secunda, sive Scientia Activa. 
 
 Singularum A rgumenta. 
 
 PARS autem instituti nostri est, ut omnia, quantum fieri potest, 
 aperte et perspicue proponantur. Nuditas enim animi, ut olim 
 corporis, innocentiae et simplicitatis comes est. Patcat itaque 
 primo ordo operis atquc ratio ejus. Partes operis a nobis 
 constituuntur sex. 
 
 Prima pars exhibet scientiae ejus sive doctrinac in cujus 
 possessione humanum genus hactenus versatur Summam, sive 
 descriptionem univcrsalem. Visum cnim est nobis etiam in 
 iis quae rccepta sunt nonnullam facere moram : eo nimirum 
 consilio, ut facilius et veteribus perfectio et novis aditus detur. 
 Pari enim fere studio fcrimur et ad vetera excolenda et ad 
 ultcriora assequenda. Pertinet etiam hoc ad faciendam fidem: 
 juxta illud, Non accipit indoctus verba scientiae, nisi prius ea 
 dixeris qnac 1'crsantnr in corde ejns. Itaque scientiarum atque 
 artium rcceptarum oras legere, necnon utilia quaedam in illas 
 importare. tanquam in transitu, non negligemus.
 
 DISTRIBUTIO O PERIS. 171 
 
 Partitiones tamen Scientiarum adhibemus eas, quae non 
 tantum jam inventa et nota, scd hactenus omissa et debita, 
 complectantur. Etenim inveniuntur in globo intellectuali, 
 quemadmodum in terrestri, et culta pariter et deserta. Itaque 
 nil mirum videri debet, si a divisionibus usitatis quandoque 
 recedamus. Adjectio enim, dum totum variat, etiam partes 
 earumque sectiones necessario variat : receptae autem divi- 
 siones receptae summae scientiarum, qualis nunc est, tantum 
 competunt. 
 
 Circa ea vero quae ceu omissa notabimus, ita nos geremus, 
 ut non leves tantum titulos et argumenta concisa eorum quae 
 desiderantur proponamus. Nam siquid inter omissa retuleri- 
 mus (modo sit dignioris subjecti) cujus ratio paulo videatur 
 obscurior, adeo ut merito suspicari possimus homines non 
 facile intellecturos quid nobis velimus aut quale sit illud opus 
 quod animo et cogitatione complectimur, perpetuo nobis curae 
 erit aut praecepta hujusmodi operis conficiendi aut etiam 
 partem operis ipsius jam a nobis confectam ad exemplum 
 totius subjungere; ut in singulis aut opera aut consilio 
 juvemus. Etenim etiam ad nostram existimationem, non 
 solum aliorum utilitatem, pertinere putavimus, ne quis arbi- 
 tretur levem aliquam de istiusmodi rebus notionem mentem 
 nostram perstrinxisse, atque esse ilia quae desideramus ac 
 prensamus tanquam votis similia. Ea vero talia sunt, quorum 
 et penes homines (nisi sibi ipsi desint) potestas plane sit, et 
 nos apud nosmet rationem quandam certam et explicatam 
 habearnus. Neque enim regiones metiri animo, ut augures, 
 auspiciorum causa : sed intrare, ut duces, promerendi studio, 
 
 suscepimus. 
 
 Atque haec prima operis pars cst. 
 
 Porro praetervecti artes veteres, intellectum humanum ad 
 trajiciendum instruemus. Destinatur itaque parti secundae, 
 doctrina de meliore et perfectiore usu rationis in rerum inqui- 
 sitione et de auxiliis veris intellectus : ut per hoc (quantum 
 conditio humanitatis ac mortalitatis patitur) exaltetur intel- 
 lectus, et facultate amplificetur ad naturae ardua et obscura 
 superanda. Atque est ea quam adducimus ars (quam In- 
 terpretalionem Naturae appellare consuevimus) ex genere 
 logicae; licet plurimum, atque adeo immensum quiddam,
 
 1 72 DISTRIBUTIO O PERIS. 
 
 intersit. Nam et ipsa ilia logica vulgaris auxilia et praesidia 
 intellectui moliri ac parare profitetur : ct in hoc vino consen- 
 tiunt. Differt autem plane a vulgar! rebus praecipuc tribus : 
 viz. ipso fine, ordine demonstrandi, et inquirendi initiis. 
 
 Nam huic nostrae scientiae finis proponitur, ut inveniantur 
 non argumenta sed artes, nee principiis consentanea sed ipsa 
 principia, nee rationes probabiles sed designationes et indica- 
 tiones Opcrum. Itaque ex intentione diversa diversus se- 
 quitur effcctus. Illic enim adversarius disputatione vincitur 
 et constringitur ; hie natura opere. 
 
 Atque cum hujusmodi fine conveniunt demonstrationum 
 ipsarum natura et ordo. In logica enim vulgari opera fere 
 universa circa Syllogismum consumitur. De Inductione vero 
 Dialectic! vix serio cogitasse videntur ; levi mentione earn 
 transmittentes, et ad disputandi formulas properantes. At 
 nos dcmonstrationem per syllogismum rejicimus, quod con- 
 fusius agat, et naturam emittat e manibus. Tametsi enim 
 nemini dubium esse possit quin, quae in mcdio termino 
 conveniunt, ea et inter se conveniant (quod est mathematicae 
 cujusdam certitudinis) : nihilominus hoc subest fraudis, quod 
 syllogismus ex propositionibus constet, propositiones ex ver- 
 bis, verba autem notionum tesserae et signa sint. Itaque si 
 notiones ipsae mentis (quae verborum quasi anima sunt, et 
 totius hujusmodi structurae ac fabricae basis) male ac temere 
 a rebus abstractae, et vagae, nee satis definitae et circum- 
 scriptae, denique multis modis vitiosae fuerint, omnia ruunt. 
 Rejicimus igitur syllogismum ; neque id solum quoad prin- 
 cipia (ad quae nee ill! cam adhibent) sed etiam quoad pro- 
 positiones meclias, quas educit sane atque parturit utcunque 
 syllogismus, sed operum steriles et a practica remotas et 
 plane quoad partem activam scientiarum incompetentes. 
 Ouamvis igitur relinquamus syllogismo et hujusmodi demon- 
 strationibus famosis ac jactatis jurisdictionem in artes popu- 
 lares ct opinabilcs (nil enim in hac parte movemus). tamen ad 
 naturam rcrum Inductione per omnia, et tarn ad minores pro- 
 positiones quam ad majores. utimur. Inductionetn enim cen- 
 scmus cam esse demonstrandi formam, quae sensum tuetur et 
 naturam prcmit et operibus imminet ac fere immiscetur. 
 
 Itaque ordo quoque demonstrandi plane invertitur. Adhuc
 
 DISTRIBUTIO O PERIS. 173 
 
 enim res ita geri consuevit ; ut a sensu et particularibus primo 
 loco ad maxime generalia advoletur, tanquam ad polos fixos 
 circa quos disputationes vertantur ; ab illis caetera per media 
 deriventur : via certe compendiaria, sed praecipiti, et ad 
 naturam impervia, ad disputationes vero proclivi ct accom- 
 modata. At secundum nos, axiomata continenter et gra- 
 datim excitantur, ut nonnisi postremo loco ad generalissima 
 veniatur : ea vero generalissima evadunt non notionalia, sed 
 bene terminata, et talia quae natura ut revera sibi notiora 
 agnoscat. quaeque rebus haereant in medullis. 
 
 At in forma ipsa quoque inductionis, et judicio quod per 
 earn fit, opus longe maximum movemus. Ea enim de qua 
 dialectic! loquuntur, quae procedit per enumerationem sim- 
 plicem, puerile quiddam est, et precario concludit, et periculo 
 ab instantia contradictoria exponitur, et consueta tantum 
 intuetur, nee exitum reperit. 
 
 Atqui opus est ad scientias inductionis forma tali, quae 
 experientiam solvat et separet, et per exclusiones ac rejec- 
 tiones debitas necessario concludat. Quod si judicium illud 
 vulgatum dialecticorum tarn operosum fuerit, et tanta ingenia 
 exercuerit ; quanto magis laborandum est in hoc altero, quod 
 non tantum ex mentis penetralibus, sed etiam ex naturae 
 visceribus extrahitur? 
 
 Neque tamen hie finis. Nam fundamenta quoque scientia- 
 rum fortius deprimimus et solidamus, atque initia inquirendi 
 altius sumimus, quam adhuc homines fecerunt : ea subjiciendo 
 examini, quae logica vulgaris tanquam fide aliena recipit. 
 Etenim dialectici principia scientiarum a scientiis singulis tan- 
 quam mutuo sumunt : rursus, notiones mentis primas vene- 
 rantur : postremo, informationibus immediatis sensus bene 
 dispositi acquiescunt. At nos logicam veram singulas scien- 
 tiarum provincias majore cum imperio quam penes ipsarum 
 principia sit debere ingredi decrevimus, atque ilia ipsa prin- 
 cipia putativa ad rationes reddendas compellere quousque 
 plane constent. Quod vero attinet ad notiones primas intel- 
 lectus; nihil est eorum quae intellectus sibi permissus congessit, 
 quin nobis pro suspecto sit, nee ullo modo ratum, nisi novo ju- 
 dicio se stiterit et secundum illud pronuntiatum fuerit. Quin- 
 etiam sensus ipsius informationes multis modis excutimus.
 
 174 DISTRIBUTIO OPERIS. 
 
 Sensus enim fallunt utique. sed et errores suos indicant : 
 verum errores praesto, indicia eorum longe petita sunt. 
 
 Duplex autem est sensus culpa : aut enim destituit nos aut 
 decipit. Nam primo, plurimae sunt res quae sensum etiam 
 recte dispositum nee ullo modo imped itum effugiunt ; aut 
 subtilitate totius corporis. aut partium minutiis, aut loci dis- 
 tantia, aut tarditate atque etiam velocitate motus, aut familia- 
 ritate objecti, aut alias ob causas. Neque rursus, ubi sensus 
 rem tenet, prehensiones ejus admodum firmae sunt. Nam 
 testimonium et informatio sensus semper est ex analogia 
 hominis. non ex analogia universt : atque magno prorsus 
 errore asseritur. sensum esse mcnsuram rerum. 
 
 Itaque ut his occurratur, nos multo et fido ministerio 
 auxilia sensui undique conquisivimus et contraximus, ut 
 destitutionibus substitutiones, variationibus rectificationes sup- 
 peditentur. Neque id molimur tarn instrumentis quam ex- 
 perimentis. Etenim experimentorum longe major est subtilitas 
 quam sensus ipsius. licet instrumentis exquisitis adjuti; (de iis 
 loquimur experimentis. quae ad intentionem ejus quod quae- 
 ritur perite et secundum artem excogitata et apposita sunt). 
 Itaque perccptioni sensus immediatae ac propriae non multum 
 tribuimus : sed eo rem deducimus, ut sensus tantum de expe- 
 rimento, cxperimentum de re judicet. Quare existimamus 
 nos sensus (a quo omnia in naturalibus petenda sunt, nisi forte 
 libeat insanire) antistites religiosos, ct oraculorurn ejus non 
 imperitos interpretes, nos praestitisse : ut alii professione qua- 
 darn, nos re ipsa, sensum tueri ac colere vidcamur. Atque 
 hujusrnodi sunt ea quae ad lumen ipsum naturae ej usque 
 acccnsioncm et immissionem paramus : quae per se sufficcre 
 posscnt, si intellectus humanus aequus ct instar tabulae 
 abrasac esset. Sed cum mcntes hominum miris modi's adeo 
 obscssae sint ut ad veros rerum radios excipicndos sinccra et 
 polita area prorsus desit, neccssitas quaedam incumbit ut 
 etiam huic rci remedium quaerendum essc putcmus. 
 
 Idola autcm a quibus occupatur mens, vel Adscititia sunt 
 vcl Innata. Adscititia vero immigrarunt in mcntes hominum, 
 vel ex philosophorum placitis et scctis vcl ex perversis Icgibus 
 demonstrationurn. At Innata inhaerent naturae ipsius intel- 
 lectus, qui ad crrorem longe proclivior esse deprehenditur
 
 DISTRIBUTIO O PERIS. 175 
 
 quam sensus. Utcunque enim homines sibi placeant et in 
 admirationem mentis humanae ac fere adorationem ruant, 
 illud certissimum est : sicut speculum inaequale rerum radios 
 ex figura et sectione propria immutat, ita et mentem, cum a 
 rebus per sensum patitur, in notionibus suis expediendis et 
 comminiscendis haud optima fide rerum naturae suam natu- 
 ram inserere et immiscere. 
 
 Atque priora ilia duo Idolorum genera aegre. postrema vero 
 haec nullo modo, evelli possunt. Id tantum relinquitur, ut 
 indicentur, atque ut vis ista mentis insidiatrix notetur et 
 convincatur ; ne forte a destructione veterum novi subinde 
 errorum surculi ex ipsa mala complexione mentis pullulent, 
 eoque res recidat, ut errores non extinguantur sed permu- 
 tentur ; verum e contra ut illud tandem in aeternum ratum 
 et fixum sit, intellectual nisi per inductionem ej usque formam 
 legitimam judicare non posse. Itaque doctrina ista de ex- 
 purgatione intellectus ut ipse ad veritatem habilis sit, tribus 
 redargutionibus absolvitur : redargutione philosophiarum, re- 
 dargutione demonstrationum, et redargutione rationis humanae 
 nativae. His vero explicatis, ac postquam demum patuerit 
 quid rerum natura, quid mentis natura ferat, existimamus nos 
 thalamum Mentis et Universi, pronuba divina bonitate, stra- 
 visse et ornasse. Epithalamii autem votum sit, ut ex eo con- 
 nubio auxilia humana et stirps inventorum quae necessitates 
 ac miserias hominum aliqua ex parte doment et subigant, 
 suscipiatur. Haec vero est operis pars secunda. 
 
 At vias non solum monstrare et munire, sed inire quoque 
 consilium est. Itaque tertia pars operis complectitur Phaeno- 
 mena Universi ; hoc est, omnigenam experientiam, atque his- 
 toriam naturalem ejus generis quae possit esse ad condendam 
 philosophiam fundamentalis. Neque enim excellens aliqua 
 demonstrandi via sive naturam interpretandi forma, ut men- 
 tem ab errore et lapsu defendere ac sustinere, ita ei materiam 
 ad sciendum praebere et subministrare possit. Verum iis 
 quibus non conjicere et hariolari, sed invenire et scire pro- 
 positum est, quique non simiolas et fabulas mundorum com- 
 minisci, sed hujus ipsius veri mundi naturam introspicere et 
 velut dissecare in ammo habent, omnia a rebus ipsis petenda
 
 176 DISTRIBUTIO OPER1S. 
 
 sunt. Neque huic labor! et inquisitioni ac mundanae peram- 
 bulationi ulla ingenii aut meditationis aut argumentationis 
 substitutio aut compensatio sufficere potest ; non si omnia 
 omnium ingenia coierint. Itaque aut hoc prorsus habendum, 
 aut negotium in perpetuum deserendum. Ad hunc vero 
 usque diem ita cum hominibus actum est, ut minime mirum 
 sit si natura sui copiam non faciat. 
 
 Nam primo, sensus ipsius informatio, et deserens et fallens ; 
 observatio, indiligens et inaequalis et tanquam fortuita ; tra- 
 ditio, vana et ex rumore ; practica, operi intcnta et servilis ; 
 vis experimentalis, caeca, stupida, vaga, et praerupta ; denique 
 historia naturalis, levis et inops, vitiosissimam materiam intel- 
 lectui ad philosophiam et scientias congesserunt. 
 
 Deinde, praepostera argumentandi subtilitas et vcntilatio 
 serum rebus plane desperatis tentatur remedium, nee negotium 
 ullo modo restituit aut errores separat. Itaque nulla spes 
 majoris augment! ac progressus sita est, nisi in restauratione 
 quadam scientiarum. 
 
 Hujus autem exordia omnino a naturali historia sumenda 
 sunt, eaque ipsa novi cujusdam generis et apparatus. Frustra 
 cnim fuerit speculum expolire, si desint imagines ; et plane 
 materia idonea praeparanda est intellectui, non solum praesidia 
 fida comparanda. Differt vero rursus historia nostra (quem- 
 admodum logica nostra) ab ea quae habetur, multis rebus : 
 fine sive officio, ipsa mole et congerie. dein subtilitate. etiam 
 delectu et constitutione in ordine ad ea quae sequuntur. 
 
 Primo cnim earn proponimus historiam naturalem. quae non 
 tarn aut rcrum varietate delectet aut praesenti experimentorum 
 fructu juvet, quam lucem invention i causarum affundat, et 
 philosophiae enutricandae primam mammam pracbeat. Licet 
 cnim opera atque activam scientiarum partem praecipue sc- 
 quamur, tamen messis tempus expectamus. nee museum et 
 segetcm hcrbidam clemetcrc conamur. Satis enim scimus. 
 axiomata recte inventa tota agmina operum secum trahere, 
 atque opera non sparsim sed confertim exhibere. Intem- 
 pestivum autem ilium ct puerilcm affectum, ut pignora aliqua 
 novorum operum propcrc captentur, prorsus damnamus et 
 amovcmus, ceu pomum Atalantae quod cursum rctardat. 
 Atque Historiae nostrae Naturalis officium tale est.
 
 DISTRIBUTIO OPERIS. 177 
 
 Quoad congeriem vero, conficimus historiam non solum 
 naturae liberae ac solutae (cum scilicet ilia sponte fluit et 
 opus suum peragit), qualis est historia coelestium, meteororum, 
 terrae et maris, mineralium, plantarum, animalium ; sed multo 
 magis naturae constrictae et vexatae ; nempe, cum per artem 
 et ministerium humanum de statu suo detruditur, atque pre- 
 mitur et fingitur. Itaque omnia artium mechanicarum, omnia 
 operativae partis liberalium, omnia practicarum complurium 
 quae in artem propriam non coaluerunt, experimenta (quantum 
 inquirere licuit et quantum ad finem nostrum faciunt) per- 
 scribimus. Quin etiam (ut quod res est eloquamur) fastum 
 hominum et speciosa nil morati, multo plus et operae et 
 praesidii in hac parte quam in ilia altera ponimus ; quando- 
 quidem natura rerum magis se prodit per vexationes artis 
 quam in libertate propria. 
 
 Neque Corporum tantum historiam exhibemus ; sed dili- 
 gentiae insuper nostrae esse putavimus. etiam Virtutum ipsarum 
 (illarum dicimus quae tanquam cardinales in natura censeri 
 possint, et in quibus naturae primordia plane constituuntur, 
 utpote materiae primis passionibus ac desideriis, viz. Denso, 
 Raro, Calido, Frigido, Consistently Fluido, Gravi, Levi, aliisque 
 haud paucis) historiam seorsum comparare. 
 
 Enimvero ut de subtilitate dicamus, plane conquirimus genus 
 experimentorum longe subtilius et simplicius quam sunt ea 
 quae occurrunt. Complura enim a tenebris educimus et erui- 
 mus, quae nulli in mentem venisset investigare. nisi qui certo 
 et constant! tramite ad inventionem causarum pergeret ; cum 
 in se nullius magnopere sint usus ; ut liquido appareat. ea non 
 propter se quaesita esse ; sed ita prorsus se habeant ilia ad res 
 et opera quemadmodum literae alphabet! se habeant ad ora- 
 tionem et verba ; quae, licet per se inutiles, eaedem tamen 
 omnis sermonis elementa sunt. 
 
 In delectu autem narrationum et experimentorum melius 
 homimbus cavisse nos arbitramur, quam qui adhuc in historia 
 naturali versati sunt. Nam omnia fide oculata aut saltern 
 perspecta, et summa quadam cum severitate. recipirnus ; ita 
 ut nil referatur auctum miraculi causa, sed quae narramus a 
 fabulis et vanitatc casta et intemerata sint. Quinetiam et 
 recepta quaeque ac jactata mendacia (quae mirabili quodam 
 
 N
 
 178 DISTRIBUTIO O PERIS. 
 
 neglectu per saecula multa obtinuerunt et inveterata sunt) 
 nominatim proscribimus et notamus ; ne scientiis amplius 
 molesta sint. Quod enim prudenter animadvertit quidam, 
 fabulas et superstitiones et nugas quas nutriculae pueris instil- 
 lant mentes eorum etiam serio depravare : ita eadem nos 
 movit ratio ut solliciti atque etiam anxii simus ne ab initio, 
 cum veluti infantiam philosophiae sub historia naturali tracte- 
 mus et curemus, ilia alicui vanitati assuescat. At in omni 
 experimento novo et paulo subtiliore, licet (ut nobis videtur) 
 certo ac probato, modum tamen experimenti quo usi sumus 
 aperte subjungimus; ut, postquam patefactum sit quomodo 
 singula nobis constiterint. videant homines quid erroris subesse 
 et adhaerere possit, atque ad probationes magis fidas et magis 
 exquisitas (si quae sint) expergiscantur : denique ubique mo- 
 nita et scrupulos et cautiones aspergimus, religione quadam et 
 tanquam exorcismo omnia phantasmata ejicientes ac cohibentes. 
 Postremo, cum nobis exploratum sit quantopere experientia 
 et historia aciem mentis humanae disgreget, et quam difficile 
 sit (praesertim animis vel teneris vel praeoccupatis) a principio 
 cum natura consuescere, adjungimus saepius observationes 
 nostras, tanquam primas quasdam conversiones et inclinationes 
 ac veluti aspectus historiae ad philosophiam ; ut et pignoris 
 loco hominibus sint eos in historiae fluctibus perpetuo non 
 detentos iri, utque cum ad opus intellectus deveniatur omnia 
 sint magis in procinctu. Atque per hujusmodi (qualem de- 
 scribimus) Historiam Naturalem, aditum quendam fieri posse 
 ad naturam tutum et commodum, atque materiam intellectui 
 praeberi probam et praeparatam. censemus. 
 
 Postquam vero et intellectum fidissimis auxiliis ac praesidiis 
 stipavimus, et justum divinorum operum exercitum severissimo 
 delectu comparavimus ; nil amplius superesse videtur, nisi ut 
 philosophiam ipsam aggrediamur. Attamen in re tarn ardua 
 et suspensa sunt quaedam quae necessario videntur inter- 
 ponenda ; partim docendi gratia, partim in usum praesentem. 
 
 Horum primum est. ut exempla proponantur inquirendi et 
 inveniendi secundum nostram rationem ac viam, in aliquibus 
 subjectis repraesentata : sumendo ea potissimum subjecta quae 
 et inter ea quae quaeruntur sunt nobilissima et inter se maxime
 
 DISTRIBUTIO OPERIS. 179 
 
 diversa ; ut in unoquoque genere exemplum non desit. Neque 
 de iis exemplis loquimur quae singulis praeceptis ac regulis 
 illustrandi gratia adjiciuntur (hoc enim in secunda parte operis 
 abunde praestitimus) ; sed plane typos intelligimus et plasmata, 
 quae universum mentis processum atque inveniendi continu- 
 atam fabricam et ordinem. in certis subjectis, iisque variis et 
 insignibus, tanquam sub oculos ponant. Etenim nobis in 
 mentem venit, in mathematicis, astante machina, sequi demon- 
 strationem facilem et perspicuam ; contra, absque hac com- 
 moditate, omnia videri involuta et, quam revera sunt, subtiliora. 
 Itaque hujusmodi exemplis quartam partem nostri operis at- 
 tribuimus : quae revera nil aliud est, quam secundae partis 
 applicatio particularis et explicata. 
 
 At quinta pars ad tempus tantum, donee reliqua perfician- 
 tur, adhibetur ; et tanquam foenus redditur, usque dum sors 
 haberi possit. Neque enim finem nostrum ita petimus oc- 
 caecati, ut quae occurrunt in via utilia negligamus. Quam- 
 obrem quintam partem operis ex iis conficimus quae a nobis 
 aut inventa aut probata aut addita sunt ; neque id tamen ex 
 rationibus atque praescriptis interpretandi. sed ex eodem intel- 
 lectus usu quern alii in inquirendo et inveniendo adhibere 
 consueverunt. Etenim cum, ex perpetua nostra cum natura 
 consuetudine, majora de meditationibus nostris quam pro in- 
 genii viribus speramus ; turn poterunt ista veluti tabernaculorum 
 in via positorum vice fungi, ut mens ad certiora contendens in 
 iis paulisper acquiescat. Attamen testamur interim, nos illis 
 ipsis, quod ex vera interpretandi forma non sint inventa aut 
 probata, teneri minime velle. Istam vero judicii suspensionem 
 non est quod exhorreat quispiam, in doctrina quae non sim- 
 pltciter nil sciri posse, sed nil nisi certo ordine et certa via 
 sciri posse, asserit ; atque interea tamen certos certitudinis 
 gradus ad usum et levamen constituit, donee mens in causarum 
 explicatione consistat. Neque enim illae ipsae scholae phi- 
 losophorum qui Acatalcpsiam simpliciter tenuerunt inferiores 
 fuere istis quae pronuntiandi licentiam usurparunt. Illae 
 tamen sensui et intellectui auxilia non paraverunt, quod nos 
 fecimus, sed fidem et authoritatem plane sustulerunt; quod 
 longe alia res est, et fere opposita. 
 
 N 2
 
 180 DISTRIBUT10 PERIS, 
 
 Sexta tandem pars operis nostri (cui reliquae inserviunt ac 
 ministrant) earn demum recludit et proponit philosophiam, 
 quae ex hujusmodi (qualem ante docuimus et paravimus) in- 
 quisitione legitima et casta et severa educitur et constituitur. 
 Hanc vero postremam partem perficere et ad exitum per- 
 ducere, res est et supra vires et ultra spes nostras collocata. 
 Nos ei initia (ut speramus) non contemnenda, exitum generis 
 human! fortuna dabit, qualem forte homines in hoc rerum 
 et animorum statu hand facile animo capere aut metiri queant. 
 Neque enim agitur solum foelicitas contemplativa, sed vere 
 res humanae et fortunae, atque omnis operum potentia. Homo 
 enim naturae minister et interpres tantum facit et intelligit, 
 quantum de naturae ordine, opere vel mente, observaverit : 
 nee amplius scit. aut potest. Neque enim ullae vires causarum 
 catenam solvere aut perfringere possint ; neque natura aliter 
 quam parendo vincitur. Itaque mtentiones geminae illae. 
 humanae scilicet Scientiac et Potentiae, vere in idem coincidunt ; 
 et frustratio operum maxime fit ex ignoratione causarum. 
 
 Atque in eo sunt omnia, siquis oculos mentis a rebus ipsis 
 nunquam dejiciens earum imagines plane ut sunt excipiat. 
 Neque enim hoc siverit Deus, ut phantasiae nostrae somnium 
 pro exemplari mundi edamus : sed potius benigne faveat. ut 
 apocalypsim ac veram visionem vestigiorum et sigillorum 
 creatoris super creaturas scribamus. 
 
 Itaque Tu Pater, qui lucem visibilem primitias creaturae 
 
 dedisti. et lucem intellectualem ad fastigium operum tuorum 
 
 in facicm hominis inspirasti ; opus hoc, quod a ttia bonitate 
 
 profectum tuam gloriam repetit. tuere et rege. Tu postquam 
 
 conversus es ad spectandum opera quae fecerunt manus 
 
 tuae, vidisti quod omnia essent bona valde ; et requievisti. 
 
 At homo, conversus ad opera quae fecerunt manus suae. 
 
 vidit quod omnia essent vanitas et vexatio spiritus ; nee 
 
 ullo modo requicvit. Ouare si in operibus tuis sudabi- 
 
 mus. facies nos visionis tuae et sabbati tui participcs. Sup- 
 
 plices petimus, ut hacc mens nobis constct ; utquc 
 
 novis eleemosynis. per manus nostras ct 
 
 aliorum quibus candcm mcntcm 
 
 largicris. familiam huma- 
 
 nam dotatam veli.s.
 
 DEEST PARS PRIMA 
 
 INSTAURATIONIS, 
 
 QUAE COMPLECTITUR 
 
 PARTITIONES SCIENTIARUM. 
 
 Illae tamen ex Secundo Libro de Progres- 
 
 sibus faciendis in Doctrina Di- 
 
 vina et Humana, nonmd- 
 
 la ex parte,peti 
 
 possunt. 
 
 SEQUITUR SECUNDA PARS 
 
 INSTAURATIONIS, 
 
 QUAE ARTEM IP SAM 
 
 Interpretandi Naturam, et verioris adoperatio- 
 
 nis Intellectus cxJiibet: neque cam ipsam 
 
 tamen in Corpore tractatusjusti, 
 
 scd tantuin digestam per 
 
 summas. in ApJw- 
 
 rismos.
 
 PARS SECUNDA OPERIS, 
 
 QUAE DICITUR 
 
 N O V U M O R G A N U M. 
 
 SIVE 
 
 INDICIA VERA 
 
 DE INTERPRET ATIONE 
 NATURAE.
 
 PRAEFATIO. 
 
 Qui de natura, tanquam de re explorata, pronuntiare ausi 
 sunt, sive hoc ex animi fiducia fecerint sive ambitiose et 
 more professorio, maximis illi philosophiam et scientias 
 detrimentis affecere. Ut enim ad fidem faciendam validi. 
 ita etiam ad inquisitionem extinguendam et abrumpendam 
 efficaces fuerunt. Neque virtute propfia tantum profuerunt, 
 quantum in hoc nocuerunt, .quod aliorum virtutem corruperint 
 et perdiderint. Qui autem contrariam huic viam ingressi 
 sunt atque nihil prorsus sciri posse asseruerunt, sive ex 
 sophistarum veterum odio sive ex animi fluctuatione aut 
 etiam ex quadarrrdoctrinae copia in hanc opinionem delapsi 
 sint, certe non contemnendas ejus rationes adduxerunt ; 
 veruntamen nee a veris initiis sententiam suam derivarunt, 
 et, studio quodam atque affectatione provecti, prorsus modum 
 excesserunt. At antiquiores ex Graecis (quorum scripta 
 perierunt) inter pronuntiandi jactantiam et Acatalepsiae de- 
 sperationem prudentius se sustinuerunt : atque de inquisitionis 
 difficultate et rerum obscuritate saepius querimonias et in- 
 dignationes miscentes, et veluti fraenum mordentes, tamen 
 propositum urgere atque naturae se immiscere non destit- 
 erunt ; consentaneum (ut videtur) existimantes, hoc ipsum 
 (videlicet utrum aliquid sciri possit) non disputare, sed 
 expend. Et tamen illi ipsi, impetu tantum intellectus usi, 
 regulam non adhibuerunt, sed omnia in acri meditatione et 
 mentis volutatione et agitatione perpetua posuerunt. 
 
 Nostra autem ratio, ut opere ardua, ita dictu facilis est. 
 Ea enim est, ut certitudinis gradus constituamus. sensum 
 per reductionem quandam tueamur, sed mentis opus quod 
 sensum subsequitur plerunque rejiciamus ; novam autem et 
 certam viam, ab ipsis sensuum perceptionibus, menti aperi- 
 amus et muniamus. Atque hoc proculdubio viderunt et illi 
 qui tantas dialecticae partes tribuerunt. Ex quo liquet, illos 
 intellectui adminicula quaesivisse, mentis autem processum 
 nativum et sponte moventem suspectum habuisse. Sed 
 serum plane rebus perditis hoc adhibetur remedium ; post- 
 quam mens, ex quotidiana vitae consuetudine, et auditionibus 
 et doctrinis inquinatis occupata, et vanissimis idolis cbsessa
 
 l86 PRAEFATIO. 
 
 fuerit. Itaque ars ilia dialecticae, sero (ut diximus) cavens, 
 neque rem ullo modo restituens, ad errores potius figendos 
 quam ad veritatem aperiendam valuit. Restat unica salus 
 ac sanitas, ut opus mentis universum de integro resumatur ; 
 ac mens, jam ab ipso principle, nullo modo sibi permittatur, 
 sed perpetuo regatur ; ac res veluti per machinas conficiatur. 
 Sane si homines opera mechanica nudis manibus, absque 
 instrumentorum vi et ope, aggressi essent, quemadmodum 
 opera intellectualia nudis fere mentis viribus tractare non 
 dubitarunt, parvae admodum fuissent res quas movere et 
 vincere potuissent, licet operas enixas atque etiam conjunctas 
 praestitissent. Atque si paulisper morari, atque in hoc ipsum 
 exemplum, veluti in speculum, intueri velimus ; exquiramus 
 (si placet) si forte obeliscus aliquis magnitudine insignis ad 
 triumphi vel hujusmodi magnificentiae decus transferendus 
 esset, atque id homines nudis manibus aggrederentur, annon 
 hoc magnae cujusdam esse dementiae spectator quispiam rei 
 sobrius fateretur? Quod si numerum augerent operariorum, 
 atque hoc modo se valere posse confiderent, annon tanto 
 mngis? Sin autem delectum quendam adhibere vellent. atque 
 imbecilliores separare, et robustis tantum et vigentibus uti. 
 atque hinc saltern se voti compotes fore sperarent, annon 
 adhuc eos impensius delirare diceret ? Ouin etiam si hoc ipso 
 non content!, artem tandem athleticam consulere statuerent, 
 ac omnes deinceps manibus et lacertis et nervis ex arte bene 
 unctis et medicatis adesse juberent, annon prorsus eos dare 
 operam ut cum ratione quadam et prudentia insanirent 
 clamaret? Atque homines tamen simili malesano impetu 
 et conspiratione inutili feruntur in intellectual ibus ; dum ab 
 ingeniorum vel multitudine et consensu vel excellentia et 
 acumine magna sperant, aut etiam dialectica (quae quaedam 
 athletica censeri possit) mentis nervos roborant ; sed interim, 
 licet tanto studio et conatu, (si quis vere judicaverit) intel- 
 lectum nudum applicare non desinunt. Manifestissimum 
 autem est, in omni opere magno, quod manus hominis prae- 
 stat, sine instruments et machinis vires nee singulorum 
 intendi nee omnium coire posse. 
 
 Itaque ex his quae diximus praemissis, statuimus duas esse 
 res de quibus homines plane monitos volumus, ne forte illae
 
 PRAEFATIO. 187 
 
 eos fugiant aut praetereant. Quarum prima hujusmodi est ; 
 fieri fato quodam (ut existimamus) bono, ad extinguendas 
 et depellendas contradictiones et tumores animorum, ut et 
 veteribus honor et reverentia intacta et imminuta maneant, 
 et nos destinata perficere et tamen modestiae nostrae fructum 
 percipere possimus. Nam nos, si profiteamur nos meliora 
 afferre quam antiqui, eandem quam illi viam ingressi, nulla 
 verborum arte efficere possimus, quin inducatur quaedam 
 ingenii vel excellentiae vel facultatis comparatio sive con- 
 tentio ; non ea quidem illicita aut nova ; quidni enim 
 possimus pro jure nostro (neque eo ipso alio, quam omnium), 
 si quid apud eos non recte inventum aut positum sit, repre- 
 hendere aut notare ? sed tamen utcunque justa aut permissa, 
 nihilominus impar fortasse fuisset ea ipsa contentio, ob virium 
 nostrarum modum. Verum quum per nos illud agatur, ut 
 alia omnino via intellectui aperiatur illis intentata et incognita, 
 commutata jam ratio est ; cessant studium et partes ; nosque 
 indicis tantummodo personam sustinemus, quod mediocris 
 certe est authoritatis, et fortunae cujusdam potius quam 
 facultatis et excellentiae. Atque haec moniti species ad 
 personas pertinet : altera ad res ipsas. 
 
 Nos siquidem de deturbanda ea quae nunc floret philoso- 
 phia, aut si quae alia sit aut erit hac emendatior aut auctior, 
 minime laboramus. Neque enim officimus, quin philosophia 
 ista recepta, et aliae id genus, disputationes alant, sermones 
 ornent, ad professoria munera et vitae civilis compendia 
 adhibeantur et valeant. Quin etiam aperte significamus et 
 declaramus, earn quam nos adducimus philosophiam ad istas 
 res admodum utilem non futuram. Non praesto est, neque 
 in transitu capitur, neque ex praenotionibus intellectui bland- 
 itur, neque ad vulgi captum nisi per utilitatem et efifecta 
 descendet. 
 
 Sint itaque (quod foelix faustumque sit utrique parti) duae 
 doctrinarum emanationes, ac duae dispensationes ; duae simi- 
 liter contemplantium sive philosophantium tribus ac veluti 
 cognationes ; atque illae neutiquam inter se inimicae aut 
 alienae, sed foederatae et mutuis auxiliis devinctae : sit 
 denique alia scientias colendi, alia inveniendi ratio. Atque 
 quibus prima potior et acceptior est, ob festinationem, vel
 
 1 88 PRAEFATIO. 
 
 vitae civilis rationes. vel quod illam alteram ob mentis in- 
 firmitatem capere et complecti non possint (id quod longe 
 plurimis accidere necesse est), optamus ut iis foeliciter et ex 
 voto succedat quod agunt, atque ut quod sequuntur teneant. 
 Quod si cui mortalium cordi et curae sit, non tantum inventis 
 haerere atque iis uti, sed ad ulteriora penetrare ; atque non 
 disputando adversarium, sed opere naturam vincere ; denique, 
 non belle et probabiliter opinari, sed certo et ostensive scire ; 
 tales, tanquam veri scientiarum filii, nobis (si videbitur) se 
 adjungant; ut, omissis naturae atriis, quae infiniti contriverunt, 
 aditus aliquando ad interiora patefiat. Atque ut melius 
 intelligamur, utque illud ipsum quod volumus ex nominibus 
 impositis magis familiariter occurrat, altera ratio sive via 
 Anticipatio Mentis^ altera Interpretatio Naturae^ a nobis ap- 
 pellari consuevit. 
 
 Est etiam quod petendum videtur. Nos certe cogitationem 
 suscepimus et curam adhibuimus. ut quae a nobis proponentur 
 non tantum vera essent, sed etiam ad animos hominum (licet 
 miris modis occupatos et interclusos) non incommode aut 
 aspere accederent. Veruntamen aequum est, ut ab hominibus 
 impetremus (in tanta praesertim doctrinarum et scientiarum 
 restauratione) ut qui de hisce nostris aliquid, sive ex sensu 
 proprio, sive ex authoritatum turba, sive ex demonstrationum 
 formis (quae nunc tanquam leges quaedam judiciales inva- 
 luerunt), statuere aut existimare velit, ne id in transitu et velut 
 aliud agendo facere se posse speret ; sed ut rem pernoscat ; 
 nostram, quam describimus et munimus, viam ipse paullatim 
 tentet ; subtilitati rerum quae in experientia signata est as- 
 suescat ; pravos denique atque alte haerentes men- 
 tis habitus tempestiva et quasi legitima mo- 
 ra corrigat ; atque turn demum (si placue- 
 rit ), postquam in potestate sua esse coe- 
 perit, judicio suo utatur. 
 
 SEQUITUR 
 
 PARTIS SECUNDAE SUMMA, 
 
 DIGESTA 
 
 IN APHORISMOS.
 
 PARTIS SECUNDAE 
 
 SUMMA, 
 
 DIGESTA 
 
 IN 
 
 APHORISMOS.
 
 SUMMARY OF BOOK I. 
 
 THE First Book of the Novum Organum, which was designed to be a 
 sort of introduction to the whole work, is called in the Partis Secundae 
 Delineatio (Ellis and Spedding, vol. iii. p. 552) 'pars praeparans,' in 
 opposition to the ' pars informans,' which was to be comprised in the 
 remaining books. The following brief account of its contents may be 
 of service to the reader. Aphs. 1-31 consist of certain preliminary remarks, 
 chiefly on the futility of the methods of enquiry at present in use and 
 the necessity of a more faithful study of Nature. In Aphs. 32-37, Bacon 
 makes a kind of apology for the introduction of a new method. Aphs. 
 38-70 contain the doctrine of the Idola, to which he justly attaches the 
 utmost importance. ' Primo enim mentis area aequanda, et liberanda 
 ab eis quae hactenus recepta sunt.' (Partis Secundae Delineatio, Eilis 
 and Spedding, vol. iii. p. 548.) Then follow the signs, five in number, of 
 the weakness and inutility of preceding philosophies (Aphs. 71-77). These 
 are followed by the causes, fifteen in number, of so long continuance in 
 error (Aphs. 78-92). In the middle of Aphorism 92, he passes on to 
 the Grounds of Hope in the future progress of Science. These are 
 twenty-one, and occupy Aphs. 92-1 15. The next three Aphorisms contain 
 three cautions or warnings. Aphs. 119-121 contain three apologies. Then 
 follow the answers to four possible objections (Aphs. 122-126). The next 
 Aphorism is of great importance, as vindicating for the application of his 
 method not only the field of natural, but also that of moral and mental 
 science. The remainder of the Book (Aphs. 128-130) consists of certain 
 miscellaneous remarks, forming the transition to Book ii.
 
 APHORISMI 
 
 DE INTERPRETATIONE 
 
 NATURAE 
 
 ET REGNO HOMINIS. 
 
 APHORISMUS. 
 I. 
 
 HOMO, naturae minister et interpres, tantum facit et intelligit 
 quantum de naturae ordine re vel mente observaverit : nee 
 amplius scit, aut potest l . 
 
 1 ' Man, the servant and interpreter of Nature, does and understands just 
 so much as he has discerned concerning the order of nature by observation 
 or reflexion (or by the observation of things or of himself) : nor does 
 he know more, or can he do more.' 
 
 The precise meaning of the words re vel mente observaverit is not clear. 
 The distinction intended may be either, as I am inclined to think is the 
 case, between the observation of facts and the subsequent process of medi- 
 tation or reflexion on such observation, or between the observation of the 
 external world and that of our own minds, external and internal perception, 
 as they have been called. According to either interpretation, the passage 
 will remind the reader of the main positions in Locke's Essay, to which 
 it might well serve as a motto. Though the precise meaning of the words 
 is obscure, the purport of the Aphorism is plain. Man, if he would learn 
 or do anything, must carefully watch the processes of Nature, must register 
 and interpret her phenomena. This is his only way either to knowledge 
 or power. 
 
 The same sentence, with a slight variation, occurs towards the end of 
 the Distributio Operis. Its connexion in that place with the preceding 
 and succeeding sentences is worthy of notice. ' Neque enim agitur solum 
 feiicitas contemplativa, sed vere res humanae et fortunae, atque omnis 
 operum potentia. Homo enim naturae minister et interpres tantum 
 facit et intelligit, quantum de naturae ordine, opere vel mente, observaverit ;
 
 192 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 II. 
 
 Nee manus nuda, nee intellectus sibi permissus, multum 
 valet ; instrumentis et auxiliis res perficitur ; quibus opus 
 est, non minus ad intellectum, quam ad manum. Atque ut 
 instrumenta manus motum aut cient aut regunt ; ita et in- 
 strumenta mentis intellectui aut suggerunt aut cavent. 
 
 III. 
 
 Scientia et potentia humana in idem coincidunt 2 , quia 
 ignoratio causae destituit effectum. Natura enim non nisi 
 
 o 
 
 parendo vincitur 3 : et quod in contemplatione instar causae 
 est, id in operatione instar regulae est. 
 
 IV. 
 
 Ad opera nil aliud potest homo, quam ut corpora natu- 
 ralia admoveat et amoveat : reliqua natura intus transigit 4 . 
 
 nee amplius scit, aut potest. Neque enim ullae vires causarum catenam 
 solvere aut perfringere possint, neque natura aliter quam parendo vincitur.' 
 
 Mr. Bywater has pointed out to me a passage in Galen (ed. Ktihn. 
 Tom. xv. p. 309) shewing that the expression ' minister naturae ' was used 
 by Hippocrates, who called the true physician rrjs (frvcrfais v^pe'r^f. 
 
 ' 2 The same thought is often briefly expressed in English under the 
 form : ' Knowledge is Power.' (Cp. Hobbes, De Homine, cap. x : 
 ' Scientia potentia est, sed parva ; quia scientia egregia rara est, nee 
 proinde apparens nisi paucissimis, et in paucis rebus.') It may be re- 
 marked that Power always implies Knowledge, but Knowledge does not 
 always give power. To do a thing, we must know how to do it, but there 
 are some departments of knowledge which, however interesting in them- 
 selves or valuable as instruments of mental discipline, do not appear to 
 increase our power over Nature. 
 
 Bacon seldom loses any opportunity of insisting on the practical ap- 
 plications of science. Professor Playfair truly remarks that the want of 
 connexion between the sciences and arts was one of the principal defects 
 which Bacon deplored in the philosophy of his time. 
 
 :i We must patiently observe Nature, if we wish to acquire any control 
 over her operations. Our ' rules ' are merely copies and adaptations of 
 the ' causes ' which we see at work in the external world. The same 
 sentence, slightly altered, is repeated in Aphorism 129. See note on it in 
 that place. 
 
 4 We cannot create ; we can only combine or separate bodies already 
 existing. 'In Art,' says Playfair, 'man does nothing more than bring 
 things nearer to one another, or carry them farther off; the rest is 
 performed by Nature, and on most occasions by means of which we are 
 quite ignorant.'
 
 LIB, I. 26. 193 
 
 V. 
 
 Solent se immiscere naturae (quoad opera 5 ) mechanicus, 
 mathematicus, medicus, alchemista, et magus ; sed omnes (ut 
 nunc sunt res) conatu levi, successu tenui G . 
 
 VI. 
 Insanum quiddam esset, et in se contrarium, existimare ea, 
 
 5 So far as concerns the active or operative part of knowledge, that is to 
 say, Art as distinguished from Science. 
 
 6 Dr. Kitchin has the following note: 'As to the Mechanician, the 
 Mathematician and the Physician, Bacon's remarks were being falsified at 
 the very time he wrote. Mechanics had produced fly-clocks, telescopes, 
 and other useful contrivances. Mathematics boasted of Kepler and Galileo ; 
 and the discoveries of Harvey and Gilbert were opening out a new world 
 for Medical research. But Bacon could scarcely have discerned all this, 
 and his jealousy' (or, as I should rather say, distrust) 'of his contem- 
 poraries (cp. I. 54) would scarcely have allowed him to acknowledge 
 their worth. Besides this he was utterly ignorant of Mathematics (see 
 Hallam, Lit. Eur. vol. II. iii. 3. 78). Alchemy was certainly thoroughly 
 empirical and faulty : for " at this time Chemistry seemed to have an 
 elective attraction for everything that was absurd and unfounded." (Play- 
 fair.) And Magic, which still exerted great influence, was as bad. Sir 
 T. Browne, Rel. Med. i. 31, gives some account of it; which is worth 
 consulting, as it gives the views of a physician and contemporary of 
 Bacon. Cp. also De Augm. Sc. iii. 5, and Adv. of Learning, Bk. ii.' 
 
 In Aph. 85, Bacon distinguishes between Natural and Superstitious 
 Magic. Natural Magic is treated in the De Augmentis, lib. iii. cap. 5, as 
 supplementary to the Inquisition of Forms, and vindicated, when dis- 
 tinguished from the ' false and ignoble kind,' as a legitimate branch of 
 enquiry. 'Si igitur desiderari earn partem Metaphysicae quae de Formis 
 agit posuimus, sequitur ut Naturalis etiam Magta, quae ad earn est relativa, 
 similiter desideretur. Verum hoc loco postulandum videtur, ut vocabulum 
 istud Magzae, in deteriorem partem jampridem acceptum, antiquo et 
 honorifico sensui restituatur. Etenim Magia apud Persas pro sapientia 
 sublimi, et scientia consensuum rerum universalium, accipiebatur ; atque 
 etiam tres illi reges, qui ab Oriente ad Christum adorandum venerunt, 
 Magorum nomine vocabantur. Nos vero earn illo in scnsu intelligimus, 
 ut sit scientia quae cognitionem Formarum Abditarum ad opera ad- 
 miranda deducat ; atque, quod dici solet, acti-va aim passivis conjungendo 
 magnalia naturae manifested' 
 
 The substance of this Aphorism, greatly expanded, occupies the two 
 first paragraphs of the Cogitata et Visa. These paragraphs are too long 
 to be extracted, but they may be read by the student with advantage. 
 See also Filum Labyrinth! sive Formula Inquisitionis, ad init. (E. and S., 
 vol. iii. pp. 496, 497). 
 
 O
 
 194 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 quae adhuc nunquam facta sunt, fieri posse, nisi per modos 
 adhuc nunquam tentatos. 
 
 VII. 
 
 Generationes mentis et manus numerosae admodura viden- 
 tur in libris et opificiis. Sed omnis ista varietas sita est in 
 subtilitate eximia, et derivationibus paucarum rerum, quae 
 innotuerunt ; non in numero axiomatum 7 . 
 
 7 The^wOTd_Axioma^is used by Bacon of any general proposition. In 
 Aphorism 103, Axiomata are contrasted with 'Opera' and 'particularia.' 
 In Aphorism 104, he speaks of ' axiomata generalissima ' ('quaiia sunt 
 principia, quae vocant, artium et rerum'), 'axiomata media,' and 
 'axiomata minora' or 'infima.' Of the last class he says, ' Etenim 
 axiomata infima non multum ab experientia nuda discrepant.' 
 
 In the works of Aristotle, the word u^ia>/j.a, even when confined to its 
 
 logical sense, is employed in no less than three significations. Sometimes 
 
 (I) it is used for any proposition whatever, as, for instance, in Topics, ix. or 
 
 *--w->N^A_^^xJ~N^ 1 ^_^^'S ta ^-t^'N^ . ^^_^_^ 7 
 
 Soph. EL, 24 (ed. Bekker, p. 179 b. 12-15) : ourr; 8' OVK farm, av TLS p) tVt 
 rov flSfvai dA\' f'n\ TOV elvai rj TTU>S e^etv TO avro di'coua XafJL&dvrj, oiov el o8e 
 earl TTciTi]p, eaTi de <rdj. Cp. Topics, viii. I (p. 156 a. 23), viii. 3 (p. I59~a. 
 
 (2,) 4, 5). Secondly, Aristotle shews that he is aware of the signification in 
 which the term_ was ern^l^edj3vj]3j^i^j^ajiciaTis, who then, as now, desig- 
 nated the first principles of their science as 'axioms.' AcKTtov 8e iroTepov 
 puts ij fTepas fni<TTf]fir)s irepi re TU>V tv TOLS fj.adrjfJLaari KaXovnevuv a ico/.tarcoi' /cat 
 Ttfpl rrjs oiauis. Metaphysics, iii. 3 (1005 a. 19-21). Cp. Post. An. i. 10. 
 
 OJ) Lastly, he employs the term in a peculiarly technical sense of his own, to 
 designate those ultimate jDrinciples o_r asjSjomptKms which are necessary 
 not to the knowledge of this or that particular science but to^ajv^Jknow- 
 ledg^e jvhjit^^ever. In this sense, o^tco/xara are contrasted with deo-eis, the 
 first principles of this or that particular science. 'AyueVou 8' <'px'l y o-i^XAo- 
 yii7TLKi]s Qfffiv nei> \eyu> fji> JJLI} ecrri Sei^at, fjit']^ dvdyKr) fX SLV T " v ^ a 6 r jO'"^v<jv 
 TI' T]V 8' dvdyKr) e^fLV TOV OTLOVV p.ndrjcrop.evoi', d^i'co/ua' eVrt yup ei'ia T< Ltiira' 
 TOVTO "yap ii.<.'ihicrT eni Tins TOIOVTOIS eiatdiip.fi' ovop.a \eyeiv. An. Post. i. 2 
 (p. 72 a. 14-18). Cp. i. 10. As an example of 'Axioms' in this sense 
 may be adduced the ' Law of Contradiction,' which Aristotle describes 
 (Metaphysics, iii. 3, p. 1005 b. 33, 34! as c/u'cm dp^ij KU\ TWV a\\u>v 
 diwp.('iTa>i> -navTuv. The Mathematical Axioms arc analogous to the 
 Logical Axioms, inasmuch as they are common to all those branches of 
 knowledge which Aristotle included within the sphere of 7roSeiKTno}. 
 
 Some logicians, especially those of the school of Ramus, use the word 
 Axioma as the ejruiva^ejTt^f^T^roj;)^^ Thus Milton (Ars 
 
 Logica, li!) ii. cap. 2) defines and defends this use of the word as follows : 
 'Axioma est dispositio argumcnti cum argumento 1 , qua esse aliquid aut 
 non cssc indicatur. Axioma sacpe Aristoteli significat propositionem sive 
 
 1 'Argumentum autcm cum argumento est id qucd arguit cum eo <|uod arguitur.'
 
 LIB. L 78. 195 
 
 VIII. 
 
 Etiam opera, quae jam inventa sunt. casui debentur ct 
 experientiae 8 , magis quam scientiis : scientiae enim, quas 
 nunc habemus, nihil aliud sunt quam quaedam concinna- 
 tiones rerum antea inventarum ; non modi inveniendi, aut 
 designationes novorum operum. 
 
 sententiam ita claram, ut quasi digna sit cui propter se fides habeatur. 
 Alias axioma et propositionem sive sententiam quamlibet pro eodem is 
 habet : et recte quidem : ut enim sententia a sentio, i. e. existimo vel 
 arbitror, ita axioma a verbo Graeco quod idem significat, derivatur. 
 Atque hujus vocis generalem hanc significationem apud veteres Dialecticos 
 receptam fuisse, ex Cicerone, Plutarcho, Laertio, Gellio, Galeno lib. xvi. 
 c. 8 etc. constat.' Cicero, following the Stoics, appears invariably to use 
 the word in this sense. 'Nempe fundamentum dialecticae est, quidquid 
 enuntietur (id autem appellant dua//a, quod est quasi effatum) aut verum 
 esse aut falsum.' Acad. II. 29. 'Omne pronuntiatum (sic enim mihi in 
 praesentia occurrit, ut appellarem a^t'co/xa ; utar post alio, si invenero 
 melius) id ergo est pronuntiatum, quod est verum aut falsum.' Tusc. i. 7. 
 Bacon's usage of the word seems to differ from this only in restricting it 
 to general propositions, that is, in excluding the ' axioma particulare ' and 
 the ' axioma proprium ' of the Ramists. 
 
 The word is frequently restricted to sejf^eyjd^^jroposidons, whether 
 common to all sciences, or peculiar to some particular science. Thus 
 Chauvin in his Lexicon Philosophicum defines an Axiom as ' sententia 
 generalis cuilibet attendenti nota,' and we commonly speak of truths, 
 which require no proof, as ' axiomatic.' 
 
 Newton's use of the word appears to be less general than that of Bacon. 
 Though he does not restrict it to self-evident propositions, or to those 
 truths which are common to all sciences, he apjDejy^jjisje^j;xcJ^ 
 of_jJiLJilsLJ2jiSiBl e ^^ Thus, in the Principia, 
 
 he speaks of the ' Axiomata sive Leges Motus,' and at the beginning of the 
 Optics he enumerates five Axioms, such as that ' The Angles of Reflexion 
 and Refraction lie in one and the same Plane with the Angle of Incidence,' 
 'The Angle of Reflexion is equal to the Angle of Incidence,' etc. These 
 first principles would answer to the ' Axiomata Generalissima ' of Bacon. 
 
 We have seen that Cicero proposes the word ' pronuntiatum ' as a 
 translation of a^ico/^a in its more general sense, when used as the equi- 
 valent of proposition. The words ' maxim.' ' principle,' or ' dignitas ' 
 sometimes replace it in its more restricted senses. 
 
 The student will find a long note on the etymology and meaning of 
 the word 'Axiom' in Hamilton's edition of Reid, pp. 764-6. 
 
 s e^neipia, empiricism, mere experience, as distinguished from properly 
 directed observation and experiment. For a distinction between the 
 different kinds of experience and their bearing on discover}', see De 
 Augmentis, lib. v. cap. 2. 
 
 O 2
 
 196 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 IX. 
 
 Causa vero et radix fere omnium malorum in scientiis ea 
 una est ; quod dum mentis humanae vires falso miramur et 
 extollimus, vera ejus auxilia non quaeramus. 
 
 X. 
 
 Subtilitas naturae subtilitatem sensus et intellectus multis 
 partibus superat 9 ; ut pulchrae illae meditationes et specula- 
 tiones humanae et causationes 10 res malesana sint, nisi quod 
 non adsit qui advertat n . 
 
 XL 
 
 Sicut scientiae 12 , quae nunc habentur, inutiles sunt ad in- 
 
 9 Dr. Kitchin here very appositely quotes Aristotle, Metaph. a. i. 
 "itrcos 8e KOI rijs xaXfTrdr^To? ovarjs Kara Svo rponovs, OVK tv TOIS Tfpa.yp.acnv. 
 a\\' e v rjp.1v TO aiTiov avrrjs. Q(nrep yap /cat TO TU>V vvKrepiftiov op.p.ciTa Trpos TO 
 0eyyos e^ei TO pifd' Tjp.epav, OVTO> Kal rrjs ^p.fTpas "^v^s 6 vovs irpbs TO 77; 
 (pvirei (^avfpwTara TfdvTU>v. 
 
 To the same effect we find a passage in Galileo's Dialogo dei Massimi 
 Sistemi, Giornata Prima (Sir Thomas Salisbury's Translation, pp. 84, 85) : 
 
 Sagredns. ' I ever accounted extraordinary madness that of those who 
 would make human comprehension the measure of what nature hath a 
 power or knowledge to effect ; whereas on the contrary there is not any 
 the least effect in Nature, which can be fully understood by the most 
 speculative wits in the world. This their so vain presumption of knowing 
 all can take beginning from nothing, unless from their never having known 
 anything ; for if one hath but once only experienced the perfect knowledge 
 of one only thing, and but truly tasted what it is to know, he shall perceive 
 that of infinite other conclusions he understands not so much as one.' 
 
 10 A post-classical word. ' Controy^rsie_s.' Du Cange explains it as 
 ' Lis, controversia, placitum,' and, amongst other authorities, quotes Gregor. 
 Magn. lib. i. epist. 9 : ' Fines, de quibus causatio mota est ; ' Concilium 
 Arelatense, an. 813. can. 16 : ' Ne in Dominicis diebus publicae mercatae. 
 neque causationes disceptationesque exerceantur.' 
 
 The word occurs in the sense of an ' excuse ' or ' apology ' as early 
 as the time of Aulus Gellius (' Atque id fecerunt ne causatio ista aegri 
 corporis perpetuam vacationem daret fidem detrectantibus, jurisque ac- 
 tiones dcclinantibus,' Noctes Atticae, lib. xx. cap. i), but that does not 
 seem to be its meaning in this place. 
 
 1 \Ye cannot place ourselves sufficiently apart from the crowd in which 
 we move, to obtain anything like an adequate idea of its eccentricities 
 and delusions. 
 
 12 Aphorisms xi xiv should be considered in connexion with each 
 other. They contain the sum of Bacon's complaint against the old logic. 
 Though the scholastic logic recognised Induction as a form of reasoning,
 
 LIB. I. 9 12. 197 
 
 ventionem operum ; ita et logica, quae nunc habetur, inutilis 
 est ad inventionem scientiarum. 
 
 XII. 
 
 Logica, quae in usu cst, ad errorcs (qui in notionibus 
 vulgaribus fundantur) stabiliendos et figendos valet, potius 
 quam ad inquisitionem veritatis ; ut magis damnosa sit, quam 
 utilis. 
 
 it failed to see its importance, and had not attempted to lay down any 
 rules for its employment. Hence, practically, it was exclusively a syllo- 
 gistic logic. Now it is the function of syllogism to develope the con- 
 sequences of a principle, not to examine the principle itself. But, unless 
 we examine the principle, how can we be certain of the truth of the 
 consequences ? We may only be multiplying error instead of truth. The 
 conclusion of every new syllogism may be only one error the more, and, 
 from the false confidence which the mere reiteration of a proposition 
 begets in the mind, a principle which at first was received with hesitation 
 may come to be regarded as unassailable, and be assumed as placed 
 beyond all doubt. When men have reared a vast superstructure of reason- 
 ing, they are naturally unwilling to examine the foundations. What is 
 required, then, not in order to replace, but in order to supplement, the 
 old logic, is a logic which shall guarantee the premisses as well as the 
 conclusions, which shall probe the validity of our elementary notions and 
 first principles, as well as develope their ulterior consequences. Such a 
 logic Bacon proposed to supply, or at least to inaugurate. 
 
 That Bacon recognised the function of the Syllogism as supplementary 
 to Induction, is evident from several passages of the Novum Organum 
 itself. But perhaps his most explicit statement on this subject is to be 
 found in a letter to Father Baranzan (published in Spedding's Letters and 
 Life of Bacon, vol. vii. pp. 375-7). This letter, which is also interesting 
 on other accounts, contains the following passage : 
 
 'Non est meum abdicare in totum syllogismum. K^s^st^syjlogjsmus 
 gSi^Jlhjaj3il{s^^ 
 
 ' Ad Mathematica quidni adhibeatur ? Cum fluxus materiae et incon- 
 stantia corporis physici illud sit, quod inductionem desideret ; ut per earn 
 veluti figatur, atque inde eruantur notiones bene terminatae. 
 
 ' De Metaghysicane sis sollicitus. Nullaenim eritpost veram Physicam 
 inventanT;' ultra quam nihil praeter divina. 
 
 ' In Ijhysica^prudenter notas, et idem tecum sentio, post notiones primae 
 classis, et axiomata super ipsas per inductionem bene eruta et terminata, 
 tuto adhiberi syllogismum, modo inhibeatur saltus ad generalissima, et 
 fiat progressus per scalam convenientem.' 
 
 On the place of Induction in Aristotle's system of logic, I have spoken 
 in the Introduction.
 
 198 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 XIII. 
 
 Syllogismus ad principia scientiarum 13 non adhibetur. ad 
 media axiomata frustra adhibetur u , cum sit 15 subtilitati 
 naturae longe impar. Assensum itaque constringit, non res. 
 
 XIV. 
 
 Syllogismus ex propositionibus constat, propositioncs ex 
 verbis, verba notionum tesserae sunt 1(! . Itaque si notiones 
 ipsae (id quod basis rei est) confusae sint, et temere a rebus 
 abstractae ; nihil in iis, quae supcrstruuntur, est firmitudinis. 
 Itaque spes est una in inductions vera n . 
 
 13 The /'x nl ' f Aristotle. That the apxai, being the ultimate major 
 premisses from which syllogism proceeds, do not themselves admit of 
 syllogistic proof, is constantly insisted on by Aristotle. See, for instance, 
 An. 1'ost. i. 2 (72 a. 7)5 <*pXn & fcrriv (woSei^ecos Trpi'trncris apecros, ap.erros 8e 
 rjs p.1] fVTiv li\\ri -rrporepa. He also constantly insists on the fact that these 
 ultimate principles must be gained by induction. See, for instance, Ethics, 
 vi. 3. (3),'EK 7rpoyt.v(0<TKOp.va>i> 8e rracrn Si8ovcaXi'n, axnrep KM fi> rols dva\VTl- 
 Kols Xeyofj.fi'' i] fiev yap 81 errayoiyf/S) r) 8e truXXoytcr/JW. 'H fj.ev 8rj eVaycoyi) 
 dpX*l e '" rl Ka ^ T v K-o6o\ov, o 8e (Tv\\oyicrp.bs en TU>V Ka66\ov. Eunv apa upx^i 
 e'| u>i> o crv\\oyirrp.bs, wv OVK <TTI (rv\\oyicrfj.os' errayaiyi} apa. Amongst Other 
 decisive passages to the same effect may be specially cited An. Post. ii. 19, 
 and Mctaph. i. i. 
 
 14 For if the principia scientiarum be uncertain, the axiomata media, 
 which are deduced from them, must, of course, be uncertain as well. 
 We cannot rely on the truth of the conclusion, till \ve have placed beyond 
 doubt the truth of the premisses. 
 
 ;> The reason here assigned applies to both the preceding clauses. 
 
 r> For the metaphor, cp. Arist. Soph. El.ch. I. 
 
 The spoken or written word, it is true, is only the symbol of the notion in 
 the mind of the speaker or writer, but could the notion itself be formed or 
 retained without the use of language ? This or that particular word is, of 
 course, separable from the corresponding idea (as is shewn by the mere 
 fact of translation from one language into another), but, without the use 
 of signs of some kind or other, we could hardly make any progress 
 in thinking. These considerations, however, do not affect the truth of 
 Bacon's criticism. Whether we speak of the ultimate constituents of the 
 syllogism as words or notions, it is essential to all reasoning that we 
 should have a clear understanding of them. 
 
 '' Cp. ii. 19, with the notes on that Aphorism. At first sight, it 
 may not seem plain why it should be the office of Induction to remedy 
 the defect of obscure, false, or inadequate notions. But all notions, 
 \ve must recollect, involve judgments. In forming or attempting to 
 realise a notion, we really assert a number of propositions. Thus, 
 if I put before my mind the notion of gold, I think of it as yellow.
 
 LIB. I. 13 17. 199 
 
 XV. 
 
 In notionibus nil sani est, nee in logicis, nee in physicis : 
 non substantia^ non gualitas, agere, pati, ipsum esse, bonae 
 notiones sunt ; multo minus grave, leve, densmn, tenue, humi- 
 dum, siccnm, generatio, corruptio, attraJiere, fugare, clcmentum, 
 materia, forma, et id genus ; sed omnes phantasticae et male 
 terminatae 18 . 
 
 XVI. 
 
 Notiones infimarum specierum, hominis, canis, coh/mbae, 
 et prehensionum immediatarum sensus, calidi, frigidi, albi, 
 nigri, non fallunt magnopere ; quae tamen ipsae a fluxu 
 materiae et cpjTTrnissione_ rerum quandoque confunduntur 19 : 
 reliquae omnes (quibus homines hactenus usi sunt) aberra- 
 tiones sunt, nee debitis modis a rebus abstractae et excitatae. 
 
 XVII. 
 
 Nee minor est libido et aberratio in constituendis axiomati- 
 bus, quam in notionibus abstrahendis ; idque in ipsis prin- 
 cipiis. quae ab inductione vulgari 2!) pendent At multo major 21 
 est in axiomatibus, et propositionibus inferioribus, quae educit 
 syllogismus. 
 
 malleable, heavy, capable of being exchanged, etc., and, without forming 
 these judgments, I should not realise the notion. Now, when we are 
 dealing with Nature, sound judgments, and, therefore, sound notions can 
 only be gained by observation of facts and a legitimate generalisation from 
 those facts. We may see from what has been said that the Definition 
 of natural objects or qualities (as distinct from merely technical terms) 
 ought always to rest on previous inductions. 
 " Ill-defined. 
 
 19 It must be recollected that there is no breach of continuity in Nature 
 as there is in our distinctions. Hence, our terms or notions are never 
 exhaustive or adequately representative of the endless varieties of Nature. 
 Mr. Ellis proposes to read commistione for commissione. ' From the 
 context it is clear that Bacon means that the union_f^odigsjpj^jfferent 
 kmds, by giving rise to new qualities and species intermediate to those for 
 which we have recognised names, tends to confuse our ideas of the 
 latter. I think therefore we ought to read " c^mmjsnone " for " com- 
 missione." ' 
 
 20 He is alluding to the Inductio per enumerationem simplicem as dis- 
 tinguished from the Scientific Induction by which he proposes to replace it. 
 
 - 1 For, by deducing error from error, we recede further and further 
 from the truth.
 
 200 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 Ouae adhuc inventa sunt in scicntiis, ea hujusmodi sunt, ut 
 notionibus vulgaribus fere subjaceant : ut vero ad interiora et 
 remotiora naturae penetretur, necesse est ut tarn notiones 
 quam axiomata magis certa et munita via a rebus abstra- 
 hantur, atque omnino mciior ct certior intcllectus adoperatio 
 
 in usum veniat. 
 
 XIX. 
 
 Duae viae 22 sunt, atque esse possunt, ad inquirendam et 
 
 -- It should be noticed that even the falsest and flimsiest generalisations 
 about Nature rest upon some slight basis of fact. After observing a few 
 particulars, Bacon complains, men usually fly off to the widest gene- 
 ralisations, and then acquiesce in these, as if they were so many indubitable 
 truths. But, in considering this frequent source of error, he does not per- 
 ceive that rapid generalisation is often indispensable to the scientific 
 enquirer. The fault does not consist so much in making rapid gene- 
 ralisations as in acquiescing too readily and confidently in them, when 
 made. The method of gradual and continuous ascent from particulars 
 to the highest axioms, through all the intermediate steps, which is here 
 commended by Bacon, is not the method which, for the most part, has 
 been actually pursued by the most successful investigators of Nature, nor 
 would its general adoption contribute to the advancement of science. 
 Provided a hypothesis be regarded simply as a hypothesis, and not assumed 
 as true without a rigorous investigation, the mere fact of its generality 
 ought to be no objection to it. Indeed, by stimulating enquiry and 
 directing its course, it is plain that a very general hypothesis, such as 
 the theory of universal gravitation, or Laplace's nebular hypothesis, or 
 the wave-theory of light and sound, or the theory of evolution, or the 
 theory of final causes, even in its cruder forms, may, whether ultimately 
 proved to be true or false, be of the utmost service in the investigation 
 even of small groups of facts. The all-important proviso, of course, is 
 that, till proi/cd, such a hypothesis must be taken simply quantum 1'aleat, 
 as a hypothesis and no more. It would be far from an advantage to 
 science, to restrain the flights of scientific imagination, but the products 
 of imagination must never be confounded with the results of proof. The 
 fantastic character of the Ancient Physics was due far less to an exuberant 
 imagination than to a defective sense of evidence. And the true remedy 
 was to insist on the necessity of verification rather than on the suppression 
 of hypothesis. 
 
 There is, therefore, a third way of^mvestigation which is not open to 
 Bacon's animadversions and which is peculiarly the way of genius. It 
 begins, like the other two, with the observation of particulars, for this 
 always is and must be the first step, and then, by an effort of imagination, 
 frames for itself some explanation which has a far wider range of appli- 
 cation than the special class of phenomena which has been observed.
 
 LIB. I. 18 19. 201 
 
 inveniendam veritatem. Altera a sensu et particularibus 
 advolat ad axiomata maxime generalia, atque ex iis prin- 
 
 This axioma maxime generale is regarded as a hypothesis, to be hereafter 
 proved or disproved, but, meanwhile, it serves as a provisional explanation 
 of the facts, and stimulates to further investigations. From it may be 
 deduced a number of axiomata media which admit of being constantly 
 compared with facts, and thus an ever-increasing experience tends to 
 prove or disprove the axiom in question. If facts do not agree with 
 the deductions from the hypothesis, it must be thrown aside as useless 
 or modified to meet the exceptions ; but if it agree with the facts, there 
 is a strong presumption in its favour. Even still, however, it must not 
 be finally admitted as an ascertained truth, till it has been shewn to 
 conform with the rigorous requirements of the inductive methods, or con- 
 nected deductively with some still higher generalisations which have been 
 established on independent grounds. When this final step has been taken, 
 the axiomata media deduced from it may be accepted with implicit con- 
 fidence. 
 
 Generally speaking, the axioma maxime generale, even when conceived 
 before the axiomata media, will rest on an induction from these, as its final 
 proof; as these themselves will probably rest on lower axioms, and so on till 
 we reach the axioms which rest on an induction from individual facts. 
 But, in the order of conception, though not in the order of proof, the 
 axioma maxime generale or one of the highest of the intermediate axioms 
 usually comes first, and this circumstance it is which distinguishes the 
 method I am describing from that commended by Bacon. 
 
 The history of the Theory of Gravitation supplies an example of a 
 scientific doctrine, the steps of which were established almost in the exact 
 order which Bacon recommends. This fact may be seen by consulting 
 the Inductive Table of Astronomy given in Dr. Whewell's Novum 
 Organum Renovatum. Moreover, in all sciences this order is the most 
 convenient mode of representing the laws, when once established, though, 
 as we have seen, it is by no means that in which they are always actually 
 established, as a matter of fact. Bearing in mind this qualification, I may 
 adopt the words of Dr. Whewell : 
 
 ' We have, indeed, already explained that science consists of Propositions 
 which include the Facts from which they were collected ; and other wider 
 Propositions, collected in like manner from the former, and including 
 them. Thus, that the stars, the moon, the sun, rise, culminate, and set, 
 are facts included in the proposition that the heavens, carrying with them 
 all the celestial bodies, have a diurnal revolution about the axis of the 
 earth. Again, the observed monthly motions of the moon, and the annual 
 motions of the sun, are included in certain propositions concerning the 
 movements of those luminaries with respect to the stars. But all these 
 propositions are really included in the doctrine that the earth, revolving on 
 its axis, moves round the sun, and the moon round the earth. These 
 movements, again, considered as facts, are explained and included in the
 
 202 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 cipiis eorumque immota veritate judicat et invenit axiomata 
 media ; atque haec via in usu est. Altera a sensu et particu- 
 laribus excitat axiomata, ascendendo continenter et gradatim, 
 ut ultimo loco perveniatur ad maxime generalia ; quae via 
 vera est, sed intentata. 
 
 XX. 
 
 Eandem ingreditur viam (priorem scilicet) intellectus sibi 
 permissus, quam facit ex ordine dialecticae 23 . Gestit enim 
 
 statement of the forces which the earth exerts upon the moon, and the 
 sun upon the earth. Again, this doctrine of the forces of these three 
 bodies is included in the assertion, that all the bodies of the solar system, 
 and all parts of matter, exert forces, each upon each. And we might easily 
 shew that all the leading facts in astronomy are comprehended in the same 
 generalisation. In like manner with regard to any other science, so far as 
 its truths have been well established and fully developed, we might shew 
 that it consists of a gradation of propositions, proceeding from the most 
 special facts to the most general theoretical assertions.' (Novum Organum 
 Renovatum, ch. vi. i.) 
 
 Even in Astronomy, however, the heliocentric hypothesis had occurred 
 to the ancients long before the state of their knowledge was sufficient 
 to supply them with sound arguments for it ; nor, even in the time of 
 Copernicus himself, was it more than the simplest and most consistent 
 explanation of known facts. 
 
 The student is specially recommended to read Mr. Mill's strictures on 
 this Aphorism. See Mill's Logic, bk. vi. ch. 5. 5. On the other side, he 
 may refer to Dr. Whewell's Philosophy of Discovery, ch. xxii. 56-62. 
 
 In extenuation of Bacon's error, for such I conceive it to be, may be 
 pleaded the exceedingly vague and unsatisfactory character of the 'axiomata 
 maxime generalia ' which were in vogue in his time. As proof of this 
 circumstance, I may cite the list which Mr. Mill himself gives at the 
 beginning of the 24th chapter of his Examination of Sir \V. Hamilton's 
 Philosophy. 
 
 Notwithstanding all that is said here and in other places, Bacon himself 
 had recourse to hypothesis (under the name of ' permissio intellectus ') in 
 II. 20. The view which he there takes of its relation to Induction is far 
 more just than that here taken. See my note on the beginning of that 
 Aphorism. 
 
 23 The mind is naturally prone to the false method, and is encouraged in 
 its tendencies by the use of the vulgar logic, which fails to insist on the 
 examination of first principles. This proneness of the mind to rest in 
 first principles, however obtained, and to resent any examination of them, 
 is due mainly to a combination of pride with mental indolence. We recoil 
 from the trouble of reviewing what lies at the bottom of so many of our 
 beliefs, and we are too proud to acknowledge that we have been so long or 
 so frequently in error. To a certain extent, also, it may be accounted for
 
 LIB. I. 2O 22. 203 
 
 mens exsilire ad magis generalia, ut acquiescat ; et post par- 
 vam moram fastidit experientiam : sed haec mala demum 
 aucta sunt a dialectica ob pompas disputationum. 
 
 XXI. 
 
 Intellcctus sibi permissus, in ingenio sobrio et patiente et 
 gravi (praesertim si a doctrinis receptis non impediatur), 
 tentat nonnihil illam alteram viam, quae recta est, sed exiguo 
 profectu ; cum intellectus, nisi regatur et juvetur, res inae- 
 qualis 24 sit, et omnino inhabilis ad superandam rerum obscuri- 
 tatem. 
 
 XXII. 
 
 Utraque via orditur a sensu et particularibus 25 , et acquiescit 
 in maxime generalibus : sed immensum quiddam discrepant ; 
 cum altera perstringat tantum experientiam et particularia 
 cursim ; altera in iis rite et ordine versetur : altera rursus jam 
 a principio constituat generalia quaedam abstracta et inu- 
 tilia 2C ; altera gradatim exsurgat ad ea quae revera naturae 
 sunt notiora 27 . 
 
 by the principle of association. We have ourselves repeated, or heard the 
 maxim repeated by others, so frequently, and in connexion with so many 
 other propositions which we accept as true, that we can hardly conceive it 
 being called in question. 
 
 4 This word may perhaps be translated ' inadequate,' or perhaps 
 ' irregular,' that is acting sometimes one way, sometimes another. See 
 Mn Ellis' s note. 
 
 ' la That, in any case, we begin with particulars furnished by sense, he 
 takes for granted. Cp. Campanella, Metaphysica, pars i. lib. i. Prooemium : 
 ' Principia enim artis, quae intelligimus, sive sint nomina imperfecte 
 naturam rei significantia, sive sint definitiones, perfecte eandem signifi- 
 cantes, sive propositiones universales, a sensu accepimus per inductionem, 
 quod et Aristoteles in 2 Poster, docet, licet sui oblitus.' 
 
 20 Such as that 'Nature does nothing in vain,' ' Nature abhors a vacuum,' 
 that each body has only one proper motion, and the like. 
 
 27 The phrase ' naturae notiora ' is a scholastic mistranslation of Aris- 
 totle's rtj (pvo-ei -yz-copip-wrfpa, which ought to be translated ' natura notiora;' 
 rfj (pva-fi or anXws -yi/oopt/xcoTf pa are opposed to iip.lv yz/copi/xcorepa as the 
 more general to the more particular, as universals to objects of sense. 
 Amongst other places, see Post. An. i. 2 (p. 71 b. 33 p. 72 a. 5) : Uporepa 
 S 1 eort tail yva>pip.usTfpa Slews' ou -yap Tavrbv Trporepoi/ rjj (pvcrei Kal TTpos r]fj.a.f 
 TrpoTfpov, ov8e yfu>pi/j.a>Tfpov Kal rj^iv yvcapijJiuiTfpov. Aeyo) Se Ttpbs f]/j.as p.ev 
 Trporepa Kal yvcopi/LtcuTepa ra eyyvrfpov rrjs aladrjcrfcus, cnr\o>s Se nporepa Kal 
 yvo>pifj.o)Tfpa TO. Tropptorepof. "Ecm 8e Troppwrcirco fj.ei> TO. Ka66\ov /i<tXtcrra,
 
 204 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 Non leve quiddam interest inter humanae mentis idola - B , 
 ct divinae mentis ideas 21 ; hoc est, inter placita quaedam 
 
 eyytiTUTo) 8e TCI Kaff exacrra' KOI avTiKtlTtil raOr' dXX^Xois. The Student may 
 with advantage read Trendelenburg's note on this passage. See notes to 
 the Elementa Logices Aristoteleae, 19. 
 
 Naturally, or in reference to Nature, according to Aristotle's way of 
 thinking, the universal is prior to the individual, the cause to the effect, 
 the general law to the particular fact. By or in reference to us, on the 
 other hand, the individual is better known than the universal, the effect 
 than the cause, the particular fact than the general law. Nature indeed 
 may be regarded as ever striving to reproduce the type in the individual, 
 to represent the general law in its special manifestations, to carry out the 
 cause into its effects. And so, by a figure of speech, it may be said to 
 have a better or prior knowledge of that which, in our case, comes last, 
 and as the result of a variety of mental operations. 
 
 Bacon here, as elsewhere, avails himself of the Aristotelian distinction, 
 but seems to imply that with Aristotle the 777 (pva-fi yvapipwrepa were 
 mere useless abstractions, while he himself probably understands by the 
 revera naturae notiora ' those ultimate causes or Forms, out of which, 
 as a sort of alphabet, he conceived that the various bodies, forces, and 
 qualities in nature were composed. For the further explanation of these 
 ' Forms,' the student must refer to the Introduction. 
 
 Mr. Spedding notices that, in his English writings, Bacon seems to use 
 the word ' original ' as equivalent to ' naturae notion' 
 
 It is interesting to compare with this Aphorism the following passage 
 of the Distributio Opens: 'At secundum nos, axiomata continenter et 
 gradatim excitantur, ut nonnisi postremo loco ad generalissima veniatur : 
 ea vero generalissima evadunt non notionalia, sed bene terminata, et talia 
 quae natura ut revera sibi notiora agnoscat, quaeque rebus haereant in 
 medullis.' 
 
 2S el'StoXo, ' phantoms ' or ' spectres,' not ' idols ' in the sense of false gods, 
 as several writers have interpreted it. In the De Augmentis, lib. v. cap. 4, 
 they are called Imagines sive Idola, and in the second of the Two Books 
 on the Advancement of Learning, published in 1605, they are spoken of 
 as ' false appearances that are imposed upon us ' by ' the general nature 
 of the mind,' by ' words,' etc. For the latter passage, see Ellis and 
 Spedding's Edition of Bacon's Works, vol. iii. pp. 394-7. Mr. Hallam 
 (Literature of Europe, part iii. ch. 3. 60) gives some amusing extracts 
 from the authors who have mistaken the meaning of the word. 
 
 '' Are these 'ideas of the divine mind' the' forms' of which Bacon 
 will speak hereafter ? That God created all things in conformity with 
 certain ideas, forms, or exemplars in his own mind, as the sculptor fashions 
 a statue, and that thus, in a certain sense, the world had a pre-existence 
 in the mind of God, is a commonplace of philosophy and theology. Gp. 
 Campanella, Metaphysica, pars i. lib. i. Prooemium : ' Propterea nil est
 
 LIB. I, 23 25. 205 
 
 mania, et veras signaturas alque impressiones factas in crea- 
 turis, prout inveniuntur. 
 
 XXIV. 
 
 Nullo modo fieri potest, ut axiomata per argumentationem 
 constituta ad inventionem novorum operum valeant ; quia 
 subtilitas naturae subtilitatem argumentandi multis partibus 
 superat. Sed axiomata, a particularibus rite et ordine ab- 
 stracta, nova particularia rursus facile indicant et designant" ; 
 itaque scientias reddunt activas. 
 
 XXV. 
 
 Axiomata, quae in usu sunt, ex tenui et manipulari expc- 
 rientia, et paucis particularibus, quae ut plurimum occurrunt, 
 fluxere ; et sunt fere ad mensuram eorum facta et extensa : 
 
 in mundo, quod non aliquid in mente Dei latens idealiter exprimat.' 
 One, though probably not the true, interpretation of the Ideal doctrine 
 of Plato is that the t8u are simply the ideas or typical forms existing 
 in the mind of God. 
 
 By the concluding words of the Aphorism, Bacon probably intends to 
 intimate, as Dr. Kitchin says, ' that it would be futile for Man to en- 
 deavour to contemplate any thing abstracted from, and out of its 
 connexion with, the material world,' that, in fact, our only mode of 
 ascertaining the ideas of the divine mind is the patient study of the 
 Book of Nature. The Aphorism might be paraphrased thus : God is 
 omniscient ; Nature is the reflexion of the mind of God. Man, led 
 astray by the phantasms in his own mind, has vainly imagined that he 
 can attain to knowledge, without going to Nature and therein studying 
 the image of the divine mind. Cp. Aph. 124. 
 
 30 Except for the implied limitation to opera, this is the true conception 
 of the relations of the Inductive and Deductive methods. When the 
 axioms have been constituted by induction, they should be developed 
 deductively into all their consequences and then ultimately, if they admit 
 of it, applied to practice. The science of Mechanics affords an excellent 
 instance of a science thus constituted, developed, and applied. 
 
 The word ' abstracta ' as the equivalent of ^inferred. _by Induction ' is 
 worthy of notice. The qualities in which a number of individual objects 
 agree are regarded as ' drawn from ' them, to the exclusion of those in 
 which they differ, and, therefore, as predicable, in an axiom or proposi- 
 tion, of the class as a whole. Properly speaking, however, the word 
 ' abstracted ' ought to be applied, not to the qualities on which the attention 
 is concentrated, but to those which are withdrawn from consideration. 
 Attention and Abstraction are processes the reverse of and complementary 
 to each other.
 
 206 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 ut nil mirum sit, si ad nova particularia non ducant 31 . Quod 
 si forte instantia 32 aliqua, non prius animadversa aut cognita, 
 se offerat, axioma distinctione aliqua frivola salvatur 3a , ubi 
 emendari ipsum verius foret. 
 
 XXVI. 
 
 Rationem humanam, qua utimur ad naturam, anticipa- 
 tioncs naturae'^ (quia res temeraria est et praematura), at 
 illam rationem, quae debitis modis elicitur a rebus, iutcrpre- 
 tationcm naturae, docendi gratia, vocare consuevimus. 
 
 31 The existing Axioms are founded on a small number of instances, 
 of common occurrence, and just fit those instances, but are employed as 
 if they were universally true, other instances to the contrary either not 
 being taken into account or being explained away by some frivolous dis- 
 tinction. In^oth^r_^rds,an^empiricalla^y_Js_empJp^ 
 
 of causation. The student should read, in illustration of this Aphorism, 
 Mr. Mill's chapter on Empirical La\vs (Mill's Logic, bk. iii. ch. 16). He 
 will also find some remarks on the same subject in my Inductive Logic, 
 ch. 4 (4th ed., pp. 220-222). 
 
 !2 M. Bouillet draws attention to the fact that ' instantia ' is never used 
 in Classical Latin, in the sense of ' an instance.' But I think he is wrong 
 in saying that it is here simply the English word 'instance' (= example) 
 latinised. Instantia (as a translation of eWrao-ts-) was a technical term of 
 the schools, and, from the meaning of an ' objection,' which was generally 
 founded on a single case, would easily pass into that which it usually bears 
 in Bacon and in modern works generally. In this Aphorism, it seems to 
 retain the meaning of eWrop-tg or objection. 
 
 " Thus, for instance, till the time of Galileo, it was held that bodies fall 
 to the earth in times inversely proportional to their weights. But some 
 bodies, as, for example, flame, do not fall, but rise. This exception was 
 accounted for by the principle of levity, according to which light bodies 
 tend upwards. The various current divisions of motion, such as natural 
 and violent motion, simple and compound motion, and the like, easily lent 
 themselves to frivolous distinctions of this kind. 
 
 The desire to patch up a theory by ingenious devices rather than to 
 review and emend it is well illustrated by the various contrivances of 
 epicycles and eccentrics by which the ancient astronomers endeavoured 
 to retain, in spite of all difficulties, the theory of the circular motion 
 of the heavenly bodies. Another assumption of the ancient astronomy 
 was that the heavenly bodies must be perfect spheres. When Galileo 
 discovered, by means of the telescope, the existence of cavities in the 
 moon, it was asserted, in reply, that they were filled with transparent 
 crystal. 
 
 :i4 Called, in the last paragraph but one of the Preface, anticipationes 
 mentis. See p. 188.
 
 LIB. I. 26 27. 207 
 
 XXVII. 
 
 Anticipationes satis firmae sunt ad consensum ; quandoqui- 
 dem, si homines etiam insanirent ad unum modum et con- 
 formiter, illi satis bene inter se congruere possent 35 . 
 
 85 Uniformity of opinion, even if it extend to universal consent, is no 
 evidence of truth. 
 
 All men alike might be mad, and there might be no one to observe 
 or point out the fact of their madness. Similar suppositions as to the 
 possibility of the universality of error are constantly started by Descartes, 
 and are resolved, in his philosophy, by the consideration of the veracity 
 of God, who would never have so formed his creatures as to be exposed 
 to the risk of insuperable deception. 
 
 Though this Aphorism is stated in an extravagant form, it suggests two 
 very important considerations : (i) the > jdatiyjty__oX^uma3_Jcn^wJle^gej 
 (2) thg_posibility of universal error. 
 
 With reference to the first, the student may consult, amongst recent 
 writings, Sir W. Hamilton's Essay on the Philosophy of the Unconditioned 
 (published in the ' Discussions '), his Lectures on Metaphysics, Lects. 
 viii, ix, Mill's Examination of Hamilton, chs. 2, 3, 4, and Grote's Plato, 
 ch. 26 (ist ed., vol. ii. pp. 322-363). I shall limit myself to a few 
 remarks, directly suggested by Bacon's supposition. All truth must 
 be relative to ourselves, that is to the special constitution of the human 
 faculties. We cannot transcend human consciousness. We cannot do 
 more than observe phenomena and reflect on the observations made. All 
 that we know, we can know only through the medium of our own senses 
 and our own intellect, and hence all knowledge must be relative to our 
 own cognitive powers. All that we can say, in the last resort, is that a 
 proposition is true to us. As to what may be true or false to other orders 
 of beings, differently constituted, we can have no conception, except so 
 far as we have grounds for supposing that their intelligences and the con- 
 ditions under which their intelligences work are analogous to our own. 
 As to ' absolute truth,' or ' truth in itself,' the phrase seems to be entirely 
 devoid of meaning, the very word ' truth ' implying a percipient or thinking 
 subject as well as an object of perception or thought. Thus, it is quite 
 conceivable that beings with different faculties, or brought up amidst a 
 different set of conditions, might, if they could observe us, suppose us 
 to be all mad after the same fashion, as we, similarly, should suppose 
 them to be. 
 
 As regards the second consideration, namely, the possibility of universal 
 error, an important distinction must be drawn. Our immediate perceptions 
 (when corrected by comparison with each other and with those of other 
 men) are our ultimate test of truth ; if these deceive us, we have no 
 other criterion to guide us. But our inferences from these perceptions 
 not only may be, but frequently are, false, and it has sometimes happened, 
 as in the belief that the earth was the centre of the solar system, that 
 all mankind have through several generations been mistaken in the in-
 
 208 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 XXVIII. 
 
 Ouin longe validiores sunt ad subeundum assensum antici- 
 patioiics, quam interpretationes ; quia ex paucis collectae, 
 iisque maximc quae familiariter occurrunt, intellectum statim 
 perstringunt, et phantasiam implent ; ubi contra, interpreta- 
 tiones, ex rebus admodum variis et multum distantibus spar- 
 sim collectae, intellectum subito percutere non possunt ; ut 
 necesse sit eas, quoad opinioncs 3G , duras ct absonas, fere instar 
 mysteriorum fidei, videri. 
 
 XXIX. 
 
 In scientiis, quae in opinionibus et placitis fundatae sunt, 
 bonus est usus anticipationum et dialecticae ; quando opus est 
 assensum subjugare, non res 37 . 
 
 XXX. 
 
 Non, si omnia omnium aetatum ingenia coierint, et labores 
 contulerint et transrniserint, progressus magnus fieri poterit in 
 
 fcrenccs they drew from observed facts. In such cases, the false inference 
 has often, in the first instance, been drawn by one or a few persons, and 
 the rest have accepted it implicitly on their authority. Errors of this 
 kind, however long or universally they may have obtained, need not lead 
 us to despair as to the possibility of attaining truth. Previous errors 
 in reasoning have been detected by the employment of the reasoning 
 process itself, and hence we may fairly suppose that, if there are any 
 questions now on which all men are mistaken, posterity will be able to 
 correct our false inferences, as we have corrected those of our ancestors. 
 The source of our errors itself supplies us with the means of correcting 
 them. 
 
 : ' ; 'So far as concerns the opinions which men have of them,' 'in 
 common estimation.' Some of the later editions omit the comma after 
 opiniones, which makes the passage unintelligible. 
 
 !l If the allusion be to the moral and political sciences, the passage 
 must be ironical, as, in Aph. 127, Bacon distinctly states that his method 
 is applicable to all sciences alike, and he particularly specifies logic, 
 ethics, and politics. We may, perhaps, represent his thought somewhat 
 as follows : ' In morals, politics, logic, and sciences of that kind people 
 care so little for truth and so much for disputation and victory, that we may 
 leave them to their own method, till they have changed their aims and 
 point of view. If they wish for truth in these subjects, they must conduct 
 their enquiries according to the new method, duly combining induction 
 with syllogism ; but, if they only wish to find arguments for prc-conceived 
 opinions, let them go on in the old fashion.'
 
 LIB. I. 28 34. 209 
 
 scientiis per anticipation es : quia errores radicales, et in prima 
 digestione mentis, ab excellentta functionum et remediorum 
 sequentium non curantur. 
 
 XXXI. 
 
 Frustra magnum expectatur augmentum in scientiis ex 
 superinductione et insitione novorum super vetera ; scd in- 
 stauratio facienda est ab imis fundamentis, nisi libeat perpetuo 
 circumvolvi in orbem, cum exili et quasi contemnendo pro- 
 gressu. 
 
 XXXII. 
 
 Antiquis auctoribus suus constat honos, atque adeo 
 omnibus ; quia non ingeniorum aut facultatum inducitur 
 comparatio, sed viae ; nosque non judicis, sed indicis " 8 per- 
 sonam sustinemus. 
 
 XXXIII. 
 
 Nullum (dicendum enim est aperte) recte fieri potest 
 judiciurn nee de via nostra. nee de iis quae secundum earn 
 inventa sunt, per anticipationes (rationem scilicet quae in usu 
 est), quia non postulandum est ut ejus rei judicio stetur, quae 
 ipsa in judicium vocatur. 
 
 XXXIV. 
 
 Neque etiam tradendi aut explicandi ea, quae adducimus, 
 facilis est ratio ; quia, quae in se nova sunt, intelligentur 
 tamen ex analogia veterum 31 . 
 
 3 ' q ' My object is to shew men the way to truth, not to assume the office 
 of a judge, and pass sentence on other authors.' This statement is cer- 
 tainly anything but consistent with the severity of the judgments which 
 Bacon presently proceeds to pass on the majority of his predecessors and 
 contemporaries, and specially on Aristotle and the Aristotelians. 
 
 The word ' indicis ' throws back light on the title of the work, ' Novum 
 Organum, sive Indicia vera de Interpretatione Naturae.' ' Indicia' in that 
 place may be represented by the phrase ' Indications,' or, as Dr. Kitchin 
 suggests, it may mean ' the opening out of a new way.' 
 
 3LI He is calling in question the authority of the court ; hence, it is no 
 answer to say that the rules of the court are this and that. He questions 
 the sufficiency of the old logic; hence, it is no answer to say that his 
 methods are not to be found in the old treatises.
 
 210 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 XXXV. 
 
 Dixit Borgia de expeditione Gallorum in L aliam, eos 
 venisse cum creta in manibus. ut diversoria notarent, non 
 cum armis, ut perrumperent 40 . Itidem et nostra ratio est, 
 ut doctrina nostra animos idoneos et capaces subintret ; 
 confutationum enim nullus est usus, ubi de principiis et ipsis 
 notionibus, atque etiam de formis demonstrationum dissenti- 
 mus. 
 
 XXXVI. 
 
 Restat vero nobis modus tradendi unus et simplex, ut 
 homines ad ipsa particularia et eorum series et ordines addu- 
 camus ; et ut illi rursus imperent sibi ad tempus abnegationem 
 notionum, et cum rebus ipsis consucscere incipiant. 
 
 XXXVII. 
 Ratio eorum. qui acatalepsiam 4l tenuerunt et via nostra 
 
 40 'This Borgia was Alexander VI, and the expedition of the French 
 that under Charles VIII, which over-ran Italy in five months, A.D. 1494.' 
 (Dr. Kitchin's note.) Air. Ellis quotes the following passage from Nardi : 
 ' Diceva in quei tempi Papa Alessandro sesto che i Francesi havevano corso 
 1 : Italia con gli speroni di legno et presola col gesso : dicendo cosi perche 
 pigliando cssi gli alloggiamenti nelle citta loro furieri segnavano le porte 
 delle case col gesso ; et cavalcando per loro diporto i gentil' huomini per 
 le terre a sollazzo usavano di portare nelle scarpette a calcagni certi stecchi 
 di legno appuntati, delli quali in vece di speroni si servivano per andare le 
 cavalcature.' Nardi, Vita di Malespim, [1597,] p. 18. Air. Ellis adds that 
 ' In an epitome of the history of Charles the Eighth, which will be found 
 in the "Archives curieuses " of Cember, vol. i. p. 197, and which was 
 apparently written about the beginning of the seventeenth century, the 
 remark ascribed to Alexander the Sixth by Nardi and Bacon is mentioned 
 as a popular saying.' 
 
 41 aK<iTa\r,\lsia. The allusion is to the New Academy, the principal 
 representatives of which were Arcesniu^and Ccirneji^cs. and which inainly 
 flourished in the third and second centuries B.C. Fora detailed account of 
 the doctrines of this school, the reader may refer to any of the more 
 recent Histories of Greek Philosophy, such as Ueberwcg's or Zcller's. 
 The following brief notice will enable him to understand Bacon's allusions 
 to the school here and elsewhere. 
 
 The New Academy, which, as its name imports, professed to be an 
 offshoot of Platonism, may be regarded partly as a development of the 
 sceptical and negative vein which had, from the first, formed part of 
 the Platonic impulse, partly as a strong reaction against the dogmatism 
 of the Stoics. The Stoics had maintained that, besides e/rioTij/xj/, de-
 
 LIB, I. 3537. 311 
 
 initiis suis quodammodo consentiunt ; exitu immensum 
 disjunguntur et opponuntur. Illi enim nihil sciri posse 
 simpliciter asserunt ; nos, non multum sciri posse in natura, 
 ea, quae nunc in usu est, via 42 : verum illi exinde authoritatem 
 
 monstrable knowledge, and So'a, mere opinion, there is a third and 
 intermediate kind of knowledge, quite trustworthy, but not demonstrable. 
 This was called (bavraaia KaraXnimKri or KardAr7\|/-i?. According to the 
 
 's*s+-*<***~^^~~^r~~~ > ~ -- ' " ' " -J 
 
 Stoics, says Tennemann, 'every original representation is the result of 
 impressions produced upon the mind, and hence of sensational perceptions ; 
 and is therefore denominated fyavrairia, visum. Out of these original and 
 sensational impressions, Reason, a superior and directing power (TO fjjf- 
 /uoi/iKoV), forms our other representations. The true are styled by Zeno 
 (ftavTaaiai Kara^TTTiKai, or KuraA^ay, that is, such as are verified by their 
 correspondence with the object to which they refer, are freely assented 
 to, and constitute the foundation of science.' The greater part of our 
 physical and ethical knowledge the Stoics held to be of this intermediate 
 description. In opposition to this theory, the philosophers of the New 
 Academy maintained the doctrine of aKaraA^/n, that is the impossibility 
 of attaining to such KaraXr^eis. According to the ordinary account, which 
 is that adopted by Bacon, they recognised only one certain proposition, 
 namely, that nothing can be known with certainty. It was this dogmatic 
 scepticism (' Nova Academia acatalepsiam dogrnatizavit et ex professo 
 tenuit ' Aph. 67) which, as is generally supposed, distinguished this school 
 from the Pyrrhonists, Ephectici, or Sceptics proper. The latter school 
 endeavoured to maintain an eVo^/) (suspension of judgment) between the 
 affirmation and negation of propositions, saying that it is impossible to 
 know whether we know anything or not. The drapn^ia (or imperturb- 
 ableness of mind) which the realisation of this uncertainty produces is 
 the supreme end of philosophy. 
 
 Ueberweg, however, questions the accuracy of the popular distinction 
 between the New Academy and the Sceptics. He regards, indeed, the 
 scepticism of the former as the less thorough-going of the two, but not - 
 for the reason ordinarily assigned. The philosophers of the New Academy, j 
 he supposes, differed, in general, from the Sceptics, in not making drapa(',, 
 the supreme end of philosophy, and, furthermore, in admitting a theory 
 of probability, which served as a practical guide of life. 
 
 This theory of probability recognises three grades. They are derived 
 respectively from (i) cpai/racr/a tuOavi], our first impression of an object ; 
 (2) (pavracrin Tridavrj apa Kal direpia-jraa-Tos, the concurrent testimony of our 
 various impressions ; (3) <fcai'Tatri.a dirfpiaTracrTos KOL Sie^coSeu/xeV??, the same 
 concurrent testimony, when thoroughly sifted and examined by the reason. 
 The highest degree of probability takes the place of certainty in other 
 systems. Bacon alludes to the Academic theory of probability in Aph. 67. 
 
 42 It will be noticed that Bacon opposes to the ' nihil sciri posse ' of 
 the New Academy ' non multum sciri posse,' that he interpolates ' in 
 natura,' and to ' simpliciter ' opposes ' ea, quae nunc in usu est, via.' ' In 
 
 P 2
 
 212 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 sensus et intcllectus destruunt ; nos auxilia iisdem excogi- 
 tamus et subministramus. 
 
 XXXVIII. 
 
 Idola** et notiones falsae, quae intellectum humanum jam 
 
 natura' must not be taken as implying that he thought the old method 
 sufficient for the moral and political sciences. See note on Aphorism 29. 
 
 The contrast which Bacon here draws between himself and the philo- 
 sophers of the New Academy can hardly fail to remind us of the similar 
 contrast which has frequently been drawn between Socrates and the 
 leading Sophists of his time. The method of Socrates began in scepticism, 
 but its object was to re-establish the foundations of knowledge. Similarly, 
 Bacon attempts to destroy the credit of the old method of enquiry, only 
 that he may replace it by a new and surer one. There is a passage in 
 the Advancement of Learning (bk. i.) in which he says, if not truly, at least 
 finely : ' if a man will begin with certainties, he shall end in doubts ; but 
 if he will be content to begin with doubts (' eaque aliquandiu patienter 
 toleret.' De Augmentis), he shall end in certainties.' 
 
 43 Here commences the doctrine of the Idola, which is, perhaps, the 
 best-known, as it is, certainly, one of the most important parts of the 
 Ncvum Organum. On the meaning of the word ' Idola,' see the first 
 note on Aph. 23. Mr. Ellis draws attention to the various forms in 
 which this doctrine appears in Bacon's different works, but a still more 
 accurate and elaborate account of the changes is given in a note by 
 Mr. Spedding. See Ellis and Spedding's Bacon, vol. i. pp. 89-93, an d 
 Note C (by Mr. Spedding), pp. 113-117. To these sources the reader 
 who may wish for more information on the subject is referred. It is 
 sufficient here to state that the Idols in their earlier form (as they appear 
 in ihe English Treatise on the Advancement of Learning) correspond with 
 those of the Tribe, the Cave, and the Market-Place, and that ' the one 
 substantial change which the doctrine of Idols underwent was the admis- 
 sion of the Idola Theatri into the company.' The doctrine occurs in the 
 Valerius Terminus, the Advancement of Learning, the Temporis Partus 
 Masculus, the Partis Secundae Delineatio, the Distributio Operis, and the 
 De Augmentis, but far the most perfect treatment of it is that in the 
 Novum Organum. Onjhe classification^of the Idola into groups I shall 
 say something in a note on the next Aphorism. 
 
 It has often been remarked that the doctrine of the Idola was anti- 
 cipated by Bacon's great namesake, Roger Bacon, who gives a four-fold 
 classification of ' offendicula, quae omnem quemcunque sapicntem iin- 
 pediunt.' These are unworthy authority, custom, vulgar opinion, and 
 concealment of ignorance combined with the ostentation of apparent 
 wisdom. Mr. Ellis, however (vol. i. pp. 89, 90), argues very justly that 
 Bacon is not likely to have seen the Opus Majus, which then existed only 
 in manuscript, and, as Mr. Spedding adds, was probably not procurable, 
 and possibly even unknown to him ; moreover, the correspondence between
 
 LIB. L 3839. 213 
 
 occuparunt, atque in eo alte haerent, non solum mentes 
 hominum ita obsident, ut veritati aditus difficilis pateat ; 
 sed etiam dato et concesso aditu, ilia rursus in ipsa instau- 
 ratione scientiarum occurrent et molesta erunt ; nisi homines 
 praemoniti adversus ea se, quantum fieri potest, muniant. 
 
 XXXIX. 
 
 Ouatuor sunt genera idolorum, quae mentes humanas 
 obsident. lis (docendi gratia) nomina imposuimus : ut 
 primum genus, idola tribus ; secundum, idola specus ; tertium, 
 idolafori^; quartum, idola theatri vocentur 45 . 
 
 the ' idola ' and the ' ofifendicula ' is very slight. What probably suggested 
 the idea of the one having been borrowed from the other is the fourfold 
 division which is common to both, but the ' idola,' as we have seen, were, 
 in the original form of the doctrine, enumerated as only three. 
 
 Roger Bacon's statement and refutation of the ' ofifendicula ' will be 
 found worked out at great length in the 1st Part of the Opus Majus, 
 and more briefly in the Opus Tertium, cap. 22. Mr. Spedding has quoted 
 the opening words of the former passage. I will append those of the 
 latter, in which there are some interesting variations : 
 
 ' Ouatuor vero sunt causae generales omnium malorum nostrorum, et 
 omnem statum a principio mundi corruperunt, et omnem hominem quan- 
 tumcunque sapientem (praeter Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum et 
 Beatam Virginem) aliquando extra viam rectam, vel extra ultimam per- 
 fectionem coegerunt declinare. Et sunt fragilis auctoritatis exempla, 
 consuetudinis diuturnitas, et sensus multitudinis imperitae, atque prae- 
 sumptio humanae mentis, qua quilibet nititur suae imperitiae solatium 
 quaerere, et ea, quae nescit, aut non approbare aut reprobare, et illud 
 modicum quod scit vel aestimat scire, licet nesciat, gaudet imprudenter 
 ostentare.' The rest of the chapter (which will be found in Mr. Brewer's 
 ' Fr. Rogeri Bacon Opera quaedam inedita/ pp. 69-73) is very curious and 
 well worth the attention of the student. 
 
 44 Called in Valerius Terminus Idols of the Palace. 
 
 45 At the beginning of Aphorism 61, there is a trace of an old classifica- 
 tion of the Idola into two groups. In introducing the idola theatri, Bacon 
 uses the words ' At idola theatri innata non sunt, nee occulto insinuata in 
 
 1 intellectum ; sed ex fabulis,' &c. These words point to a classification of 
 I the Idola as innate, including the first three classes, and adventitious, in- 
 Icluding the last class or idola theatri only. And this classification we find 
 adopted in the Distributio Operis. ' Idola autem a quibus occupatur mens, 
 vel Adscititia sunt vel Innata. Adscititia vero immigrarunt in mentes 
 hominum, vel ex philosophorum placitis et sectis vel ex perversis legibus 
 demonstrationum. At Innata inhaerent naturae ipsius intellectus, qui ad 
 
 errorem longe proclivior esse deprehenditur quam sensus Atque 
 
 priora ilia duo Idolortim genera aegre, postrema vero haec nullo modo,
 
 214 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 XL. 
 
 Excitatio notionum et axiomatum 4 * 3 per inductionem veram 
 est certe proprium remedium ad idola arcenda et sum- 
 movenda ; sed tamen indicatio idolorum magni est usus. 
 Doctrina enim de idolis similiter se habet ad inter pretationem 
 naturae, sicut doctrina de sophisticis elenchis ad dialecticam 
 vulgarem 47 . 
 
 XLI. 
 
 Idola tribus sunt fundata in ipsa natura humana, atque in 
 ipsa tribu seu gente hominum 48 . Falso enim asseritur, 
 
 evelli possunt. Id tantum relinquitur, tit indicentur, atque ut vis ista 
 
 mentis insidiatrix notetur et convincatur Itaque doctrina ista de 
 
 expurgatione intellectus ut ipse ad veritatem habilis sit, tribus redargu- 
 tionibus absolvitur : redargutione philosophiarum, redargutione demon- 
 strationum, et redargutione rationis humanae nativae.' Cp. the Partis 
 Secundae Delineatio (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 548), and see Mr. Spedding's 
 remarks in Note C. to the Preface to the Novum Organum (vol. i. pp. 113- 
 117), where the whole question of the higher classification of the Idola is 
 carefully considered. This higher classification of Adscititia and Innata 
 disappears in the Novum Organum, because, as Air. Spedding says, when 
 Bacon 'came to describe the several Idols one by one, he became aware 
 both of the logical inconsistency of classing the Idola Fori among the 
 Innata, and of the practical inconvenience of classing them among the 
 Adscititia, and therefore resolved to drop the dichotomy altogether and 
 range them in four co-ordinate classes.' 
 
 40 Bacon regarded Induction as requisite both to give clearness and 
 precision to our notions and to establish true propositions which might 
 serve as the basis of subsequent reasoning, whether inductive or deduc- 
 tive. But, as we have already seen (note to Aph. 14), in order to realise 
 or test the truth or adequacy of a notion, we must form at least one, and 
 frequently a number of judgments. When we employ induction, therefore, 
 'to elicit a notion,' we necessarily also employ it ' to elicit an axiom,' and 
 hence there is no real distinction between the process of induction or 
 generalisation as applied to notions and as applied to judgments, propo- 
 sitions, or axioms. 
 
 47 That is to say, it is Bacon's Doctrine of Fallacies, and its function is 
 to clear the mind of false notions, in order that it may be open to the 
 reception of true ones. 
 
 '" Must we then despair of the possibility of attaining knowledge ? We 
 cannot, indeed, transcend the limitations of our own faculties, or know 
 things except in relation to our own bodily and mental constitution ; but 
 by comparing our impressions and inferences, one with another, and with 
 those of other men, and, above all, by constantly reviewing and correcting 
 our conceptions by comparison with the facts of Nature, we are able
 
 LIB. I. 40 41. 215 
 
 sensum humanum 40 esse mensuram rerum ; quin contra, 
 omnes perceptiones, tam sensus quam mentis, sunt ex 
 analogia hominis, non ex analogia universi 50 . Estque in- 
 
 to detect not only the individual peculiarities of our own minds but also 
 the general tendencies to error which are common to mankind at large. 
 The mind, though it is beset with phantoms, has not entirely lost the 
 power of distinguishing between phantoms and realities. 
 
 49 If this assertion is meant to represent the dictum of Protagoras, it does 
 so most inadequately. Protagoras asserted, not that the senses uncontrolled 
 by reason, but that man, meaning the human faculties generally, was the 
 measure of all things. Hdvrwv xP r H J - lira>v p-fTpov urdpunros, TU>V p.ei> 6Wcoi> cos 
 e'crrt, ro>v Se OVK OVTWV ws OVK. eo"rii>. Making due allowance for the relativity 
 of human knowledge, that is, understanding the maxim in the form, 
 ' Man is to man the measure of all things,' it seems to be not only true but 
 a truism. And the same remark may be made of the individual form which 
 the maxim sometimes takes : ' Every man is to himself ti&Q measure of ail 
 things.' In the Theaetetus, however, where the Protagorcan dictum is 
 discussed, the theory that Cognition is simply sensible Perception is dis- 
 cussed also, the two enquiries being confounded, and treated as identical. 
 That Protagoras never expressly asserted the latter proposition is almost 
 certain. ' It is not improbable,' says Mr. Grote, ' that the three doctrines' 
 (namely, that man is the measure of all things, that Cognition is sensible 
 Perception, and that Nature consists in a perpetual motion, change, or 
 flux), ' here put together by Plato and subjected to a common scrutiny, 
 may have been sometimes held by the same philosophers. Nevertheless, 
 the language of Plato himself shews us that Protagoras never expressly 
 affirmed knowledge to be sensible Perception : and that the substantial 
 identity between this doctrine and the different doctrine maintained by 
 Protagoras, is to be regarded as a construction put upon the two by Plato.' 
 The student has already, in a previous note, been referred to Mr. Grote's 
 admirable criticism of the Theaetetus, where the Protagorean dictum, in 
 its various relations, is discussed at great length and with much acuteness. 
 
 That the senses alone are competent to furnish knowledge, without any 
 subsequent operation of the intellect upon the materials supplied by them, 
 seems too crude a theory to have ever been seriously entertained except in 
 the infancy of speculation. It is an entirely different position to assert that 
 the perceptions of the senses are an essential condition of knowledge, as is 
 done by Locke, by Kant, and, in fact, by Aristotle, and as appears to 
 be implied throughout by Bacon himself. 
 
 50 The word Analogy is used here, as in Aph. 34, in its more general 
 sense of ' relation,' and not in either its earlier or later technical sense, 
 as employed in Logic. For these senses, the student may refer to the 
 Editor's works on Deductive Logic, pt. iii. ch. i. n. 2, and on Inductive 
 Logic, ch. 4. 
 
 It is the central thought of the Baconian philosophy that we must lay 
 ourselves, as it were, alongside of nature, and study the facts of the
 
 2i 6 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 tellectus humanus instar speculi inaequalis ad radios rerum, 
 qui suam naturam naturae rerum immiscct, eamque distorquet 
 et inficit. 
 
 XLII, 
 
 Idola spccus r ^ sunt idola hominis individui. Habet enim 
 unusquisque (practer aberrationes naturae humanae in 
 genere) specum sive cavernam quandam individuam, quae 
 lumen naturae frangit et corrumpit : vel propter naturam 
 cujusque propriam et singularem ; vel propter educationem 
 et conversationem cum aliis ; vel propter lectionem librorum, 
 et authoritates eorum quos quisque colit et miratur ; vel 
 propter differentias impressionum 3 prout occurrunt in animo 
 praeoccupato et praedisposito. aut in animo aequo ct sedato, 
 vel ejusmodi : ut plane spiritus humanus (prout disponitur 
 in hominibus singulis) sit res varia, et omnino perturbata, et 
 quasi fortuita 62 . Unde bene Heraclitus, homines scientias 
 
 external world, instead of commencing with our own thoughts, and pro- 
 jecting these, as it were, on the universe. Man must look without and not 
 within, if he desires to be truly acquainted with the world around him. 
 This idea is perfectly just, providing we recollect that, after all, we can 
 never know things as they are in themselves, but only as they appear 
 to us. The peculiarities of the human mind generally and of the indi- 
 vidual mind in particular must, after all our precautions, have their share 
 in determining the form which our knowledge assumes. By what is true, 
 we mean, in the last analysis, that which all men might be brought to 
 acknowledge, if their faculties were in a healthy and vigorous condition, 
 and if they were supplied with all the materials requisite for forming 
 a judgment. 
 
 Malebranche (Recherche de la Verite, livre ii. 2 mn partie, ch. 2) refers 
 to these words and the next sentence as ' fort judicieuses.' 
 
 51 The metaphor is taken from Plato's Mythe of the Cave, at the 
 opening of the 7th Look of the Republic. But, as is remarked by Sir 
 \V. Hamilton (Reid's \Yorks, p. 473, ;/.), the metaphor applies rather to the 
 Idola Tribus than to the class of fallacies here described ; for by Plato all 
 mankind, except the few philosophers who have found their way upwards, 
 are regarded as being bound in the same cave, and as mistaking the 
 shadows which pass before them for realities. By Bacon, on the other 
 hand, each man is pictured as dwelling in his own particular cave, and 
 mistaking his individual impressions for those of mankind at large. 
 
 - There is an interesting allusion to the Idola Specus in the Cogi- 
 tata et Visa (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 607) : ' Ouin ccrtissimum esse, turn 
 generaliter .... turn etiam cuique ex educatione, studiis, et natura sua,
 
 LIB. I. 42 43. 217 
 
 quaerere in minoribus mundis, et non in majore sive com- 
 muni 53 . 
 
 XLIII. 
 
 Sunt etiam idola tanquam ex contractu et societate humani 
 generis ad invicem, quae idola fort 5 *, propter hominum 
 commercium et consortium, appellamus. Homines enim 
 per sermones sociantur ; at verba ex captu vulgi impo- 
 nuntur. Itaque mala et inepta verborum impositio miris 
 modis intellectum obsidet. Neque definitiones aut explica- 
 tiones, quibus homines docti se munire et vindicare in 
 nonnullis consueverunt, rem ullo modo restituunt. Sed verba 
 plane vim faciunt intellectui, et omnia turbant ; et homines 
 ad inanes et innumeras controversias et commenta dedu- 
 cunt 55 . 
 
 vim quandam seductoriam et quasi daemonem familiarem adesse, qui 
 mentem variis et vanis spectris ludat et turbet.' It may be noticed, by the 
 way, that the use of the word ' spectra,' as the equivalent of ' idola,' affords 
 a further proof, if any were wanted, of the sense in which Bacon employed 
 the latter word. Dr. Craik, in proposing to translate 'Idola' as 'spectres,' 
 calls attention to a passage in Cicero's Letters (Ad Fam. xv. 16), in which 
 Cicero observes that Catius, the Epicurean, who had lately died, had 
 given the name of spectra to what Epicurus himself and, before him, 
 Democritus had called el'ScoXa. 
 
 13 Mr. Ellis refers to Sextus Empiricus, Adversus Logicos, i. 133, and 
 ii. 1 86 (it should be 286). 
 
 4 The idols of the market-place (or 'palace,' Valerius Terminus) are so 
 called, because words (which are the 'tesserae notionum,' Aph. 14) are 
 the means by which men carry on their ordinary intercourse in the affairs 
 of life. We exchange words as we exchange wares in the market. 
 
 In addition to the sections on the fallacies arising from the ambiguous 
 use of terms, to be found in almost any treatise on Logic, the student 
 should read the third book of Locke's Essay, and especially chs. 9, 10, 11, 
 Dugald Stewart's Philosophy of the Human Mind, pt. i. ch. 4, sects. 4. 5 
 with Note L, and pt. ii. second subdivision, ch. i. (Of Language), sect. 3, 
 Mackintosh's Dissertation on the Progress of Ethical Philosophy, Intro- 
 duction, and Mr. Mill's Logic, bk. iv. chs. 3-6. 
 
 55 ' Men take the words they find in use amongst their neighbours ; and, 
 that they may not seem ignorant what they stand for, use them confidently, 
 without much troubling their heads about a certain fixed meaning ; 
 whereby, besides the ease of it, they obtain this advantage, that, as in such 
 discourses they seldom are in the right, so they are as seldom to be convinced 
 that they are in the wrong ; it being all one to go about to draw those 
 men out of their mistakes, who have no settled notions, as to dispossess
 
 2i8 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 XLIV. 
 
 Sunt denique idola, quae immigrarunt in animos hominum 
 ex^di_versis_ dogmatibus phi^osophiarum, ac etiam ej5J3versis 
 legibus d_emonstrationum ; quae idola theatri m nominamus ; 
 quia quot philosophiae receptae aut inventae sunt, tot fabulas 
 productas et actas censemus, quae mundos effecerunt fictitios 
 et scenicos. Neque de his quae jam habentur, aut etiam de 
 veteribus philosophiis et sectis tantum loquimur, cum com- 
 plures aliae ejusmodi fabulae componi et concinnari possint ; 
 quandoquidem errorum prorsus diversorum causae sint nihilo- 
 minus fere communes. Neque rursus dc philosophiis univer- 
 salibus tantum hoc intelligimus. sed etiam de principiis et 
 axiomatibus compluribus scientiarum, quae ex traditione 
 ct fide et neglectu invaluerunt. Verum de singulis istis 
 generibus idolorum, fusius et distinctius dicendum est, ut 
 intellectui humano cautum sit. 
 
 XLV. 
 
 Tntellectus humanus ex proprictate sua r ' T facile supponit 
 majorem ordinem et aequalitatem in rebus, quam invenit : 
 et cum multa sint in natura monodica 58 , et plena imparitatis, 
 tamen afnngit parallela, et correspondentia, et relativa. quae 
 
 a vagrant of his habitation, who has no settled abode. This I guess to be 
 so ; and every one may observe in himself and others, whether it be, or 
 no. 1 Locke's Essay, bk. iii. ch. 10. 4. 
 
 '" In the Tcmporis Partus Masculus, these are called Idola Scenae. 
 The title is due in either case to the conceit that systems of philosophy 
 and modes of demonstration succeed one another, like plays on the stage. 
 
 The_ twofold source of these Idola, a.^jfaJ^e_j3hjlosop_hy ('ex diversis 
 dogmatibus philosophiarum '), and_ajalsejogjc (' ex perversis legibus de- 
 monstrationum '), should be especially noticed. In the Partis Secundae 
 Delineatio, these subdivisions of the Idola Theatri are ranked as main 
 divisions, and the remaining idola are classified together in a single group 
 as native to the Human Understanding. ' Itaque pars ista, quam de- 
 struentem appellamus, tribus redargutionibus absolvitur : Redargutione 
 Philosophiarum ; Redargutione Demonstrationum ; et Redargutione 
 Rationis Humanae Nativae.' There is the same division in the Dis- 
 tributio Operis. Cp. note on Aph. 39. 
 
 " 'Owing to its peculiar nature.' Cp. ' propter naturam propriam' 
 at the beginning of Aph. 51. 
 
 1 That is, monaclica. Mr. Ellis observes that, throughout his writings, 
 Bacon has fallen into this error.
 
 LIB. 7. 4445- 219 
 
 non stint 59 . Hinc commenta ilia, in coelestibus omnia moveri 
 per circulos pcrfectos, lineis spiralibus et draconibus G0 (nisi 
 
 51J This excessive love of system, or tendency to feign parallels and 
 similitudes where none exist, is, in a logical classification of the fallacies, 
 best referred to False Analogy. See Mr. Mill's Logic, bk. v. ch. 5. 6, 
 and my Inductive Logic, 4th ed. pp. 326-338. The fanciful application of 
 numbers has always played a great part in fallacious conceptions of this 
 character. See a curious article on the number Seven in the Classical 
 Journal, vol. viii. One of the latest instances of the influence exercised 
 on scientific researches by these speculations is afforded in the case of 
 Huyghens. ' The attention which Huyghens,' says Professor Playfair (Pre- 
 liminary Dissertation to the Encyclopaedia Britannica), ' had paid to the 
 ring of Saturn, led him to the discovery of a satellite of the same planet. 
 His telescopes were not powerful enough to discover more of them than 
 one ; he believed, indeed, that there were no more, and that the number 
 of the planets now discovered was complete. The reasoning by which he 
 convinced himself is a proof how slowly men are cured of their prejudices, 
 even with the best talents and the best information. The planets, pri- 
 mary and secondary, thus made up twelve, the double of six, the first of 
 the perfect numbers. In 1671, however, Cassini discovered another 
 satellite, and afterwards three more, making five in all, which the more 
 perfect telescopes of Dr. Herschell have lately augmented to seven.' 
 
 It must be remembered, however, that some of the greatest discoveries 
 in science have originated in the bold use of Analogy. Thus, the whole 
 science of Biology has been revolutionised by following out the analogies 
 between vegetable and animal life, between fossil remains and living 
 organisms, between the structure, habits, and faculties of the lower animals 
 and those of men. The extension of the idea of wave-motion to explain 
 the phenomena of light and sound, and the striking and startling analogies 
 which have often given the first clue to ascertaining the affinities of 
 languages, are other instances which will occur to almost every reader. 
 
 60 The best commentary on this passage is to be found in the Thema 
 Coeli (E. and S., vol. iii. pp. 774-5). 'At manifestum est, planetas 
 non solum impari gradu contendere, sed nee ad idem punctum circuli 
 reverti, verum defiectere versus austrum et boream, cujus deflexionis 
 limites sunt tropici ; quae deflexio nobis Circulum Obliquum, et Diversam 
 Politatem ejus progenuit ; quemadmodum ilia celeritatis inaequalitas 
 motum ilium Renitentiae. Neque vero hoc etiam commento naturae 
 rerum opus est, cum recipiendo lineas spirales (id quod proxime accedit 
 ad sensum et factum) res transigatur, et ista salventur. Atque (quod 
 caput rei est) spirae istae nil aliud sunt quam defectiones a motu circular! 
 perfecto, cujus planetae sunt impatientes. Prout enim substantiae dege- 
 nerant puritate, et explicatione, ita degenerant et motus.' 
 
 The whole passage from which this extract is taken is interesting, as 
 shewing the immature character of Bacon's astronomical theories. 
 
 In a note on this Aphorism, Mr. Ellis says : ' It does not appear in what 
 sense Bacon uses the word "draco." In its ordinary acceptation in old
 
 220 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 nomine terms) prorsus rejectis. Hinc elementum ignis cum 
 orbe suo introductum est ad constituendum quaternionem 
 cum reliquis tribus, quae subjiciuntur sensui G1 . Etiam ele- 
 mentis (quae vocant) imponitur ad placitum decupla pro- 
 portio 62 excessus in raritate ad invicem; et hujusmodi somnia. 
 Neque vanitas ista tantum valet in dogmatibus, verum etiam 
 in notionibus simplicibus 3 . 
 
 XLVI. 
 
 Intellectus humanus in iis quae semel placuerunt (aut quia 
 recepta sunt et credita, aut quia delectant), alia etiam omnia 
 
 astronomy, it denoted the great circle which is approximately the projection 
 on the sphere of the moon's orbit. The ascending node was called the 
 caput draconis, and the descending the cauda draconis. The same terms 
 were occasionally applied to the nodes of the planetary orbits. It is not 
 improbable that Bacon intended to complain of the rejection of spirals 
 of double curvature, or helices, which, traced on the surface of the sphere, 
 might represent inequalities in latitude. Compare (Nov. Org. ii. 48) 
 what is said of the variations of which the "motus rotationis spontaneus" 
 admits.' 
 
 Cp. a passage in the De Augmentis, lib. iii. cap. 4 (E. and S., vol. i. 
 p. 552), where Bacon complains: 'At vix quisquam est, qui inquisivit 
 causas physicas turn de . . . . turn de motuum obliquatione, vel per spiras se 
 versus tropicos texendo et retexendo, vel per sinuationes quas Dracones 
 vocant.' 
 
 01 The four elements were imagined as having each its natural place, 
 earth being lowest and fire highest. As the orb of fire is above that of 
 aii, it is too remote from us to be an object of sense. 
 
 62 This doctrine which prevailed throughout the Schools, though entirely 
 unsupported by evidence and even in spite of the evidence of the senses, 
 owes its origin to a mistaken interpretation of a passage in Aristotle, 
 De Generatione et Corruptione, ii. 6 (p. 333 a. 16-34). The student, on 
 referring to the passage, will find that the ' decupla ratio ' is only put 
 hypothetically, for the sake of example : ' oiov el e' {J&aro? KOTv\r]s eler 
 tlepos 8fKa ; ' ' oiov el KOTV\TJ v8aros 'icrov dvvarai \j/v)(eiv Kai Sexa depos. 
 The order of the elements would, of course, be earth, water, air, fire. A 
 fifth element was added by Aristotle and the Peripatetics, which was 
 regarded as peculiar to the celestial regions and as being the material 
 of which the heavenly bodies were composed. It was called aether. See, 
 for instance, Meteorologica, i. 3 ; De Coelo, i. 3. Cp. note on the words 
 ' ut Gilbertus' in ii. 36 (5). 
 
 G ' ! As, for instance, in the personification of inanimate objects, in 
 anthropomorphic conceptions of Gocl, and the manner in which we attri- 
 bute to Nature designs and modes of operation analogous to those which 
 we experience amongst men.
 
 LIBER /. 46. 221 
 
 trahit ad suffragationem et consensum cum illis 4 : et licet 
 major sit instantiarum vis et copia, quae occurrunt in contra- 
 rium ; tamen eas aut non observat, aut contemnit, aut distin- 
 guendo summovet et rejicit, non sine magno et pernicioso 
 praejudicio, quo prioribus illis syllepsibus c5 authoritas maneat 
 inviolata. Itaque recte respondit ille c(i , qui, cum suspensa 
 tabula in templo ei monstraretur eorum qui vota solverant. 
 quod naufragii periculo elapsi sint, atque interrogando pre- 
 meretur, anne turn quidem Deorum numen agnosceret, quae- 
 sivit denuo, At ubi stint illi depicti qui post vota nuncupata 
 perierint? Eadem ratio est fere omnis superstitionis, ut in 
 astrologicis, in somniis, ominibus, nemesibus, et hujusmodi : 
 in quibus homines delectati hujusmodi vanitatibus advcrtunt 
 eventus, ubi implentur ; ast ubi fallunt, licet multo frequentius. 
 tamen negligunt et praetereunt. At longe subtilius serpit 
 hoc malum in philosophiis et scientiis ; in quibus quod semel 
 placuit reliqua (licet multo firmiora et potiora) inficit, et in 
 ordinem redigit. Quinetiam licet abfuerit ea, quam diximus. 
 delectatio et vanitas, is tamen humano intellectui error est 
 proprius et perpetuus, ut magis moveatur et excitetur affirma- 
 tivis quam negativis ; cum rite et ordine aequum se utrique 
 praebere debeat ; quin contra, in omni axiomate vero consti- 
 tuendo, major est vis instantiae negativae u7 . 
 
 64 This tendency, when we have once formed an opinion, to attach 
 greater importance to affirmative instances, in support of it, than to 
 negative instances, in contradiction of it, is rightly classed by Mr. Mill 
 under the Fallacies of Non-observation of instances. See Mill's Logic, 
 bk. v. ch. 4. 3, and my Inductive Logic, 4th Edition, pp. 251-257. For 
 instances of the Fallacy, the reader is referred to those works. 
 
 3; ' cri'\\r)\lsis, a conception. 
 
 66 Diagoras, surnamed the Atheist, according to Cicero, De Natura 
 Deorum, iii. 37, where another story to the same purport is told. 
 Diogenes Laertius tells the story, with a slight variation, of Diogenes 
 the Cynic, but adds that it is also told of Diagoras the Melian : dav^a^ovros 
 Tivus TCI fv ^,afj.odpuKrj dvadfjfj.nTn, efprj, HoAXo) av eir) TrAe/w, et (cat 01 /j.i) 
 a<io8fVT(s di>eTL0f(rav. ol 8e TOVTO Awyopou (f)a<r\ rov M^Xiov. 
 
 67 A single negative instance, if it admit of no explanation, is sufficient 
 to upset a theory, or, at the least, it ought to cause us to suspend our 
 judgment, till we are able either to explain the exception, or to modify 
 the theory in accordance with it, or else to accumulate such an amount of 
 negative evidence as to justify us in rejecting the theory altogether. The 
 negative instance, even where it does not upset a theory, is often peculiarly
 
 222 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 XLVII. 
 
 Intellectus humanus illis, quae simul et subito mentem 
 ferire et subire possunt, maxime movetur ; a quibus phan- 
 tasia implcri et inflari consuevit : reliqua vero modo quodam, 
 licet imperceptibili, ita se habere fingit et supponit, quomodo 
 se habent pauca ilia quibus mens obsidetur 08 ; ad ilium vero 
 transcursum ad instantias remotas et heterogeneas ', per quas 
 axiomata tanquam igne probantur, tardus omnino intellectus 
 est, et inhabilis, nisi hoc illi per duras leges et violentum 
 imperium imponatur. 
 
 XLVIII. 
 
 Gliscit intellectus humanus, neque consistere aut acquies- 
 cere potis est, sed ulterius petit; atfrustra 70 . Itaque incogi- 
 
 valuable, in calling attention to a counteracting cause. This, for example, 
 was the case with the deflexions of the planet Uranus, which, being 
 inexplicable by known causes, directed the attention of astronomers to 
 the existence of a hitherto undiscovered planet, the planet now called 
 Neptune. An example, on the other hand, of a theory which was upset 
 by a single negative instance, is the old doctrine that bodies fall to the 
 ground in times inversely proportioned to their weights ; the experiments 
 of Galileo from the leaning tower of Pisa once and for ever put an end 
 to this delusion. 
 
 Bacon may possibly, however, be referring to the method of Exclusions, 
 of which \ve shall hear so much in the Second Book. On this method, see 
 Introduction, 9. 
 
 " The mind is unduly influenced by sudden and simultaneous impres- 
 sions. A familiar example of this tendency is the unreasoning alarm often 
 produced by railway accidents, accidents in mines, collieries, etc. Such 
 accidents, especially if two or more occur about the same time, ' fill the 
 imagination ' and excite an alarm out of all proportion to the actual risk 
 incurred. 
 
 t;: ' Thus, the phenomena of electricity are exhibited on a grand scale in 
 thunder and lightning, which ' strike the mind suddenly and simultaneously,' 
 but the study of these instances alone would never have led to the 
 discovery of those singular and subtle laws of electricity which have been 
 gathered from the ' remote and heterogeneous instances ' that could have 
 occurred only to the patient student of nature. 
 
 '" The restless ambition of the intellect is one of the impediments to 
 the attainment of truth. The mind ever desires to penetrate further 
 and further into the nature and causes of things ; but in vain. And hence, 
 feeling its helplessness, it falls back upon itself, and supposes the processes 
 of nature to be carried on with the same ends and in the same manner as 
 the works of man. 
 
 The first sentence of tins Aphorism might almost be adopted as the
 
 LIBER /. 47 48. 223 
 
 tabile est ut sit aliquid extremum aut extimum mundi, sed 
 semper quasi necessario occurrit ut sit, aliquid ulterius 71 . 
 
 motto of Kant's Kritik der Reinen Vernunft, which attempts to shew the 
 powerlessness of the human intellect in dealing with the ultimate pro- 
 blems of Metaphysics, while the attraction which they exercise on it is so 
 great, that it cannot refrain from attempting their solution. 
 
 This Aphorism touches on a number of philosophical difficulties which 
 it would be impossible within the limits of a work like the present to dis- 
 cuss fully or satisfactorily. I shall confine myself to a brief statement of 
 my own opinions and to such references as I think likely to be of real use 
 to the student. 
 
 71 The mind is unable to think of the totality of space as finite ; for, at 
 whatever point we mentally place ourselves, we cannot but think of some 
 point beyond it. Moreover, if space be finite, it must be bounded by some 
 figure, that is to say, the totality of space must, on this supposition, have 
 some shape or other ; but, whether we regard it as spherical, cubical, or 
 of any other shape, there must be some space beyond it in relation to 
 which it is said to be of this or that shape, and in which it is contained. 
 Hence, the proposition that Space (in its totality) is finite or bounded, 
 involves a contradiction in terms ; for bounded space must have some 
 space beyond it. But, though we are thus compelled to think of space 
 as infinite, can we conceive infinite space ? We certainly cannot realise, 
 imagine, or picture to ourselves infinite space, for it would take an infinity 
 of time to do so. But this circumstance constitutes no valid reason why 
 we should refuse to affirm a proposition, the only alternative of which has 
 been proved to be self-contradictory. We are compelled, therefore, to 
 assert the proposition that Space is not finite, or, in other words, that 
 Space is infinite. 
 
 Similarly, we cannot think of time as having had a beginning, for then 
 there would be a time before time ; or as about to have an end, for then 
 there would be a time after time. Hence, we are compelled to affirm 
 an infinity of time, as we were before compelled to affirm an infinity of 
 Space. 
 
 Again, though we are as little able to picture to our minds the process of 
 infinitesimal subdivision as that of infinite addition, we are compelled by 
 considerations, similar to those which we have already gone through, to 
 affirm the infinite divisibility of both lines and matter. A line, however 
 small, must have two ends, and so be capable of bisection ; an atom must 
 have an upper and an under side, and so be capable of division. 
 
 The questions on which I have so briefly touched, and the very concep- 
 tion of infinity itself, have been the occasion of much controversy. The 
 student, who wishes to acquaint himself with the main outlines of these 
 discussions, will do well to read the chapter on 'Infinity' in Locke's 
 Essay (bk. ii. ch. 17 ) ; Kant's Kritik der Reinen Vernunft, Transcen- 
 dentale Dialektik, bk. ii. ch. 2 (Die Antinomic der Reinen Vernunft), 
 where the antinomies or contradictions connected with Cause and God 
 are discussed, as well as those connected with Space, Time, and Matter ;
 
 224 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 Neque rursus cogitari potest quomodo aeternitas defluxerit 
 ad hunc diem ; cum distinctio ilia, quae recipi consuevit, quod 
 sit infinitiim a partc ante et a parte post, nullo modo constare 
 possit ; quia inde sequeretur, quod sit unum infinitum alio 
 infinite majus, atque ut consumatur infinitum, et vergat ad 
 finitum 72 . Similis est subtilitas de lineis semper divisibilibus, 
 ex impotentia cogitationis. At majore cum pernicie inter- 
 venit haec impotentia mentis in inventione causarum : nam 
 cum maxime universalia in natura positiva 73 esse debeant, 
 
 Sir W. Hamilton's Lectures on Metaphysics, Lecture 38 ; Mr. Mill's 
 Examination of Hamilton, ch. 6 ; and, lastly, as a defence of Sir W. 
 Hamilton and a reply to Mr. Mill, Dr. Mansel's ' Philosophy of the Con- 
 ditioned.' The student of Kant will derive great assistance from consult- 
 ing, on this subject, the work of Mr. Caird on ' The Philosophy of Kant,' 
 pt. ii. chs. 16, 17. It must be recollected, however, that Mr. Caird's 
 criticisms of Kant, and the extensions which he endeavours to give to Kant's 
 philosophy, are made entirely from the Hegelian stand-point. Much of 
 the difficulty and confusion experienced in dealing with these questions 
 would be avoided, if the student could keep clearly before his mind the 
 fact that the term ' infinite ' simply expresses the negation of ' finite.' 
 For ' that alone,' says Locke, ' is infinite, which has no bounds ; and that 
 the Idea of Infinity, in which our thoughts can find none.' And again, 
 that is an infinite space or number 'which, in a constant and endless 
 inlarging and progression, the mind can in thought never attain to.' 
 Essay, bk. ii. ch. 17. 8. 
 
 72 Bacon's criticism is unfortunate and could only arise from his 
 ignorance of mathematics. In reasoning on ' infinities,' it is a first 
 principle that the addition or subtraction of any finite quantity, however 
 large, may, in comparison with infinity, be neglected. oc +a = ex. This 
 formula is entirely independent of the value which we assign to n, pro- 
 vided it be finite. 
 
 With regard to the distinction between infinitum a partc ante and in- 
 finitum a parte post, it seems to me that it is not only perfectly legi- 
 timate, but that it suggests the only way in which the mind can attempt 
 to picture to itself either infinity of time or infinity of space. We 
 mentally take our position at some particular point or moment, usually the 
 present, and try to conceive of an endless regress or an endless progress, 
 as the case may be, from that point or moment. The endless progress is 
 the infinitum a parte ante, the endless regress the infinitum a parte post. 
 3 This passage is obscure, but its meaning appears to be that there 
 are certain great laws of nature, or pauses, or, as J3acon would probably 
 have said, ' forms,' in which we ought to acquiesce as ultimate expla- 
 nations of facts. Such, to take instances from modern science, may, 
 perhaps, be the law of gravity, the law of inertia, and the laws of chemical 
 combination. Now Bacon can hardly mean that these laws, causes, or
 
 LIB. /. 49. 225 
 
 quemadmodum inveniuntur, neque sunt revera causabilia ; 
 tamen intellectus humanus, nescius acquiescerc, adhuc appetit 
 notiora 74 . Turn vero, ad ulteriora tendens, ad proximiora 
 recidit, videlicet ad causas finales 75 , quae sunt plane ex 
 natura hominis, potius quam universi : atque ex hoc fonte 
 philosophiam miris modis corruperunt. Est autem aeque 
 imperiti et leviter philosophantis, in maxime universalibus 
 causam requirere, ac in subordinatis et subalternis 7G causam 
 non desiderare. 
 
 XLIX. 
 
 Intellectus humanus luminis sicci non est 77 ; sed recipit 
 
 forms are themselves, as a matter of fact, due to no other cause, but what 
 he does probably mean is that it is in vain for us to inquire into their 
 cause ; to us they are and must be ultimate facts, to be taken for granted, 
 and it is mere idle speculation to try and trace the course of nature 
 beyond them. Cp. with this passage, II. 48 (14), and specially De 
 Augmentis, lib. ix. (E. and S., vol. i. p. 833. 1. 10, etc.) See also Intro- 
 duction, p. 63. 
 
 The word ' positiva ' may be translated ' absolute ' or ' ultirnate.' It 
 seems intended to express the opposite of ' relative ' or ' dependent,' 
 that is, relative to or dependent on other causes. These facts are ' to 
 be taken for granted ' instead of ' to be explained.' 
 
 74 That is, natura notiora or ' still more general laws.' 
 
 76 For the meaning of the expression ' Final Causes,' the reader may 
 refer to the first foot-note on 8 of the Introduction, and, for Bacon's 
 criticism of the doctrine, to 10. 
 
 Man projects his own aims and ideas on the Universe, and regards 
 God or Nature as acting in the same way in which he wonld act him- 
 self. Thus, instead of accommodating his thoughts to Nature, he accom- 
 modates Nature to his own thoughts. Compare what is said by one of the 
 interlocutors in Galileo's Third Dialogue : ' Great, in my judgment, is the 
 folly of those who would have had God to have made the World more 
 proportional to the narrow capacities of their reason, than to his immense, 
 yea infinite power.' (Sir Thomas Salusbury's Translation, p. 335.) 
 
 " ; A logical term, denoting particular propositions in relation to their 
 corresponding universals. Thus, Some X is Y is 'subaltern' to All X is Y. 
 
 Mr. Ellis very appropriately quotes Arist. Metaph. iii. 4 (1006 a. 6-9). 
 ecrTi yap aTraiSfvcria TO /J.r) yiyi>a>crK(Lv -rivatv 8fl ^rjre'iv dnodeL^iV Kal Tivooi' on Of i. 
 <j\a>s p.ei> yap a-rravTW ativvarov a.Tr68fiiv eivai' els (irreipov yap av J3a8ioi, S><TTf 
 fj.rj8' ourcoy tlvai an(>8eiii>. 
 
 77 Compare the often-quoted maxim of Heraclitus ; ai'r? griprj ^v*'? 
 cro<pa>TaTT) or aZrj ^vyr] (rofpcuTurr] Kal dpiar^. The authorities for these 
 maxims are given in Ritter and Preiler's Historia Philosophiae. 2nd ed., 
 p. 26. 
 
 Q
 
 226 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 infusionem a voluntate et affectibus, id quod general ad quod 
 vnlt scientias : quod enim mavult homo verum esse, id 
 potius credit 71 . Rejicit itaque difficilia, ob inquirendi im- 
 patientiam ; sobria, quia coarctant spem ; altiora naturae, 
 proptcr superstitionem 80 ; lumen experientiae, propter arro- 
 g-antiam et fastum, ne videatur mens versari in vilibus et 
 
 O } 
 
 fluxis ; paradoxa, propter opinionem vulgi ; denique innu- 
 meris modis, iisque interdum imperceptibilibus, affectus 
 intellcctum imbuit et inficit. 
 
 L. 
 
 At longe maximum impedimentum et aberratio intellectus 
 humani provenit a stupore et incompetentia et fallaciis 
 sensuum 81 ; ut ea, quae sensum fcriunt, illis, quae sensum 
 immediate non feriunt, licet potioribus, praeponderent. Itaque 
 contemplatio fere dcsinit cum aspectu ; adeo ut rerum in- 
 visibilium exigua aut nulla sit observatio. Itaque omnis 
 
 T " Capricious or arbitrary. 
 
 79 Bacon means that the Will and the Affections often exert an influ- 
 ence in warping our judgments. Familiar illustrations are the obstinacy 
 with which men defend opinions to which they have once committed 
 themselves, and the jealousy and repugnance with which they are apt to 
 receive those of their antagonists or rivals. It was a saying of Archbishop 
 Whately, that men are much more anxious to have truth on their side, 
 than to be on the side of truth. 
 
 It does not appear to me that Bacon either states or implies that, if the In- 
 tellect were freed from the warping influences of the Will and the Affections, 
 its conclusions would be infallibly true. A later school of English moralists, 
 of whom Dr. Samuel Clarke is the principal representative, maintained 
 the doctrine that the Affections are the sole cause of moral aberrations, 
 but to ascribe this or any similar theory to Bacon would involve an ana- 
 chronism and be inconsistent with the language of the preceding Aphorisms. 
 
 Spinoza, in his brief criticism of Bacon's philosophy (sec his letter to 
 Oldenburg, Epist. 2, ed. Brucler, vol. ii. pp. 146, 7), makes special reference 
 to this Aphorism. 
 
 " The thought is that Superstition makes men afraid of enquiring into 
 the ' deep things ' of nature, and so determines them to refer to the action 
 or intentions of a First Cause, what is really due to second causes. 
 
 1 It is, perhaps, almost superfluous to remark that, since Bacon's time, 
 the ' dulness, incompetency, and deceptions ' of the senses have been, to 
 a great extent, remedied by the discovery of new instruments, by methods 
 of corrections, and by a more careful discrimination between our original 
 perceptions and the subsequent operations of the intellect upon them.
 
 LIB. I. 50. 227 
 
 operatio spirituum 82 in corporibus tangibilibus inclusorum 
 latet, et homines fugit. Omnis etiam subtilior meta-sche- 
 matismus 83 in partibus rerum crassiorum (quern vulgo altera- 
 
 82 This idea of * spirits ' shut up in bodies, inanimate as well as animate, 
 is of frequent occurrence in the 2nd Book. See, for instance, the 7th and 
 4oth Aphorisms, where some of the statements and speculations are very 
 curious. Immediately borrowed, perhaps, from Paracelsus, or taken gene- 
 rally from the physical philosophy of the day, this doctrine seems to 
 have had a peculiar attraction for Bacon. ' The idea,' says Mr. Ellis 
 (Preface to the Historia Vitae et Mortis, E. and S., vol. ii. p. 94), 'on 
 which Bacon's theory of longevity is founded, namely, that the principle of 
 life resides in a subtle fluid or spirit which permeates the tangible parts of 
 the organisation of plants and animals, seems to be coeval with the first 
 origin of speculative physiology. Bacon was one of those by whom this 
 idea was extended from organised to inorganic bodies : inal^substances, 
 according to him, resides a portjon of spirit which manifests_itse!f only in 
 its operations, being altogether intangible and without weight. This 
 doctrine appeared to him to be of most certain truth, but he has nowhere 
 stated the grounds of his conviction, nor even indicated the kind of 
 evidence by which the existence of the spiritus is to be established. In 
 living bodies he conceived that two kinds of spirits exist : a crude or 
 mortuary spirit, such as is present in other substances ; and the animal 
 or vital spirit, to which the phenomena of life are to be referred. To 
 keep this vital spirit, the wine of life, from oozing away, ought to be the 
 aim of the physician who attempts to increase the number of our few and 
 evil days.' 
 
 This physical, or rather metaphysical, theory of a subtle, invisible, and 
 intangible fluid or ether, permeating every material substance, whether 
 animate or inanimate, may be regarded as a curious survival of a primi- 
 tive, fetichistic era, when men literally believed that every object around 
 them was animated or possessed by a soul or ' spirit ' similar to their own, 
 and that this soul or spirit was itself a material, though it might be an 
 invisible, substance. The student will find some most interesting and 
 suggestive remarks on this subject in Dr. Tylor's Primitive Culture, vol. ii. 
 chs. 14, 15. 
 
 83 Bacon appears to have adopted a theory of the ultimate constitution 
 of matter, in some respects similar to that of the Atomists (see especially 
 Bk. ii. Aph. 8) ; and hence his partiality for the school of Democritus. 
 He rejected, however, the hypothesis of a vacuum, and it does not appear 
 whether his atoms (or rather particles, as he preferred to call them) 
 differed in material or only in shape and arrangement. Any way, all mate- 
 rial objects, he conceived, if only we could penetrate to their ultimate 
 structure or constitution, would be found to consist of a number of small 
 particles, arranged in some definite manner with reference to each other. 
 
 I This arrangement, as it escapes detection, is called La tens Sc/icinat/sinus^ \ 
 \ and any change in it is termed Met a- Schematising ; moreover, as the [ 
 
 Q 2 "
 
 228 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 tionem vocant, cum sit revera latio per minima 84 ) latet 
 similiter : et tamen nisi duo ista, quae diximus, explorata 
 fuerint et in lucem producta, nihil magni fieri potest in 
 natura quoad opera. Rursus ipsa natura aeris communis et 
 corporum omnium, quae aerem tenuitate superant (quae 
 plurima sunt), fere incognita est. Sensus enim per se res 
 infirma est, et aberrans : neque organa ad amplificandos 
 sensus aut acuendos multum valent ; sed omnis verier inter- 
 pretatio naturae conficitur per instantias, et experimenta 
 idonea et apposita ; ubi sensus de experimento tantum, ex- 
 perimentum de natura et re ipsa judicat. 
 
 LI. 
 
 Intellectus humanus fertur ad abstracta propter naturam 
 propriam ; atque ea, quae fluxa sunt, fingit esse constantia. 
 Melius autem est naturam secare, quam abstrahere 85 ; id quod 
 Democriti schola fecit, quae magis penetravit in naturam, 
 quam reliquae. Materia potius considerari debet, et ejus 
 schematismi, et meta-schematismi, atque actus purus 8G , et lex 
 
 internal process by which such change takes place is unknown to us, it 
 is called Latens Procesms. (See Bk. ii. Aphs. 6, 7 ; and cp. ii. 48 ad fin., 
 where Bacon contests Democritus' theory of the rigidity or unchangeability 
 of the atoms.) 
 
 84 It follows from Bacon's theory of the ultimate constitution of matter 
 that any alteration (nAXoiWt?) in a body is simply a motion amongst the 
 minute particles, a change in their arrangement, ' latio per minima.' 
 
 85 It is better to dissect nature by means of analysis, than to form 
 abstract theories about her, which have no foundation in fact or experi- 
 ment. The work of 'abstraction,' that is of forming abstract or general 
 theories, is, of course, indispensable in the interpretation of nature, but it 
 ought to follow and not precede the work of ' dissection,' that is, the 
 minute examination and interrogation of natural facts. It is on account 
 of its patience or supposed patience in the investigation of nature that 
 the school of Leucippus and Democritus seems to have been preferred by 
 Bacon to the other schools of antiquity. 
 
 8G This expression is the scholastic equivalent for the Aristotelian term 
 fvepyeia or evrf\e^(ia as opposed to Swapis, and, as such, may either mean 
 actual, as opposed to possible motion, growth, or development, or actual, as 
 opposed to possible existence. For a di-vafiis may either be a possibility of 
 motion (taking that word in the wide sense in which it is employed by 
 Aristotle), or a possibility of existence. If it be a possibility of existence, 
 the existence itself, when realised, is called an eWpyeia or eWeXe'^e ia. But.
 
 LIB. I. 5152. 229 
 
 actus sive motus ; formae enim commenta animi humani 
 sunt 87 , nisi libeat leges illas actus formas appellare. 
 
 LIT. 
 
 Hujusmodi itaque sunt idola, quae vocamus idola tribus : 
 quae ortum habent aut ex aequalitate substantiae spiritus 
 
 if it be a possibility of motion, we have two cases, according as the motion 
 or process is (i) an end in itself, or (2) results in something beyond itself, 
 an t'pyw TI. Now, in the first case, as, for instance, in walking for the 
 sake of exercise, the actual as opposed to the possible motion may be in- 
 differently called a Kivrja-is, an fvepyeia, and, though hardly with equal pro- 
 priety, an eVreAe'xeia. In the second case, suppose we take house-building 
 as our instance, we have (a) the mere Swapis or possibility of house- 
 building, (/3) the process itself, otVoSo/wKq, (-y) the result, TO epyov, the house. 
 Here, 01*080/111*07, the process, ought strictly speaking to be called a wi^o-ir, 
 but it is also called, though with less propriety, an tvepyeia. or even an 
 ta ; but the end or result, the house itself, can only be said to exist 
 or eWeXe^ei'a, and the latter expression seems the more appropriate 
 of the two. The terms evfpyeia and fWeAe'^eia are often used interchange- 
 ably by Aristotle, but, strictly speaking, it would seem that cvepytia (e'v 
 should be appropriated to a motion which is an end in itself, while 
 ia (ev reXei extiv) ought to be appropriated to the result of a motion 
 or process, or to actual as opposed to possible existence. 
 
 On this distinction, the student is specially recommended to read Tren- 
 delenburg's first note to De Anima, bk. ii. ch. i, and to compare the passages 
 in Aristotle's works, where the terms tvepyfia and eVreXe^eia occur. He 
 should notice particularly Metaph. viii. 6 and Eth. vii. 14 (8). Sir Alex- 
 ander Grant treats of this distinction at some length in one of the Essays 
 appended to his edition of Aristotle's Ethics. 
 
 ' Actus Purus,' in the present passage, may mean either the process of 
 development by which one material substance passes into another or the 
 final result which follows from the meta-schematismus, that is to say, the 
 change in its structure. Thus, the actus purus might either be the process 
 by which the acorn passes into the oak or iron into rust, or it might be the 
 oak or the rust itself. Conformably with these alternatives, ' lex actus sive 
 motus ' may denote either the law governing the process by which the 
 final result is attained, or the law expressing the conditions of the result 
 itself, that is to say, it may denote either a dynamical law or a statical 
 law. I am inclined to think that, in this place, it has the former meaning^ 
 Cp. Introduction, Section 8. 
 
 ^ 7 He here alludes to the iSe'at of Plato, which were conceived as having 
 a supra-sensible existence independent of and out of relation to matter. 
 He himself adopts the phrase ' Forms,' but in a peculiar sense of his own, 
 which I have discussed at length in the scciion of the Introduction just 
 referred to.
 
 230 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 humani 88 ; aut ex praeoccupatione ejus ; aut ab angustiis 
 ejus; aut ab inquieto motu ejus; aut ab infusione affectuum ; 
 aut ab incompetentia sensuum ; aut ab impressionis modo 89 . 
 
 LIII. 
 
 Idola spccns ortum habent ex propria cuj usque natura et 
 animi et corporis ; atque etiam ex educatione, et consuetudine, 
 et fortuitis. Quod genus, licet sit varium et multiplex, 
 tamen ea proponemus, in quibus maxima cautio est, quaeque 
 plurimum valent ad polluendum intellectum, ne sit purus. 
 
 LIV. 
 
 Adamant homines scientias et contemplationcs particulares : 
 aut quia authores et inventores se earum credunt ; aut quia 
 plurimum in illis operae posuerunt, iisque maxime assuevcrunt. 
 Hujusmodi vero homines, si ad philosophiam et contcmpla- 
 tiones universales se contulerint, illas ex prioribus phantasiis 
 dctorquent, et corrumpunt ; id quod maxime conspicuum 
 cernitur in Aristotele, qui naturalem suam philosophiam 
 logicae suae prorsus mancipavit, tit earn fere inutilem et con- 
 tentiosnm rcddiderit . Chymicorum autem genus, ex paucis 
 
 ** By this singular expression he appears to mean that the human mind, 
 being of an uniform substance, is inadequate to represent the inequalities 
 and varieties of nature, and hence that it feigns uniformities and analogies 
 which do not exist. Cp. Aphs. 41 and 45. 
 
 These words must refer to the last Aphorism, though the meaning of 
 the reference is not altogether clear. We are 'impressed' with the general 
 and abstract relations of things rather than with their minute structure. 
 The reason at once seizes on or even ' anticipates ' the former, while the 
 latter is concealed from the observation of the senses. 
 
 "' Compare the far more vehement attack on Aristotle in Tcmporis 
 Partus Masculus, cap. 2 (E. and S., vol. iii. pp. 529, 530) : ' Itaque 
 citetur Aristotelcs, pessimus sophista, inutili subtilitate attonitus, verborum 
 vile ludibrium. Ausus etiam, turn cum forte mcns humana ad veritatem 
 aliquam casu quopiam tanquam secunda tempcstate dclata acquiesceret, 
 injicere durissimas animis compcdes, artemque quandam insaniac com- 
 ponere, nosque verbis addicere.' Bacon, however, is not always consistent 
 in his abuse of Aristotle. Sometimes he speaks of him in terms of eulogy, 
 as, for instance, in Aph. 98 and in the following passage of the Redargutio 
 Philosophiarum : 'Itaque hos duos viros, Platonem et Aristotclcm, si quis 
 inter maxima mortalium ingenia non numerat aut minus pcrspicit aut 
 minus aequus cst.' 
 
 The specific charge against Aristotle that he subordinated his natural
 
 LIB. L 5354- 231 
 
 experiments fornacis, philosophiam constituerunt phantas- 
 ticam. et ad pauca spcctantem 01 : quinetiam Gilbertus, post- 
 quam in contemplationibus magnetis se laboriosissime cxer- 
 cuisset, confinxit statim philosophiam consentaneam rei apud 
 ipsum.praepollenti 2 . 
 
 philosophy to his logic is undoubtedly founded in part on his partiality for 
 the technical forms and terminology of the syllogism. This circumstance 
 often obscures his argument (as we may see even in the 6th and yth Books 
 of the Ethics), and also often has a tendency to divert his attention from 
 the arbitrary or questionable character of the principles on which his 
 reasoning proceeds. But, under the phrase ' logicae suae,' Bacon probably 
 includes not only 'logic' properly so called, but also the metaphysical dis- 
 tinctions which are of such frequent occurrence in Aristotle's works. 
 Instead of explaining physical phenomena in their true relations or by 
 reference to their true causes, Aristotle frequently, if not generally, deems 
 it sufficient to bring them under his metaphysical distinctions of Suj/n^uts and 
 eWp-yeto, matter, form, and privation, the four causes, the ten categories, 
 the different kinds of motion, and the like. Of this tendency we have 
 a notable instance in the De Coelo, where we should naturally expect to 
 find a careful account of observed facts with reference to the earth and 
 the heavenly bodies ; instead of this account, we have interminable 
 discussions on substance, qualities, the various kinds of motion, and other 
 topics of a like metaphysical character. The title of this treatise, how- 
 ever, was not given by Aristotle himself. 
 
 91 Bacon frequently refers to the ' Chemists' or 'Alchemists,' and gene- 
 rally in the same terms. See Aphs. 64 and 73. They are criticised at 
 length, both on their practical and speculative side, in the Redargutio 
 Philosophiarum (E. and S., iii. 575, 576). There is also an interesting 
 notice of them in the De Augmentis, lib. i. (vol. i. p. 457)- 
 
 In the word ' phantasticam,' he probably has specially in view the 
 speculations of Paracelsus and his school ; in the expression ' ad pauca 
 spectantem ' the narrow range of objects, such as the transformation of 
 metals and the discovery of the elixir vitae, to which the Chemists or 
 Alchemists of that time confined their attention. 
 
 Professor Playfair, in a passage already referred to, says (Encycl. 
 Brit., Prcl. Diss.) : 'Chemistry in this state might be said to have an 
 Elective Attraction for all that was most absurd and extravagant in the 
 other parts of knowledge.' 
 
 92 William Gilbert of Colchester (1540-1603), Court-Physician to Queen 
 Elisabeth and author of the celebrated treatise ' De Magncte ' published 
 in 1600, was really the founder of the sciences of Electricity and Mag- 
 netism. It is, however, indisputable that he regarded his discoveries as 
 admitting of a wider application than was really the case. Thus, he 
 assigned to magnetism some of the phenomena which were afterwards 
 explained by gravitation. 
 
 Gilbert (who is repeatedly referred to by Bacon both in the Xovum
 
 232 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 LV. 
 
 Maximum et velut radicale discrimen ingeniorum, quoad 
 philosophiam et scientias, illud est : quod alia ingenia sint 
 fortiora et aptiora ad notandas rerum differentias ; alia, ad 
 notandas rerum similitudines 93 . Ingenia enim constantia et 
 acuta figere contemplationes, et morari, et haerere in omni 
 subtilitate differentiarum possunt ; ingenia autem sublimia et 
 discursiva etiam tenuissimas et catholicas rerum similitudines 
 et agnoscunt et componunt : utrumque autem ingenium facile 
 labitur in excessum, prensando aut gradus rerum, aut umbras. 
 
 LVI. 
 
 Repcriuntur ingenia alia in admirationem antiquitatis 94 , alia 
 in amorem et amplexum novitatis effusa ; pauca vero ejus 
 temperament! sunt, ut modum tenere possint, quin aut quae 
 recte posita sunt ab antiquis convellant, aut ea contemnant 
 
 Organ um and elsewhere) is mentioned with more respect in Bk. ii. 
 Aph. 35, and with considerable respect in Bk. ii. Aph. 36. Mr. Spedding 
 observes (vol. iii. p. 516) : ' Bacon praises him both for his industry and 
 his method ; censuring him only for endeavouring to build a universal 
 philosophy upon so narrow a basis.' Thus, in the following quaint passage 
 (from the 'Aditus ad Historian! Gravis et Levis,' E. and S., vol. ii. p. So), 
 he combines both praise and blame : ' Itaque vires magneticas non inscite 
 introdaxit Gilbertus, sed et ipsc factus magnes ; nimio scilicet plura quam 
 oportct ad illas trahens, et navcm aedificans ex scalmo.' 
 
 3 This Aphorism is suggestive of an important psychological fact. The 
 tendency to note resemblances and the tendency to note differences rarely 
 co-exist in an equal degree. Men who have a tendency to note resemblances 
 rather than differences have an imaginative, and frequently a philosophical 
 or poetical turn of mind ; men who have a tendency to note differences 
 rather than resemblances have a logical or critical turn of mind. Plato, 
 Shakspeare, and Bacon himself (though he claims to unite both faculties ; 
 see De Interpretationc Naturae Prooemium, E. and S., vol. iii. p. 518) 
 furnish good instances of the one tendency, Aristotle of the other. As 
 literature accumulates, and thought tends to lose its freshness, men seem 
 to be apt to note differences rather than resemblances. Logic and 
 criticism advance at the expense of poetry and creative philosophy. 
 
 \\ it has frequently been denned as a faculty of noticing remote 
 resemblances. 
 
 The student may compare with this Aphorism a passage in Kant's 
 Kritik der Reincn Yernunft, Anhang zur transcendentalen Dialcktik, ed. 
 Hartenstein, vol. iii. p. 442 (Meiklejohn's English Translation, p. 401). 
 
 j4 See Apia. 84, and the notes on that Aphorism.
 
 LIB. I. 5559- 233 
 
 quae recte afferuntur a novis. Hoc vero magno scientiarum et 
 philosophiae detrimento fit, quum studia potius sint antiqui- 
 tatis et novitatis, quam judicia : veritas autem non a felicitate 
 temporis alicujus, quae res varia est ; sed a lumine naturae et 
 experie.ntiae, quod aeternum est, petenda est. Itaque abne- 
 ganda sunt ista studia ; et videndum, ne intellectus ab illis 
 ad consensum abripiatur. 
 
 LVII. 
 
 Contemplationes naturae et corporum in simplicitate sua 
 intellectum frangunt et comminuunt ; Contemplationes vero 
 naturae et corporum in compositione et configuratione sua 
 intellectum stupefaciunt et solvunt 95 . Id optime cernitur in 
 schola Leucippi et Democriti, collata cum reliquis philosophiis. 
 Ilia enim ita versatur in particulis rerum, ut fabricas fere 
 negligat ; reliquae autem ita fabricas intuentur attonitae, ut ad 
 simplicitatem naturae non penetrent : itaque alternandae sunt 
 Contemplationes istae, et vicissim sumendae ; ut intellectus 
 reddatur simul penetrans et capax ; et evitentur ea, quae 
 diximus, incommoda, atque idola ex iis provenientia. 
 
 LVIII. 
 
 Talis itaque esto prudentia contemplativa in arcendis et 
 summovendis idolis specus ; quae aut ex pracdominantia, aut 
 ex excessu compositionis et divisionis, aut ex studiis erga 
 tempora, aut ex objectis largis et minutis, maxime ortum 
 habent. Generaliter autem pro suspecto habendum unicuique 
 rerum naturam contemplanti quicquid intellectum suum potis- 
 simum capit et detinet ; tantoque major adhibenda in hujus- 
 modi placitis est cautio, ut intellectus servetur aequus et purus. 
 
 LIX. 
 
 At idola fori omnium rnolestissima sunt ; quae ex foedere 
 
 95 These are bold, and somewhat harsh, metaphors. By exclusive 
 attention to the ultimate constitution of nature, in its minute particles, 
 the human intellect is, as it were, broken, and frittered away : on the 
 other hand, by the attempt to grasp nature as a whole, it evaporates and 
 is lost in amazement. The precept with which the Aphorism concludes, 
 commending the combination of minute research with general speculations, 
 is of the utmost practical importance, and could hardly be stated in more 
 felicitous language than that in which Bacon has presented it.
 
 234 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 verborum et nominum 9G se insinuarunt in intellectum. Cre- 
 dunt enim homines, rationem suam verbis imperare. Sed fit 
 etiam ut verba vim suam super intellectum retorqueant et 
 reflectant ; quod philosophiam et scientias reddidit sophisticas 
 et inactivas. Verba autem plerunque ex captu vulgi induntur, 
 atque per lineas vulgari intellectui maxime conspicuas res 
 secant 97 . Quum autem intellectus acutior, aut observatio 
 diligentior, eas lineas transferre velit, ut illae sint magis 
 secundum naturam ; verba obstrepunt. Unde fit, ut magnae 
 et solennes disputationes hominum doctorum saepe in contro- 
 versias circa verba et nomina desinant 8 ; a quibus (ex more 
 et prudentia mathematicorum) incipere consultius foret, easque 
 per definitiones in ordinem redigere. Quae tamen defini- 
 tiones, in naturalibus et materiatis, huic malo mederi non 
 possunt 90 : quoniam et ipsae definitiones ex verbis constant, 
 
 flc i p rom th e association of words and names with things.' For refer- 
 ences illustrative of the Idola Fori, see notes on Aph. 43. 
 
 ' 7 Cp. Cogitata et Visa, E. and S., vol. iii. p. 599. It sometimes happens 
 that a word only partly expresses the conception which we wish to 
 convey ; sometimes it expresses more. There is a similar defect in the 
 distinctions which we attempt to express by two or more contrasted words, 
 such as organic and inorganic, animal and vegetable, rational and irra- 
 tional, virtue and vice, science and art, and the like. Such words require 
 constant rectification and definition, in order to make them express exactly 
 what we wish to express and no more. Words, as Bacon says, are inherited 
 from vulgar use, and hence there is often the greatest difficulty in attach- 
 ing to them any precise, scientific sense, nor, even when this is done, will 
 men always agree to accept or employ them in the sense thus attached to 
 them. 
 
 '" We need only instance such words as idea, sense, cause, reason, 
 substance, etc., in mental philosophy, and cause, force, form, essence, 
 motion, etc., in physical philosophy. The truth of this remark as applied 
 to the questions agitated in morals, politics, and theology will be familiar 
 to every student. 
 
 " J Considerable confusion has arisen in the discussion of questions 
 relating to scientific method from not observing that Definitions are of 
 a very different character and occupy a very different position in the 
 moral and physical sciences, on the one hand, and in the mathematical 
 sciences, on the other. In Mathematics, the inductions by which we gain 
 the most fundamental truths with respect to space and number are 
 peculiarly simple and are performed with such rapidity and, for the most 
 part, at so early an age, that we are hardly conscious of having ever gone 
 through them. Hence, we are able almost at once to construct definitions
 
 LIB. I. 60. 235 
 
 et verba gignunt verba : adeo ut necesse sit ad instantias 
 particulares, earumque series et ordines, recurrere ; ut mox 
 dicemus, quum ad modum et rationem constituendi notiones 
 et axiomata deventum fuerit. 
 
 LX. 
 
 Idola, quae per verba intellectui imponuntur, duorum 
 generum sunt 1 ; aut enim sunt rerum nomina, quae non sunt 
 
 for the purpose of explaining the most important distinctions which we 
 either find obtruded on our notice, or think it desirable to establish. 
 Moreover, these definitions, when constructed, do not pretend to represent 
 concrete facts but only certain abstract relations of figures and numbers. 
 That such relations exist, if not strictly, at least approximately, no one 
 disputes ; they can generally be expressed in a few words, which adequately 
 and exhaustively represent them, and a single technical term is easily 
 invented or appropriated, by means of which the definition can in future 
 be summoned before the mind. About the adequacy or correctness of 
 these definitions there is seldom any difference of opinion, and, even if 
 there be, it does not affect the validity of the subsequent reasoning ; for, 
 provided that the same relation be invariably designated by the same 
 name, and that the logical operations be correctly performed, there can 
 be no error in the result. But, when we come to deal with the complex 
 relations of nature and life, it is widely different. Here, Induction occu- 
 pies a far more important place, and, till we have ascertained, distinguished, 
 and classified the more important properties of the objects under investi- 
 gation, it is in vain to begin the work of Definition. It is only after 
 we have completed the inductive stage of the enquiry that we are in a 
 position to draw up a list of definitions, or, if we venture to do so 'before, 
 we ought to regard them simply as incomplete and provisional, and hold 
 ourselves in constant readiness to review and correct them. Hence, 
 while the inductive stage of a science is progressive, and therefore 
 incomplete, it is natural that much controversy should turn on the 
 definitions. ' It is necessary,' as Bacon says, ' to be constantly recurring 
 to particular instances,' and we cannot safely reason deductively from 
 the definitions as data, till we have firmly established the inductions on 
 which they rest, and of which they are frequently the expressions, and, 
 indeed, the summaries. 
 
 On the nature and place of Definition in Mathematics, the student may 
 refer to Dugald Stewart's Section, entitled ' Of Mathematical Demon- 
 stration,' in the Philosophy of the Human Mind (Hamilton's Ed., vol. ii. 
 pp. 113-152), and Mill's Logic, bk. ii. chs. 5, 6; and on the distinction 
 between 'Final and Complete' and 'Incomplete and Provisional' Defi- 
 nitions, to the Editor's chapter on Definitions in his Elements of De- 
 ductive Logic. 
 
 1 This division of the Idola Fori is important. S o met i m e s _\\e_ a re 
 deceived by words expressing supppsed_ entities which have no actual
 
 236 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 (quemadmodum enim sunt res, quae nomine carent per in- 
 observationem 2 ; ita sunt et nomina, quae carent rebus, per 
 suppositionem 3 phantasticam), aut sunt nomina rerum, quae 
 sunt, sed confusa et male terminata, et temere et maj^noaliter 4 
 a rebus abstracta. Prioris generis sunt fortuna 5 , primum 
 mobile 6 , planetarum orbes 7 , elementum ignis 8 , et hujusmodi 
 
 existence ; sometimes by words which inadequately^ erroneously represent 
 actually existing things or properties. 
 
 2 Thus, Naturalists are constantly inventing new names for newly dis- 
 covered species or varieties. The reader of Aristotle's Ethics will recollect 
 several moral states which Aristotle describes, but designates as nameless. 
 It hardly needs to be observed that, as a science advances, it finds names 
 for these ' nameless ' things or qualities. 
 
 3 This word may here be used in its technical sense, for which see 
 Sanderson's Logic, bk. ii. ch. 2. 
 
 * Cp. Aph. 41, 'Estque intellectus ' etc. We might translate inaequaliter 
 as 'partially.' Due care has not been given to the patient examination of 
 all the cases with all their attendant circumstances, and to the abstraction 
 of all disturbing influences in the human mind itself. 
 
 r> Thus, one of the dicta ascribed to Anaxagoras is that Fortune (TV^JJ) 
 is nothing more than a cause undiscovered by human reasoning, adqXos 
 uhia dvBpcoirivcp Xo-yta/xw. Cp. Juvenal, Sat. x. 365-6 : 
 
 ' Nullum numen habes, si sit prudentia : nos te 
 Nos facimus, Fortuna, deam coeloque locamus.' 
 
 6 In some of the ancient systems of Astronomy, the heavens were sup- 
 posed to consist of a number of hollow and concentric crystalline spheres 
 revolving at different rates of velocity round the earth, and carrying with 
 them the stars and planets ; all these moveable spheres being contained 
 within a fixed sphere, or empyrean heaven, which was supposed to be 
 illimitable in extent and to encircle all the others. The ' primum mobile ' 
 was the outermost of the moveable spheres, and was in some systems 
 identified with, in others distinguished from, the coelum stellatum or 
 sphere containing the fixed stars. It was regarded as communicating a 
 motion to all the other spheres, apart from their proper or independent 
 motion, and with them revolving round the earth once in twenty-four 
 hours. 
 
 ' These are the spheres in which the planets were supposed to be set, 
 and by which they were supposed to be carried round the earth, each 
 with its own peculiar motion. Dr. Kitchin quotes Milton, Paradise Lost, 
 v. 176 : 
 
 ' The fixed stars, fixed in their orb that flies.' 
 
 There was supposed to be a similar sphere, external to the others, in 
 which the fixed stars were set. See last note. The reader of Plato's 
 Republic will remember a curious illustration of these crude astronomical 
 theories in the Myth of Er at the end of the tenth Book. 
 
 * Sec note 61 on Aph. 45.
 
 LIB. I. 6c. 237 
 
 commenta, quae a vanis et falsis theoriis ortum habent. 
 Atque hoc genus idolorum facilius ejicitur, quia per constan- 
 tem abnegationem et antiquationem theoriarum exterminari 
 possunt. 
 
 At alterum genus perplexum est, et alte haerens ; quod ex 
 mala et imperita abstractione excitatur. Exempli gratia, 
 accipiatur aliquod verbum (kumidum, si placet), et videamus 
 quomodo sibi constent quae per hoc verbum significantur : et 
 invenietur verbum istud, humidum, nihil aliud quam nota 
 confusa diversarum actionum, quae nullam constantiam aut 
 . reductionem patiuntur. Significat enim et quod circa aliud 
 corpus facile se circumfundit ; et quod in se est indetermina- 
 bile, nee consistere potest ; et quod facile cedit undique ; 
 et quod facile se dividit et dispergit ; et quod facile se unit et 
 colligit ; et quod facile fluit et in motu ponitur ; et quod 
 alteri corpori facile adhaeret, idque madefacit ; et quod facile 
 reducitur in liquidum, sive colliquatur, cum antea consisteret. 
 Itaque quum ad hujus nominis praedicationem et imposi- 
 tionem ventum sit : si alia accipias, flamma humida est ; si 
 alia accipias, aer humidus non est ; si alia, pulvis minutus 
 humidus est; si alia, vitrum humidum est: ut facile appareat 
 istam notionem ex aqua tantum, et communibus et vulgaribus 
 liquoribus, absque ulla debita verificatione, temere abstractam 
 esse. 
 
 In verbis autem gradus sunt quidam pravitatis et erroris. 
 Minus vitiosum genus est nominum substantiae alicujus, prae- 
 sertim specierum infimarum et bene deductarum (nam notio 
 cretae, luti, bona ; terrae, mala) : vitiosius genus est actionum, 
 ut generare, corrumperc 1 *, alterare : vitiosissimum qualitatum 
 (exceptis objectis sensus immediatis), ut grains, lez'is, tennis, 
 densi, &c. Et tamen in omnibus istis fieri non potest. quin 
 sint aliae notiones aliis paulo meliores, prout in sensum 
 humanum incidit rerum copia 10 . 
 
 9 In Herschel's Discourse on the Study of Natural Philosophy, 101, 
 note, the student will find a curious example of the kind of verbal jugglery 
 which the ancient reasoners were enabled to carry on by the vague and 
 shifting use of such words as generation, corruption, motion, and the 
 like. 
 
 lu That is, according to the extent of our experience of the objects.
 
 238 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 LXI. 
 
 At idola tJicatri innata non sunt, nee occulto insinuata in 
 intellectum n ; sed ex fabulis theoriarum, et perversis legibus 
 demonstrationum, plane indita et recepta. In his autem 
 confutationes tentare ct suscipere consentaneum prorsus non 
 est illis, quae a nobis dicta sunt. Quum enim nee de princi- 
 piis consentiamus, nee de demonstrationibus, tollitur omnis 
 argumentatio. Id vero bono fit fato, ut antiquis suus constet 
 honos 12 . Nihil cnim illis detrahitur, quum de via omnino 
 quaestio sit. Claudus enim (ut dicitur) in via antevertit 
 cursorem extra viam. Etiam illud manifesto liquet. current! 
 extra viam,, quo habilior sit et velocior, eo majorem contingcre 
 abcrrationem. 
 
 Nostra vcro inveniendi scientias ca est ratio, ut non multum 
 ingeniorum acumini et robori relinquatur ; sed quae ingenia 
 ct intellcctus fere exacquet 13 . Quemadmodum enim ad hoc 
 
 11 The words 'insinuata in intellectum ' apply to the Idola Fori. For 
 the various divisions of the Idola given in the different works of Bacon, 
 see notes on Aphs. 38, 39. We have here a trace of the old division into 
 ' itinata,' including the Idola Tribus and Idola Specus, and ' adscititia,' 
 which were co-extensive with the Idola Theatri. Cp. pp. 174, 175. 
 The Idola Fori, as falling under neither division, created a difficulty, and 
 seem here to be regarded as intermediate between the two. 
 
 The two divisions of the Idola Theatri, namely,} those arising from 
 false systems of philosophy andjLthose arising from perverse laws of 
 demonstration, are sometimes treated by Bacon, as, for instance, in the 
 Distributio Operis. as if they were distinct classes of Idola. Corresponding 
 with them, he proposes to furnish in the Novum Organum a ' Redargutio 
 Philosophiarum' and a 'Redargutio Demonstrationum.' But these 'Redar- 
 gutiones,' it will be found, are not kept altogether distinct in the Aphorisms 
 which follow. With the remaining ' Idola' corresponds the 'Redargutio 
 Rationis humanae nativae.' Cp. p. 175. 
 
 - In this and similar passages, which abound throughout the Novum 
 Organum, we cannot fail to notice an air of contemptuous superiority. 
 ' Why should I contend with the ancients for the palm of genius, when 
 it is enough for me that I am on the right road, and they on the wrong 
 one. Let them run as fast as they like. They will only run the further 
 from the truth.' 
 
 1:5 Commenting on this passage. Macaulay (Essay on Bacon) says: 'This 
 really seems to us as extravagant as it would have been in Lindley Murray 
 to announce that every body who should learn his Grammar would write 
 as good English as Dryclen. or in that very able writer, the Archbishop 
 of Dublin, to promise that all the readers of his Logic would reason like
 
 LIB. I. 61 62,. 239 
 
 ut linea recta fiat, aut circulus perfectus describatur, multum 
 est in constantia et exercitatione manus, si fiat ex vi manus 
 propria, sin autem adhibeatur rcgula, aut circinus, parum aut 
 nihil ; omnino similis est nostra ratio. Licet autem confuta- 
 tionum particularium nullus sit usus, de sectis tamen et 
 generibus hujusmodi theoriarum nonnihil dicendum est ; 
 atque etiam paulo post de signis exterioribus, quod se male 
 habeant ; et postremo de causis tantae infelicitatis et tarn 
 diuturni et generalis in errore consensus ; ut ad vera minus 
 difficilis sit aditus, et intellectus humanus volentius expurgetur 
 et idola dimittat. 
 
 LXII. 
 
 Idola theatri, sive theoriarum, multa sunt, et multo plura 
 esse possunt, et aliquando fortasse erunt. Nisi enim per 
 multa jam saecula hominum ingenia circa religionem et 
 theologian! occupata fuissent ; atque etiam politiae civiles 
 (praesertim monarchiae) ab istiusmodi novitatibus, etiam in con- 
 templationibus, essent aversae ; ut cum periculo et detriment 
 fortunarum suarum in illas homines incumbant, non solum 
 praemio destituti, sed etiam contemptui et invidiae expositi : 
 complures aliae proculdubio philosophiarum et theoriarum 
 
 Chillingworth, and that all the readers of his Rhetoric would speak like 
 Burke. That Bacon was altogether mistaken as to this point will now 
 hardly be disputed. His philosophy has flourished during two hundred 
 years, and has produced none of this levelling. The interval between a 
 man of talents and a dunce is as wide as ever ; and is never more clearly 
 discernible than when they engage in researches which require the con- 
 stant use of induction.' 
 
 Bacon's promise never has been, and never can be, fulfilled. In the 
 Inductive Sciences, there is the same scope for the play of the Imagination, 
 for the work of the creative and inventive faculty, as in Art or Poetry ; 
 and there is at least as much occasion for acuteness and rapidity of 
 reasoning as in what are called the exact sciences. The greatest dis- 
 coveries in science have always been made by men with a keen perception 
 of the analogies of nature, and, consequently, with an aptitude for framing 
 bold, and, at the same time, just hypotheses. The study of scientific 
 method may, and, I believe, does, strengthen and cultivate a man's ori- 
 ginal powers, but it can never create them or supply their place. It must 
 not be forgotten, however, that, in the work of science, even the humblest 
 intellect can do good service in the way of collecting and arranging materials 
 for subsequent investigation. 
 
 I shall recur to this topic in a note on the parallel passage in Aph. 122.
 
 240 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 sectae, similes illis, quae magna varietate olim apud Graecos 
 floruerunt, introductae fuisscnt. Quemadmodum enim super 
 phaenomena aetheris plura tJiemata coeli confingt possunt : '- 
 similiter, et multo magis, super phaenomena philosophiae fun- 
 dari possunt et constitui varia dogmata. Atque hujusmodi 
 tJicatri fabulae habent etiam illud, quod in theatre poetarum 
 usu venit ; ut narrationes fictae ad scenam narrationibus ex 
 historia veris concinniores sint et elegantiores, et quales quis 
 magis vellet. 
 
 In genere autem, in materiam philosophiae sumitur aut 
 multum ex paucis, aut parum ex multis u ; ut utrinque 
 philosophia super experientiae et naturalis historiae nimis 
 angustam 15 basin fundata sit, atque ex paucioribus, quam par 
 est, pronunciet. Rationale 1G enim genus philosophantium ex 
 experientia arripiunt varia et vulgaria, eaque neque certo 
 comperta, nee diligenter examinata et pensitata ; reliqua in 
 meditatione atque ingenii agitatione ponunt. 
 
 Est et aliud genus philosophantium, qui in paucis experi- 
 
 14 ' Multum ex paucis ' evidently refers to the Empirical School, as 
 described below and in many other passages, and, consequently, ' parum ex 
 multis' must refer to the Rational or Sophistic School. But its meaning, 
 as referred to this school, is not obvious, the charge against it usually being 
 that it founds propositions of too wide a degree of generality on too 
 slender a basis of fact. Can the phrase mean that the first inferences 
 diawn by the Rational School, instead of being true 'axiomata infima' 
 and therefore just covering the facts and no more, are of too jvague and 
 general a character, being based on a cursory view of a great number 
 of facts, to be of any service with respect to subsequent inductions ? The 
 whole passage might then be paraphrased as follows : ' The Empirical 
 School examines minutely a small number of facts, and bases far too 
 many inferences upon them ; the Rational or Sophistic School examines 
 cursorily a large number of facts, and infers from them too few conclu- 
 sions, while those conclusions are of so vague a character as to be prac- 
 tically useless.' It must be remembered that the 'axiomata infima,' or 
 first inferences from the facts, would, according to Bacon's ideal, be 
 very numerous, and would furnish the basis for subsequent inductions 
 of various degrees. 
 
 in In the first case, the basis of facts is too small ; in the second case, 
 the 'axiomata infima,' from which subsequent axioms are to be inferred, 
 are too few. 
 
 "' Called below ' Sophistic.' This division of philosophers trusts too 
 much to mere reasoning, as the next trusts too much to mere experience.
 
 LIB. I. 63. 241 
 
 mentis sedulo et accurate elaborarunt, atque inde philosophias 
 educere et confmgere ausi sunt ; reliqua miris modis ad ea 
 detorquentes 17 . 
 
 Est et tertium genus eorum, qui theologian! et traditiones 
 ex fide et veneratione immiscent ; inter quos vanitas nonnul- 
 lorum ad petendas et derivandas scientias a spiritibus scilicet 
 et geniis 18 deflexit ; ita ut stirps errorum et philosophia falsa 
 genere triplex sit : sopliistica, empirica, et superstitiosa, 
 
 LXIII. 
 
 Primi generis exemplum in Aristotele maxime conspicuum 
 est, qui philosophiam naturalem dialectica sua corrupit 19 : quum 
 mundum ex categoriis efFecerit 20 ; animae humanae, nobilis- 
 simae substantiae, genus ex vocibus secundae intentionis 
 tribuerit 21 ; negotium densi et rari, per quod corpora subeunt 
 
 17 He here probably alludes specially to Paracelsus. 
 
 18 The allusion here is probably to the Neo-Platonists and Cabbalists, 
 or possibly again to Paracelsus, or, perhaps, to the followers of what 
 Bacon elsewhere calls 'Superstitious Magic. 1 
 
 19 See note 90 on Aph. 54. 
 
 20 This may be a specific reference to the opening chapters of the 
 De Coelo, for an account of which the student, who is not familiar 
 with the physical works of Aristotle, may consult Mr. Lewes' Aristotle, 
 ch. 7 (pp. 136, &c.). Or it may refer generally to Aristotle's frequent 
 practice of substituting for the physical explanation of a physical phe- 
 nomenon its reduction to one of the Categories or to some other arbitrary 
 metaphysical or logical distinction of his own. Or, lastly, it may mean 
 that Aristotle dogmatically attempted to include all forms of existence 
 under one or other of his Categories. Whether, if this last be Bacon's 
 meaning, he has rightly interpreted Aristotle's doctrine of Categories, 
 this is not the place to enquire. The work called the ' Categories ' is of 
 doubtful authority, but the distinction itself occurs or is implied in many 
 other works, which are undoubtedly Aristotelian. 
 
 There is a parallel passage in the Cogitata et Visa (E. and S., vol. iii. 
 p. 601) : 'Hujus autem philosophiae [sc. Philosophiae Naturalis, quam a 
 Graecis accepimus] jam consensu principem Aristotelem, intacta fere ac 
 illibata Natura, in communibus notionibus, atque earum inter se compa- 
 ratione, collisione, et reductione inutiliter versatum esse. Neque sane 
 quicquam solidi ab eo sperari, qui etiam mundum e categoriis effecerit : 
 Parum enim interesse, utrum quis materiam formam et privationem, an 
 substantiam qualitatem et relationem, principia rerum posuerit.' 
 
 21 This is probably a criticism of a passage in the De Anima, ii. I (5), 
 which, however, applies, not to the human soul only, but to life in general: 
 816 ^v\rj eanv eVreAe^eta 77 TrpuTr] trcojuaroy (pvviKov dwdfiei a>ijf e^ovros. 
 
 R
 
 242 
 
 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 M Of A 
 
 majores et minores dimensiones sive spatia, per frigidam dis- 
 tinctionem actus et potentiae transegerit 2 ' 2 ; motum singulis 
 corporibus unicum et proprium, et, si participent ex alio 
 motu, id aliunde moveri, asseruerit 23 : et innumera alia, pro 
 
 Without some explanation of this definition, Bacon's criticism is unintel- 
 '/L*< ligible, and, bearing in mind the account, given in note 86 on Aph. 51, of 
 'h<i{ the technical terms evepyeia and eVreXe^f ia, this explanation may easily be 
 supplied. 
 
 The lifeless body, as, for instance, the embryo, may be regarded as capable 
 of life. It attains its actuality, as soon as it begins to live. Thus, ^r\i\rj is 
 the actual manifestation (eWeXe'^eta) of that life which every organized 
 body has potentially. But why r\ Trpcor^ ? We must recollect that 8vvap,is 
 and e'vepyfia or eVreXe^em are purely relative terms ; what is a 8vvap.is in one 
 relation may be an evepyeia or eVreXe^eia in another. Now faxy, as we 
 have seen, is the evepyeia or eWeXe'xa of o-co/^a, but ^u;^> when once 
 manifested, begins to perform various functions (such as, in the case of 
 man, are perception, thought, c.). These acts or functions are them- 
 selves eWpyfKu, of which ^rv\r], in its dormant state, may be regarded as 
 the 8vvap.is. Hence, while the manifestations of ^v^ 1 ? are, as it were, 
 SevTfpai fvepyeiai, ^vx^'j itself is a TrpuiTT] eWpyeia. 
 
 That the technical terms of which the definition of tyvxf] is composed 
 represent ' second intentions ' or ' second notions ' is plain enough. The 
 student, who is not acquainted with the distinction between ' first ' and 
 ' second ' notions, should refer to Sir W T . Hamilton's Essay on Logic 
 (Discussions, p. 139) or Dr. Mansel's edition of Aldrich's Logic, cap. I. 3. 
 div. ti, note. It is possible, however, that Bacon may use the phrase in its 
 later sense, as employed by Aldrich and others, in which case it is equally 
 applicable to the terms of the definition criticised. 
 
 2 " Bacon is here probably referring to a passage in the Physics, iv. 5 (6) 
 [p. 213 a. 1-4] ' OVTU> 8t Kal dfjp f%ei npbs vdcep' oiov v\r] yap, TO 8' fl8os, TO 
 fj.ei> {/Scop v\ij depoSf 6 S' di)p oiov evepycid TLS fKfivov' TO yap uScop dvvdp.fi af]p 
 ((TTiv, o &' (]f]p dvvdp.fi v8a>p i'i\\ov Tpi'mov. Water is regarded as condensed 
 air, and air as rarefied water, and, therefore, either may, in a certain 
 sense, be regarded as being the other potentially. ' Actus ' and ' potentia,' 
 of course, correspond respectively with evepyeia and bvvapis. 
 
 Mr. Ellis in his Preface to the Historia Densi et Rari (vol. ii. pp. 236-7) 
 refers to another passage in Aristotle (Categ. ch. 8. p. 10 a. 16-24), where 
 the dense and the rare are explained as due to different modes of the dis- 
 position of particles, the particles in dense bodies being near one another, 
 and in rare bodies standing further apart. 
 
 3 This is an allusion to the Scholastic distinction of ' Motus Pro- 
 prius ' and ' Motus Alienus.' All bodies were supposed to have some one 
 motion, and one motion only, proper to them. But, in addition to this 
 motion, they might participate in one or more other motions communicated 
 to them by other bodies. Thus, for instance, the wheel of a watch has 
 a proper motion of one kind only, but, besides this, it may share in the
 
 LIB. I. 63. 243 
 
 arbitrio suo, naturae rerum imposuerit : magis ubique sol- 
 licitus 24 quomodo quis respondendo se explicet, et aliquid 
 reddatur in verbis positivum, quam de interna rerum veritate ; 
 quod etiam optime se ostendit in comparatione philosophiae 
 ejus ad alias philosophias quae apud Graecos celebrabantur. 
 Habent enim homoiomera Anaxagorae 25 , atomi Leucippi et 
 Democriti 2G , coelum et terra Parmenidis 27 , lis et amicitia 
 
 motion of the watch and the wearer of the watch. And if the wearer of 
 the watch is sailing on the sea, it may participate in no less than four 
 ' extraneous and common ' motions, namely the motion of the wearer, the 
 motion of the ship, the motion of the sea, and, when the wearer breathes, 
 the motion of the watch itself. This distinction is often applied by 
 Aristotle to the motions of the heavenly bodies. See, for instance, De 
 Coelo, ii. 13 (p. 293 a. I, &c.), Phys. viii. 6 (259 b. 28, &c.). Cp. De 
 Coelo, ii. 14 (296 b. 27, c.). The Aristotelian terms by which Proper 
 Motipn is expressed are oiKfia or 18105 
 
 This tendency is abundantly exemplified in Aristotle's physical works. 
 He is so anxious to solve every difficulty which presents itself to 
 his mind, that he is seldom content with a bare statement of facts, without 
 starting some theory in explanation of them. As a consequence of this 
 tendency, the facts are often very meagre, and the theories very crude. 
 
 25 Ta onoion(_pri may denote either aggregates composed of like parts, or 
 these ' like parts ' themselves. Anaxagoras maintained that there was an 
 infinity of elements, some of which were homogeneous with others, though 
 in the original chaos they were all mixed up in inextricable confusion. 
 Thus, there existed from the first particles of flesh, bone, &c., which, by 
 a process of <rvyKpia-is and Stacc/ato-is, have been disentangled from the dis- 
 orderly mass and fashioned by vovs or the Supreme Intelligence into flesh, 
 bone, &c., as we now find them in the Kocrpos or orderly universe. Havra 
 Xprj^-nra fjv opov' elra vovs f\6ci)i> avra SifKoo-^cre. See Metaph. i. 3- 
 
 For the various philosophical theories mentioned in this paragraph, the 
 student should refer to the passages collected in Ritte'f and Preller's His- 
 toria Philosophiae, as well as to some good History of Philosophy, such as 
 that of Ueberweg or Zeller. 
 
 26 These atoms, unlike the homoiomera of Anaxagoras, had no qua- 
 litative difference. They were supposed to differ only in shape (cr^^aTi) 
 as A and N, or arrangement (raei) as AN and NA, or position (dea-fi) as 
 Z and N. The Koalas resulted from these atoms through avdynr]. See 
 Metaph. i. 4. The atoms of Democritus were conceived of as rigid and 
 unchangeable (non fluxae), as having existed from eternity, and as moving 
 in vacua. Bacon combats these various positions in Nov. Org. ii. 8, 48 
 ad fin., and other parts of his works. 
 
 27 Coelum et terra irvp xa\ yrj. It is questionable how far Parmenides 
 intended to express physical conceptions by these words, and how far he 
 intended them to be simply symbolic of the metaphysical contrast of being 
 
 R Z
 
 244 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 Empedoclis 2S 5 resolutio corporum in adiaphoram naturam 
 ignis et replicatio eorundem ad densum Heracliti 2) , aliquid ex 
 philosopho natural!, et rerum naturam, et experientiam, et 
 corpora sapiunt 30 ; ubi Aristotelis physica nihil aliud quam 
 dialecticae voces plerunque sonet : quam etiam in meta- 
 physicis sub solenniore nomine 31 , et ut magis scilicet realis, 
 non nominalis 32 , retractavit. Neque illud quenquam moveat, 
 
 and non-being. TOLTCOI" 8e, says Aristotle, TO p.iv Kara TO bi>, TO dep^ov Turret, 
 QaTtpw 8e Kara TO firj ov. See Metaph. i. 5. The student might here, with 
 advantage, consult Schwegler's History of Philosophy, in addition to 
 Uebenveg and Ritter and Preller. 
 
 28 The well-known four elements of Empedocles, which were generally 
 accepted till a comparatively recent date, were supposed by him to have 
 been mixed up at first in chaotic confusion. In order to produce the 
 Koa-pos, they required to be separated and then re-combined in orderly 
 proportion. The agents in this process were respectively m/coy and ^>tXi'n. 
 See Metaph. i. 4. 
 
 29 By fire Heraclitus understood not flame, but a kind of w^irm^dry 
 ether or_refined__air. which he identified with soul and with the Divine 
 Spirit. This fire was regarded as undergoing a constant process of evolu- 
 tion (irdvra pet). By condensation it passes into the other and grosser 
 elements, and then these by rarefaction pass back again into it. Being 
 thus, as it were, the common element or basis, the vXrj, so to speak, of all 
 other existences, it may be regarded as itself ' without distinctive pro- 
 perties,' or ' adiaphora.' 
 
 30 The student who has acquainted himself with the speculations of the 
 last three philosophers whom Bacon cites will hardly be disposed to accord 
 to them this praise. Their conceptions and theories, when divested of the 
 metaphorical language in which they are clothed, are certainly of a meta- 
 physical rather than a physical character. Of Anaxagoras and Dcmocritus 
 the same remark is also, to some extent, true. 
 
 :u This phrase convicts Bacon of a literary error. The books entitled 
 Metaphysics (TU pera TU (frwiKu) were so called simply because of the place 
 assigned to them in the collected works of Aristotle, as next to the Physics. 
 The designation of these books has, however, been the origin of the terms 
 Metaphysics, Metaphysical, &c. Aristotle himself calls the science treated 
 of in the ' Metaphysics' ao0i'a, BeoXoyiK.!], or TrpuTrj eV i a T >}/*?/ . 
 
 3 - The question whether Aristotle was a realist, a nominalist, or a 
 conceptualist has been frequently debated. Confining ourselves to the 
 issue between the nominalists and realists, the general drift of his writings 
 and a majority of individual passages would favour the alternative that, had 
 the precise question between Nominalism and Realism been raised in his 
 time, he would have adopted the nominalist solution of the question as to 
 the nature of Universals. The most emphatic passage, perhaps, in support 
 of this view is that in the Categories, ch. 5 Ip. 2 a. 1 1 &c.) : Ovaia fie" ea-Tiv /; 
 Kvpi'jiTard T KM Trpcorwy KOL paXurra Aeyo/neVq, /} p-r/Te Kad' vTTOKeipfvov TWOS
 
 LIB. I. 64. 245 
 
 quod in libris ejus De animalibus, et in Problematibus, et in 
 aliis suis tractatibus, versatio frequens sit in experimentis. 
 Ille enim prius decreverat, neque experientiam ad constituenda 
 decreta et axiomata rite consuluit ; sed postquam pro arbitrio 
 suo decrevisset, experientiam ad sua placita tortam circum- 
 ducit et captivam ; ut hoc etiam nomine magis accusandus 
 sit, quam sectatores ejus moderni (scholasticorum philoso- 
 phorum genus; qui experientiam omnino deseruerunt ::ii . 
 
 LXIV. 
 
 At_hilosorjlnae_genus_^^w^cw placita magis deformia et 
 monstrosa educit, quam sophisticum aut rationale genus ; 
 quia non in luce notionum vulgarium (quae licet tenuis sit ct 
 superficialis, tamen est quodammodo universalis, et ad multa 
 
 pertinens) sed in__gaucorum j^xperimentorum angustiis et 
 
 obscuritate_furidatum est. Itaque talis philosophia illis, qui 
 in hujusmodi experimentis quotidie versantur atque ex ipsis 
 phantasiam contaminarunt, probabilis vidctur et quasi certa ; 
 caeteris. incredibilis et vana. Cujus exemplum notabile est in 
 
 Xeyerai fir/T fv vnoKei/jLeva) TIV'I eo~Tiv, otoi' 6 rly (ivdputnos f] 6 rls I/TTTO?. 
 Aeurepai fie oucrt'ai Aeyoz/rai, eV ols ei'Secrtv at Trpcor&K ovcriai \fyo/j.fi>ai vndp- 
 Xovai, raCra re KGU ra ra>v el8a>v rovraiv yfvrf, olov 6 ris avdpwrro!; (V f'i8ei p.ev 
 vrrdp^ei TO> avdponra), yevos $e rov f'iSovs fcrrl TO (pov' devrepaL ovv airat 
 \eyovrui ovcriai, olov o re avdpa>nos KOI TO &ov. . . . Twi/ 8e 8evTepa>v ovcriuiv 
 [j.a\\oi> oixrla TO ei8os rov yevovs' eyyiov yap TTJS Trpu>Trjs ovcrias eVrtj/. Cp. p. 3, 
 b. 10-23. Some suspicion, however, attaches to the genuineness of the two 
 first treatises included in the Organon. Still, independently of the Cate- 
 gories, the balance of evidence is in favour of ranking Aristotle amongst 
 the opponents of the doctrines which were subsequently designated as 
 Realist ; though he certainly seems to have held the doctrine of absolute 
 differentiae, and of a fixed and definite series of subordinate genera and 
 species intervening between the summa genera and the infimae species 
 (see especially Top. iv. 2 ; iv. 6 ; vi. chs. 2-6 : Post. An. ii. 13). It must 
 be remembered, however, that the precise question agitated by the School- 
 men had not been raised in his time. On the subject of Aristotle's opinions 
 in relation to this controversy, it is impossible to enter here at any length, 
 but the student may read with advantage Haureau's Histoire de la Philo- 
 sophic Scolastique, ch. 5, and Ueberweg's History of Philosophy, On 
 Aristotle's Metaphysics (Translation, vol. i. pp. 160-1). 
 
 33 On experiment as employed and interpreted by Aristotle, and gene- 
 rally on the reasons of Aristotle's comparative failure in the Physical 
 Sciences, see Introduction, II.
 
 246 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 chemicis, eorumque dogmatibus ; alibi autem vix hoc ternpore 
 invenitur, nisi forte in philosophia Gilberti 34 . Sed tamen 
 circa hujusmodi philosophias cautio nullo modo praeter- 
 mittenda erat ; quia mente jam praevidemus et auguramur, 
 si quando homines, nostris monitis excitati, ad experientiam 
 se serio contulerint (valere jussis doctrinis sophisticis), turn 
 demum, propter praematuram et praeproperam intellectus 
 festinationem, et saltum sive volatum ad generalia et rerum 
 principia, fore ut magnum ab hujusmodi philosophiis peri- 
 culum immineat ; cui malo etiam nunc obviam ire debemus. 
 
 LXV. 
 
 At corruptio philosophiae ex superstitions^ et theologia 
 admista, latius omnino patet, et plurimum mali infert, aut in 
 philosophias integras, aut in earum partes. Humanus enim 
 intellectus non minus impressionibus phantasiae est obnoxius, 
 quam impressionibus vulgarium notionum. Pugnax enim 
 genus philosophiae et sophisticum illaqueat intellectum : at 
 illud alterum phantasticum, et tumidum, et quasi poeticum, 
 magis blanditur intellectui 35 . Inest enim homini quaedam 
 intellectus ambitio, non minor quam voluntatis ; praesertim in 
 ingeniis altis et elevatis. 
 
 Hujus autem generis exemplum inter Graecos illucescit, 
 praecipue in Pythagora 3C , sed cum superstitions magis crassa 
 et onerosa conjunctum ; at periculosius et subtilius in Platone 37 
 
 :!1 On the Chemists or Alchemists and Gilbert, see notes 91, 92 on 
 Aph. 54. 
 
 3j The one school ensnares the intellect by its specious and fallacious 
 reasonings ; the other flatters it by exciting" its ambition to penetrate to 
 ultimate causes. Aph. 48 furnishes a good commentary on the words 
 ' blanditur intellectui.' 
 
 : '' 6 As in his mystical theories about numbers, his doctrines of metem- 
 psychosis, of the harmony of the spheres, &c. On the personal character 
 of Pythagoras, and his position as the founder of a religious brotherhood, 
 there is an excellent chapter in Grote's History of Greece. See pt. ii. 
 ch. 37. 
 
 ' The allusion is, perhaps, specially to the theory of Ideas, and to the 
 use made by Plato of Final Causes and Divine Agency in dialogues such 
 as the Timaeus. 
 
 Cp. Cogitata et Visa (E. and S., vol. iii. pp. 601-2): ' Eundem (sc. 
 Platonem) Naturam non minus Theologia quam Aristotelem Dialectica
 
 LIB. 7. 65. 247 
 
 atque ejus schola 38 . Invenitur etiam hoc genus mali in 
 partibus philosophiarum reliquarum, introducendo formas 
 abstractas ;i!) , et causas finales, et causas primas 40 ; omittcndo 
 saepissime medias, et hujusmodi. Huic autem rei summa 
 adhibenda est cautio. Pessima enim res est crrorum apo- 
 theosis*^, et pro peste intellectus habenda est, si vanis accedat 
 veneratio. Huic autem vanitati nonnulli ex modernis 42 
 
 inficere : et si verum dicendum est, tarn prope ad poetae, quam ilium 
 ad sophistae partes accedere.' 
 
 In the Temporis Partus Masculus, the attack on Plato is far more 
 vehement : ' Citetur jam et Plato, cavillator urbanus, tumidus poeta, 
 theologus mente captus,' &c. See E. and S., vol. iii. pp. 530-1. 
 
 3S The reference may be either to the immediate followers of Plato, that 
 is to the Old Academy, or to the Neoplatonists, called in Aph. 96 ' secunda 
 schola Platonis.' To the latter, whose philosophy was mainly mystical, it 
 would be peculiarly applicable. To the New Academy, which was properly 
 ' secunda schola Platonis,' it would be inapplicable, as the tendencies of 
 that school were of quite a different character. 
 
 39 Forms abstracted from matter, as opposed to determined in matter. 
 Some of the more extreme realists maintained that forms or essences 
 had an existence independent of and anterior to the individual objects 
 in which they are manifested. This was the doctrine of ' universalia 
 ante rem.' 
 
 40 Bacon always insists on referring phj^ical_events_to pjiysical^causes, 
 and not, as was far more frequently the case in his time than our own, to 
 the immediate action of God. Cp. Advancement of Learning, bk. i. (E. 
 and S., vol. iii. p. 267) : ' For certain it is that God worketh nothing in 
 nature but by second causes ; and if they would have it otherwise believed, 
 it is mere imposture, as it were in favour towards God ; and nothing else 
 but to offer to the author of truth the unclean sacrifice of a lie.' In the 
 corresponding passage of the De Augmentis, bk. i. (E. and S., vol. i. p. 
 436), he speaks rather more cautiously : ' Liquet enim Deum nihil operari 
 ordinario in natura nisi per secundas causas,' &c. 
 
 41 Cp. the Temporis Partus Masculus (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 531), where, 
 in addressing Plato, he says : ' Deinde etiam tu scclere haud minore 
 stultitiae apotheosin introduxisti, et vilissimas cogitationes religione munire 
 ausus es.' 
 
 42 Bacon is probably alluding more especially to his contemporary 
 Dr. Robert Fludd (b. 1574, d. 1637), whose writings present a strange 
 jumble of physics, theology, and mysticism. He was the author of 
 many works on science and medicine, but the one to which Bacon pro- 
 bably here alludes is that entitled : ' Utriusque Cosmi metaphysica, 
 physica atque technica historia,' published in 1617. A second volume 
 of this work appeared in 1619, with the quaint title : 'Tomus Secundus 
 De Supernaturali, Naturali, Praeternaturali, et Contranaturali Microcosmi 
 historia.' Any one acquainted with the history of Geology will recall
 
 248 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 summa levitate ita indulserunt, ut in primo capitulo Geneseos, 
 et in libro Job, et aliis Scripturis sacris, philosophiam naturalem 
 fundare conati sint ; inter viva quaercntcs mortua^. Tanto- 
 que magis haec vanitas inhibenda venit, et coercenda, quia 
 ex divinorum et humanorum malesana admistione non solum 
 educitur philosophia phantastica, sed etiam religio haeretica. 
 Itaque salutare admodum est, si mente sobria fidei tantum 
 dentur quae fidei sunt. 
 
 LXVI. 
 
 Et de malis authoritatibus philosophiarum, quae aut in 
 vnlgaribus notionibus, aut in paucis cxpcrimentis, aut in sitpcr- 
 stitionc fundatae sunt, jam dictum est. Dicendum porro est 
 et de vitiosa materia contemplationum 44 , praesertim in philo- 
 sophia naturali. Inficitur autem intellectus humanus ex 
 intuitu eorum quae in artibus mechanicis fiunt, in quibus 
 corpora per compositiones aut separationes ut plurimum 
 
 many striking illustrations, some of them comparatively recent, of Bacon's 
 criticism. 
 
 43 See Luke xxiv. 5. Cp. De Augmentis, lib. ix. (E. and S., vol. i. p. 835) : 
 'At in interpretandi modo Soluto duo interveniunt excessus : alter ejus- 
 modi praesupponit in Scripturis perfectionem, ut etiam oninis philosophia 
 ex earum fontibus peti debeat ; ac si philosophia alia quaevis res profana 
 esset et ethnica. Haec intemperies in schola Paracelsi praecipue, necnon 
 apud alios invaluit : initia autem ejus a Rabbinis et Cabalistis defluxerunt. 
 Verum istiusmodi homines non id assequuntur quod volunt ; neque enim 
 honorem, ut putant, Scripturis deferunt; sed easclem potius deprimunt 
 et polluunt. Coelum enim materiatum ct terram qui in Verbo Dei quae- 
 siverit (de quo dictum est ; Coelum et Terra pertransibunt, Verbum autem 
 meum non pcrtransibit], is sane transitoria inter aeterna temere perse- 
 quitur. Quemadmodum enim Theologiam in Philosophia quaerere, per- 
 inde est ac si vivos quaeras inter mortuos ; ita e contra Philosophiam in 
 Theologia quaerere, non aliud est quam mortuos quaerere inter vivos.' 
 
 We must recollect that sentiments of this kind, which with us have 
 become common-places, were in Bacon's time novel and almost para- 
 doxical. The attempt to find a solution of scientific questions in the 
 Scriptures, and the practice of opposing Scriptural authority to scientific 
 conclusions, have hardly even yet become obsolete ; but, in Bacon's time, 
 they were the rule, while with us they are the exception. 
 
 4 He now passes from erroneous modes of philosophising, sophistic, 
 empiric, and superstitious, to fictitious or ill-selected objects of in- 
 vestigation, such as typical forms, specific virtues, occult properties, and 
 the like.
 
 LIB. I. 66. 249 
 
 alterantur ; ut cogitet simile quiddam etiam in natura rcrum 
 universali fieri 45 . Unde fluxit commentum illud elementorum, 
 atque illorum concursu 4G , ad constituenda corpora naturalia. 
 Rursus, quum homo naturae libertatem contempletur, incidit 
 in species rerum, animalium, plantarum, mineralium ; unde 
 facile in earn labitur cogitationem, ut cxistimet esse in natura 
 quasdam formas rerum primarias, quas natura educere 
 molitur : atque reliquam varietatem ex impedimentis et aber- 
 rationibus naturae in opere suo conficiendo, aut ex diversarum 
 specierum conflictu, et transplantatione alterius in alteram, 
 provenire 47 . Atque prima cogitatio qualitates primas ele- 
 mentares 48 , secunda proprietates occultas et virtutes spe- 
 cificas 49 nobis peperit ; quarum utraque pertinet ad mania 
 
 45 This error cojisistsjn sjrrjrjosjng_that all the processes of nature may 
 be explained by the idea of Mechanical Composition. On the confusion 
 between chemical and mechanical composition, the student may refer 
 to Mill's Logic, bk. iii. ch. 6. Hence, says Bacon, has arisen the fiction, of 
 ejej^iitaj^^ualities^ These were enumerated by the Peripatetics, follow- 
 ing Aristotle, as hot and cold, dry andjmoist. The four elements were 
 supposed to result from combinations of these elementary qualities, taken 
 two and two together. Thus fire is constituted by the combination of hot 
 and dry ; water by that of cold and moist, and so on. Out of the four 
 elements themselves, are composed the various natural bodies, as we 
 actually find them. 
 
 Bouillet notices that, in the Thema Coeli (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 777), 
 hardness and softness are counted amongst the ' elementary qualities.' 
 
 46 We must obviously read either concursus, or deque instead of atque. 
 
 47 This is an excellent statement of the hypothesis by which the Realists 
 attempted to account at once for the permanence and variety in the forms 
 of animal and vegetable life. The ' primary forms ' or types were, ac- 
 cording to the strictest and most consistent school of Realists, supposed to 
 have existed prior to any of the individual objects in which they are 
 embodied. These types ' natura educere molitur.' 
 
 It is, perhaps, superfluous to remark that, since the publication of Mr. 
 Darwin's work on the ' Origin of Species,' the questions glanced at in 
 this paragraph have assumed, even amongst those who do not accept 
 Mr. Darwin's hypotheses, an altogether different form and received an 
 altogether different solution from that which was formerly current. 
 
 48 See note 45. All the remaining qualities of bodies were called 
 secondary. This distinction is, of course, quite different from that of the 
 primary and secondary qualities of bodies, as stated by Descartes, Locke, 
 and subsequent writers. See Hamilton on Reid, pp. 836-7. 
 
 49 Cp. Newton's Optics, bk. iii. (Works, Ed. Horsley, vol. iv. p. 261), 
 where, speaking of the Principles of Motion, he says : ' And the Aristo-
 
 250 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 contcmplationum compendia, in quibus acquiescit animus et 
 a solidioribus avcrtitur. At medici in secundis rerum quali- 
 tatibus et operationibus, attrahendi, repellendi, attenuandi, 
 inspissandi 50 , dilatandi, astringendi, discutiendi, maturandi, et 
 hujusmodi, operam praestant meliorem ; atque, nisi ex illis 
 duobus (quae dixi) compendiis (qualitatibus scilicet elementa- 
 ribus, et virtutibus specificis) ilia altera (quae recte notata 
 sunt) corrumperent, reducendo ilia ad primas qualitates 
 carumque mixturas subtiles et incommensurabiles, aut ea non 
 producendo cum majore et diligentiore observatione ad quali- 
 tates tertias et quartas, sed contemplationem intempestive 
 abrumpendo, illi multo melius profecissent. Neque hujus- 
 modi virtutes (non dico eaedem, sed similes) in humani 
 corporis medicinis tantum exquirendae sunt ; sed etiam in 
 cacterorum corporum naturalium mutationibus. 
 
 Sed multo adhuc majore cum malo fit, quod quicscentia 
 
 telians gave the name of Occult qualities not to manifest qualities, but 
 to such qualities only as they supposed to lie hid in bodies, and to be 
 the unknown causes of manifest effects : such as would be the causes of 
 gravity, and of Magnetic and Electric attractions, and of fermentations, 
 if we should suppose that these forces, or actions, arose from qualities 
 unknown to us, and incapable of being discovered and made manifest. 
 Such Occult qualities put a stop to the improvement of Natural Philosophy, 
 and therefore of late years have been rejected. To tell us, that every 
 species of things is endowed with an occult specific quality, by which it 
 acts and produces manifest effects, is to tell us nothing : but to derive two 
 or three general principles of motion from phaenomena, and afterwards 
 to tell us how the properties and actions of all corporeal things follow 
 from those manifest principles, would be a very great step in philosophy, 
 though the causes of those principles were not yet discovered : and there- 
 fore I scruple not to propose the principles of motion above-mentioned, they 
 being of very general extent, and leave their causes to be found out.' 
 
 The conceptions of 'occult properties' and ''specific virtues' belong 
 to that stage of speculation in which men believed that the properties 
 of objects were distinct entities, separable, as it were, from the objects 
 themselves, and dwelling in them. In a still prior stage of speculation, 
 these properties had been personified and regarded as divine. See 
 Mommsen's History of Rome, bk. i. ch. 12 (Dickson's Translation, vol. i. 
 pp. 171-3), and Tylor's Primitive Culture, ch. 15 (vol. ii. first ed. 
 pp. 220-223, second ed. pp. 242-246). 
 
 'Inspissandi stands over against Attenuandi; its meaning being 
 "condensation." It does not occur in [classical] Latin writers.' (Dr. 
 Kitchin's note.)
 
 LIB. 7. 66. 251 
 
 rerum principia, ex quibus^ ; et non moventia, per qnae res 
 fiunt, contemplentur et inquirant. Ilia enim ad scrmones, 
 ista ad opera spectant. Neque enim vulgares illae differentiae 
 motus, quae in natural! philosophia recepta notantur, genera- 
 tionis, corruptionis, augmcntationis, diminutionis, altcrationis, 
 et lationis 52 , ullius sunt pretii. Quippe hoc sibi volunt ; si 
 corpus, alias non mutatum, loco tamen moveatur, hoc 
 latioiiem esse ; si, manente et loco et specie, qualitate mu- 
 tetur, hoc alterationem esse ; si vero ex ilia mutatione 
 moles ipsa et quantitas corporis non eadem maneat, hoc 
 aiigmcntationis et diminutionis motum esse ; si eatenus 
 mutentur, ut speciem ipsam et substantiam mutent, et in 
 alia migrent, hoc gencrationem et corrnptioncin esse. At 
 ista mere popularia sunt, et nullo modo in naturam pene- 
 trant ; suntque mensurae et periodi tantum, non species 
 motus. Innuunt enim illud, kuciisqiie^ et non qnoniodo, vel ex 
 quo fonte. Neque enim de corporum appetitu, aut de partium 
 eorum processu, aliquid significant ; sed tantum quum motus 
 ille rem aliter ac prius, crasso modo, sensui exhibeat, inde 
 divisionem suam auspicantur. Etiam quum de causis motuum 
 aliquid significare volunt, atque divisionem ex illis instituere, 
 
 51 The third error arises from concentrating our attention too exclu- 
 sively on the 'principia ex quibus,' to the neglect of the 'principia per 
 quae,' that is, on _the material to _the neglect of the efficient cause. For 
 practical purposes, it is far more important to ask how a thing may be 
 produced, than what it is. Bacon's frequent remarks on the Latens 
 Schematismus and on the Atomistic Philosophy shew, however, the im- 
 portance which he attached to the enquiry into the Material Cause, 
 and, in the De Augmentis (lib. iii. cap. 4), he specifies the Material and) 
 Efficient Causes as the appropriate objects of Physics, the Final and) 
 Formal Causes being relegated to Metaphysics. 
 
 52 See Categories, ch. 14 (p. 15 a. 13, 14) : Ki^o-eco? e eVnv el'S?; e, 
 yevfcris, (pdopd, avi)cris } p-fiuais, riAAoicoovj, f] Kara TOTTOV /^era/3oA7;. In the 
 Physics, bk. v. ch. I (p. 225 a. 25-34), yeWo-t? and <jE>#opa are excluded from 
 the divisions of motion. The only one of these divisions which we call 
 motion is 17 Kara TOTTOV /iera/3oA?7 or latio, or, as it is sometimes less properly 
 called by Aristotle, <popd. The others are motions amongst the parts of 
 the body, not motion of the body as a whole. For the above use of (popd, 
 see Phys. v. 2. 226 a. 33 ; viii. 7. 260 a. 26-9. But, sometimes, <popd is 
 regarded as only a particular species of TJ Kara TOTTOV p-erapoXi]. See Top. 
 iv. 2. p. 122 b. 25-35, an d cp. 226 a. 34 b. I.
 
 252 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 differentiam motus naturalis et violent! 53 , maxima cum 
 socordia, introducunt ; quae et ipsa omnino ex notione vulgari 
 est ; cum omnis motus violentus etiam naturalis revera sit, 
 scilicet cum externum efficiens naturam alio modo in opere 
 ponet quam quo prius. 
 
 At hisce omissis ; si quis (exempli gratia) observaverit, 
 inesse corporibus appetitum contactus 54 ad invicem, ut non 
 patiantur unitatem naturae prorsus dirimi aut abscindi, ut 
 vacuum detur: aut si quis dicat, inesse corporibus appetitum 
 se recipiendi in naturalem suam dimensionem vel tensuram 55 , 
 ut. si ultra earn aut citra earn comprimantur aut distrahantur, 
 statim in veterem sphaeram et exporrectionem suam se 
 recupcrare et remittere moliantur : aut si quis dicat, inesse 
 corporibus appetitum congregationis ad massas connaturalium 
 suorum, densorum videlicet versus orbem terrae, tenuiorum et 
 rariorum versus ambitum coeli 50 : haec et hujusmodi vere 
 
 53 Cp. Bk. ii. Aph. 48 (3), where the reader will see how far Bacon 
 himself was from comprehending the true Laws of Motion. The dis- 
 tinction of Natural and Violent Motion will be found, amongst many other 
 places, in Phys. iv. 8, v. 6, and viii. 4. All bodies in motion, Aristotle 
 conceived, naturally tend to rest, heavybodies, as earth, tending downwards, 
 and light bodies, as fire, tending upwards. This is Natural Motion. But, 
 if a body be in any way diverted from this natural motion, as, for instance, 
 when we throw a stone upwards, it is said to be moved violently or 
 unnaturally Oi'a or irapa <$>{XTIV}. Bodies, while moving in accordance 
 with nature, are said to seek their own place. This distinction of Natural 
 and Violent Motion is again criticised in ii. 36 (6) and 48 (7). 
 
 " 4 This clause, as Dr. Kitchin says, embodies 'a dim notion of attraction, 
 based on the old opinion as to Nature's abhorrence of a Vacuum.' It is, 
 perhaps, needless to add that the fact of attraction of adhesion (for it is to 
 this that Bacon appears to allude) has been established by subsequent 
 researches, whereas the theoiy that ' Nature abhors a vacuum ' has long 
 ago been exploded. On the latter theory and the experiments which led 
 to its final abandonment, see HerscheFs Discourse on the Study of Natural 
 Philosophy, 244-246. 
 
 J This is obviously a description of the phenomenon of Elasticity. 
 
 jr> Cp. ii. 48 (7). Bacon is peculiarly unfortunate in his illustration of the 
 notion of Affinity. The aggregation of bodies or rather particles which are 
 chemically homogeneous into large masses is an undoubted fact, but the 
 affinity of heavy things for the earth and of light things for the sky is a 
 mere fancy, implying the now exploded theory of absolute levity. Heavy 
 and light are, of course, only relative terms, and are better expressed 
 by more or less heavy ; all bodies possessing weight, however various it
 
 LIB. I. 67. 253 
 
 physica sunt genera motuum. At ilia altera plane logica 
 sunt et scholastica, ut ex hac collatione eorum manifesto 
 liquet. 
 
 Neque minus etiam malum est, quod in philosophiis et 
 contemplationibus suis, in principiis rerum atque ultimatibus 
 naturae investigandis et tractandis opera insumatur ; cum 
 omnis utilitas et facultas operandi in mediis consistat 57 . 
 Hinc fit, ut abstrahere naturam homines non desinant, donee 
 ad materiam potentialem et informem 58 ventum fuerit ; nee 
 rursus secare naturam desinant, donee perventum fuerit ad 
 atomum ; quae, etiamsi vera essent, tamen ad juvandas 
 hominum fortunas parum possunt 59 . 
 
 LXVII. 
 Danda est etiam cautio intellectui de intemperantiis pliilo- 
 
 may be in amount. On the supposed substance Phlogiston, which was 
 regarded as essentially light, and the reasoning by which its existence 
 has been disproved, see Herschel's Discourse on the Study of Natural 
 Philosophy, 336. The notion of absolute levity is connected with that 
 of natural motion, discussed under note 53 on this Aphorism. 
 
 57 The fifth and last error under this head consists in the neglect of 
 intermediate axioms, and the excessive attention paid to the principles 
 of things and the ultimate constitution of nature. Cp. Aph. 104, where 
 this idea is still further expanded. It is undoubtedly true that the practical 
 applications of science are usually deduced from axiomata media rather than 
 from the highest generalisations, but these last are, at the same time, 
 indispensable to the complete constitution of a science. To be of scien- 
 tific value, however, they must not be mere intellectual abstractions, but 
 duly based on facts and capable of verification, ' talia scilicet, quae non 
 abstracta sint, sed per haec media vere limitantur.' 
 
 18 The \j\r] of the Greek Philosophers. 
 
 59 This remark is hardly consistent with Bacon's frequent praise of 
 Democritus, or with the importance which he attaches to the discovery 
 of the latens processus and the latens schematismus (see especially Bk. ii. 
 Aphs. 6-9). 
 
 From a full consideration of the various passages in which he alludes 
 to, or discusses the question, I am of opinion that Bacon, while adopt- 
 ing the atomic theory as to the ultimate constitution of matter, rejected 
 the vacuum by which the minute particles were supposed to be separated, 
 as well as the eternal, rigid and unchangeable character ascribed to the 
 particles or atoms themselves. Hence the varying terms in which he 
 speaks of Democritus. See my notes on i. 63, ii. 8 ad init., ii. 48 (2), and 
 ii. 48 (conclusion).
 
 254 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 sophiarum, quoad assensum praebendum aut cohibendum ; 
 quia hujusmodi intemperantiae videntur idola figere, et quod- 
 ammodo perpetuare, ne detur aditus ad ea summovenda. 
 
 Duplex autem est excessus : alter eorum, qui facile pro- 
 nnnciant, et scientias reddunt positivas et magistrales ; alter 
 eorum, qui acatalcpsiam introduxerunt, et inquisitionem vagam 
 sine termino; quorum primus intellectual deprimit, alter 
 enervat. Nam Aristotelis philosophia, postquam caeteras 
 philosophias (more Ottomanorum erga fratres suos) pugna- 
 cibus confutationibus contrucidasset G0 , de singulis pronun- 
 ciavit ; et ipse rursus quaestiones ex arbitrio suo subornat, 
 deinde conficit ; ut omnia certa sint et decreta G1 : quod 
 etiam apud successiones suas valet et in usu est. 
 
 At Platonis schola acatalepsiam intro duxit G2 , primo tanquam 
 
 00 Cp. Campanella, Metaph. lib. i. Prooemium : ' Ambitione Aristoteles 
 volens videri omnium sapientissimus, dogmata antiquorum falsificat, im- 
 pugnat, et torquet, et furatur, contraria dicens et sentiens, ut inquit 
 Lactantius in eum, et Patres multi, et D. Thorn. 4 de Reg. Princ. 4, et 
 quam ipse ignorat veritatem, proponit tanquam sciens, tegendo suam igno- 
 rantiam argutiis et eorum contemptu.' Several other passages to the same 
 effect from writers anterior to or contemporary with Bacon are quoted in 
 the Introduction, 12. 
 
 61 Bacon here undoubtedly exaggerates Aristotle's tendency to dog- 
 matism. The student of Aristotle will recall several passages where, after 
 stating different solutions of a question, the author leaves his own opinion 
 doubtful. This occasional uncertainty as to the precise character of his 
 own conclusions is, in fact, one of the main sources of difficulty to those 
 who are beginning the study of Aristotle's works. 
 
 62 On the doctrines of the New Academy, see note 41 on Aph. 37. 
 The process by which the dogmatism of the early Platonists passed into 
 the scepticism of the New Academy would form an interesting enquiry 
 in the history of philosophy. In the first place, it may be observed that 
 there was from the beginning a well-marked negative vein in the philosophy 
 of Socrates and Plato. This tendency, which was connected with their 
 dialectical method and the determination to examine all sides of a question, 
 even if the examination led to no further result, is well brought out by Mr. 
 Grote both in the chapter on Socrates in his History of Greece and in the 
 6th chapter of his work on Plato. When men found that a question might 
 be discussed with so much ability on all sides, and that often without attain- 
 ing any positive result, it was not unnatural to conclude that there was 
 no result to be attained. Then, the flptaveia, or affectation of ignorance, 
 which was so marked a feature in the conversation of Socrates, and which 
 is so carefully and frequently depicted in the dialogues of Plato, must have
 
 LIB. I. 67. 255 
 
 per jocum et ironiam, in odium veterum sophistarum 63 , Pro- 
 tagorae, Hippiae, et reliquorum, qui nihil tarn verebantur, 
 quam ne dubitare de re aliqua viderentur. At nova academia 
 acatalcpsiam dogmatizavit, et ex professo tenuit : quae licet 
 honestior ratio sit, quam pronunciandi licentia, quum ipsi 
 pro se dicant se minime confundere inquisitionem, ut Pyrrho 
 fecit et Ephectici, sed habere quod sequantur ut probabile 64 , 
 
 had a similar effect in leading men to despair of the possibility of know- 
 ledge. To this characteristic Bacon here alludes in the words, 'primo 
 tanquam per jocum et ironiam,' c. The object of Socrates, however, 
 was not to induce scepticism, but to purify the mind from all pre-conceived 
 opinions, in order to prepare it for the more impartial investigation of 
 truth. Lastly, Plato had spared no pains in demolishing the general belief 
 in the trustworthiness and accuracy of sense-knowledge, in order to rear 
 on its ruins his theory of Ideas. This doctrine, in its turn, had been 
 severely criticised, and, in the opinion of many, refuted by Aristotle. 
 Hence, we cannot be surprised if to some there seemed to be no way out 
 of the dialectical puzzles and subtleties by which the question of the 
 reality of knowledge was perplexed. The solution of these difficulties 
 offered by the philosophers of the New Academy, in their ascending grades 
 of probability, has been already given in note 41 on Aph. 37. 
 
 In the De Augmentis, lib. i. (E. and S., vol. i. p. 462), Bacon couples the 
 name of Socrates with that of the [New] Academy : ' Non negaverim in 
 summariis libellis ad praxim destinatis hanc formulam scribendi retineri 
 posse, verum in justis tractatibus de scientiis utrumque extremum vitandum 
 censeo, tarn Velleii Epicurei, nil tam metuentis quam ne dubitare de re 
 aliqua videretur, quam Socratis et Academiae omnia in dubio relinquen- 
 tium.' The allusion to Velleius, the Epicurean, is borrowed from Cicero, 
 De Natura Deorum, lib. i. cap. 8 : ' Turn Velleius, fidenter sane, ut solent 
 isti, nihil tam verens, quam ne dubitare aliqua de re videretur : tanquam 
 modo ex deorum concilio et ex Epicuri intermundiis descendisset.' In 
 this Aphorism there is no allusion to Velleius by name, but a portion of the 
 passage in the De Natura Deorum is incorporated in the text. 
 
 63 The positive and dogmatic character of the old Sophists is well illus- 
 trated in the 1st book of Plato's Republic, in the person of Thrasymachus, 
 who, however, must be regarded as a caricature. The English reader may 
 be referred, on the subject of the Sophists, to Mr. Lewes' History of 
 Philosophy, Grote's chapter on the Sophists in his History of Greece and 
 his work on Plato throughout, Sir Alexander Grant's second Essay prefixed 
 to his edition of Aristotle's Ethics, and Mr. Henry Sidgwick's papers in the 
 Journal of Philology. ('-' 
 
 64 For these grades of probability, see note 41 on Aph. 37. On the o. V{^-ri 
 distinctions, real or supposed, between the doctrines of the New Academy ~' t^.- ," X*. 
 and the Sceptics proper, see the same note. The school of Pyrrho (often ^ ,- M ,~r> 
 called Pyrrhonists as well as Sceptics) was prior to that of the New 
 
 S> " - -
 
 256 NOVUM ORGANUM, 
 
 licet non habeant quod teneant ut verum ; tamcn postquam 
 animus humanus de veritate invenienda semel desperaverit, 
 omnino omnia fiunt languidiora : ex quo fit, ut deflectant 
 homines potius ad amoenas disputationes et discursus, et 
 rerum quasdam peragrationes, quam in severitate inquisitionis 
 se sustineant. Verum, quod a principio diximus et perpetuo 
 agimus, sensui et intellectui humano eorumque infirmitati 
 authoritas non est deroganda, sed auxilia praebcnda. 
 
 LXVIII. 
 
 Atque de idolorum singulis generibus, eorumque apparatu 
 jam diximus ; quae omnia constant! et solenni decreto sunt 
 abneganda et renuncianda, et intellectus ab iis omnino liber- 
 andus est ct expurgandus ; ut non alms fere sit aditus ad 
 regnum hominis, quod fundatur in scientiis, quam ad regnum 
 coelorum, in quod, nisi sub persona infantis, intrare non datnr, 
 
 LXIX. 
 
 At pravae demonstrationes idolorum veluti munitiones 
 quaedam sunt et praesidia 65 ; eaeque, quas in dialecticis 
 habemus, id fere agunt, ut mundum plane cogitationibus 
 humanis, cogitationes autem verbis addicant et mancipent G(3 . 
 Demonstrationes vero potentia quadam c7 philosophiae ipsae 
 
 Academy, Pyrrho himself being contemporary with Alexander the Great, 
 but it was revived at a much later period by /Enesidemus and his succes- 
 sors, among whom was Sextus Empiricus. 
 
 65 It would seem from this passage as if the 'pravae demonstrationes ' 
 were to be discussed as supplemental to the ' idola.' But they are them- 
 selves (see Aph. 61) a subdivision of the 'idola theatri,' which originate 
 ' ex fabulis theoriarum et pcrversis legibus demonstrationum.' 
 
 fili This is a good example of the pregnancy and suggestiveness of many 
 of Bacon's sayings. It is singularly applicable to many metaphysical 
 systems, both ancient and modern. Men, neglecting the facts of nature 
 and mind, often attempt to construct an a priori system of the universe, 
 ' enslaving the world to their own thoughts,' while their thoughts them- 
 selves are concealed and fettered in the meshes of a technical terminology. 
 
 Cp. De rrincipiis atque Originibus, secundum fabulas Cupidinis et 
 Coeli (E. and S., vol. iii. pp. 85-6): ' Itaque hi omncs ' (Empcdocles, 
 Anaxagoras, &c.) ' mentem rebus submiserunt. At Plato mundum cogi- 
 tationibus, Aristotelcs vero etiam cogitationes verbis, adjudicarunt.' 
 
 r ' 7 Thus, for instance, the failure of the ancients in the Physical Sciences 
 was due largely to their disproportionate employment of the Deductive
 
 LIB. I. 68 69. 257 
 
 sunt et scientiae. Quales enim cae sunt, ac prout rite aut 
 male institutae, tales sequuntur philosophiae et contempla- 
 tiones. Fallunt autem et incompetentes sunt eae quibus 
 utimur in universe illo processu, qui a sensu et rebus ducit ad 
 axiomata et conclusiones. Qui quidem processus quadru- 
 plex G8 est, et vitia ejus totidem. Primo, impressiones sensus 
 ipsius vitiosae sunt ; sensus enim et destituit et fallit. At 
 destitutionibus substitutiones, fallaciis rectificationes deben- 
 tur c;) . Secundo, notiones ab impressionibus sensuum male 
 abstrahuntur, et interminatae et confusae sunt, quas ter- 
 minatas et bene finitas esse oportuit. Tertio, inductio mala 
 est, quae per enumerationem simplicem principia concludit 
 scientiarum, non adhibitis exclusionibus et solutionibus, sive 
 separationibus naturae debitis 70 . Postremo, modus ille in- 
 
 method. Their success, on the other hand, in some branches of Mathe- 
 matics was due to the extent to which this method had been already 
 elaborated. 
 
 Again, it has often been remarked that fundamental differences in 
 opinion generally turn on fundamental differences in method. Thus, the 
 methj3d_ofj i pj:ke, which is majr^lyjnd^tiye, and the method of Descartes, 
 which is 2^n|y^a^rjrion, result in two widely different systems of mental 
 philosophy. The introspective method of Butler and the historical 
 method of Hume, again, though both of them essentially inductive, lead 
 to very divergent theories of ethics. The position, in fact, might be illus- 
 trated to almost any extent in the history of either ancient or modern 
 philosophy. 
 
 is Bacon points out four respects in which the present methods of 
 demonstration are defective : 
 
 (1) The senses frequently fail or deceive us ; 
 
 (2) Our notions are confused and ill-defined ; 
 
 (3) We employ the vicious method of Inductio per Enumerationem 
 Simplicem ; 
 
 (4) We fly off at once to the principia maxime generalia, instead of 
 ascending to them gradually through the axiomata infima and media. 
 
 i9 Bacon might have added that the substitutions__are_ tojDe_suppHec! 
 majnly^jDy_jns 1 trumen_ts, the rectifications niaTnlyTy^ methods . 
 
 acon proposes a method of eJuninatiorL It is not, however, 
 quite clear what is the precise character of the method which he has in 
 view. \Ve may take his words either in a general sense or with special 
 reference to the methods described in Book ii. In the former case, the 
 passage might be paraphrased as follows : ' We ought to exclude all 
 instances which do not throw light on the object of enquiry, resolve complex 
 
 S
 
 258 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 veniendi et probandi, ut primo principia maxime generalia 
 constituantur, deinde media axiomata ad ea applicentur et 
 probentur, errorum mater est, et scientiarum omnium ca- 
 lamitas 71 . Verum de istis, quae jam obiter perstringimus, 
 fusius 72 dicemus, quum veram interpretandae naturae viam, 
 absolutis istis expiationibus et expurgationibus mentis, 
 
 proponemus. 
 
 LXX. 
 
 Sed demonstratio longe optima est experientia 73 ; modo 
 haereat in ipso experimento. Nam si traducatur ad alia quae 
 similia existimantur, nisi rite et ordine fiat ilia traductio, res 
 
 into more simple cases, and isolate phenomena so as to simplify our in- 
 Ivestigations.' According to the latter alternative, he has in mind the 
 process described in Bk. ii. Aphs. 18, 19. The true method of induction, 
 Bacon appears to have thought, was to draw up tables of presence, 
 absence, &c., and then, by means of these, to reject out of all the possible 
 explanations, causes, or fcs_j)f__thej)hejipjiiejTon, first one, and then 
 another, thus leaving a residuum of explanations, or possible causes, out 
 of which the true one was to be found. If one only remained, this would 
 be the true explanation, cause, or ' form,' ' forma affirmativa, solida, et 
 vera, et bene terminata' (ii. 16). If more than one remained, the ' exclu- 
 siva ' might be perfected by means of the ' praerogativae instantiarum ' 
 and other 'aids of the understanding' (see ii. 21), till, at last, the search 
 was narrowed down to some one 'form,' which would be the form required, 
 or to a small number amongst which the true form, cause, or explanation 
 would have to be sought in all future investigations. For further informa- 
 tion on Bacon's ' Method of Exclusions,' see Introduction, 9. 
 
 11 See note on Aph. 19, where it is shewn that the fault lies not so 
 much in framing these wide hypotheses, as in taking them for ascertained 
 truths and not insisting on their due verification. 
 
 "- Dr. Kitchin refers to i. 100-105. I think that the reference is rather 
 to the Second Book. 
 
 ' 3 We may, perhaps, here detect the germ of the doctrine, afterwards 
 propounded with such emphasis by Locke and his successors, that all 
 our knowledge may ultimately be traced to experience. That this is the 
 case even with Geometrical Axioms (one of the strongest instances in 
 opposition to this doctrine adduced by the rival school of psychologists) 
 has been recently argued on novel grounds, and with a force amounting 
 almost to demonstration, by Professor Helmholtz, following Riemann, in 
 two articles in ' Mind,' No. 3 and No. 10. To individual experience, how- 
 ever, must be added the facility, acquired by hereditary transmission, of 
 forming certain ideas and realising certain principles, which, in the history 
 of the race, have, through constant experience, become specially familiar 
 to the human mind.
 
 7.7,5. 7. 70. 259 
 
 fallax est 74 . At modus experiendi, quo homines nunc 
 utuntur, caecus est et stupidus 75 . Itaque cum errant et 60 
 vagantur nulla via certa 76 , scd ex occursu rerum tantum 
 
 74 With certain exceptions (which are enumerated in my Inductive Logic, 
 4th cd., pp. 7-9), the detection of a law of Causation can alone warrant us 
 in founding a general conclusion on our observations and experiments. 
 On the distinction between Laws of Causation and Empirical Laws, 
 which are ' unfit to be relied on beyond the limits of time, place, and 
 circumstance, in which the observations have been made,' see Mill's Logic, 
 bk. iii. ch. 16. Mr. Mill, however, uses the expression 'Empirical Laws' 
 somewhat loosely. It would be better to confine it entirely to those 
 secondary laws which are the result of an Inductio per Enumerationem 
 Simplicem as distinguished from the results given by the Inductive 
 Methods, in which there is always some evidence of facts of causation. 
 See my Inductive Logic, ch. 4 (4th Ed., pp. 220-222). 
 
 There are many departments of knowledge and practice in which it is 
 almost impossible to exaggerate the importance of insisting on a precise 
 repetition of all the circumstances (or, at least, all the material circum- 
 stances) of the case, before inferring that the same result will recur. 
 This fact is strikingly illustrated by the widely different effects of medi- 
 cines in different climates. See, for instances, the Introduction to Dr. 
 Paris' Pharmacologia, pp. 120-123. 
 
 " The faults in experimentation as then practised, which are noted by 
 Bacon in this Aphorism, may be enumerated as five : 
 / (i) Undue extension of inferences based on experience to other in- 
 
 [ stances apparently similar, without sufficient caution in allowing for pos- ' 
 
 \ sible differences of circumstances ; 
 
 (2) Hap-hazard experiment, without pursuing any definite order or 
 ^ making any selection of instances ; 
 
 (3) Insufficient variation of experiments ; 
 
 (4) Pursuit of one experiment, or subject, to the neglect of all others ; 
 
 (5) Excessive eagerness to arrive at the practical application. 
 
 The account of the last three of these faults is borrowed from Dr. 
 Kitchin's note. He gives a fourfold division, but, though there is some 
 obscurity in the early part of the Aphorism, I am inclined to thi.ik that 
 the passage from ' Sed demonstratio ' down to ' deserendo' is intended to 
 specify three distinct faults. 
 
 76 Bacon is here probably alluding to the fashion of trying experiments 
 without any order or method, ' mera palpatio' as he calls it in Aph. loo 
 and the De Augmentis. Cp. lib. v. cap. 2 : 'Ars ista Indicii (ita enim 
 earn appellabimus) duas habet partes. Aut enim defertur Indicium ab 
 experimentis ad experimenta; aut ab experimentis ad axiomata, quae et 
 ipsa nova experimenta designent. Priorem harum Experientiam Literatam 
 nominabimus, posteriorem vero Interpretationem Naturae, sive Novum 
 Organum. Prior quidem (ut alibi attigimus) vix pro Arte habenda est 
 aut parte Philosophiae, sed pro Sagacitate quadam : unde etiam earn 
 
 S 2
 
 260 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 consilium capiunt, circumferuntur ad multa, sed parum pro- 
 movent ; et quandoque gestiunt, quandoque distrahuntur ; 
 
 (3) et semper inveniunt quod ulterius quaerant. Fere autem ita 
 fit, ut homines leviter et tanquam per ludum experiantur, 
 variando paululum experimenta jam cognita ; et, si res non 
 succedat, fastidiendo et conatum deserendo. Quod si magis 
 
 IT/ serio et constanter ac laboriose ad experimenta se accingant, 
 tamen in uno aliquo experimento eruendo operam collocant ; 
 quemadmodum Gilbertus in magnete, Chymici in auro. Hoc 
 autem faciunt homines institute non minus imperito quam 
 tenui. Nemo enim alicujus rei naturam in ipsa re feliciter 
 perscrutatur ; sed amplianda est inquisitio ad magis com- 
 munia. 
 
 ) Quod si etiam scientiam quandam et dogmata ex experi- 
 
 mentis moliantur ; tamen semper fere studio praepropero et 
 intempestivo deflectunt ad praxin : non tantum propter usum 
 et fructum cjusmodi praxeos, sed ut in opere aliquo novo 
 veluti pignus sibi arripiant, se non inutiliter in reliquis ver- 
 saturos ; atque etiam aliis se venditent 7T , ad existimationem 
 meliorem comparandam de iis in quibus occupati sunt. Ita fit 
 ut, more Atalantae 7 ^, de via decedant ad tollendum aureum 
 pomum ; interim vero cursum interrumpant. et victoriam 
 emittant e manibus. Verum in experientiae vero curriculo 
 eoque ad nova opera producendo, Divina Sapientia 70 omnino 
 et ordo pro exemplari sumenda sunt. Deus autem primo die 
 
 Venationem Panis (hoc nomen ex fabula mutuati) quandoque appellamus. 
 Attamen quemadmodum possit quis in via sua triplici modo progredi; aut 
 cum palpet ipse in tenebris ; aut cum alterius manu ditcatitr, ipse pariDii 
 videns; aut denique cum vestigia lumine adhibito regat : similiter cum 
 quis experimenta omnigena absqne ttlla serie mtt metJiodo tentet, ea de- 
 mum mera est palpatio ; cum vero nonmilla utatur in experimentando 
 directione et ordine, perinde est ac si manu ducatur : atque hoc illud est 
 quod per Experientiam Literatam intelligimus. Nam Lumen ipsum, 
 quod tertium fuit, ab Interpretatione Naturae, sive Novo Organo ; pe- 
 tendum est.' 
 
 77 ' Puff themselves,' as tradesmen puff their wares, is the explanation 
 which Dr. Kitchin rightly gives of this phrase. 
 
 8 Bacon is very fond of this comparison. For the Fable and its inter- 
 pretation, see De Sapientia Veterum, Fab. 25, 'Atalanta sive Lucrum.' 
 
 79 In the text of the first Edition, we have Prudentia, but, in the list of 
 Errata at the end of the Book, Sapientia is substituted.
 
 LIB. I. 71. 261 
 
 creationis lucem tantum creavit, eique operi diem integrum 
 attribuit ; nee aliquid materiati operis eo die creavit. 
 Similiter et ex omnimoda experientia primum inventio 
 causarum et axiomatum verorum elicienda est : et lucifera 
 experimenta, non fructifera quaerenda so . Axiomata autem 
 recte inventa et constituta praxin non strictim sed confertim 
 instruunt ; et operum agmina ac turmas post se trahunt. 
 Verum de experiendi viis, quae non minus quam viae judi- 
 candi obsessae sunt et interclusae, postea dicemus 81 ; imprae- 
 sentiarum de experientia vulgari, tanquam de mala demon- 
 stratione, tantum loquuti. Jam vero postulat ordo rerum, ut 
 de iis quorum paulo ante mentionem fecimus, signis, quod 
 philosophiae et contemplationes in usu male se habeant, et de 
 causis rei primo intuitu tarn mirabilis et incredibilis, quaedam 
 subjungamus. Signorum enim notio praeparat assensum : 
 causarum vcro explicatio tollit miraculum. Quae duo ad 
 extirpationem idolorum ex intellectu faciliorem et clemen- 
 tiorem multum juvant. 
 
 LXXI. 82 
 
 Scientiae, quas habemus, fere a Graecis fluxerunt. Quae 
 enim scriptores Romani, aut Arabes 8a , aut recentiores addi- 
 
 Bacon frequently employs this metaphor. He conceived that the 
 ' light-bearing experiments ' would bring more fruit at the last. There 
 is, therefore, no contradiction between what he says here and in those 
 passages where he insists on the practical aims of his philosophy, such, for 
 instance, as that in Aph. 81 : ' Meta autem scientiarum vera et legitima 
 non alia est quam ut dotetur vita humana novis inventis et copiis.' 
 
 The history of science abounds in instances of discoveries which at first 
 appeared to have no practical bearing, though they have subsequently 
 resulted in the most important additions to human power and the conve- 
 niences of life. It will be sufficient to mention the elasticity of steam and 
 the phenomena of electricity and magnetism. 
 
 5-1 The reference may be to i. 98-107, but it is more probably to Bk. ii. 
 in general, or, perhaps, specially to the Aphorisms on the Praerogativae 
 Instantiarum. 
 
 32 Here begin the five signs of the weakness and insufficiency of the 
 preceding philosophies. The first sign, which is taken from their origin 
 amongst the Greeks, is discussed under two heads : (a) ' ex ortu et gente 
 philosophiae,' treated in Aph. 71 ; (/3) ' ex natura temporis et aetatis/ 
 treated in Aph. 72. 
 
 1:3 It is almost needless to observe that this censure is too severe. The
 
 262 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 derunt. non multa aut magni momenti sunt : et qualiacunque 
 sint, fundata sunt super basin eorum quac inventa sunt a 
 Graecis. Erat autem sapientia Graecomni^r^essonai^e^jn 
 dispjita^ion^^_effusa_ 8 ' 1 : quod genus inquisition! veritatis 
 adversissimum est. Itaque nomen illud sophistarum 8o , quod 
 per contemptum ab iis, qui se philosophos haberi voluerunt, 
 in antiquos rhetores rejectum et traductum est, Gorgiam, 
 
 Romans might, at least, have been credited with the mechanical skill 
 which enabled them to construct such magnificent roads, aqueducts, 
 bridges, amphitheatres, &c., and the Arabians (even if Bacon despised the 
 share they had in reviving the study of the Aristotelian philosophy in 
 Europe) with their part in the invention of our present numerals and of 
 the science of Algebra, with the discovery of distillation, with their con- 
 tributions to the science of medicine, with the first essays at a science of 
 chemistry, &c. In the desire to lay the foundations of a new method and 
 a new body of science, there can be no question that Bacon was disposed 
 to undervalue what had already been achieved. Towards the ' rcccn- 
 tiores ' he assumes a fairer tone in Aph. 109. 
 
 ^ In this tendency to questioning and disputation, however, originated 
 philosophy and abstract speculation. The Hindoos and Greeks alone, 
 in the ancient world, appear to have possessed such a tendency in any 
 marked degree. Without it, poetry, practical inventions, and maxims of 
 conduct are possible, but not philosophy, or, to any great extent, even 
 scientific theory. 
 
 85 The following sentences are remarkable, as containing a view of the 
 Sophists which has now been rendered familiar to English readers by the 
 works of Mr. Lewes and Mr. Grote. In pointing out the original appli- 
 cation of the term ' Sophists ' to all philosophers indifferently, in glancing 
 at the connexion between the Sophists properly so called and the Rhetors, 
 and in specifying the wandering life and the taking of fees as the charac- 
 teristics mainly distinguishing the Sophists so-called from the philoso- 
 phers so-called, Bacon undoubtedly anticipates some of the principal 
 points for which Mr. Grote contends. 
 
 Cp. a similar passage in the Redargutio Philosophiarum (E. and S., 
 vol. iii. pp. 565-6), where he ranks Plato and Aristotle amongst the 
 Sophists, distinguishing favourably from them Empedocles, Heraclitus, 
 Democritus, Anaxagoras, and Parmenides : ' Ncque cnim reperietis hos 
 scholas aperuisse, sed tandem speculationcs et inventa sua in scripta 
 redegisse, et posteris transmisisse.' Of Plato and Aristotle he says: ''Itaque 
 non hacsitabo apud vos dicere, me locum Platoni et Aristoteli tribuere 
 inter Sophistas : sed tanquam ordinis emendati et reformat!. Eandcm 
 cnim rem prorsus video. Aberat fortasse loci mutatio et circumcursatio, 
 et mercedis indignitas, et inepta ostentatio ; atque lucet in illis certe 
 quiddam solennius et nobilius ; sed aderant schola, auditor, sccta. Itaque 
 genus ipsum profecto cernitis.'
 
 LIB. I. 71. 263 
 
 Protagoram, Hippiam, Polum, etiam universe generi competit, 
 Platoni, Aristoteli, Zenoni, Epicure, Theophrasto, et eorum 
 successoribus, Chrysippo, Carneadi, reliquis. Hoc tantum 
 intererat : quod prius genus vagum fuerit et mercenarium, 
 civitates circumcursando, et sapientiam suam ostentando, ct 
 mercedem exigendo ; alterum vero solennius et generosius, 
 quippe eorum qui sedes fixas habuerunt, et scholas aperuerunt, 
 et gratis philosophati sunt. Sed tarncn utrumque genus 
 (licet caetera dispar) professorium erat, ct ad disputationes 
 rem deducebat, et sectas quasdam atque haereses philosophiae 
 instituebat et propugnabat : ut essent fere doctrinae eorum 
 (quod non male cavillatus est Dionysius in Platoncm) Verba 
 otiosorum scnum ad imperitos juvencs m . At antiquiores illi ex 
 Graccis 87 , Empedocles, Anaxagoras, Leucippus, Democritus, 
 Parmenides, Heraclitus, Xenophanes, Philolaus, reliqui (nam 
 Pythagoram, ut superstitiosum : " 8 , omittimus), scholas (quod 
 novimus) non aperuerunt : sed majore silentio, et severius, 
 et simplicius, id est, minore cum affectatione et ostenta- 
 tione, ad inquisitionem veritatis se contulerunt. Itaque ct 
 melius. ut arbitramur, se gesserunt ; nisi quod opera eorum 
 a levioribus istis, qui vulgari captui et affectui magis re- 
 spondent ac placent, tractu temporis extincta sint : tempore 
 (ut fluvio) leviora et magis inflata ad nos devehentc, graviora 
 
 The story is given by Diogenes Laertius, lib. iii. segm. 18 : Tply 
 
 ev els SiKeAtav' 7rpa>Tvi> [j.ev Kara 6tav rrjs vijtrov Ktil ri> Kp' 
 ore KOI Aioi'iVtoy 6 'EppoKpurovs, ripnvvos &i>, ijVuyKa(rei> Stare crv/u/zi'^at aura). 
 6 S(, StaAeyo/xej'o? ?repl rvpavvidos, Kai rpaa'Kaii' u>s OVK ecrri roiro KptlTTOV o 
 a'vp.(j>ef)oi' avTui povov, el fj.rj KU\ n/Jer/y Sia^pepot, TTpoaeKpovaei' aurco' upyi<r6e \s 
 yap, Ot Xo'yoi (rou, <j)i]O'l, yepovriaxji.' KOI os, 2oC 8e ye rvpavviuxiiv. 
 
 87 M. Bouillet calls attention to a passage in the Redargutio Philoso- 
 phiarum (E. and S., vol. iii. pp. 569, 570), shewing the diligence with which 
 Bacon professed to have studied these philosophers : ' Scitote nos summa 
 cum diiigentia et cura omnes vel tenuissimas auras circa horum virorum 
 opinioncs et placita captasse : ut quicquid de iliis, vel dum ab Aristotele 
 confutantur, vel dum a Platone et Cicerone citantur, vel in Piutarchi 
 fascicule, vel in Laertii vitis, vel in Lucretii poemate, vel in aliquibus 
 fragmentis, vel in quavis alia sparsa memoria et mentione, inveniri possit, 
 evolverimus ; neque cursim aut contemptim, sed cum fide et deliberatione 
 examinaverimus.' 
 
 88 Cp. Aph. 65.
 
 264 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 et solida mergente 89 . Neque tamen isti a nationis vitio 90 
 prorsus immunes erant : sed in ambitionem et vanitatem 
 sectae condendae et aurae popularis captandae nimium pro- 
 pendebant. Pro desperata autem habenda est veritatis 
 inquisitio, cum ad hujusmodi inania deflectat. Etiam non 
 omittcndum videtur judicium illud, sive vaticinium potius. 
 sacerdotis Aegyptii de Graecis 91 : Qiiod semper pucri essent ; 
 ncquc Jiabercnt antiqidtatcni scientiae, ant scicntiam antiqui- 
 tatis. Et certe habent id quod puerorum est ; ut ad garrien- 
 dum prompti sint, generare autem non possint ; nam verbosa 
 videtur sapientia eorum, et operum stcrilis. Itaque ex ortu 
 et gente philosophiae quae in usu est, quae capiuntur signa 
 bona non sunt. 
 
 LXXII. 
 
 Neque multo meliora sunt signa quae ex natura temporis 
 et aetatis capi possunt, quam quae ex natura loci et nationis. 
 Angusta enim erat et tenuis notitia per illam aetatem vel 
 temporis vel orbis 2 : quod longe pessimum est, praesertim iis 
 qui omnia in experientia ponunt. Neque enim mille anno- 
 rum ^ historiam, quae digna erat nomine historiae. habebant ; 
 
 '' This is a good instance of False Analogy. Bacon, as Dr. Kitchin 
 observes, seems partial to this metaphor. It occurs again almost imme- 
 diately in Aph. 77, as well as in other places. 
 
 "' ' Erat autem sapientia Graecorum professoria, et in disputationes 
 effusa.' 
 
 01 See Plato, Timaeus, p. 22 b : Knt rim etVeli/ TV /epecoi/ (one of the 
 Egyptian priests) fv /j.d\a naKaiov' 'fl 2oAo>y, "2o\u>v, "EAX^ej del TraiSe'y e'orf, 
 yepwv 8e 'EAATji' ova ecrriv. 'A/iOt'tra? ovv, TTW? ri TOUTO \eyeis ', (pdvai. Ne'oi 
 <TTf, fine'iv, TCIS v/'u^a? iriivTes' ovSefiiav yap ev ai/rais X fTf ^'' op^alav nKo>]i> 
 rraXaiav S6av ovde /j.adr]fj.a ^p6i'a> TTO\IUV ovdtv. 
 
 '- \Ve must recollect how rapidly the knowledge of the surface of the 
 globe had been spreading in the time of Bacon and that immediately 
 preceding him. To say nothing of earlier discoverers ; Drake, Frobisher, 
 Raleigh, and the three Hawkinses were all his contemporaries. Hence, the 
 geographical knowledge possessed by the ancients was already beginning 
 to appear contemptible. The frontispiece of the first edition of the Xovum 
 Organum represents a vessel in full sail, passing between two pillars, with 
 the motto ' Muiti pertransibunt, ct augebitur scientia.' (Dan. xii. 4.) 
 
 In the ' Praise of Knowledge,' given in Spedding's Letters and Life 
 of Bacon (vol. i. p. 124), Bacon says : 'The Greeks knew (except fables) 
 not much above five hundred years before themselves.' Taking roughly
 
 LIB. I. 7373- 
 
 sed fabulas et rumores antiquitatis. Regionum vero tractuum- 
 que mundi exiguam partem noverant : cum omnes hyper- 
 boreos, Scythas, omnes occidentales, Celtas indistincte 
 appellarent ; nil in Africa ultra citimam Aethiopiae partem, 
 nil in Asia ultra Gangem, multo minus novi orbis provincias, 
 ne per auditum sane aut famam aliquam certam et constantem, 
 nossent ; imo et plurima climata et zonae, in quibus populi 
 infiniti spirant et degunt, tanquam inhabitabiles ab illis pro- 
 nuntiata sint ; quinetiam peregrinationes Democriti, Platonis, 
 Pythagorae, non longinquae profecto, sed potius suburbanae, 
 ut magnum aliquid celebrarentur. Nostris autem temporibus, 
 et novi orbis partes complures et veteris orbis extrema undique 
 innotescunt ; et in infinitum experimentorum cumulus ex- 
 crevit. Ouare si ex nativitatis aut geniturae tempore (astrolo- 
 gorum more) signa capienda sint, nil magni de istis philosophiis 
 
 significari videtur. 
 
 LXXIII. 
 
 Inter signa, nullum magis certum aut nobile est, quam 
 quod ex fructibus. Fructus enim et opera inventa pro 
 veritate philosophiarum velut sponsores et fidejussores sunt. 
 Atque ex philosophiis istis Graecorum, et derivationibus 
 earum per particulares scientias, jam per tot annorum spa- 
 tia, vix unum experimentum adduci potest, quod ad homi- 
 num statum levandum et juvandum spectet, et philosophiae 
 speculationibus ac dogmatibus vere acceptum referri possit 94 . 
 Idque Celsus 95 ingenue ac prudenter fatetur ; nimirum, ex- 
 
 the period of literary activity amongst the Greeks at five hundred years, 
 the two passages would be consistent. 
 
 Mr. Grote is of opinion that we have no trustworthy information 
 regarding Greek history till the first recorded Olympiad, 776 B.C. We 
 must, of course, distinguish between definite historical statements and 
 the evidence afforded by institutions, customs, folklore, language, &c., 
 which may stretch much further back. 
 
 >M With regard to mechanical inventions, this charge is, in the main, 
 true. These, so far as they existed in the ancient world, seem to have 
 been due to the Egyptians and the Oriental nations rather than to the 
 Greeks, wruDs^Jntdlect^waj_srjeajla^ye aridjiesthctic^a^hejjthjmj2!gii5;l' 
 
 It should be noticed that Bacon ignores the whole aesthetic side of 
 Greek development. 
 
 95 ' Repertis deinde medicinae remediis homines de rationibus eorum
 
 266 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 perimenta mcdicinae primo inventa fuisse, ac postea homines 
 circa ea philosophatos esse et causas indagasse et assignasse ; 
 non ordine inverse evenisse, ut__ex jpj^osoph^a^et^causarum 
 cognitione jsa_jexperimenta invente^jiuj^jdeprompta essent. 
 Itaque mirum non erat, apud Aegyptios (qui rerum inventori- 
 bus divinitatem et consecrationem attribuerunt) plures fuisse 
 brutorum animalium imagines quam hominum : quia bruta 
 animalia, per instinctus naturales, multa inventa pepererunt ; 
 ubi homines, ex sermonibus et conclusionibus rationalibus, 
 pauca aut nulla exhibuerint. 
 
 At Chymicorum industria nonnulla peperit ; sed tanquam 
 fortuito et obiter, aut per experimentorum quandam varia- 
 tionem (ut mechanici solcnt), non ex arte aut thcoria aliqua ; 
 nam ea, quam confinxerunt, experimenta magis perturbat, 
 quam juvat. Eorum etiam, qui in magia (quam vocant) 
 naturali 1 ' versati sunt, pauca reperiuntur inventa; eaque levia, 
 et imposturae propiora. Ouocirca, quemadmodum in religione 
 cavetur, ut fides ex operibus monstretur ; idem etiam ad 
 philosophiam optime traducitur, ut ex fructibus judicetur et 
 vana habeatur quae sterilis sit : atque eo magis si, loco fruc- 
 tuum uvae et olivae, producat clisputationum et contentionum 
 carduos et spinas. 
 
 LXXIV. 
 
 Capienda etiam sunt signa ex incrementis et progressibus 
 philosophiarum et scicntiarum. Ouae cnim in natura fundata 
 sunt, crescunt et augcntur : oj^ejiutjmJ^jDpin^^ 
 non augervtur ;l ~. Itaque si istae doctrinae plane instar plantae 
 
 disserere coepisse : nee post rationem medicinam esse inventam, sed post 
 invcntam medicinam rationem esse quaesitam.' Celsus de Re Medica. 
 Praefatio. 
 
 ' J3ut this remark,' says Mr. Ellis, 'is not made by Celsus as the expression 
 of his own opinion ; on the contrary it occurs in his statement of the 
 views entertained by the empirical school of medicine, to which he is 
 decidedly opposed. The error of citing Celsus as an authority for it is 
 repeated in several parts of Bacon's works.' Mr. Spedding refers to 
 De Augmentis, v. 2. Other places are Valerius Terminus (E. and S., 
 vol. iii. p. 2321 and the Redargutio Philosophiarum (vol. iii. p. 578). 
 
 " ; Cp. note 6 on Aph. 5. 
 
 ' This is one of Hacon's happiest thoughts. I may add that, if in any 
 subject we have a mere variation of opinion, without growth, it proves
 
 LIB. 1. 74. 267 
 
 a stirpibus suis rcvulsae non essent, sed utero naturae adhae- 
 rerent atque ab eadem alercntur, id minime cventurum 
 fuisset, quod per annos bis mille jam fieri videmus : nempe, 
 ut scientiae suis haereant vestigiis, et in eodem fere statu 
 maneant, neque augmentum aliquod memorabile sumpserint ; 
 quin potius in primo authore maxime floruerint, et dcinceps 
 declinaverint. In artibus autem mechanicis !)8 , quae in natura 
 et experientiae luce fundatae sunt, contra evenire videmus : 
 quae (quamdiu placent) veluti spiritu quodam repletae con- 
 either that the subject is incapable of scientific treatment, or else that the 
 scientific mode of treating it has not yet been discovered. Thus, the 
 ontological problems, which constituted so large a part of the Greek 
 philosophy, did not, I conceive, admit of any scientific solution, while 
 to much of the physical speculation of the Greek philosophers no scientific 
 treatment had yet been applied. 
 
 It has often been brought as a charge against the moral and mental 
 sciences that they are a mere record of opinions, and admit of no growth. 
 Provided, however, to adopt bacon's language, they are ' founded in 
 nature,' that is to say, in the study of man and society, I believe this 
 charge to be emphatically untrue. The phenomena, indeed, are here 
 more complex than in the physical sciences, and there is a larger amount 
 of uneducated opinion to be replaced by the results of scientific investi- 
 gation ; hence, undoubtedly, the process of growth is slower, but I believe 
 that, with each generation of cultivated men, the materials for a knowledge 
 of mind, life, and conduct are surely accumulating, while scientific con- 
 ceptions, when once applied to these materials, admit of constant develop- 
 ment and further and further applications. It may be added that in 
 these sciences, owing to the exceeding familiarity of the phenomena with 
 which they deal, there are certain early generalizations which it is com- 
 paratively easy to make ; and hence, in the philosophies of Plato and 
 Aristotle, there is a larger amount of sound speculation in these departments 
 than in any others. But, though, perhaps, they are amongst the first 
 to blossom, they are the last to ripen. 
 
 1)8 Cp. Cogitata et Visa (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 616) : 'Artes enim Me- 
 chanicas, ut aurae cujusdam vitalis participes, quotidie crescere ct perfici ; 
 Philosophiam vero statuae more adorari et celebrari, nee moveri. Atque 
 illas in primis authoribus rudes et fere informes ac onerosas se ostendcre : 
 postea novas vires et commoditates adipisci. Hanc autcm in primo 
 quoque authore maxime vigere, ac deinceps declinare. Neque aliam 
 hujus contrarii successus causam veriorem esse, quam quod in Mechanicis 
 multorum ingenia in unum coe'unt ; in Philosophia autem, singulorum 
 ingenia ab uno quopiam destruuntur. Nam postquam dedititii facti sunt, 
 amplitudinem non addere ; sed in uno ornando aut stipando servili officio 
 occupari. Ouare omnem philosophiam ab experientiae radicibus ex quibus 
 primum pullulavit et incrementum cepit avulsatn, rem mortuam esse.'
 
 268 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 tinuo vegetant ct crescunt ; primo rudes, deinde commodae, 
 postea excultae, et perpetuo auctae. 
 
 LXXV. 
 
 Etiam aliud signum capiendum est (si modo signi appellatio 
 huic competat ; cum potius testimonium sit, atque adeo 
 testimoniorum omnium validissimum) ; hoc est, propria con- 
 fessio authorum, quos homines nunc sequuntur. Nam et illi 
 qui tanta fiducia de rebus pronuntiant, tamen per intervalla 
 cum ad se redeunt, ad querimonias de naturae subtilitate, 
 rerum obscuritate, humani ingenii infirmitate, se convertunt ". 
 Hoc vero si simpliciter fieret, alios fortasse, qui sunt timidiores, 
 ab ulteriori inquisitione deterrere, alios vero, qui sunt ingenio 
 alacriori et magis fidenti, ad ulteriorem progressum acuere et 
 incitare possit. Verum non satis illis est de se confiteri, sed 
 quicquid sibi ipsis aut magistris suis incognitum aut intactum 
 fuerit id extra terminos possibilis ponunt, et tanquam ex 
 arte l cognitu aut factu impossibile pronuntiant : summa 
 superbia et invidia suorum inventorum infirmitatem in naturae 
 ipsius calumniam et aliorum omnium desperationem vertentes. 
 Hinc schola Academiae novae, quae acatalepsiam ex professo 
 tenuit, et homines ad sempiternas tenebras damnavit -. Hinc 
 opinio, quod formae sive verae rerum differentiae (quae revera 
 sunt leges actus pun) inventu impossibiles sint, et ultra 
 hominem 3 . Hinc opiniones illae in activa et operativa parte : 
 
 '"' Compare, for instance, the words ascribed to Xenophanes : 
 Kru TO ^fV ovv <ra(f)(s OVTLS dvrjp 'I8fv ov8f rtf ecrrai 
 etfiwy, d/j.(f)l 6fS>v re Kai acraa Xeyu TTtpl iravratv' 
 el yap KOI TCI /xdXiara TV%OL rereXeo'^eVoi' {iTT<av } 
 avruS op.cas OVK ol8e' &OKOS 8' errl Tracri TfTVKTai. 
 
 1 ' As if on the authority of their art,' or perhaps ' as if they had 
 scientific grounds for saying so.' 
 
 2 From what has already been said on the New Academy (Aph. 37, 
 n. 41), it will be seen that this is an exaggerated view of their position. 
 Though they rejected ' certainty,' they constituted various grades of 
 probability, and, therefore, can hardly be said to have condemned men 
 to eternal darkness. 
 
 3 On Bacon's use of the word Form, see Introduction, 8. 
 
 The opinion that the discovery of the Form is impossible is discussed 
 again in Bk. ii. Aphs. 2, 3, and also in De Augmcntis, lib. iii. cap. 4, 
 Valerius Terminus (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 239), and other places. Some of 
 these passages are considered in the Introduction.
 
 LIB. I. 7576. 269 
 
 calorem soils et ignis toto genere differre 4 ; ne scilicet homines 
 putent se per opera ignis aliquid simile iis quae in natura 
 fiunt educere et formare posse. Hinc illud : compositionem 
 tantum opus hominis, mistionem vero opus solius naturae esse 5 ; 
 ne scilicet homines sperent aliquam ex arte corporum natur- 
 alium generationem aut transformationem. Itaque ex hoc 
 signo homines sibi persuaderi facile patientur, ne cum dogma- 
 tibus non solum desperatis, sed etiam desperation! devotis, 
 fortunas suas et labores misceant. 
 
 LXXVI. 
 
 Neque illud signum praetermittendum est, quod tanta 
 fuerit inter philosophos olim dissensio et scholarum ipsarum 
 varietas : quod satis ostendit, viam a sensu ad intellectum 
 non bene munitam fuisse, cum eadem materia philosophiae 
 (natura scilicet rerum) in tarn vagos et multiplices errorcs 
 abrepta fuerit et distracta. Atque licet hisce temporibus 
 dissensiones et dogmatum diversitates circa principia ipsa, 
 et philosophias integras, ut plurimum extinctae sint ; tamen 
 circa partes philosophiae innumerae manent quaestiones et 
 controversiae ; ut plane appareat, neque in philosophiis ipsis, 
 neque in modi's demonstrationum aliquid certi aut sani esse. 
 
 * In the ' Instantiae convenientes in natura calidi ' in Bk. ii, both these 
 descriptions of heat are included. 
 
 Apostrophising Galen in the Temporis Partus Masculus (E. and S., 
 
 vol. iii. p. 531), Bacon breaks out: 'O canicula ! O pestis ! 
 
 tu inter calores astri et ignis seditionem avide arripiens et ostentans, 
 ubique humanam potestatem malitiose in ordinem redigis, et ignorantiam 
 desperatione in aeternum munire cupis.' 
 
 5 The two processes here contrasted are mechanical and chemical com- 
 position. What follows is obscure, but it seems to mean that man may, 
 if he is only bold enough, obtain the power of so subtly mixing ingre- 
 dients, or ' superinducing Forms,' as to effect the generation of a body or 
 the transformation of one body into another. The best explanation of the 
 passage is to be found by comparing it with Bk. ii. Aph. 5. 
 
 Mr. Spedding (quoting a note by Mr. Ellis to Temporis Partus Mas- 
 culus, E. and S., vol. iii. p. 531) says that the reference is to Galen, who 
 in his treatise De Naturalibus Facultatibus contrasts the inwardly forma- 
 tive power of nature with the external operations of art. 
 
 6 That is, from observation and experiment to inductive generalisations, 
 or, in other words, from facts to theories.
 
 270 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 LXXVII. 
 
 Quod vero putant homines, in philosophia Aristotelis 
 magnum utio 1 uc consensum csse ; cum post illam cditam 
 antiquorum philosophiae cessaverint ct exoleverint ; ast apud 
 tempora ; quae scquuta sunt, nil melius inventum fuerit ; adeo 
 ut ilia tarn bene posita et fundata videatur. ut utrumque 
 tempus ad se traxerit : primo, quod de cessatione antiquarum 
 philosophiarum post Aristotelis opera edita homines cogitant. 
 id falsum est ; diu cnim postea, usque ad tempora Ciceronis 
 et secula scquentia. manserunt opera veterum philosophorum 7 . 
 Sed tcmporibus insequentibus, ex inundatione Barbarorum in 
 imperium Romanum, postquam doctrina humana velut nau- 
 fragium pcrpessa esset ; turn demum philosophiae Aristotelis 
 ct Platonis, tanquam tabulae ex materia leviore et minus 
 soiida. per fluctus temporum servatae sunt 8 . Illud etiam de 
 conscnsu fallit homines, si acutius rcm introspiciant. Verus 
 cnim consensus is est, qui ex libcrtate judicii (re prius ex- 
 plorata) in idem convcnientc consistit :) . At numerus longe 
 maximus corum qui in Aristotelis philosophiam consenserunt, 
 ex pracjudicio et authoritate aliorum se illi mancipavit : ut 
 scquacitas sit potius et coitio. quam consensus 10 . Quod si 
 
 7 This statement is proved not only by the citations in Cicero, but also 
 by the work of Diogenes Lacrtius, which, though of uncertain date, is 
 placed by some authorities as late as the time of Constantino the Great, 
 as well as by the references in the Christian Fathers of the third and 
 fourth centuries. 
 
 s See note 89 on Aph. 71. 
 
 ' There are really three conditions of ' verus consensus/ of which Bacon 
 enumerates only the two last, taking probably the first for granted : 
 
 (1) The judges must be competent ; 
 
 (2) The matter in question must have been thoroughly examined, before 
 judgment is pronounced ; 
 
 (3) The consent must be free, that is to say, the judges must not have 
 been influenced by each other. 
 
 On the abuse and limits of the arguments from Authority and from 
 Universal Consent, see my Inductive Logic, 4th ed., pp. 287-295. 
 
 '" There is a story of the late Bishop Thirhvall that, on one occasion, 
 distinguishing between the few competent and the many incompetent 
 signatories of a memorial, he described the latter as so many ciphers after 
 a decimal point. 
 
 On this ' scquacitas et coitio' in the case of Aristotle, cp. the beginning
 
 LIB. I. 77. 271 
 
 fuisset ille verus consensus et late patens, tantum abest ut 
 consensus pro vera et solida authoritate habcri debeat, ut 
 etiam violentam praesumptionem inducat in contrarium 11 . 
 Pessimum enim omnium est augurium, quod ex consensu 
 capitur in rebus intellectualibus : exceptis divinis ct politicis, 
 in quibus suffragiorum jus cst 12 . Nihil enim multis placet, 
 nisi imaginationem feriat, aut intellcctum vulgarium notionum 
 nodis astringat, ut supra dictum est 13 . Itaque optime tradu- 
 citur illud Phocionis 14 a moribus ad intellectualia : Ut statim 
 sc examinare debeant homines, quid erraverint aut peccavcrint, 
 si multitude consentiat et complaudat. Hoc signum igitur ex 
 aversissimis est. Itaque quod signa veritatis et sanitatis 
 philosophiarum et scientiarum, quae in usu sunt, male se 
 habeant ; sive capiantur ex originibus ipsarum, sive ex fructi- 
 bus, sive ex progressibus, sive ex confessionibus authorum, 
 sive ex consensu : jam dictum est. 
 
 of Campanella's treatise ' Philosophia sensibus demonstrata,' &c. (pub- 
 lished at Naples in 1591), where we find him complaining : ' PZt si quando 
 quaestionem sensatae rei tractant, non quod in re est vident ; sed quod 
 in verbis Aristotelis scriptum inveniunt, et ex eis arguunt, et ex eis re- 
 spondent, et si ipsa rei natura sensibus contrariam Aristoteli se offerat 
 nolentibus et invitis, dicunt Aristotelem non errasse.' ' Hinc fugientes 
 rerum scientias, conterunt inter se tempus de subjectis scientiarum apud 
 
 Aristotelem Ita quod nunquam (Mehercule) vidi unum ex eis res 
 
 inspicere, ad campos tendere, maria, et montes, ut res spectent, nee in 
 propriis domibus, sed tantum a libris Aristotelis, et super his stant semper.' 
 
 PP- 2 > 3- 
 
 Many similar illustrations will be found among the passages quoted from 
 the opponents of the Aristotelian philosophy in the Introduction, 12. 
 
 11 Bacon's impatience with the ever-recurring appeal to authority has, 
 of course, here betrayed him into exaggeration. Consent, however 
 dangerous it may be to accept it as an ultimate argument, is, there can 
 be no doubt, rather a presumption in favour of an opinion than against it. 
 ' Securus judicat orbis terrarum ' is an over-strained axiom, but, of the 
 two exaggerations, it is nearer the truth than the ' Pessimum omnium est 
 augurium ' &c. of Bacon. 
 
 vi There may be a touch of irony in this exception. The allusion is 
 to Parliaments and Councils, which decide by a majority of suffrages. 
 
 13 See Aphs. 28 and 47. 
 
 14 See Plutarch's Life of Phocion, ch. 8 : 'EnVi Se Xe'ywi/ nore yi'o)fj.r]v npos 
 TOV 8rjfj.ov fv8oKlp.fl, KCU irdvTas 6/^aXo>? etopa TOV \6yov aTroSe^o/ievou 
 
 (j)f\s Trpbs TOVS (pihovs flntv' Ov 8fj TTOU TI Kaxoi> \tyu>v epavrbv \f\t]
 
 272 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 LXXVIII. 
 
 Jam vero veniendum ad causas errorum 15 , et tarn diuturnae 
 in illis per tot saecula morae ; quae plurimae sunt et potentis- 
 simae : ut tollatur omnis admiratio, haec quae adducimus 
 homines hucusque latuisse et fugisse ; et maneat tantum 
 admiratio, ilia nunc tandem alicui mortalium in mentem 
 venire potuisse, aut cogitationem cujuspiam subiisse : quod 
 etiam (ut nos existimamus) foelicitatis magis est cujusdam, 
 quam excellentis alicujus facultatis ; ut potius pro temporis 
 partu haberi debeat, quam pro partu ingenii lfi . 
 
 Primo autem tot saeculorum numerus, vere rem reputanti, 
 ad magnas angustias recidit. Nam ex viginti quinque 
 annorum centuriis, in quibus memoria et doctrina hominum 
 fere versatur, vix sex centuriae 17 seponi et excerpi possunt, 
 quae scicntiarum feraces earumve proventui utiles fuerunt. 
 Sunt enim non minus temporum quam regionum eremi et 
 vastitates. Tres enim tantum doctrinarum revolutiones et 
 periodi recte numerari possunt : una, apud Graecos ; altera, 
 apud Romanes ; ultima, apud nos, occidentales scilicet Europae 
 nationes : quibus singulis vix duae centuriae annorum merito 
 attribui possunt. Media mundi tempora, quoad scicntiarum 
 segetem ubercm aut laetam, infoelicia fuerunt. Neque enim 
 
 ir> Here begin the causes of error and of so long continuance in it. 
 They are enumerated as fifteen. 
 
 Kl Cp. Aph. 122. One of Bacon's works is called 'Temporis Partus 
 Masculus.' In a letter to Father Fulgentio, given in Mr. Spedding's 
 Letters and Life of Bacon (vol. vii. p. 532), he says : ' Equidem mcmini 
 me, quadraginta abhinc annis, juvenile opusculum circa has res confe- 
 cisse, quod magna prorsus fiducia et magnifico titulo "Temporis Partum 
 Maximum" inscripsi.' Of this juvenile work no trace probably is left. 
 
 17 In the Cogitata et Visa (E. and S., pp. 613, 614), he says 'scarce five 
 centuries.' He there makes no mention of the three periods. 
 
 As Dr. Kitchin observes, the duration of these 'three periods' is 
 unduly narrowed. But Bacon probably wished, in estimating the duration 
 of the Gre.jk period, to exclude the philosophy of Plato and Aristotle, and, 
 in estimating the duration of the modern period, to exclude the philo- 
 sophy of the Schoolmen. If this be the case, we may fix the Creek period 
 from Thales to Plato, the Roman period from Cicero or Lucretius to 
 Marcus Aurelius, and the modern period from the beginning of the revolt 
 against Aiistotie, or, perhaps, from the invention of Printing, to Bacon's 
 own time.
 
 LIB. 7. 7879. 273 
 
 causa est ut vel Arabum vel scholasticorum ls mentio fiat : 
 qui per intermedia tempora scientias potius contrivcrunt 
 numerosis tractatibus, quam pondus earum auxerunt. Itaque 
 prima causa tarn pusilli in scientiis profectus ad angustias 
 temporis erga illas propitii rite et ordine refertur. 
 
 LXXIX. 
 
 At secundo loco se offert causa ilia magni certe per omnia 
 momenti : ea videlicet, quod per illas ipsas aetates, quibus 
 hominum ingenia et literae maxime vel etiam mediocriter 
 floruerint, naturalis philosophia minimam partem humanae 
 operae sortita sit. Atque haec ipsa nihilominus pro magna 
 scientiarum matre haberi debet. Omnes enim artes et 
 scientiae, ab hac stirpe revulsae, poliuntur fortasse et in usum 
 cffinguntur ; sed nil admodum crcscunt 11 . At manifestum 
 
 18 It is now almost superfluous to remark that Bacon is unjust both 
 to the Arabians and to the Schoolmen. Their services to philosophy and 
 literature cannot, it is true, be compared with those of the Greeks or 
 Romans, or with those of the Renaissance, but it was the fashion of 
 Bacon's age unduly to depreciate the studies and the philosophical and 
 scientific results of the Middle Ages, as, in its turn, it has become the 
 fashion of our own time to over-estimate them. 
 
 19 It is somewhat difficult to reconcile Bacon's conception of Natural 
 Philosophy, so far as we can discover it from this and the next Aphorism, 
 with the account of it given in De Augmentis, bk. iii. In these Aphorisms, 
 Natural Philosophy is described as ' magna ista scientiarum mater,' and as 
 the 'root' and ' trunk' from which the arts and sciences branch. But in 
 the De Augmentis, this language is used not of Natural Philosophy, but of 
 the Philosophia Prima. ' Ouoniam autem partitiones scientiarum non sunt 
 lineis diversis similes, quae coeunt ad unum angulum ; sed potius ramis 
 arborum, qui conjunguntur in uno trunco (qui etiam truncus ad spatium 
 nonnullum integer est et continuus, antequam se partiatur in ramos) : 
 idcirco postulat res, ut priusquam prioris partitionis membra perse-, 
 quamur, constituatur una Scientia Universalis, quae sit mater reliquarum,! 
 et habeatur in progressu doctrinarum tanquam portio viae communis! 
 antequam viae se separent et disjungant.' De Augmentis, lib, iii. cap. I. 
 Natural Philosophy, again, in the De Augmentis is confined to the know-! 
 ledge of Nature, there being distinct divisions of philosophy assigned; 
 to the knowledge of God and the knowledge of Man. But, in Aph. 8o,j 
 'philosophia moralis et civilis, et scientiae logicae' are regarded as re-; 
 ceiving their proper nutriment from Natural Philosophy, which has for' 1 ! 
 its object not only motions, rays, sounds, &c., but also ' affectus, et pre-j 
 hensiones intellectuales.' In the two books of the Advancement of
 
 274 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 est, postquam Christiana fides recepta fuisset et adolcvissct, 
 longe maximam ingcniorum praestantissimorum partem ad 
 theologiam se contulisse ; atque huic rci ct amplissima 
 praemia proposita, et omnis generis adjumenta copiosissime 
 subministrata fuisse : atque hoc theologiae studium praecipuc 
 occupasse tertiam illam partem sive pcriodum temporis apud 
 nos Europaeos occidentales ; eo magis, quod sub idem fere 
 tcmpus et literae florere, et controversiae circa religionem 
 pullulare coeperint. At aevo superiori, durante pcriodo ilia 
 secunda apud Romanes, potissimae philosophorum medita- 
 tioncs et industriae in morali philosophia (quac ethnicis vice 
 theologiae erat 20 ) occupatae et consumptae fuerunt : etiam 
 
 )Learning, the account of the respective functions of the Philosophia Prima 
 jand Natural Philosophy is substantially the same as that in the De Aug- 
 imentis. Cp. also Bk. i. Aph. 127 of the Novum Organum. One can 
 hardly avoid the conclusion that, in the Aphorisms now under discussion, 
 'Bacon has confounded the conception of Natural Philosophy with that of 
 Uhe Philosophia Prima. 
 
 This difficulty having been pointed out, the subsequent notes to these 
 two Aphorisms must be regarded as applying to Natural Philosophy only 
 ,as here understood. 
 
 20 In the corresponding passage of the Cogitata et Visa, Gruter, though 
 not the Queen's College MS., reads ' quae Ethnicis, magna ex parte, vice 
 Theologiae erat.' 
 
 The Greek and Roman religions contained little theology in our sense 
 of the term. They recognised no creeds, catechisms, or articles of faith. 
 Nor were the priests of the classical religions, like ours, moral and 
 religious teachers. The religion was mainly a cult, and the priests were 
 almost exclusively the performers of rites and sacrifices. Into a man's 
 religious convictions, so long as he kept the required religious obser- 
 vances, few cared to enquire. Nor, again, though certain crimes, such as 
 homicide, the refusal of hospitality, the breach of an oath, the removal of 
 a boundary, &c., were supposed to be avenged by certain deities, was there 
 any definite and detailed connexion between the religion and the morality 
 of classical times. Of the divorce between the popular religion and what 
 we understand by morality, we cannot have better examples than those 
 adduced by Plato in the 2nd and 3rd Books of the Republic. 
 
 Hence, it naturally happened that the discussions as to the nature of 
 the Gods and the grounds and precepts of morality fell into the hands 
 of the philosophers. Theology, as treated by them, assumed a meta- 
 physical character, having little or no practical bearing on the affairs of 
 life (witness the discussions in the so-called ' Metaphysics ' of Aristotle), 
 and, consequently, possessed no attractions for ordinary men. The belief 
 or disbelief in the propositions maintained by the philosophers was not
 
 LIB. I. 80. 275 
 
 summa ingenia illis temporibijs ut plurimum ad res civiles se 
 applicuerunt, propter magnitudincm imperil Romani, quod 
 plurimorum hominum opera indigebat. At ilia aetas, qua 
 naturalis philosophia apud Graecos maxime florerc visa est, 
 particula fuit temporis minime diuturna : cum ct antiquioribus 
 temporibus septem illi, qui sapientes nominabantur, omnes 
 (praeter Thaletem) ad moralem philosophiam et civilia se 
 applicuerint ; et posterioribus temporibus, postquam Socrates 
 philosophiam de coelo in terras deduxisset 21 , adhuc magis 
 invaluerit moralis philosophia, et ingenia hominum a natural! 
 averterit. 
 
 At ipsissima ilia periodus temporis. in qua inquisitiones cle 
 natura 22 viguerunt, contradictionibus et novorum placitorum 
 ambitione corrupta est, et inutilis reddita. Itaque, quando- 
 quidem per tres istas periodos naturalis philosophia majorem 
 in modum neglecta aut impedita fuerit, nil mirum si homines 
 parum in ea re profecerint, cum omnino aliud egerint. 
 
 LXXX. 
 
 Accedit et illud, quod naturalis philosophia in iis ipsis viris. 
 qui ei incubuerint, vacantem et integrum hominem, praesertim 
 his recentioribus temporibus, vix nacta sit ; nisi forte quis 
 
 regarded as likely to affect a man's lot either in this world or the next. 
 The tendency of speculation, therefore, both among the later Greeks and 
 the Romans, was towards a philosophy of life, character, and conduct, 
 and this tendency amongst the Romans was specially assisted by the 
 legal and practical direction of their minds. The favourite topics of dis- 
 cussion were not the nature of the Gods and our relations to them, much 
 less our duties towards them, but our relations and duties to each other, 
 the main objects of life, wherein consists the perfection of human nature, 
 by what means we can attain that perfection, and other questions of a 
 similar character. It was the answer to these questions, we might say, 
 and not the answer to theological enquiries, which furnished the spiritual 
 sustenance of the Greeks and Romans. Hence, Bacon's remark that 
 moral philosophy, in classical times, supplied the place of theology, if not 
 accurately, is at least approximately true. 
 
 21 See Cicero's Tusculan Disputations, bk. v. ch. 4 : ' Socrates autem 
 primus philosophiam devocavit e coelo, et in urbibus collocavit, et in 
 domos etiain introduxit, et coegit de vita, et moribus, rebusque bonis et 
 malis quaerere.' Cp. Academics, i. 4. 
 
 22 In this concluding paragraph, Bacon seems to employ the phrase 
 Natural Philosophy in the same sense as in the De Augmentis. 
 
 T 2
 
 276 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 monachi alicujus in cellula, aut nobilis in villula lucubrantis, 
 exemplum adduxerit ' 23 : sed facta est demum naturalis philo- 
 sophia instar transitus cujusdam et pontisternii ad alia. 
 
 Atque magna ista scientiarum mater mira indignitate ad 
 officia ancillae detrusa est ; quae medicinae aut mathema- 
 tices 24 operibus ministrct, et rursus quae adolescentium 
 immatura ingenia lavet et imbuat velut tinctura quadam 
 prima, ut aliam postea foelicius et commodius excipiant. 
 Interim nemo expectet magnum progressum in scientiis 
 (praesertim in parte earum operativa) ; nisi philosophia naturalis 
 ad scientias particulares producta fuerit et scientiae particu- 
 lares rursus ad naturalem philosophiam reductae. Hinc enim 
 fit, ut astronomia, optica. musica. plurimae artes mechanicae, 
 atque ipsa medicina, atque (quod quis magis miretur) philo- 
 sophia moralis et civilis, et scientiae logicae, nil fere habeant 
 altitudinis in profundo ; sed per superficiem et varietatem 
 rerum tantum labantur : quia, postquam particulares istae 
 scientiae dispertitae et constitutae fuerint, a philosophia 
 naturali non amplius aluntur ; quae ex fontibus et vcris con- 
 templationibus motuum. radiorum, sonorum, texturae, et 
 schematismi corporum, affectuum, et prehensionum intel- 
 lectualium. novas vires et augmenta illis impertiri potuerit 2 "'. 
 
 - 3 In the Cogitata et Visa (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 595), Bacon adds 
 'quod et rarissimum reperietur.' 
 
 It has sometimes been suggested that the allusions in this passage are 
 specifically to Roger Bacon and Descartes. But Descartes had not yet 
 (1620) published any works, and, as he was only born in 1596, he cannot 
 possibly have been alluded to by Bacon in the Cogitata et Visa, which 
 was composed about 1607. 
 
 24 In the De Augmentis, Mathematics are called the 'great Appendix' 
 of Natural Philosophy (lib. iii. cap. 6), while Medicine is one of the 
 divisions of Human Philosophy, ' Doctrina de Homine ' (lib. iv. cap. 2). 
 
 K Apart from the question of the appropriate or inappropriate use of 
 the term 'Natural Philosophy,' there can be little question that Bacon's 
 thought here is a just one. Every special art or science ought to be 
 treated in reference to the general science under which it falls. Thus, 
 Logic is empirical, unless based on Psychology; Medicine, unless based 
 on a knowledge of Physiology ; Mechanics, unless based on the Laws of 
 Motion, Force, &c. ; and so on throughout the sciences. Bacon seems 
 here to have conceived of Natural Philosophy as the one general science 
 with which the more special sciences should be brought into connexion, 
 and which should deal with the laws of nature and man in a more com-
 
 LIB. /. 81. 277 
 
 Itaque minime mirum est si scicntiae non crescant, cum a 
 radicibus suis sint separatae. 
 
 LXXXI. 
 
 Rursus se ostendit alia causa potens et magna, cur scientiac 
 parum promoverint. Ea vero haec est ; quod fieri non possit, 
 ut recte procedatur in curriculo, ubi ipsa meta non recte posita 
 sit et defixa. Meta autem scientiarum vera et legitima non 
 alia est quam ut dotetur vita humana novis inventis et copiis 2G . 
 
 prehensive manner than it was possible for the more special sciences to 
 do. It was to give, as it were, a general survey of nature, and then the 
 more special sciences were to follow out in detail particular departments, 
 never, however, losing sight of the common stock with which they were 
 connected. 
 
 The inclusion of ' affectus, et prehensiones intellectuales ' among the 
 objects of Natural Philosophy, though inconsistent with Bacon's employ- 
 ment of the word in the De Augmentis, is in accordance with ancient 
 usage. The word Psychology is comparatively modern, and the ques- 
 tions of which that science treats were included by ancient authors 
 under Physiology or Physics. Thus, the De Anima was always ranked 
 among the physical works of Aristotle. In the old Statutes of the 
 University of Oxford, among the books on which the ' Praelector 
 Naturalis Philosophiae' was to lecture were the ' libri de Anima.' For 
 instances of the Aristotelian use of the words ' physical ' and ' physio- 
 logical,' as including what we should call ' psychological,' see Eth. vii. 3 
 (9. 12). 
 
 - G Cp. Cogitata et Visa (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 595) : ' Metam autem non 
 aliam esse, quam ut genus humanum novis operibus et potestatibus con- 
 tinuo dotetur.' 
 
 This, as I have pointed out in the Introduction (pp. 129, 130, and else- 
 where), is one of the watchwords of the Baconian philosophy. But we 
 must, at least, take it in conjunction with the maxim which Bacon is never 
 weary of repeating : ' Lucifera experimenta, non fructifera quaerenda.' It 
 often happens that enquiries which at first sight appear to have no prac- 
 tical bearing are ultimately found to contribute largely to the comforts 
 and conveniences of life. But, even if this were not the case, it might be 
 maintained, and maintained rightly, that knowledge should be sought for 
 its own sake. No reason can be given why man should not be at full 
 liberty to gratify his desire of knowledge, his curiosity to know all that is 
 about and within him, as much as any other desire of his nature. As 
 Bacon himself says in the Praise of Knowledge, 'Are not the pleasures 
 of the affections greater than the pleasures of the senses ? And are not 
 the pleasures of the intellect greater than the pleasures of the affections ? 
 Is not knowledge a true and only natural pleasure, whereof there is no 
 satiety : ' 
 
 On ' the limits and end of knowledge,' there is a long chapter in the
 
 278 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 At turba longe maxima nihil ex hoc sapit, sed meritoria 
 plane est et professoria ; nisi forte quandoque eveniat, ut 
 artifex aliquis acrioris ingenii, et gloriae cupidus, novo alicui 
 inventodet_oj3erarr^; quod fere fit cum facultatum dispendio. 
 At apud plerosque tantum abest ut homines id sibi proponant, 
 ut scientiarum et artium massa augmentum obtineat, ut ex ea, 
 quae praesto est, massa nil amplius sumant aut quaerant. 
 quam quantum ad usum professorium aut lucrum aut existi- 
 mationem aut hujusmodi compendia convertere possint 2T . 
 
 Valerius Terminus (E. and S., vol. iii. pp. 117-224). There Bacon takes, 
 as I conceive, an unduly narrow view. ' All knowledge,' he says, ' should 
 [_ <V\JAJ IV be referred to use and action.' ' Knowledge that tendeth but to satis- 
 tt faction is but as a courtesan, which is for pleasure and not for fruit or 
 
 generation.' In the same spirit, or in exaggeration of the same spirit, 
 - l7 -^ Comte objects to the continued cultivation of sidereal astronomy, the 
 
 ii .JAU'-^ search into the internal constitution of the sun, and other pursuits which 
 s^'-vc/l/yv are not likely to contribute to the welfare of mankind. But, apart from 
 kXut,&V i the legitimate and often exquisite pleasure to be derived from these in- 
 tfi co fa vestigations, may they not be justified by their tendency to divert us 
 ccu^k from merely selfish aims, by the interests which they excite in objects 
 /%- ;' r lVi<A. external to ourselves, and by the widening and elevating influence which 
 they so frequently exert on the intellect and character ? 
 
 For a different and more liberal view of the relation between knowledge 
 and practice, ' veritas et utilitas,' see Aph. 124 ; and cp. my notes upon it. 
 " 7 Cp. De Augmentis, lib. i. (E. and S., vol. i. pp. 462-3) : ' Omnium 
 autem gravissimus error in deviationc ab ultimo doctrinarum fine con- 
 sistit. Appetunt enim homines scientiam, alii ex insita curiositate et 
 irrequieta ; alii animi causa et delectationis ; alii existimationis gratia ; 
 alii contentions ergo, atque ut in disserendo superiores sint ; plerique 
 propter lucrum et victum ; paucissimi ut donum rationis divinitus datum 
 in usus humani generis impendant. Plane, quasi in doctrina quaereretur 
 lectulus. in quo tumultuans ingenium et aestuans requiesceret ; aut xystus 
 sive porticus, in quo animus cleambularet liber aut vagus ; aut turns alta 
 et edita, de qua mens ambitiosa et superba despectaret ; aut arx ct pro- 
 pugnaculum ad contentiones et praelia ; aut officina ad quaestum et 
 mercatum ; et non potius locuples armarium et gazophylacium, ad opificis 
 rcruin omnium gloriam et vitae humanae subsidium. Hoc enim illud 
 est, quod revcra doctrinam atque artes condecorarct et attolleret, si con- 
 templatio et actio arctiorc quam adhuc vinculo copularentur. Ouae 
 ccrte conjunctio talis foret, qualis est suprcmorum duorum planetarum 
 syzygia, cum Saturnus, quietis et contemplationis dux, cum Jove, duce 
 societatis agendique, conspiret.' 
 
 The whole of the First Book of the De Augmentis is occupied with a 
 defence of Knowledge and a statement of its dignity and ends.
 
 LIB. I. 82. 279 
 
 Quod si quis ex tanta multitudine scientiam affectu ingenuo 
 ct proptcr se expetat ; invenietur tamen illc ipse potius con- 
 templationum et doctrinarum varietatem, quam veritatis 
 severam ct rigidam inquisitioncm sequi. Rursus. si alius 
 quispiam fortasse veritatis inquisitor sit severior ; tamen et 
 ille ipse talcm sibi proponet veritatis conditionem, quac menti 
 ct intellectui satisfaciat in redditione causarum rcrum quac 
 jampridem sunt cognitae ; non earn, quae nova operum 
 pignora et novam axiomatum lucem assequatur. Itaque,__si 
 fini^jsdenJjajMjn^ non mirum 
 
 est si in iis. quae sunt subordinata ad finem, sequatur aber- 
 ratio. 
 
 LXXXII. 
 
 Quemadmodum autem finis et meta scientiarum male 
 posita sunt apud homines ; ita rursus etiamsi ilia recte posita 
 fuissent, viam tamen sibi delegerunt omnino crroneam et 
 imperviam 2S . Quod stupore quodam animum rite rem 
 rcputanti perculserit ; non ulli mortalium curae aut cordi 
 fuisse, ut intellectui humano ab ipso sensu et experientia 
 ordinata et bene condita via aperiretur et munirctur ; scd 
 omnia vel traditionum caligini, vel argumentorum vertigini 
 ct turbini, vel casus et experientiae vagae et inconditae undis 
 et ambagibus permissa esse. Atque cogitet quis sobrie ct 
 diligenter, qualis sit ca via, quam in inquisitione ct inventionc 
 alicujus rei homines adhibere consueverunt. Et primo notabit 
 proculdubio invcniendi modum simplicem et inartificiosum, 
 qui hominibus maxime est familiaris. Hie autem non alius 
 
 !-i There is little in this Aphorism which Bacon has not already said. 
 But it is often striking in expression, and may be taken as a summary 
 statement of the false methods which men pursue in their enquiries. The 
 first of these is to collect opinions and authorities, and then, by com- 
 paring them and reflecting on them, to attempt to arrive at an opinion 
 of our own. The second is to follow the dialectical (or syllogisticalj 
 method, not examining the first principles, but either taking them for 
 granted or borrowing them from the professors of the several arts, and 
 then pursuing these first principles to their remote consequences, without 
 pausing to enquire into the truth of the data on which they are based. 
 The third and last is to consult experience, but without any definite 
 order or method, groping, as it were, in the dark, instead of guiding our 
 steps by a light.
 
 280 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 est, quam ut is, qui se ad inveniendum aliquid comparat et 
 accingit, primo quae ab aliis circa ilia dicta sint inquirat et 
 cvolvat ; deinde propriam meditationem addat, atque per 
 mentis multam agitationem spiritum suum proprium sollicitet, 
 et quasi invocet, ut sibi oracula pandat : quae res omnino sine 
 fundamento est, et in opinionibus tantum volvitur. 
 
 At alius quispiam dialecticam ad inveniendum advocet, 
 quae nomine tenus tantum ad id quod agitur pertinet. In- 
 ventio enim dialecticae non est principiorum et axiomatum 
 praecipuorum, ex quibus artes constant, sed eorum tantum 
 quae illis consentanea videntur. Dialectica enim magis 
 curiosos et importunos, et sibi negotium facessentes, eamque 
 interpellantes de probationibus et inventionibus principiorum 
 sivc axiomatum primorum, ad fidem, et veluti sacramentum 
 cuilibet arti praestandum, notissimo responso rejicit. 
 
 Restat experientia mera : quae, si occurrat, casus ; s 
 quaesita sit, expcrimentum nominatur. Hoc autem expericn- 
 tiae genus nihil aliud est, quam (quod aiunt) scopae dis- 
 solutae 2; \ et mera palpatio :i ", quali homines noctu utuntur, 
 omnia pertentando, si forte in rectam viam incidere cletur ; 
 quibus multo satius et consultius foret diem praestolari, aut 
 lumen accendere, et deinceps viam inire. At contra, verus 
 experientiae ordo primo lumen acccndit. deinde per lumen 
 iter demonstrat, incipiendo ab experientia ordinata et digesta, 
 et minime praepostera 31 aut erratica, atque ex ea educendo 
 axiomata, atque ex axiomatibus constitutis rursus experi- 
 
 29 ' Loose twigs.' ' Scopas dissolvcrc,' to untie a broom, was a proverb 
 for throwing anything into confusion and disorder. See Cicero. Orator, 
 ch. 71 : ' Isti autem cum dissolvunt orationem, in qua ncc res nee vcrbum 
 ullum est. nisi abjectum : non clypcum, sed. ut in proverbio est (ctsi 
 humilius dictum est, tamen consimilc est) scopas mihi videntur dissol- 
 vcrc.' There is a similar application of the proverb in the Epistles to 
 Atticus, lib. vii. ep. 13 : ' L. Caesarcm vidi Minturnis, cum absurdissimis 
 mandatis, non homincm, sed scopas solutas.' The proverb may have 
 had its origin in the Fable of the Father and his Sons, ' as inculcating 
 Unity.' 
 
 1(1 See the passage from the DC Augmcntis, lib. v. cap. 2. already 
 quoted in note 76 to Aph. 70. 
 
 11 vartpov TTporepov : observing no order or method, or, perhaps, the 
 wroner order.
 
 LIB. 7. 83. 281 
 
 menta nova ; quum ncc verbum divinum in rcrum massam 
 absque ordine operatum sit. 
 
 Itaquc desinant homines mirari si spatium scientiarum non 
 confectum sit, cum a via omnino aberraverint ; relicta prorsus 
 et deserta experientia, aut in ipsa (tanquam in labyrintho) 
 se intricando et circumcursando ; cum rite institutus ordo per 
 experientiae sylvas 32 ad aperta axiomatum tramite constant! 
 1 ucat. 
 
 LXXXIII. 
 
 Excrevit autem mirum in modum istud malum ex opinione 
 quadam sive aestimatione inveterata, verum tumida et dam- 
 nosa ; minui nempe mentis humanae majestatem, si experi- 
 mentis, et rebus particularibus sensui subjectis et in materia 
 determinatis, diu ac multum versetur : praesertim quum 
 hujusmodi res ad inquirendum Jaboriosae, ad meditandum 
 ignobiles, ad dicendum asperae, ad practicam illiberales, 
 numero infinitae, et subtilitate tenues esse soleant 33 . Itaque 
 jam tandem hue res rediit, ut via vera non tantum deserta 
 sed etiam interclusa et obstructa sit ; fastidita experientia, 
 nedum relicta, aut male administrata. 
 
 32 Bacon gave the title of ' Sylva Sylvarum ' to his ' Ten Centuries ' of 
 ' Natural History.' 
 
 Dr. Kitchin quotes, as illustrating this metaphor, an apposite passage 
 from one of Bacon's Fragments : ' We endeavour to penetrate and pass 
 through the woods of Nature, thick set and darkened with a great variety 
 of experiments, as with leaves ; and entangled and twined together, like 
 shrubs and bushes, with the subtilty of observations. We are now, 
 perhaps, proceeding to the more open parts of Nature, which, however, 
 are still more difficult ; and, having got through the woods, are come to 
 the bottom of the mountains.' 
 
 3;i In the Cogitata et Visa (E. and S., vol. iii. pp. 600- 1) Bacon makes 
 the same reflexions, and then adds : ' Guam opinionem sive animi dis- 
 positionem vires maximas sumpsisse ex ilia altera opinione elata et com- 
 mentitia, qua veritas humanae mentis veluti indigena, nee aliunde com- 
 migrans ; et sensus intellectum magis excitare quain informare asserebatur. 
 Neque tamen errorem hunc, et mentis (si verum nomen quaeratur) aliena- 
 tionem, ab iis ulla ex parte correctam, qui sensui debitas, id cst primas, 
 partes tribucrunt. Ouin et hos quoque exemplo et facto suo, relicta prorsus 
 Naturali historia et mundana perambulatione, omnia in Ingenii agitatione 
 posuisse, et inter opacissiina mentis Idola, sub specioso contemplationis 
 nomine, perpetuo volutasse.' The student will not fail to notice the 
 psychological interest attaching to the early part of this quotation.
 
 282 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 LXXXIV. 
 
 Rursus vcro homines a progressu in scientiis detinuit et 
 fere incantavit reverentia antiquitatis, et virorum, qui in 
 philosophia magni habiti sunt, authoritas, atque deinde con- 
 sensus. Atque de consensu superius dictum est :H . 
 
 De antiquitate autem opinio, quam homines de ipsa fovent, 
 
 ;!1 Aph. 77. Cp. notes on that Aphorism, and also the passage in my 
 Inductive Logic (4th ed., pp. 287-295) there referred to. To the instances 
 of extravagant respect for authority given in those places, the reader may 
 add the following taken from Galileo's 1st Dialogue (Sir Thomas Salus- 
 bury's Translation, pp. 91-3). 
 
 ' SAGREDTJS. I found one day, at home in his house, at Venice, a 
 famous phisician, to whom some flockt for their studies, and others out of 
 curiosity sometimes came thither to see certain anatomies dissected by 
 the hand of a no lesse learned, than careful and experienced anatomist. 
 It chanced upon that day, when I was there, that he was in search of 
 the original and rise of the nerves, about which there is a famous con- 
 troversie between the Galenists and Peripateticks ; and the anatomist 
 shewing, how that great number of nerves departing from the brain, as 
 their root, and passing by the nape of the neck, distend themselves after- 
 wards along by the back-bone, and branch themselves thorow all the body ; 
 and that a very small filament, as fine as a thred, went to the heart ; 
 he turned to a gentleman whom he knew to be a Peripatetic!-: philosopher, 
 and for whose sake he had, with extraordinary exactnesse, discovered and 
 proved every thing, and demanded of him, if he was at length satisfied and 
 perswaded that the original of the nerves proceeded from the brain, and 
 not from the heart ? To which the philosopher, after he had stood musing 
 a while, answered ; you have made me to see this business so plainly and 
 sensibly, that did not the text of Aristotle assert the contrary, which 
 positively affirmeth the nerves to proceed from the heart, I should be 
 constrained to confcsse your opinion to be true.' 
 
 * * -x- -x- * * * * * 
 
 ' SALVIATUS. And there arc certain gentlemen yet living, and in health, 
 who were present, when a doctor, that was professor in a famous aca- 
 demy, hearing the description of the telescope, by him not seen as then, 
 said that the invention was taken from Aristotle, and, causing his works to 
 be fetch't, he turned to a place where the philosopher gives the reason, 
 whence it commeth, that from the bottom of a very deep well one may see 
 the stars in heaven at noon day; and, addressing himself to the company, 
 see here, saith he, the well, which representeth the tube, see here the gross 
 vapours, from whence is taken the invention of the crystals, and see here 
 lastly the sight fortified by the passage of the rays through a diaphonous, 
 but more dense and obscure medium.' 
 
 On the immoderate reverence for Antiquity and Authority, cp. De 
 Augmentis, lib. i. (E. and S., vol. i. pp. 456-459). This passage, though 
 full of interest, is too long for quotation.
 
 LIB. I, 84. 283 
 
 negligens omnino est, et vix verbo ipsi congrua T '. Mundi 
 enim senium et grandaevitas pro antiquitate verc habenda 
 sunt ; quac temporibus nostris tribui debcnt. non junior! aetati 
 mundi, qualis apud antiques fuit. Ilia enim aetas, respectu 
 nostri, antiqua et major ; respectu mundi ipsius, nova et 
 minor fuit 3G . Atque revera quemadmodum majorem rerum 
 humanarum notitiam et maturius judicium ab homine sene 
 expectamus quam a juvene, propter cxperientiam et rerum, 
 quas vidit, et audivit, et cogitavit, varietatem ct ccpiam ; 
 eodem modo et a nostra aetate (si vires suas nosset, et 
 experiri et intendere vellet) majora multo quam a priscis 
 temporibus expectari par est ; utpote aetate mundi gran- 
 diore. et infinitis experimentis et observationibus aucta et 
 cumulata. 
 
 Neque pro nihilo aestimandum, quod per longinquas navi- 
 gationes et peregrinationes (quae saeculis nostris increbuerunt) 
 plurima in natura patuerint, et reperta sint, quae novam 
 philosophiae lucem immittere possint. Quin et turpe homi- 
 nibus foret, si globi materialis tractus, terrarum videlicet, 
 marium, astrorum, nostris temporibus immensum aperti et 
 illustrati sint ; globi autem intellectualis 37 fines inter veterum 
 inventa et angustias cohibeantur. 
 
 35 The thought which Bacon here elaborates, is summed up in one short 
 Aphorism in the parallel passage of De Augmentis, lib. i. : ' Sane, ut verum 
 dicamus, Antiquitas saeculi juventus mundi.' For a discussion of the 
 questions whether this Aphorism is due to Bacon himself, and what traces 
 of it are to be found in earlier writers, see a note in my Inductive 
 Logic, 4th ed., pp. 331-2, and also a note by Mr. Ellis to the De Aug- 
 mentis, lib. i. (E. and S.. pp. 458-9). Both De Remusat and Mr. Ellis 
 cite very appositely 2 Esdras xiv. 10 : ' For the world hath lost his youth, 
 and the times begin to wax old.' 
 
 '"' Bentham in his Book of Fallacies, part i. ch. 2, and Sydney Smith 
 in his review of that work (Edinburgh Review, No. 84, reprinted in his 
 Collected Works), follow up this argument in a striking and amusing 
 manner. 
 
 M. Bouillet refers, for the same sentiment, to Pascal and Malebranche, 
 but both his references are wrong. The right reference to Pascal is to a 
 Fragment entitled ' Preface sur le Traite du Vide ; or ' De 1'autorite en 
 matiere de philosophic.' The right reference to Malebranche is to ' De 
 la Recherche de la Verite,' livre ii. 2 rac partie, ch. 4. Both passages are 
 interesting. 
 
 '" One of Bacon's minor works (reprinted in Ellis and Spedding's ed.,
 
 284 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 Authores vero quod attinet, summac pusillanimitatis est 
 authoribus infinita tribuere, author! autem authorum, atque 
 adeo omnis authoritatis, Tempori, jus suum dcnegare. Recte 
 enim Veritas Temporis filia dicitur, non Authoritatis 38 . Itaque 
 mirum non est. si fascina ista antiquitatis ct authorum et 
 consensus hominum virtutem ita ligavcrint, ut cum rebus 
 ipsis consuescere (tanquam maleficiati) non potuerint. 
 
 LXXXV. 
 
 Neque solum admiratio antiquitatis. authoritatis. et consensus, 
 hominum industriam in iis, quae jam inventa sunt, acquiescere 
 compulit ; verum etiam operum ipsorum admiratio, quorum 
 copia jampridem facta est humano generi. Etenim quum 
 quis rcrum varietatcm, ct pulcherrimum apparatum qui per 
 artes mechanicasad cultum humanum congestus et introcluctus 
 est, oculis subjecerit, eo certe inclinabit, ut potius ad opu- 
 lentiae humanae admirationem, quam ad inopiae sensum 
 accedat ; minimc advertens primitivas hominis observationcs 
 atque naturae operationes (quae ad omnem illam varietatem 
 instar animac sunt, et primi motus) nee multas, nee alte 
 petitas csse ; caetera ad patientiam hominum tantum, et 
 subtilcm et ordinatum manus vel instrumentorum motum. 
 pertinere :! \ Res enim (exempli gratia) subtilis est certe et 
 accurata confectio horologiorum. talis scilicet, quae coclestia 
 in rotis. pulsum animalium in motu successive et orclinato, 
 
 vol. iii. pp. 727-768; is designated ' Descriptio Globi Intellectualis.' To it 
 is appended the ' Thema Coeli.' 
 
 "'" See Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticae, lib. xii. cap. II : 'Alius quidam 
 veterum poetarum, cujus nomen mihi nunc memoriae non est, vcritatem 
 temporis fiiiam esse dixit.' I am indebted for this quotation to the Rev. 
 E. Marshall. Cp. Aeschylus, Prometheus Vinctus, 1. 981 : 
 'AXA' (K$i8acrKfi TTUV& 1 6 yrjpdcTKuiii xpovos, 
 
 ' Yeritas temporis fiiia,' it has been pointed out to me. is the legend on 
 the groats of Queen Mary, which must have been in use in Bacon's time. 
 
 ;:l In the Cogitata et Visa (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 593), the following 
 sentence occurs after the words ' motum tantum pertinere : ' ' atque in hac 
 parte officinam cum Bibliotheca mire congruere, quae et ipsa tantam 
 librorum varietatem ostentet, in quibus si diiigcntius introspicias, nil aliud 
 quam ejusdem rei infinitas repetitioncs reperias, tractatu novas, invcntione 
 praeoccupatas.' The substance of this sentence, though not in so neat 
 a form, occurs in the next paragraph but one of this Aphorism.
 
 LIB. I. 85. 285 
 
 videatur imitari ; quae tamen res ex uno aut altero naturae 
 axiomate pendet. 
 
 Quod si quis rursus subtilitatem illam intueatur quae ad 
 artes liberales pertinet, aut etiam earn quae ad corporum 
 naturalium praeparationem per artes mechanicas spectat, et 
 hujusmodi ressuspiciat; veluti inventionem motuum coelestium 
 in astronomia, concentuum in musica. literarum alphabet! 
 (quae etiam adhuc in regno Sinarum in usu non sunt) in 
 grammatica ; aut rursus in mechanic's, factorum Bacchi et 
 Cereris, hoc est, praeparationum vini et cervisiae, panificiorum, 
 aut etiam mensae delitiarum, et distillationum, et similium : 
 ille quoque, si secum cogitet, et animum advertat, per quantos 
 temporum circuitus (cum haec omnia, praeter distillationes 40 , 
 antiqua fuerint) haec ad earn, quam nunc habemus, culturam 
 perducta sint, et (ut jam dc horologiis dictum est) quam 
 parum habeant ex observationibus et axiotnatibus naturae, 
 atque quam facile, et tanquam per occasiones obvias et 
 contemplationes incurrentes, ista inveniri potuerint : ille (in- 
 quam) ab omni admiratione se facile liberabit. et potius 
 humanae conditionis miserebitur. quod per tot saccula tanta 
 fuerit rerum et inventorum penuria et sterilitas. Atque haec 
 ipsa tamen, quorum nunc mcntionem fecimus, inventa, philo- 
 sophia et artibus intellcctus antiquiora fuerunt : adeo ut (si 
 verum dicendum sit) cum hujusmodi scicntiae rationales et 
 dogmaticae inceperint, inventio operum utilium desierit 41 . 
 
 Quod si quis ab officinis ad bibliothecas se converterit. et 
 immensam, quam videmus, librorum varietatem in admiratione 
 habuerit, is, examinatis et diligentius introspectis ipsorum 
 librorum materiis et contentis, obstupescet certe in contrarium; 
 et postquam nullum dari finem rcpetitionibus observaverit, 
 quamque homines eadem agant et loquantur, ab admiratione 
 
 40 Distillation is generally supposed to have been introduced into Europe 
 by the Moors about A.D. 1150, but as regards its earlier history there 
 is considerable difficulty. Mr. Ellis refers to Dutcns, Origine des Decou- 
 vertes, &c., p. 187 of the London Edition, and Humboldt's Examen 
 critique de 1'Histoire de la Geographic, &c., vol. ii. p. 306. 
 
 41 This is, of course, an exaggeration. It is true, however, that neither 
 science nor philosophy came into existence, or could have come into exist- 
 ence, till the primary wants of life were satisfied.
 
 286 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 varietatis transibit ad miraculum indigentiae et paucitatis 
 earum rcrum quae hominum mentes adhuc tenuerunt et 
 occuparunt. 
 
 Quod si quis ad intuendum ea, quae magis curiosa habentur 
 quam sana, animum submiserit, et alchymistarum aut magorum 
 opera penitius introspexerit, is dubitabit forsitan utrum risu 
 an lachrymis potius ilia digna sint. Alchymista enim 4 - spem 
 alit aeternam, atque ubi res non succedit errores proprios reos 
 substituit ; secum accusatorie reputando, se aut artis aut 
 authorum vocabula non satis intellexisse, unde ad traditiones 
 et auriculares susurros animum applicat ; aut in practicae 
 suae scrupulis et momentis 4:) aliquid titubatum esse, unde 
 experimenta in infinitum repetit : ac interim quum inter 
 experimentorum sortes in quacdam incidit aut ipsa facie nova 
 aut utilitate non contemnenda ; hujusmodi pignoribus animum 
 pascit, eaque in majus ostentat et celebrat : reliqua spe 
 sustentat. Neque tamen negandum est, alchymistas non 
 pauca invenisse, et inventis utilibus homines donasse. Verum 
 fabula ilia 44 non male in illos quadrat de sene, qui filiis aurum 
 in vinea clcfossum (scd locum se nescire simulans) legaverit : 
 unde illi vineae fodiendae diljgenter incubuerunt, et aurum 
 quidem nullum repertum, sed vindemia ex ea cultura facta 
 est uberior. 
 
 At naturalis magiae 45 cultorcs, qui per rerum sympathias 
 et antipathias omnia expediunt, ex conjecturis otiosis et 
 supinissimis, rebus virtutcs et operationes admirabiles affinx- 
 erunt : atque si quando opera exhibuerint, ea illius sunt 
 generis, ut ad admirationem et novitatem. non ad fructum 
 et utilitatem, accommodata sint. 
 
 In superstitiosa autem magia 4G (si et de hac dicendum sit) 
 
 42 Cp. Aphs. 54 and 73, and DC Augmentis, lib. i. (E. and S., vol. i. 
 pp. 456-7). 
 
 43 He supposes that he has made some mistake either in weighing, or in 
 selecting the proper moment for his manipulations. 
 
 44 The Fable of the Father and his Sons, 'as inculcating Industry.' 
 
 45 See note 6 on Aph. 5, and cp. Bk. ii. Aph. 9. 
 
 4li 'Superstitious Magic' Bacon would, of course, altogether reject, 
 though Natural Magic, in a purified form, he would admit as a branch 
 of the ' Doctrina Operativa de Natura ; ' Mechanics being the other branch. 
 See De Augmentis, lib. iii. cap. 5.
 
 LIB. I. 8687. 287 
 
 illud inprimis animadvertendum est, esse tantummodo certi 
 cujusdam et definiti generis subjecta, in quibus artes curiosae 
 et superstitiosae, per omnes nationes atque aetates atque 
 etiam religiones, aliquid potuerint aut luserint. Itaque ista 
 missa faciamus. Interim nil mirum est, si opinio copiae 
 causam inopiae dederit. 
 
 LXXXVI. 
 
 Atque hominum admirationi, quoad doctrinas et artes, per 
 se satis simplici et prope puerili, incrementum accessit ab 
 eorum astu et artificio qui scientias tractaverunt et tradiderunt. 
 Illi enim ea ambitione et affectatione eas proponunt, atque 
 in eum modum efformatas ac veluti personatas in hominum 
 conspectum producunt. ac si illae omni ex partc perfectac 
 essent et ad exitum perductae. Si enim methodum aspicias 
 et partitiones, illae prorsus omnia complecti et concluderc 
 videntur, quae in illud subjectum cadere possunt. Atque 
 licet membra ilia male impleta et veluti capsulae inanes sint ; 
 tamen apud intellectum vulgarem scientiae formam et rationem 
 integrae prae se ferunt. 
 
 At primi et antiquissimi veritatis inquisitores, meliore fide 
 et fato, cognitionem illam, quam ex rerum contemplatione 
 decerpere et in usum recondere statuebant, in aplwrismos^, 
 sive breves easdemque sparsas nee methodo revinctas sen- 
 tentias, conjicere solebant ; neque se artem universam com- 
 plecti simulabant aut profitebantur. At eo quo nunc res 
 agitur modo, minime mirum est, si homines in iis ulteriora 
 non quaerant, quae pro perfectis et numeris suis jampridem 
 absolutis traduntur. 
 
 LXXXVII. 
 
 Etiam aniiqua magnum existimationis et fidei incrementum 
 acceperunt ex eorum vanitate et levitate, qui nova propo- 
 
 4 ' On the advantages of the Aphoristic over the Methodic treatment 
 of a science which is still in its growth, cp. De Augmentis, lib. vi. cap. 2 
 (E. and S.,pp. 665-6), where Bacon is still fuller and more explicit than in 
 this passage. 
 
 In speaking of the 'primi et antiquissimi veritatis inquisitores,' he is 
 probably thinking of Hippocrates, who wrote in Aphorisms, as well as 
 of the early Greek philosophers, whose wisdom was contained in ypw/iai, 
 sententiae, or maxims.
 
 288 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 suerunt ; praesertim in philosophiae naturalis parte activa et 
 operativa 4S . Neque enim defuerunt homines vaniloqui et 
 pliantastici, qui partim ex credulitate, partim ex impostura, 
 genus humanum promissis onerarunt : vitae prolongationem, 
 senectutis retardationem, dolorum levationem. naturalium 
 defectuum reparationem, sensuum deceptiones, affectuum 
 ligationes et incitationes. intellectualium facultatum illumi- 
 nationes et exaltationes, substantiarum transmutationes, et 
 motuum ad libitum roborationes et multiplicationes, aeris 
 impressiones et alterationes, coelestium influentiarum deduc- 
 tiones et procurationes, rerum futurarum divinationes, remo- 
 tarum repraesentationes, occultarum revelationes, et alia com- 
 plura pollicitando et ostentando. Verum de istis largitoribus 
 non multum aberraverit, qui istiusmodi judicium fecerit, tan- 
 turn nimirum in doctrinis philosophiae inter horum vanitates et 
 veras artes interesse, quantum inter res gestas Julii Caesaris, 
 aut Alexandri Magni, et res gestas Amadicii ex Gallia 49 , 
 aut Arthuri ex Britannia, in historiae narrationibus intersit. 
 Inveniuntur enim clarissimi illi imperatores revera majora 
 gcssisse, quam umbratiles isti heroes etiam fecisse fingantur ; 
 sed modis et viis scilicet actionum minime fabulosis et prodi- 
 giosis. Neque propterea aequum est verae memoriae fidem 
 derogari, quod a fabulis ilia quandoque laesa sit et violata. 
 Sed interim minime mirum est, si propositionibus novis 
 (praesertim cum mentione operum) magnum sit factum prae- 
 judicium per istos impostores. qui similia tentaverunt ; cum 
 vanitatis excessus et fastidium etiam mine omnem in ejusmodi 
 conatibus magnanimitatem destruxerit. 
 
 LXXXVIII. 
 
 At longe majora a pusillanimitate, et pensorum, quae 
 humana industria sibi proposuit, parvitate et tenuitate. de- 
 
 4S For a violent invective against the moderns, and especially Paracelsus 
 and the Chemists, see Temporis Partus Masculus, E. and S., vol. iii. 
 p. 531, &c. The passage begins thus: ' Nee non cape comites perfunc- 
 toriam Neotericorum turbam. Heus nomenclator, suggere. Atqui 
 respondet, ne dignos esse quorum nomina teneat.' The quacks of Bacon's 
 day were generally to be found amongst the professors of Alchemy and 
 Magic. 
 
 49 See Hallam's Literature of Europe, part i. ch. 4. 70.
 
 LIB. I. 88. 289 
 
 trimenta in scientias invecta sunt. Et tamen (quod pessimum 
 est) pusillanimitas ista non sine arrogantia et fastidio se 
 offert. 
 
 Primum enim, omnium artium ilia reperitur cautcla jam 
 facta familiaris, ut in qualibet arte authores artis suae infir- 
 mitatem in naturae calumniam vertant ; ct quod ars ipsorum 
 non assequitur, id ex eadem arte impossibile in natura pro- 
 nunciant. Neque certe damnari potest ars, si ipsa judicet. 
 Etiam philosophia, quae nunc in manibus est, in sinu suo 
 posita quaedam fovet. aut placita, quibus (si diligentius in- 
 quiratur) hoc hominibus omnino persuaderi volunt ; nil ab 
 arte, vel hominis opere, arduum, aut in naturam imperiosum 
 ct validum, cxpectari debere ; ut de heterogenia caloris astri 
 et ignis, et mistione, superius dictum est 50 . Quae si notentur 
 accuratius, omnino pertinent ad humanae potestatis circum- 
 scriptionem malitiosam, et ad quaesitam et artificiosam de- 
 sperationem, quae non solum spei auguria turbet, sed etiam 
 omnes industriae stimulos et nervos incidat, atque ipsius 
 cxperientiae aleas abjiciat ; dum de hoc tantum solliciti sint, 
 ut ars eorum perfecta censeatur ; gloriae vanissimae et per- 
 ditissimae dantes operam. scilicet ut quicquid adhuc inventum 
 ct comprehensum non sit, id omnino nee inveniri, nee compre- 
 hend! posse in futurum credatur. At si quis rebus addere 
 se r>1 et novum aliquid repcrire conetur, ille tamen omnino 
 sibi proponet et destinabit unum aliquod inventum (nee ultra) 
 perscrutari et eruere ; ut magnetis naturam, maris fluxum et 
 refluxum, thema coeli, et hujusmodi, quae secreti aliquid 
 habere videntur, et hactenus parum feliciter tractata sint : 
 quum summae sit imperitiae, rei alicujus^jiaj^r^m^n^sejpsa 
 perscrutari ; quandoquidem eadem natura, quae in aliis vide- 
 
 iw^-**"W'^''Nr-'W.'-v'' % ^. ** A 
 
 tur latcns et occulta, in aliis manifcsta sit et quasi palpabilis, 
 atque in illis admirationem, in his ne attentionem quidem 
 moveat 52 ; ut fit in natura consistentiae, quae in ligno vel 
 
 i:1 Aph. 75. 
 
 51 Mr. Spedding quotes from the Redargutio Philosophiarum : ' Quare 
 missis is' is philosophiis abstractis, vos ct ego, filii, rebus ipsis nos ad- 
 jungamus.' , 
 
 52 On Ostensive or Glaring, and their opposite or Clandestine Instances, - 
 
 />,<%/!< 4, vo^/l .k(A ^ <!. Ct/f^' c
 
 290 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 lapide non notatur, sed solidi appellatione transmittitur, neque 
 amplius de fuga separationis aut solutionis continuitatis 
 inquiritur ; at in aquarum bullis eadem res videtur subtilis 
 ct ingeniosa ; quae bullae sc conjiciunt in pelliculas quasdam. 
 in hemisphaerii formam curiose effictas, ut ad momentum 
 temporis evitetur solutio continuitatis. 
 
 Atque prorsus ilia ipsa, quae habentur pro secretis, in aliis 
 habent naturam manifestam et communem ; quae nunquam 
 se dabit conspiciendam, si hominum experimenta aut con- 
 templationes in illis ipsis tantum versentur. Generaliter autem 
 et vulgo, in operibus mechanicis habentur pro novis inventis, 
 si quis jampridem inventa subtilius poliat, vel ornet elegantius, 
 vel simul uniat et componat, vel cum usu commodius copulet, 
 aut opus majore, aut etiam minore, quam fieri consuevit, mole 
 vel volumine exhibeat, et similia. 
 
 Itaque minime mirum est, si nobilia et genere humano 
 digna inventa in lucem extracta non sint, quum homines 
 hujusmodi exiguis pcnsis et puerilibus contenti et delectati 
 fuerint ; quinetiam in iisdem se magnum aliquod sequutos, 
 aut assequutos putaverint. 
 
 LXXXIX. 
 
 Neque illud praetermittendum est, quod nacta sit philo- 
 sophia naturalis per omnes aetates adversarium molestum et 
 difficilem ; superstitionem nimirum, et zelum religionis caecum 
 et immoderatum 53 . Etenim videre est apud Graecos. eos. 
 qui primum causas naturales fulminis et tempestatum insuetis 
 adhuc hominum auribus proposuerunt, impietatis in deos eo 
 nomine damnatos 54 : nee multo melius a nonnullis antiquorum 
 
 see Bk. ii. Aphs. 24, 25, and Herschel's Discourse on the Study of Natural 
 Philosophy, 192-3. 
 
 ' 3 Cp. Aph. 65. The notes on that Aphorism will also serve to illustrate 
 this. 
 
 Though Bacon repudiated so vehemently the introduction of religious 
 considerations into natural philosophy, there are many instances in his 
 works of his deeply religious spirit. On his religious opinions generally, 
 see Introduction, 7. 
 
 ' 4 See Aristophanes' Clouds, 1. 372, &c. : 
 ST. vi] TUV ATroAXco, TOUTO ye rot dij Tu> vvv Xoyw fv npoaf^vcTas'
 
 LIB. I. 89. 291 
 
 patrum rcligionis Christianac cxceptos fuisse eos, qui ex 
 certissimis demonstrationibus (quibus nemo hodie sanus con- 
 trad ixerit) terram rotundam esse posuerunt, atque ex conse- 
 quenti antipodas esse asseruerunt 55 . 
 
 Kairoi Trpdrepov TOV Ai" dXrjduis ffP-^v Sia KOUKIVOV ovpflv. 
 
 (1XX OUTIS O ftpOVTU>V fdTl (ppUCTOV' TOVTO fJLf TTOlfl TfTpffJLalvdf. 
 
 2Q. avrai jBpovTcocri Kv\ii>8op.fvai. 
 
 2T. rw rpoTrw, a> Trcivra crv ro\p.S)v ; 
 
 2O. orav f/jLTT^rjcrdaxr' vdaros TroXXou KavnyKa<j6S)cri (pfpf<rdai, 
 
 KaTaKprip.vdfj.evai TrXrjpfis op.f3pov 81 dvdyKrjv, elra /3apeiai 
 
 els aXX^Xa? efjLTrinTovcrai pyyvvvrai Kal Trarayovcriv. 
 2T. 6 5' dvayndfav (crrl T'IS avrds, ov% 6 Zcvs, &crre (pepecrdai ; 
 2i2. r'JKio'T', dXX' aldepios 8lvos. 
 2T. Alvos ', TOVTL /JL' e\t\i]6rj, 
 
 6 Zevs OVK cov, aXX avr nvrov Aii/oy Wfi jSatriXeucov. 
 One of the articles in the indictment against Socrates was that he did 
 not ' worship the Gods whom the city worships.' 
 
 55 Cp. Campanella, Metaph. lib. i. Proem. : ' S. Augustinus et Lactantius 
 negant esse Antipodas, quoniam ignorant Mathematicam, et vulgus solem 
 putat esse pedalem,' &c. See Lactantius, Divinae Institutiones, lib. iii. 
 cap. 24 : ' Quid illi, qui esse contraries vestigiis nostris Antipodas putant ; 
 num aliquid loquuntur ? aut est quisquam tam ineptus, qui credat esse 
 homines, quorum vestigia sint superiora quam capita ? aut ibi quae apud 
 nos jacent. inversa pendere ? fruges et arbores deorsum versus crescere ? 
 pluvias, et nives, et grandinem sursum versus cadere in terram ? Et 
 miratur aliquis hortos pensiles inter septem mira narrari ; cum philosophi 
 et agros, et maria, et urbes, et montes pensiles faciant ?' He next 
 proceeds to account for this strange opinion and that of the rotundity 
 of the earth by what appeared to him false inferences from the motion of 
 the stars, and then continues : ' Quod si quaeras ab iis, qui haec portenta 
 defendunt, quomodo non cadunt omnia in inferiorem illam coeli partem : 
 respondent, hanc rerum esse naturam, ut pondera in medium ferantur ; 
 et ad medium connexa sunt omnia, sicut radios videmus in rota : quae 
 autem levia sunt, ut nebula, fumus, ignis, a medio deferantur, ut coelum 
 petant.' St. Augustine (De Civitate Dei, lib. xvi. cap. 9) argues that, even 
 if the world be round, it does not follow that there is land on the other 
 side, or, even if there be such land, that it is inhabited. He then 
 absolutely rejects the supposition of Antipodes (' nulla ratione credendum 
 est ') on the ground that it is inconsistent with the Scriptural account 
 of the origin of the human race. ' Quoniam nullo modo Scriptura ista 
 mentitur, quae narratis praeteritis facit fidem, eo quod ejus praedicta 
 complentur: nimisque absurdum est ut dicatur, aliquos homines ex hac in 
 illam partem, Oceani immensitate trajecta, navigare ac pervenire potuisse, 
 ut etiam illis ex uno illo primo hominc genus institueretur humanum.' 
 
 The following quotation from one of Jeremy Taylor's Sermons (Heber's 
 Edition, revised by Eden, vol. viii. p. 536; is so appropriate, and, moreover, 
 
 U 2
 
 292 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 Quinetiam. ut nunc sunt res, conditio scrmonum dc natura 
 facta est durior et magis cum periculo, propter theologorum 
 scholasticorum summas et methodos ; qui cum theologiam 
 (satis pro potestate) in ordinem redcgcrint, et in artis formam 
 cffinxerint, hoc insuper effecerunt. ut pugnax et spinosa 
 Aristotelis philosophia :o corpori religionis, plus quam par 
 crat, immisceretur. 
 
 Eodem etiam spectant (licet diverse modo) corum com- 
 mentationes, qui veritatem Christianac religionis ex principiis 
 
 so interesting in itself, that I cannot refrain from adding it : 'If any man 
 have a revelation or a discovery of which thou knowest nothing but by his 
 preaching, be not too quick to condemn it ; not only lest thou discourage 
 his labour and stricter enquiries in the search of truth, but lest thou also 
 be a fool upon record ; for so is every man that hastily judges \vhat he 
 slowly understands. Is it not a monument of a lasting reproach, that one 
 of the popes of Rome condemned the bishop of Salzburg for saying that 
 there were antipodes? and is not pope Nicholas deserted by his own party 
 for correcting the sermons of Berengarius, and making him recant into 
 a worse error ? and posterity will certainly make themselves very merry 
 with the wise sentences made lately at Rome against Galileo and the 
 Jansenists. To condemn one truth is more shameful than to broach two 
 errors : for he that in an honest and diligent enquiry misses something 
 of the mark, will have the apologies of human infirmity, and the praise of 
 doing his best ; but he that condemns a truth when it is told him, is 
 an envious fool, and is a murderer of his brother's fame, and his brother's 
 reason.' 
 
 Mr. Mill discusses the incapacity of conceiving the existence of Antipodes 
 in two places of his Logic, namely, bk. ii. ch. 5. 6, and bk. v. ch. 3. 
 3. It is, perhaps, superfluous to remark, with reference to these 
 passages, that Mr. Mill's views as to the relation of inconceivability to 
 impossibility are combated by Mr. Herbert Spencer. 
 
 6 In the corresponding passage of the Cogitata et Visa (E. and S., 
 p. 596), he says: 'hoc insuper ausi sunt, ut contentiosam et tumultu- 
 ariam Aristotelis philosophiam corpori religionis inscruerint.' 
 
 It has often been remarked that the distinguishing characteristic of the 
 scholastic theology was the union of theological matter with a dialectical 
 form, the theological matter being derived from the Scriptures and the 
 Fathers, and the dialectical form from the Logic of Aristotle. But with 
 the form, no inconsiderable portion of the matter of the Aristotelian 
 philosophy, especially in the domains of psychology and metaphysics, 
 frequently effected an entrance, and thus, to a certain extent, determined 
 both the terminology and the doctrines of the Mediaeval Church. In 
 illustration of this statement, see Bishop Hampden's Bampton Lectures, 
 a work which well deserves the attention both of the theological and 
 of the philosophical student.
 
 LIB. I. 89. 293 
 
 et authoritatibus philosophorum deducere et confirmare baud 
 veriti sunt ; fidei et sensus conjugium tanquam legitimum 
 multa pompa et solennitate celebrantes, et grata rerum 
 varietate animos hominum permulcentes ; sed interim divina 
 humanis, impari conclitione, permiscentes. At in hujusmodi 
 misturis theologiae cum philosophia, ea tantum, quae nunc in 
 philosophia recepta sunt, comprehenduntur ; sed nova, licet in 
 melius mutata, tantum non summoventur et exterminantur 57 . 
 
 Denique invenias, ex quorundam theologorum imperitia, 
 aditum alicui philosophiae, quamvis emendatae, pene inter- 
 clusum esse. Alii siquidem simplicius subverentur, ne forte 
 altior in naturam inquisitio ultra concessum sobrietatis termi- 
 num penetret ; traducentes et perperam torquentes ea, quae 
 de divinis mysteriis in Scripturis sacris adversus rimantes 
 secrcta divina dicuntur, ad occulta naturae, quae nullo inter- 
 dicto prohibcntur. Alii callidius conjiciunt et animo versant. 
 si media ignorentur, singula ad manum et virgulam divinam 
 (quod religionis, ut putant, maxime intersit) facilius posse 
 referri : quod nihil aliud est, quam Deo per mendacium grati- 
 ficari velle. Alii ab exemplo metuunt, ne motus et muta- 
 
 57 This is one of Bacon's shrewdest remarks. It is abundantly illustrated 
 in the history of science both before and since his time. A new discovery 
 in science is at first decried as contrary or even fatal to faith ; then, 
 after a time, it is grudgingly admitted, and incorporated into the received 
 doctrine, till at last no one dreams of calling it in question. But the 
 process soon begins afresh with some more recent discovery, so that a 
 constant warfare is going on between the unwise theologian and the 
 scientific investigator. And this warfare is wholly unnecessary, and can 
 have only one issue. For the scientific theory must ultimately stand or 
 fall on scientific grounds, and, should it be ultimately admitted, the 
 theologian, whether he acquiesces in the result or not, must, with the rest 
 of mankind, bow to the decision of competent judges. No thoughtful 
 man, of course, can avoid comparing the results of science with his 
 religious beliefs, but the results of science, to be worth anything at all, 
 must be arrived at by a purely independent process, employing only 
 scientific data and submitting only to scientific tests. The man of science 
 has a right to demand that his investigations shall not be hampered by 
 theological prepossessions ; but the results at which he arrives become 
 the common property of all, and it is for the theologian to co-ordinate 
 these results with his religious beliefs, or, if need be, to adapt his religious 
 beliefs to the new facts or newly established generalisations which are 
 presented to him. 
 
 ; " Cp. De Augmentis, lib. i. (E. and S., vol. i. p. 436) : ' Xamque cos
 
 294 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 tiones circa philosophiam in religionem incurrant ac desinant. 
 Alii denique solliciti videntur, ne in naturae inquisitione 
 aliquid inveniri possit, quod religionem (praesertim apud in- 
 doctos) subvertat, aut saltern labefactet. At isti duo posteriores 
 metus nobis videntur omnino sapicntiam animalem sapere : 
 ac si homines, in mentis suae recessibus ct secretis cogitationi- 
 bus, de firmitudine religionis et fidei in sensum imperio 
 diffiderent ac dubitarent ; et propterea ab inquisitione veritatis 
 in naturalibus periculum illis impendere metuerent. At vere 
 rem reputanti, philosophia naturalis, post verbum Dei, certis- 
 sima superstitionis medicina est ; eademque probatissimum 
 fidei alimentum. Itaque merito religioni donatur tanquam 
 fidissima ancilla : cum altera voluntatem Dei, altera potesta- 
 tem manifestet 50 . Neque enim erravit I lie, qui dixit ; errafis, 
 ncscientes Scripturas et potestatem Dei G0 : informationem de 
 voluntate et meditationem de potestate nexu individuo com- 
 miscens et copulans. Interim minus mirum est si naturalis 
 philosophiae incrementa cohibita sint ; cum religio, quae 
 pltirimum apud animos hominum pollet, per quorundam im- 
 peritiam et zelum incautum in partem contrariam transierit 
 et abrepta fuerit. 
 
 XC. 
 
 Rursus in moribus et institutis scholarum, academiarum. 
 collegiorum, et similium conventuum, quae doctorum hominum 
 sedibus et eruditionis culturae destinata sunt, omnia pro- 
 
 qui autumant nimiam scientiam inclinare mentem in atheismum, igno- 
 rantiamque secundarum causarum pietati erga primam obstetricari, libenter 
 compellarem Jobi quaestione, An oporteat mentiri pro Deo, ct e jus gratia 
 dolum loqtti conveniat, ut ipsi gratificeimir ? ' The passage in Job, here 
 referred to, is ch. xiii. ver. 7. 
 
 59 In the Advancement of Learning (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 478) and in 
 the Ninth Book of the De Augmentis, it is the glory of God, as revealed by 
 Nature, which is opposed to the will of God, as revealed by Scripture. 
 'Wherefore we conclude that sacred Theology (which in our idiom we 
 call Divinity) is grounded only upon the word and oracle of God, and not 
 upon the light of nature : for it is written, Coeli enarrant gloriam Dei, 
 but it is not written, Coeli enarrant voluntatem Dei, but of that it is said, 
 Ad legem et testimonium.' 
 
 60 Matt. xxii. 29.
 
 LIB. /. 90. 295 
 
 gressui scientiarum adversa inveniuntur G1 . Lectiones enim et 
 exercitia ita sunt disposita, ut aliud a consuetis baud facile 
 cuiquam in mentem veniat cogitare aut contemplari. Si vero 
 unus aut alter fortasse judicii libertate uti sustinuerit, is sibi 
 soli hanc operam imponere possit ; ab aliorum autem con- 
 sortio nihil capiet utilitatis. Sin et hoc toleraverit, tamen in 
 capessenda fortuna industriam hanc et magnanimitatem sibi 
 non levi impedimento fore experietur. Studia enim hominum 
 in ejusmodi locis in quorundam authorum scripta, veluti in 
 carceres, conclusa sunt ; a quibus si quis dissentiat, continuo 
 ut homo turbidus et rerum novarum cupidus corripitur. At 
 
 61 The main business of the Universities at this time was the ' disputa- 
 tions.' Their chief interests were either literary or theological, and, so 
 far as the physical sciences were cultivated at all, it was, at least in the 
 English Universities, mainly in the old tracks. As late as the foundation 
 of Sir William Sedley's Professorship of Natural Philosophy in 1621, it 
 was prescribed that the Professor should lecture in the works of Aristotle. 
 In the statute regulating the duties of the Chair, there is not a hint of 
 any independent treatment of the subject. The statutes of the Savilian 
 Professor of Astronomy, however, which date from 1619, direct the Pro- 
 fessor, on occasion, to refer to the theories or discoveries of recent 
 writers : ' Astronomiae Professor ad suum munus sciat necessario per- 
 tinere interpretationem totius Mathematicae Constructionis Ptolemaei 
 (Almagestum vocant), adhibitis, suo loco, Copernici, Gebri, et aliorum 
 Recentiorum inventis.' 
 
 Bacon pursues this complaint at greater length in the Introduction to 
 the Second Book of the De Augmentis (E. and S., vol. i. pp. 487-492). 
 His own idea of an institution for the advancement of science is given in 
 the New Atlantis. 
 
 The letters written by Bacon to the Universities of Oxford and Cam- 
 bridge, and to Trinity College, Cambridge, on sending them copies of 
 his works, are interesting in connexion with this Aphorism. The fol- 
 lowing is the letter inscribed in the copy of the De Augmentis, sent to 
 the University of Oxford : 
 
 ' Franciscus Baro de Verulamio, Vicecomes S cti Albani, inclytae Aca- 
 demiae Oxoniensi S. 
 
 Cum Almae matri meae incl. Academiae Cantabrigiensi scripserim, 
 deessem sane officio, si simile amoris pignus sorori ejus non deferrem. 
 Sicut autem eos hortatus sum, ita et vos hortor ; ut Scientiarum Aug- 
 mentis strenue incumbatis, et veterum labores neque nihil neque omnia 
 esse putetis, sed, vires etiam proprias modeste perpendentes, subinde tamen 
 experiamini. Omnia cedent quam optime, si arma non alii in alios vertatis, 
 sed junctis copiis in Naturam rerum impressionem faciatis. Sufficiet quippe 
 ilia honori et victoriae. Valete.'
 
 296 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 magnum certe discrimen inter res civiles et artes 62 : non enim 
 idem periculum a novo motu et a nova luce. Verum in rebus 
 civilibus mutatio etiam in melius suspecta est ob perturba- 
 tionem ; cum civilia authoritate, consensu, fama, et opinione, 
 non demonstratione 63 , nitantur. In artibus autem et scientiis, 
 tanquam in metalli fodinis, omnia novis operibus et ulte- 
 rioribus progressibus circumstrepere debent. Atque secun- 
 dum rectam rationem res ita se habet, sed interim non ita 
 vivitur : sed ista, quam diximus, doctrinarum administratio et 
 politia scientiarum augmenta durius premere consucvit. 
 
 XCT. 
 
 Atque insuper licet ista invidia cessaverit ; tamen satis 
 est ad cohibendum augmentum scientiarum, quod hujusmodi 
 conatus et industriae praemiis careant. Non enim penes 
 eosdem est cultura scientiarum et praemium. Scientiarum 
 enim augmenta a magnis utique ingeniis proveniunt ; at 
 pretia et praemia scientiarum sunt penes vulgus aut principes 
 viros, qui (nisi raro admodum) vix mediocriter docti sunt. 
 Ouinetiam hujusmodi progressus non solum praemiis et bene- 
 ficentia hominum, verum etiam ipsa populari laude destituti 
 sunt. Sunt enim illi supra captum maximae partis hominum, 
 ct ab opinionum vulgarium ventis facile obruuntur et cxtin- 
 guuntur. Itaque nil minim, si res ilia non foeliciter successerit, 
 quae in honore non fuit. 
 
 XCII. 
 
 Sed longc maximum progressibus scientiarum, et novis 
 pensis ac provinciis in iisdem suscipiendis, obstaculum depre- 
 henditur in despcratione hominum, et suppositione impossi- 
 bilis. Solent enim viri prudentes et severi in hujusmodi 
 
 61 Cp. Aristotle's Politics, Bk. ii. ch. 8. sects. 18, 24 : ^eOSos Se KCU TO 
 Trapd8eiyp.a TO nep\ TU>V Te^yS)i>' ov yap Sfioiov TO Kivelv re%i>ijv KOL vop.ov. 6 yap 
 vofjios ler^uf ovSffjLiav e%ei rrpbs TO Trfidecrdat, 7rA/)i' napu TO edos, TOVTO 8' ov 
 yivfTcu ei JJLIJ dia %povov Tr\r/dos, K.T.\. 
 
 3 These remarks are not inconsistent with what Bacon says in Aph. 
 127, where he appears to contemplate the possibility of a political science, 
 established by induction. All that he means here is that the stability of 
 a government depends not on the reasons which can be assigned in its 
 favour, but on authority, usage, assent, c.
 
 LIB. 7. 91 92. 297 
 
 rebus plane diffidere : naturae obscuritatem, vitae brevitatem, 
 sensuum fallacias, judicii infirmitatem, exporimcntorum diffi- 
 cultates, et similia secum reputantes. Itaque existimant 
 esse quosdam scientiarum, per temporum et aetatum mundi 
 revolutiones, fluxus et refluxus ; cum aliis temporibus cres- 
 cant et floreant, aliis declinent et jaceant : ita tamcn, ut cum 
 ad certum quendam gradum et statum pervenerint, nil ulterius 
 possint 61 . 
 
 Itaque, si quis majora credat aut spondeat, id putant esse 
 cujusdam impotentis et immaturi animi ; atque hujusmodi 
 conatus initia scilicet laeta, media ardua, extrema confusa 
 habere. Atque cum hujusmodi cogitationes eae sint, quae in 
 viros graves et judicio praestantes facile cadant. curandum 
 revera est, ne rei optimae et pulcherrimae amore capti 
 severitatem judicii relaxemus, aut minuamus ; et sedulo viden- 
 dum, quid spei affulgeatj et ex qua parte se ostendat ; atque. 
 auris levioribus spei rejectis, eae, quae plus firmitudinis hab'ere 
 videntur, omnino discutiendae sunt et pensitandae. Quin- 
 etiam prudentia civilis ad consilium vocanda est et adhibenda, 
 quae ex praescripto diffidit, et de rebus humanis in detenus 
 conjicit. Itaque jam et de spe dicendum est ; praesertim cum 
 nos promissores non simus, nee vim aut insidias hominum 
 judiciis faciamus aut struamus, sed homines mnnu et sponte 
 ducamus. Atque licet longe potentissimum futurum sit 
 remedium ad spem imprimendam, quando homines ad parti- 
 cularia, praesertim in tabulis nostris invcniendi digesta et 
 disposita (quae partim ad secundam, sed multo magis ad 
 quartam Instaurationis^ nostrac partem pertinent), adduce- 
 
 * On the idea of Cycles, as applied to the phenomena of human society, 
 see Mill's Logic, bk. vi. ch. 10. 3. For the celebrated cycle of Plato, see 
 the beginning of the eighth book of the Republic, and for Aristotle's 
 criticism on it, Politics, viii. (V.) 12. The idea of cycles and of periodical 
 crises, at which the accumulated property, inventions, institutions, &c. 
 of mankind are swept away, is to be found also in the third book of the 
 Laws. 
 
 Gi The fourth part of the Instauration was to be the Scala Intellectus, 
 the second is, of course, the Xovum Organam. For Bacon r s conception 
 of the fourth part, see the Distributio Opens, pp. 178, 179. At the end of 
 his account, he says : ' Itaque hujusmodi exemplis ' (namely, such as shail 
 present the whole process of discovery) 'quartam partem nostri opens
 
 298 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 mus ; cum hoc Spsum sit non spcs tantum, sed tanquam res 
 ipsa: tamen, ut omnia clementius fiant, pergendum est in 
 institute nostro de praeparandis hominum mentibus ; cujus 
 praeparationis ista ostensio spei pars est non exigua. Nam 
 absque ea, reliqua faciunt magis ad contristationem hominum 
 (scilicet, ut deteriorem et viliorem habeant de iis, quae jam in 
 usu sunt, opinionem, quam nunc habent, et suae conditionis 
 infortunium plus sentiant et pernoscant), quam ad alacritatem 
 aliquam inducendam, aut industriam experiendi acuendam. 
 Itaque conjecturae nostrae, quae spem in hac re faciunt 
 probabilem, aperiendae sunt et proponendae : sicut Colum- 
 bus fecit CG , ante navigationem illam suam mirabilem maris 
 Atlantici, cum rationes adduxerit, cur ipse novas terras et 
 continentes, praeter eas quae ante cognitae fuerunt, inveniri 
 posse confideret ; quae rationes, licet primo rejectae, postea 
 tamen experimento probatac sunt, et rerum maximarum 
 causae et initia fuerunt. 
 
 XCIII. 
 
 Principium autem 7 sumendum a Deo : hoc nimirum quod 
 agitur, propter excellentem in ipso boni naturam, manifeste 
 a Deo esse, qui author boni, et pater luminum est. In ope- 
 rationibus autem divinis, initia quaeque tcnuissima exitum 
 certo trahunt. Atque quod de spiritualibus dictum est, 
 Regmitn Dei non vcnit cum obscrvatione cs , id etiam in omni 
 majore opere Providentiae evenire reperitur ; ut omnia sine 
 strepitu et sonitu placide labantur, atque res plane agatur 
 
 attribuimus : quae revera nil aliud est, quam sccundae partis applicatio 
 particularis et explicata.' 
 
 110 For many years before Columbus was enabled to start on his voyage 
 of discovery, it had become a fixed idea in his mind that land was to be 
 found to the West. For the reasons of this belief, depending partly on 
 general geographical considerations, partly on the stories of mariners, 
 partly on the fact that pieces of pine, cane, and the like, had been found 
 washed ashore on the coast of Portugal, the Azores, &c., see Washington 
 Irving's Life and Voyages of Columbus, ch. 3. 
 
 ;: Here begins the enumeration of the Grounds of Hope, which arc 
 twenty-one in all. The enumeration is completed in the H4th Aphorism. 
 
 * s Luke xvii. 20.
 
 LIB. L 9394. 299 
 
 priusquam homines earn agi putent aut advertant. Nequc 
 omittenda est prophetia Danielis de ultimis mundi temporibus ; 
 Multi pertransibunt, et multiplex crit scientia 9 : manifeste 
 innuens et significans, esse in fatis, id est, in Providentia, ut 
 pertransitus mundi (qui per tot longinquas navigationes im- 
 pletus plane aut jam in opere esse videtur) et augmenta 
 scientiarum in eandem aetatem incidant. 
 
 XCIV. 
 
 Sequitur ratio omnium maxima ad faciendam spem ; nempe 
 ex erroribus temporis praeteriti et viarum adhuc tentatarum. 
 Optima enim est ea reprehensio, quam de statu civili baud 
 prudenter administrate quispiam his verbis complexus est 70 : 
 Quod ad praetcrita pessimum est, id ad futtira optimum vidcri 
 debet. Si enim vos omnia, quae ad officium ve strum spcctant, 
 pracstitissetis, neque tamen res vestrae in mcliore loco essent ; ne 
 spes quidem ulla reliqua foret, eas in melius provcJii posse. Sed 
 cum rerum vestrarum status, non a m ipsa rerum, sed ab erro- 
 ribus vestris male se habeat ; sperandum est, illis erroribus 
 missis aut correctis, magnam rerum in melius mutationem fieri 
 posse. Simili modo, si homines per tanta annorum spatia 
 viam veram inveniendi et colendi scientias tenuissent, nee 
 tamen ulterius progredi potuissent ; audax proculdubio et 
 temeraria foret opinio, posse rem in ulterius provehi. Quod 
 si in via ipsa erratum sit, atque hominum opera in iis con- 
 sumpta, in quibus minime oportebat ; sequitur ex eo, non 
 in rebus ipsis difficultatem oriri, quae potestatis nostrae non 
 sunt, sed in intellectu humano ejusque usu et applicationc ; 
 quae res remedium et medicinam suscipit. Itaque optimum 
 fuerit illos ipsos errores proponere : quot enim fuerint er- 
 rorum impedimenta in praeterito, tot sunt spei argumenta in 
 futurum. Ea vero licet in his, quae superius dicta sunt, non 
 intacta omnino fuerint ; tamen ea etiam nunc breviter, verbis 
 nudis ac simplicibus, repraesentare visum est. 
 
 lp Daniel xii. 4. This text forms the motto to the frontispiece prefixed 
 to the First Edition of the Novuin Organum. 
 
 ;o Demosth. Phil. iii. pp. in, 112. Cp. Phil. i. p. 40.
 
 300 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 xcv. 
 
 Oui tractaverunt scientias aut empiric} aut dogmatic! 71 
 fuerunt. Empirici, formicae more, congerunt tantum, et 
 utuntur : rationales, aranearum more, telas ex se conficiunt : 
 apis vero ratio media est, quae materiam ex floribus horti 
 et agri elicit ; sed tamen earn propria facultate vertit et dige- 
 rit. Neque absimile philosophiae verum opificium est ; quod 
 nee mentis viribus tantum aut praecipue nititur, ncque ex 
 historia naturali et mechanicis experimentis praebitam 
 materiam, in memoria integram. sed in intellectu mutatam et 
 subactam, reponit. Itaque ex harum facultatum (experi- 
 mentalis scilicet et rationalis) arctiore et sanctiore foedere 
 (quod adhuc factum non est) ben-e sperandum est. 
 
 XCVI. 
 
 Naturalis philosophia adhuc sincera non invenitur, sed in- 
 fecta et corrupta : in Aristotelis schola, per logicam 72 , in 
 Platonis schola, per theologiam naturalem 73 ; in secunda 
 schola 74 Platonis, Procli et aliorum, per mathematicam ; 
 quae philosophiam naturalem terminare, non generare aut 
 procreare debet 70 . At ex philosophia naturali pura et imper- 
 inista meliora speranda sunt. 
 
 71 See the Preface to the Novum Organum, and Aphs. 62, 64, 67. 
 This is one of the best known, and most happily expressed, of Bacon's 
 
 Aphorisms. But, after the explanations already given, it does not appear 
 to require any annotation. The last sentence shews how far Bacon was 
 from recommending a merely empirical philosophy. 
 
 72 See Aphs. 54, 63, with my notes on them. 
 
 73 See Aph. 65, with my notes. Cp. also Aph. 48, so far as it bears on 
 Final Causes. 
 
 74 Bacon is alluding to the Neoplatonists, though, properly speaking, the 
 ' secunda schola Platonis ' is the New Academy. On the philosophy of the 
 Neoplatonists, see Zeller or Ueberweg. The slightest knowledge of their 
 system will shew the justice of Bacon's criticism. 
 
 l5 Cp. De Augmentis, lib. iii. cap. 6, which the student should read 
 carefully in connexion with this Aphorism. I am inclined to think that 
 Bacon had conceived, though, perhaps, not very clearly, the true relation 
 between Physics and Mathematics. The most general axioms of Natural 
 Philosophy were to be carefully established by induction ; then, when 
 they had been stated in a quantitative form, they were to be combined 
 Iwith each other, and worked out deductively, by means of mathematical
 
 LIB. 7. 9597. 301 
 
 XCVII. 
 
 Nemo adhuc tanta mentis constantia et rigore inventus cst, 
 ut decreverit et sibi imposuerit theorias et notiones communes 
 penitus abolere, et intellectum abrasum ct aequum ad par- 
 ticularia de integro applicare ~ Cl . Itaquc ratio ilia humana, 
 quam habemus, ex multa fide, et multo etiam casu, nee non 
 ex puerilibus, quas primo hausimus, notionibus, farrago quae- 
 dam est et congeries. 
 
 calculations, into all their ramifications and applications. It is needless' 
 to add that the magnificent achievements of modern science (witness, for] 
 instance, the Principia or Optics of Newton, or the Mecanique Analytique 
 of Lagrange) have been due at least as much to mathematical calculation 
 as to inductive generalisation. The more advanced sciences, in fact,) 
 become, in their later stages, mainly mathematical. But, while a science 
 remains in its earlier, or inductive, stage, it is only capable of mathematicali 
 treatment, if at all, to a very slight degree. This, for instance, is still th 
 case with the sciences of chemistry and physiology. 
 
 The parallel passage in Bk. ii. Aph. 8 (' Optime autem cedit inquisitio 
 naturalis, quando physicum terminatur in mathematico') appears to apply! 
 specially to the enumeration and mensuration of the ultimate particles of, 
 matter, as conceived by Bacon. Hence, it might be contended that his) 
 view of the functions of Mathematics in the present Aphorism is equally 
 limited. But I am inclined to think that here the remark has a much' 
 wider bearing, and that the office of Mathematics, as contemplated in ii. 8,1 
 would be only a special exemplification of the functions here ascribed to 
 them. 
 
 In the Parasceve, Aph. 7, the relation of physics and mathematics is 
 felicitously, though vaguely, stated as follows : ' Physica autem et mathe- 
 matica bene commistae generant practicam.' 
 
 70 These remarks remind us of Descartes, who may possibly have been 
 influenced by reading this passage and the Aphorisms on the Idola. For 
 an account of the process by which he attempted to clear his mind of 
 preconceived notions, see the First Meditation, or the beginning of the 
 First Part of the Principia, or the earlier portion of the Dissertatio de 
 Methodo. The completeness with which he attempted to carry out his 
 purpose may be judged of by the following brief passage, taken from the 
 De Methodo : ' Sed quod ad eas opiniones attinet, quas ego ipse in eum 
 usque diem fueram amplexus, nihil melius facere me posse arbitrabar, 
 quam si omnes simul et semel e mente mea delerem, ut deinde vel alias 
 meliores vel certe easdem, sed postquam maturae rationis examen subiis- 
 sent, admitterem : credebamque hoc pacto longe melius me ad vitam 
 regendam posse informari, quam si veteris aedificii fundamenta retinerem, 
 iisque tantum principiis inniterer, quibus olim juvenilis aetas mea, nullo 
 unquam adhibito examine an veritati congruerent, credulitatem suam 
 addixerat.'
 
 302 NOVUM O EGA NUM. 
 
 Quod si quis aetate matura, et sensibus integris, et mente 
 repurgata, se ad experientiam et ad particularia de integro 
 applicet, dc eo melius sperandum est Atque hac in parte 
 nobis spondemus fortunam Alexandri Magni : neque quis nos 
 vanitatis arguat, antequam exitum rei audiat, quae ad exuen- 
 dam omnem vanitatem spectat. 
 
 Etenim de Alexandra et ejus rebus gestis Aeschines ita 
 loquutus est : Nos certe vitam mortalem non vivitnus ; scd in 
 hoc nati sumus^ nt posteritas de nobis portenta narret et prae- 
 dicet~ n : perinde ac si Alexandri res gestas pro miraculo ha- 
 buisset. 
 
 At aevis sequentibus Titus Livius melius rem advertit et 
 introspexit, atque de Alexandro hujusmodi quippiam dixit 78 : 
 Bum non alind quam benc ausuin vana contcmnere. Atque 
 simile etiam de nobis judicium futuris temporibus factum iri 
 cxistimamus : Nos nil magni fecisse ; sed tantum ea, quae pro 
 magnis habentur, minoris fecisse. Sed interim (quod jam 
 diximus) non est spes nisi in regenerations scientiarum ; ut 
 cae scilicet ab experientia certo ordine excitentur et rursus 
 condantur : quod adhuc factum esse aut cogitatum nemo (ut 
 arbitramur) amrmaverit. 
 
 XCVIII. 
 
 Atque experientiae fundamenta 73 (quando ad hanc omnino 
 
 77 Aeschines in Ctesiphontem, p. 72. 132: Toiydproi ^i r 
 K(\\ dnpocrSoKijTun' ftp' fj/jLtov ov yeyovev ; Ov yap ftiov y fjpf 
 PffiitaKapev, aXX fls Trapa8oo\oyiav TOIS eVo/xei/ots ped' ijp.as e(pv[j.ei>. 
 
 78 Livy, ix. 17 ad fin. 
 
 7U This, the sixth, is one of the most important of the ' Grounds of 
 Hope.' It is taken from the future construction of a Natural History, 
 specially adapted to the wants of Natural Philosophy (' collecta ad in- 
 formandum intellectual in ordine ad condendam philosophiam '), and 
 containing a record of experiments as well as observations. This 'Natural 
 History' was to be supplied in the third part of the Instauratio Magna, 
 which was to be entitled ' Phaenomena Universi, sive Historia Naturalis 
 et Experimental ad condendam Philosophiam.' Towards constructing 
 this third part of the Instauratio several attempts were made by Bacon, 
 as in the Historia Ventorum, Historia Vitae et Mortis, Historia Densi 
 ct Rari, Sylva Sylvarum, &c. These works are collected in the third 
 volume of Ellis and Spedding's Edition, pp. 1-680. It must be confessed, 
 however, of these pieces, that they answer but very imperfectly to Bacon's 
 conception of a natural history as delineated in this Aphorism. Far the
 
 LIB. I. 98. 303 
 
 deveniendum cst) aut nulla, aut admodum infirma adhuc 
 fuerunt ; nee particularium sylva et materies, vel numero, vel 
 genere, vel certitudine, informando intellectui competens, aut 
 ullo modo sufficiens, adhuc quaesita est et congesta. Seel 
 contra homines docti (supini sane et faciles) rumores quos- 
 dam experientiae, et quasi famas et auras ejus, ad philoso- 
 phiam suam vel constituendam vel confirmandam exceperunt. 
 atque illis nihilominus pondus legitimi testimonii attribuerunt. 
 Ac veluti si regnum aliquod aut status non ex literis et 
 relationibus a legatis et nuntiis fide dignis missis, sed ex 
 urbanorum sermunculis et ex triviis, consilia sua et negotia 
 gubernaret; omnino talis in philosophiam administratio, qua- 
 tenus ad experientiam, introducta est. Nil debitis modis ex- 
 quisitum, nil verificatum, nil numeratum, nil appensum, nil 
 dimensum in natural! historia reperitur 80 . At quod in obser- 
 
 most successful, perhaps the only successful, part of Liebig's attack on 
 Bacon is directed against this class of his writings. 
 
 On the supreme importance attached by Bacon to the collection of 
 observations and experiments which it was his intention to make, see 
 Mr. Spedding's Preface to the Parasceve, given in vol. i. of the Collected 
 Works, pp. 369-390. I cannot, however, but think that Mr. Spedding 
 slightly exaggerates the importance which Bacon attached to this part of 
 his reform. Surely ' the novelty, from which the most important results 
 were to be expected,' if we are to select any one part of the scheme as 
 such, was his Inductive Method. ' Spes est una in inductione vera.' ' In 
 hac certe inductione ' (namely, induction as reformed by himself) ' spes 
 maxima sita est.' 
 
 It may be remarked, however, as a proof of the great importance which 
 Bacon attached to his Natural History, that, when he published the Novum 
 Organum in its fragmentary form, passing over all the ' auxiiia intellectus : 
 (see lib. ii. Aph. 21) between the first and eighth, he thought it desirable 
 to append an account of the latter, as furnishing a description of the plan 
 on which his Natural History was to be constructed. The title of this 
 Appendix is ' Parasceve ad Historian! Naturalem et Experimentalem/ or 
 ' Descriptio Historiae Naturalis et Experimental, Oualis sufficiat et sit in 
 ordine ad Basin et Fundamenta Philosophiae Verae.' It is followed by a 
 ' Catalogus Historiarum Particularium,' on which he designed, at his 
 leisure, to draw up a list of questions, illustrating the true method of en- 
 quiry. We are informed, moreover, by Dr. Rawley that the Sylva Sylva- 
 rum was the last work on which Bacon was engaged. In that case, he 
 must have suspended the composition of the Novum Organum, in order to 
 carry on his Natural History. 
 
 80 Cp. Parasceve, Aph. 7. On the necessity of accurately weighing.
 
 304 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 vationc indefinitum ct vagum, id in informatione fallax ct 
 infidum est. Quod si cui haec mira dictu videantur, ct que- 
 rclac minus justae propiora, cum Aristoteles tantus ipsc vir, 
 ct tanti regis opibus subnixus, tarn accuratam dc animalibns 
 historian! confecerit. atque alii nonnulli majorc diligentia (licet 
 strcpitu minore) multa adjeccrint, et rursus alii dc plantis. dc 
 metallis, et fossilibus, historias ct narrationes copiosas con- 
 scripserint ; is sane non satis attcndere ct perspicere videtur, 
 quid agatur in praesentia. Alia enim est ratio naturalis his- 
 toriac, quae propter se confecta est ; alia cjus, quae collccta 
 est ad informandum intellcctum in ordinc ad condendam 
 philosophiam 81 . Atque hae duac historiae turn aliis rebus, turn 
 praccipue in hoc differunt ; quod prima ex illis specierum 
 naturalium varietatem, non artium mechanicarum experi- 
 menta contineat. Quemadmodum enim in civilibus mgcnium 
 cujusque, et occultus aninii affectuumque scnsus, melius eli- 
 citur, cum quis in perturbatione ponitur, quam alias : simili 
 modo, et occulta naturae magis se proclunt per vexationes 
 artium, quam cum cursu suo meant S2 . Itaque turn dcmum 
 bene spcrandum est de natural! philosophia, postquam historia 
 
 measuring, and counting in conducting observations or experiments, it is 
 now needless to insist. The student will find a brief and excellent account 
 of ' Methods of Observation ' in Whewell's Novum Organum Renovatum, 
 book iii. ch. 2. If he wishes to pursue the subject at greater length, he 
 may read with advantage the Third Book of Professor Jevons' Principles 
 of Science, entituled ' Methods of Measurement.' 
 
 sl Bacon constantly insists on the subordination of Natural History to 
 Natural Philosophy. But it is difficult to conceive any philosophical writer 
 collecting natural facts for any other purpose than that of basing on them 
 philosophical generalisations. Aristotle, certainly, is not chargeable with 
 this fault. 
 
 It was not on any difference in the objects for which they were collected, 
 but on the number, variety, accuracy, and pertinency of the observations, 
 and on the distinctive character of the inductive method which was to be 
 applied to them, when collected, that Bacon should have insisted as dis- 
 tinguishing tie Natural History which he designed to inaugurate from that 
 of his predecessors. 
 
 : - Nature best discovers her secrets, when tortured by Art. This is an 
 excellent illustration of the advantage which Experiment, at least in many 
 cases, possesses over Observation. For the differences between the two 
 processes, see Mill's Logic, bk. iii. ch. 7, or my Inductive Logic, ch. 2.
 
 LIB. I. 99 101. 305 
 
 naturalis (quac ejus basis est et fundamentum) mclius instructa 
 fucrit ; antea vero minime. 
 
 XCIX. 
 
 Atque rursus in ipsa experimentorum mcchanicorum copia, 
 summa eorum, quae ad intellectus informationem maxim c 
 faciunt et juvant, detegitur inopia. Mechanicus enim, de vcri- 
 tatis inquisitione nullo modo sollicitus, non ad alia quam quac 
 operi suo subserviunt aut animum erigit aut manum porrigit. 
 Turn vero de scientiarum ulteriore progrcssu spes bene fun- 
 dabitur, quum in Historiam Naturalem recipientur et aggre- 
 gabuntur complura expcrimenta, quae in se nullius sunt usus, 
 sed ad inventionem causarum et axiomatum tantum faciunt ; 
 quae nos hicifera experimenta, ad differentiam fructiferorum, 
 appellare consuevimus 83 . Ilia autem miram habent in se vir- 
 tutem et conditionem ; hanc videlicet, quod nunquam fallant 
 aut frustrentur. Cum enim ad hoc adhibeantur, non tit opus 
 aliquod efficiant sed ut causam naturalem in aliquo revelent, 
 quaquaversum cadunt, intentioni aeque satisfaciunt ; cum 
 quaestionem terminent. 
 
 C. 
 
 At non solum copia major experimentorum quaerenda est 
 et procuranda, atque etiam alterius generis, quam adhuc fac- 
 tum est ; sed etiam methodus 84 plane alia et ordo et processus 
 continuandae et provehendae Experientiae introducenda. 
 Vaga enim Experientia et se tantum sequens (ut superius dic- 
 tum est 85 ) mera palpatio est, et homines potius stupefacit quam 
 informat. At cum Experientia lege certa procedet, seriatim 
 et continenter, de scientiis aliquid melius sperari poterit. 
 
 CI. 
 
 Postquam vero copia et materies Historiae Naturalis et 
 Experientiae, talis qualis ad opus intellectus sive ad opus 
 philosophicum requiritur, praesto jam sit et parata : tamen 
 
 33 See Aph. 70, with note 80. 
 
 84 What follows is a mere repetition of what has already been said in 
 the preceding Aphorisms. 
 t5 Aph. 82. 
 
 X
 
 306 KOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 nullo modo sufficit intellectus, ut in illam materiem asrat 
 
 * o 
 
 pponte et memoriter ; non magis quam si quis computationem 
 alicujus ephemeridis memoriter se tenere et superare posse 
 speret. Atque hactenus tamen potiores meditationis partes 
 quam scriptionis in inveniendo fuerunt ; neque adhuc Expe- 
 rientia literata 8G facta est : atqui nulla nisi de scripto inventio 
 probanda est. Ilia vero in usum veniente, ab Experientia 
 facta demum literata melius sperandum. 
 
 CII. 
 
 Atque insuper cum tantus sit particularium numerus et quasi 
 cxercitus, isque ita sparsus et diffusus, ut intellectum disgreget 
 et confundat. de velitationibus et levibus motibus et transcur- 
 sibus intellectus non bene sperandum est ; nisi fiat instructio 
 et coordinatio, per tabulas inveniendi 87 idoneas et bene dispo- 
 .sitas et tanquam vivas, eorum quae pertinent ad subjectum in 
 quo versatur inquisitio, atque ad harum tabularum auxilia 
 praeparata et digesta mens applicetur. 
 
 cm. 
 
 Verum post copiam particularium rite et ordine veluti sub 
 oculos positorum, non statim transeundum est ad inquisitionem 
 et inventionem novorum particularium aut operum ; aut saltern. 
 si hoc fiat, in eo non acquiescendum. Ncque enim negamus, 
 postquam omnia omnium artium experimenta collecta et di- 
 gesta fuerint atque ad unius hominis notitiam et judicium 
 pervenerint, quin ex ipsa traductione experimentorum unius 
 artis in alias multa nova inveniri possint ad humanam vitam 
 ct statum utilia. per istam Experientiam quam vocamus Lite- 
 ratam 88 : sed tamen minora de ca speranda sunt; majora vero 
 
 8li He is speaking here of experience, that is, observations and experi- 
 ments, committed to writing. But in Aphs. 103, no, the expression 'expe- 
 rientia literata ' is used in the same sense as in the passage already quoted 
 from the De Augmentis, lib. v. cap. 2, namely, to denote a method of 
 consulting experience intermediate between ' mera palpatio' and the 
 ' novum organum.' See note 76 on Aph. 70. 
 
 '"' He is alluding to Tables, such as those which are given in the early 
 part of the Second Book. 
 
 jlS See note 86 on Aph. 101. \Ve must recollect that the distinction 
 between ' ExperientiaJLitcrata ' and ' Interpretatio^Naturae sjve_Novurn
 
 LIB. I. IO2 104. 307 
 
 a nova luce Axiomatum 89 ex particularibus illis certa via et 
 regula eductorum, quae rursus nova particularia indicent et 
 designent. Neque enim in piano via sita est 90 , sed ascendendo 
 et descendendo ; ascendendo primo ad Axiomata, descendendo 
 
 ad Opera. 
 
 CIV. 
 
 Neque tamen permittendum est, ut intellectus a particulari- 
 bus ad axiomata remota et quasi generalissima (qualia sunt 
 principia, quae vocant, artium et rerum) saliat et voiet ; et ad 
 eorum immotam veritatem axiomata media probet et ex- 
 pediat 01 : quod adhuc factum est, prono ad hoc impetu naturali 
 intellectus, atque etiam ad hoc ipsum, per demonstrationes 
 quae fiunt per syllogismum, jampridem edocto et assuefacto ''-. 
 Sed de scientiis turn demum bene sperandum est, quando per 
 scalam veram, et per gradus continues et non intermissos aut 
 hiulcos, a particularibus ascendetur ad axiomata minora, et 
 deinde ad media, alia aliis superiora, et postremo demum ad 
 generalissima. Etenim axiomata infima non multum ab ex- 
 perientia nuda discrepant. Suprema vero ilia et generalissima 
 (quae habentur) notionalia 93 sunt et abstracta, et nil habent 
 solidi. At media sunt axiomata ilia vera et solida et viva, in 
 quibus humanae res et fortunae sitae sunt 94 ; et supra haec 
 
 Organum ' is that the foriBei^_groceeds ' ab_exenmienti^ad^experim^nta, ; 
 thejatter ' ajD_j:x]3errmenUs_j.c[jra nova experimenta 
 
 designent.' For a full account of Experientia Literata and the various 
 modes of experimenting which it includes, see the long passage at the end 
 of De Augmentis, lib. ii. cap. 5 (E. and S., vol. i. pp. 622-633). Of the 
 various modes of experimenting, Traductio or Translatio is only one, 
 and the ' traductio experimentorum unius artis in alias,' again, is only one 
 variety of this. The student will find the passage in the De Augmentis 
 above referred to, notwithstanding its length, of great interest. 
 
 S9 Cp. De Augmentis, 1. c. : ' Nam lumen ipsum ab Interpretatione 
 Naturae, sive Novo Organo, petendum est/ 
 
 90 Examples of the upward process were to be given in the Scala 
 Intellectus, or fourth part of the Instauratio Magna, while the downward 
 process, or application to practice, was reserved for the sixth and last 
 part. 
 
 91 Cp. Aph. 19 and note 22. 
 
 92 Cp. Aph. 20. 
 
 93 That is, founded in the notions of the human mind, instead of in the 
 realities of nature. 
 
 94 Cp. the last paragraph of Aph. 66, and note 57. 
 
 X 3
 
 308 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 quoque, tandem ipsa ilia generalissima ; talia scilicet quae non 
 abstracta sint, sed per haec media vere limitantur 95 . 
 
 Itaque hominum intellectui non plumae addendae, sed 
 plumbum potius et pondera 90 ; ut cohibeant omnem saltum 
 et volatum. Atque hoc adhuc factum non est ; quum vero 
 facttim fuerit, melius de scientiis sperare licebit. 
 
 CV. 
 
 In constituendo autem axiomate, forma inductionis alia 
 quam adhuc in usu fuit excogitanda est ; eaque non ad 
 principia tantum (quae vocant) probanda et invenienda, sed 
 etiam ad axiomata minora et media, denique omnia. Inductio 
 enim quae procedit per enumerationem simplicem 7 res puer- 
 ilis est, ct precario 9S concludit, et periculo exponitur ab in- 
 stantia contradictoria 0!1 , et plerumque secundum pauciora quam 
 
 95 That is, such as may be shown to include the axiomata media ; laws, 
 in fact, of which the axiomata media are particular cases, admitting of 
 verification. The laws of motion, as now stated, or the law of gravity, or 
 the law of definite proportions in Chemistry, would be instances of the kind 
 of 'axiomata generalissima' which Bacon had in view. With them we 
 may compare such ' abstract and notional ' first principles, as ' Every body 
 seeks its own place,' or ' The celestial motions are circular,' or ' Nature 
 does nothing in vain.' It was not the generality of the old 'axiomata 
 generalissima,' but their vagueness and the slight extent to which they 
 rested on ascertained facts, and the unwillingness of men to submit them 
 to verification, which caused them to be so serious an obstacle to the ad- 
 vance of science. No laws, of which we can at present form any concep- 
 tion, can be more general than the Laws of Motion, but, at the same time, 
 no generalisations can be more precisely stated, and none can rest on a 
 wider basis of evidence or account for a larger number of facts. 
 
 '' r ' The truth is that men require both wings and ballast. A man cannot 
 have too fertile an imagination, but his imaginative powers should be com- 
 bined with a keen perception of the requirements of evidence and with 
 corresponding critical acumen. Bacon has really hit the mark in Aph. 57. 
 
 97 On the Inductio per Enumerationem Simplicem, and the distinction 
 between it and Scientific Induction ('quae ad inventionem et demonstra- 
 tionem scientiarum et artium est utilis'), see my Inductive Logic, 4th 
 ed., pp. 7-9, 122-124, 215-222, 276-295. In reading these passages, the 
 student must distinguish between the legitimate and illegitimate, as well as 
 between the necessary and unnecessary, employment of the Inductio per 
 Enumerationem Simplicem. 
 
 03 That is, on no certain grounds. 
 
 90 A single contradictory instance is generally sufficient to overthrow an
 
 LIB. I. 105. 309 
 
 par est, et ex his tantummodo quae praesto sunt 1 . pronunciat. 
 At inductio, quae ad inventionem et demonstrationem scientia- 
 rum et artium erit utilis 2 , naturam separare debet. per rejec- 
 tiones et exclusiones debitas ; ac deinde, post negativas tot quot 
 sufficiunt, super affinnativas concludere 3 ; quod adhuc factum 
 non est, nee tentatum certe, nisi tantummodo a Platonc^, 
 
 induction based on simple enumeration, but, where an induction is based 
 on elimination and seems to establish a causal connection, the strong pre- 
 sumption is that any exception is apparent only and is really due to some 
 counteracting cause. Cp. Cogitata et Visa (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 618) : 
 ' Visum est ei talem inductionis formam inveniendam, quae ex aliquibus 
 generaliter concludat ; ita ut instantiam contradictoriam inveniri non posse 
 demonstretur.' .. 
 
 1 Thus, a man living in one part of the globe might infer from the men 
 whom he had seen that all men are white, a man living in another part that 
 all men are black, and so on. 
 
 2 This is Scientific Induction, as distinguished from Inductio per Enu- 
 merationem Simplicem. But, though Bacon had formed the idea of a 
 Scientific Induction, or a. process pLelimination_byjmeans of which j:auses 
 mjghjjae^jdetiected^ his own account of the process and of the rules by 
 which it should be conducted is, for the most part, vague and not suffi- 
 ciently adapted to practice. Subsequent writers, especially Sir John Her- 
 schel, Dr. Whewell, and Mr. Mill, have rendered these rules at once more 
 precise and better adapted to practice. See notes on Bk. ii. Aphs. 11-18, 
 and Introduction, 9, 15. 
 
 3 There can be no question that Bacon is here alluding to the Method 
 of Exclusions, of which he gives an instance in Bk. ii. Aph. 18. See note 
 70 on the ambiguous passage in Bk. i. Aph. 69. The second of the 
 alternative explanations, which were there proposed, is, of course, the 
 one which is applicable here. 
 
 The defects of Bacon's Method of Exclusion (for a further account of 
 which see 9 of the Introduction to this edition and Mr. Ellis's Preface 
 to Bacon's Philosophical Works, E. and S., vol. i. pp. 22-39) are tolerably 
 obvious. There is, first, the difficulty, amounting, in most cases, almost 
 to impossibility, of ascertaining that all the possible explanations or causes 
 of the given phenomenon have been passed in review. Then, again, we 
 not only require rules to exclude false theories, but also tests to satisfy 
 ourselves of the truth of the theory which we ultimately adopt. These, 
 however, Bacon might have maintained, are, at least, suggested in ii. 15, 
 and, to a certain extent, supplied in some of the Praerogativae Instan- 
 tiarum. 
 
 4 But in the Temporis Partus Masculus (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 530) he 
 abuses Plato, amongst other things, for his Induction, and apostrophises 
 
 him thus : ' animosque vagis inductionibus tentares et exsolveres.' 
 
 By the Platonic Induction in that and the present passage, he probably
 
 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 qui ad excutiendas 5 definitiones et ideas G hac certe forma 
 inductionis aliquatenus utitur. Verum ad hujus inductionis, 
 sive demonstrationis 7 , instructionem bonam et legitimam 
 quamplurima adhibenda sunt. quae adhuc nullius mortalium 
 cogitationem subiere ; adeo ut in ea major sit consumenda 
 opera, quam adhuc consumpta est in syllogismo 8 . Atque 
 hujus inductionis auxilio, non solum ad axiomata invenienda, 
 
 means two different things. In the Temporis Partus Masculus, he is 
 alluding probably to what is usually understood by the Platonic or 
 Socratic Induction, the fnaKTiKol Adyot, or TrapafioXr], which (except in the 
 fact that it generally argues from a number of instances, instead of 
 generally arguing from a single instance) answers to the Example (?rapa- 
 deiyp.a) of Aristotle. For an account of this mode of reasoning, see the 
 Introduction to Mansel's Edition of Aldrich, 4th ed., p. xx. But the 
 forma inductionis ' to which Bacon alludes in this Aphorism is un- 
 doubtedly the Method of Exclusion, as practised by Plato. When he 
 wishes to settle the meaning of a term, his usual method (of which we 
 may see an excellent instance, with regard to diKaiocrvvri, in the 1st book of 
 the Republic) is to bring forward a number of interlocutors, who, one after 
 the other, make the attempt ; each, in his turn, is refuted, generally by an 
 application of the Socratic rrapo/SoXr;, or induction in the sense just de- 
 scribed ; then, the question is either left unsettled (as in the Euthyphron), 
 or Socrates himself proposes a definition, which is accepted as final. But, 
 if the affirmative Socrates stands his ground, it is only because, as Mr. 
 Grote says, there is no negative Socrates to cross-question him. In fact, 
 this allusion to the Platonic Method of Rejection brings into prominence 
 the objections to the method generally. How can we be certain that all 
 the possible definitions have been started, and what guarantee have we 
 of the correctness of the one which is ultimately adopted ? 
 
 ~ J This word implies both discussion and determination. 
 
 ' ; The word, I think, here stands for the tSe'ni of Plato. Its use as 
 = notioncs, was, before the time of David Buchanan and Descartes, ex- 
 ceedingly rare. See Hamilton on Reid, Appendix, Note G, where the 
 student will find a most interesting account of the history of the word. 
 In Aph. 23 and elsewhere, Bacon uses it in its scholastic sense, as appro- 
 priated to the forms of the Divine Mind, ' divinae mentis ideae.' See note 
 29 on Aph. 23. 
 
 7 Bacon probably uses this term, usually appropriated to mathematical 
 proof, of set purpose. He conceived, and conceived, I think, rightly, that 
 Induction, if properly conducted, is capable of affording evidence positively 
 certain. Cp. the Distributio Operis, p. 172, ' Inductionem enim censemus 
 earn esse demonstrandi formam,' etc. 
 
 Anyone acquainted with the subsequent history of scientific discovery 
 and scientific method will admire the wonderful foresight displayed by 
 Bacon in this sentence.
 
 LIB. 7. 1 06 107. 311 
 
 verum etiam ad notiones terminandas 9 , utendum est. Atque 
 in hac certe inductione spes maxima sita est. 
 
 CVI. 
 
 At in axiomatibus constituendis per hanc inductionem, 
 examinatio et probatio etiam facienda est : utrum quod con- 
 stituitur axioma aptatum sit tantum et ad mensuram factum 
 eorum particularium ex quibus extrahitur ; an vcro sit am- 
 plius et latius 10 . Quod si sit amplius aut latius, videndum 
 an earn suam amplitudinem et latitudinem per novorum 
 particularium designationem, quasi fide-jussione quadam, 
 firmet ll ; ne vel in jam notis tantum haereamus, vel laxiore 
 fortasse complexu umbras et formas abstractas, non solida et 
 determinata in materia, prensemus. Haec vero cum in usum 
 venerint, solida turn demum spes merito affulserit. 
 
 CVII. 
 
 Atque hie etiam resumendum est, quod superius dictum 
 est 12 de Naturali Philosophia producta et scientiis particulari- 
 
 9 Thus, for instance, if we arrive at a true axiom on the nature of heat, 
 we shall be better able to define the term or notion. Cp. Aph. 14 and 
 note 17. 
 
 10 Cp. Aph. 70 and note 74. We here again come across the distinction 
 since expressed by the terms ' Empirical Law ' and ' Law of Nature.' 
 
 11 Mr. Adamson (Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol. iii. p. 217) is quite right 
 in saying that this Aphorism appears to introduce the idea of hypothesis. 
 He might also have added that it introduces the idea of verification, 
 including prediction. As to the nature of the ' fidejussio,' I may remark 
 that the circumstance of a scientific generalisation enabling us to predict 
 the future affords a strong confirmation of its truth, though it does not 
 positively prove it. See my Inductive Logic, 4th ed., pp. 113-119. 
 
 Air. Spedding very appositely quotes the following passage from Valerius 
 Terminus (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 242) : 'That the discovery of new works 
 and active directions not known before, is the only trial to be accepted of; 
 and yet not that neither, in case where one particular giveth light to 
 another ; but where particulars induce an axiom or observation, which 
 axiom found out discovered! and designeth new particulars. That the 
 nature of this trial is not only upon the point, whether the knowledge 
 be profitable or no, but even upon the point whether the knowledge be 
 true or no ; not because you may always conclude that the Axiom which 
 discovereth new instances is true, but contrariwise you may safely conclude 
 that if it discover not any new instance it is in vain and untrue.' 
 
 12 See Aphs. 79, 80, with the notes upon them. Here, as in those
 
 312 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 bus ad earn reductis, ut non fiat scissio et truncatio scienti- 
 arum ; nam etiam absque hoc minus de progressu sperandum 
 est. 
 
 CVIII. 
 
 Atque de desperatione tollenda et spe facienda, ex praete- 
 riti temporis erroribus valere jussis aut rectificatis, jam dictum 
 est. Videndum autem et si quae alia sint quae spem faciant. 
 Illud vero occurrit ; si hominibus non quaerentibus, et aliud 
 agentibus, multa utilia, tanquam casu quodam aut per oc- 
 casionem, inventa sint ; nemini dubium esse posse, quin 
 iisdem quaerentibus et hoc agentibus, idque via et ordine, 
 non impetu et desultorie, longe plura detegi necesse sit. 
 Licet enim semel aut iterum accidere possit, ut quispiam in 
 id forte fortuna incidat, quod magno conatu et de industria 
 scrutantem antea fugit ; tamen in summa rerum proculdubio 
 contrarium invenitur. Itaque longe plura et meliora, atque 
 per minora intervalla, a ratione et industria et directione et 
 intentione hominum speranda sunt. quam a casu et instinctu 
 animalium et hujusmodi, quae hactenus principium inventis 
 dederunt. 
 
 CIX. 
 
 Etiam illud ad spem trahi possit, quod nonnulla ex his quae 
 jam inventa sunt ejus sint generis ut antequam invenirentur 
 haud facile cuiquam in mentem venisset de iis aliquid sus- 
 picari ; sed plane quis ilia ut impossibilia contempsisset. 
 Solent enim homines de rebus novis ad exemplum veterum, 
 et secundum phantasiam ex iis praeceptam et inquinatam, 
 hariolari; quod genus opinandi fallacissimum est, quando- 
 
 Aphorisms, there seems to be some confusion between Natural Philosophy 
 and the Philosophia Prima. The metaphors ' scissio et truncatio ' cer- 
 tainly apply to the Philosophia Prima, as described in De Augmentis, 
 lib. iii. cap. I, rather than to Natural Philosophy, as described in the sub- 
 sequent chapters of the same Book. 
 
 Of the justice, however, of Bacon's remark, and of its supreme import- 
 ance, there can be no doubt. The results of the labours of specialists 
 require to be gathered together into one science, and the various sciences 
 themselves to be compared and brought into harmony, if human know- 
 ledge is to progress as a whole and we are to command a real insight 
 into the ways of nature.
 
 LIB. I. 1 08 109. 313 
 
 quidem multa ex his quae ex fontibus re rum petuntur per 
 rivulos consuetos non fluant. 
 
 Veluti si quis, ante tormentorum igneorum 13 inventionem. 
 rem per effectus descripsisset, atque in hunc modum dixisset : 
 inventum quoddam detectum esse, per quod muri et muni- 
 tiones quaeque maximae ex longo intervallo concuti et dejici 
 possint ; homines sane de viribus tormentorum et machinarum 
 per pondera et rotas et hujusmodi arietationes et impulsus 
 multiplicandis, multa et varia secum cogitaturi fuissent ; de 
 vento autem igneo 14 , tarn subito et violenter se expandente 
 et exsufflante. vix unquam aliquid alicujus imaginationi aut 
 phantasiae occursurum fuisset ; utpote cujus exemplum in 
 proximo non vidisset, nisi forte in terrae motu aut fulmine, 
 quae, ut magnalia naturae et non imitabilia ab homine, 
 homines statim rejecturi fuissent. 
 
 Eodem modo si, ante fili bombycini 15 inventionem, quis- 
 piam hujusmodi sermonem injecisset: esse quoddam fili genus 
 inventum ad vestium et supellectilis usum, quod filum linteum 
 aut laneum tenuitate, et nihilominus tenacitate, ac etiam 
 splendore et mollitie, longe superaret ; homines statim aut 
 de serico aliquo vegetabili, aut de animalis alicujus pilis 
 delicatioribus, aut de avium plumis et lanugine, aliquid opi- 
 naturi fuissent ; verum de vermis pusilli textura, eaque tarn 
 
 13 Cannon. ' Large pieces, which were conveyed on cars or carriages, 
 were called karrenbiichse, but soon after also canna, cannon.' ' These 
 karrenbiichsen with a wheel were invented in Germany in the beginning 
 of the sixteenth century.' ' Martin Bellay, speaking of the league formed 
 between the emperor Charles V and pope Leo X against France, and the 
 siege of Parma undertaken in the year 1521, says, "De ceste heure la 
 furent inventees les harcquebouzes qu'on tiroit sur une fourchette." '- 
 Beckmann's History of Inventions. 
 
 14 Beckmann ' is inclined to accede to the opinion of those who believe 
 that gunpowder was invented in India, and brought by the Saracens from 
 Africa to the Europeans, who however improved the preparation of it, 
 and found out different ways of employing it in war.' ' The preparation 
 of gunpowder,' he thinks, ' became known in Europe in the thirteenth 
 century, about the same time that the use of the Greek fire, of which 
 there were many kinds, began to be lost.' 
 
 15 Silk (sericum) was so called as coining from the country of the Seres 
 or Chinese, where its cultivation appears to go back to the highest an- 
 tiquity. It was known both to the Greeks and Romans.
 
 314 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 copiosa et se renovante et anniversaria, nil fuissent certe 
 commenturi. Quod si quis etiam de vermi verbum aliquod 
 injecisset, ludibrio certe futurus fuisset, ut qui novas aranearum 
 operas somniaret. . 
 
 Similiter, si ante inventionem acus nauticae 1G quispiam 
 hujusmodi sermonem intulisset : inventum esse quoddam 
 instrumentum, per quod cardines et puncta coeli exacte capi 
 et dignosci possint ; homines statim de magis exquisita fabri- 
 catione instrumentorum astronomicorum ad multa et varia, 
 per agitationem phantasiae, discursuri fuissent ; quod vero 
 aliquid inveniri possit, cujus motus cum coelestibus tarn bene 
 conveniret, atque ipsum tamen ex coelestibus non esset, sed 
 tantum substantia lapidea aut metallica n , omnino incredibile 
 visum fuisset. Atque haec tamen et similia per tot mundi 
 aetates homines latuerunt, nee per philosophiam aut artes 
 rationales inventa sunt, sed casu et per occasionem ; suntque 
 illius (ut diximus) generis, ut ab iis quae antea cognita fuerunt 
 plane heterogenea et remotissima sint, ut praenotio aliqua 
 nihil prorsus ad ilia conducere potuisset. 
 
 Itaque sperandum omnino est, esse adhuc in naturae sinu 
 multa excellentis usus recondita, quae nullam cum jam in- 
 ventis cognationem habent aut parallelismum, sed omnino 
 sita sunt extra vias phantasiae ; quae tamen adhuc inventa 
 non sunt ; quae proculdubio per multos saeculorum circuitus 
 et ambages et ipsa quandoque prodibunt, sicut ilia superiora 
 prodierunt ; sed per viam, quam nunc tractamus, propere et 
 subito et simul repraesentari 1S et anticipari possunt. 
 
 10 The Mariner's Compass. ' The directive power of the magnet seems 
 to have been unknown in Europe till late in the twelfth century. It ap- 
 pears, however, on very good authority, that it was known in China, and 
 throughout the East generally, at a very remote period. ***** At 
 first, the Chinese would appear to have used it exclusively for guidance in 
 travelling by land. The earliest date at which we hear of their using it at 
 sea is somewhere about 300 A.D.' Chambers' Encyclopaedia. It is some- 
 times stated that Marco Polo brought the Compass with him from China 
 to Italy in 1260, but there is evidence of its use in Europe in the previous 
 century. 
 
 17 In Bk. ii. Aph. 36, an 'instantia crucis' is proposed for the purpose 
 of determining the cause of the Polarity of the Needle. 
 
 18 ' Be presented at once,' without any delay. This word, besides its
 
 LIB. 1. no. 
 
 ex. 
 
 Attamen conspiciuntur et alia inventa ejus generis, quae 
 fidem faciant, posse genus humanum nobilia inventa, etiam 
 ante pedes posita, praeterire ct transilire. Utcunque enim 
 pulveris tormentarii vel fili bombycini vel acus nauticae vel 
 sacchari vel papyri vel similium inventa quibusdam rerum 
 et naturae proprietatibus niti videantur, at certe imprimendi 
 artificium nil habet quod non sit apertum et fere obvium. 
 Et nihilominus homines, non advertentes literarum modulos 
 difficilius scilicet collocari quam literae per motum manus 
 scribantur, sed hoc interesse, quod literarum moduli semel 
 collocati infinitis impressionibus, literae autem per manum 
 exaratae unicae tantum scriptioni, sufficiant ; aut fortasse 
 iterum non advertentes atramentum ita inspissari posse, ut 
 tingat, non fluat ; praesertim 19 literis resupinatis et impres- 
 sione facta desuper ; hoc pulcherrimo invento (quod ad 
 doctrinarum propagationem tantum facit) per tot saecula 
 caruerunt 20 . 
 
 Solet autem mens humana, in hoc inventionis curriculo, tam 
 laeva saepenumero et male composita esse, ut primo diffidat, 
 et paulo post se contemnat ; atque primo incredibile ei vide- 
 atur aliquid tale inveniri posse, postquam autem inventum 
 sit, incredibile rursus videatur id homines tamdiu fugere 
 potuisse. Atque hoc ipsum ad spem rite trahitur ; superesse 
 nimirum adhuc magnum inventorum cumulum, qui non solum 
 ex operationibus incognitis eruendis, sed et ex jam cognitis 
 
 ordinary meaning, has, two others: (a) to pay on the spot; to pay in 
 ready money : (/3) to perform an act immediately, without delay. 
 
 19 This is given as a reason why ink was needed, which should stain 
 without running. 
 
 10 The honour of the invention of printing from moveable types has 
 been much disputed. It is generally ascribed to John Guttemberg of 
 Mainz. All that we can say with certainty is that it is due to the middle 
 of the fifteenth century. In order to carry the art to any perfection, it 
 was necessary to invent not only moveable types, but also an ink more 
 viscous and tenacious than the ordinary ink. It may be added that the 
 Chinese had from time immemorial been acquainted with the art of 
 printing from blocks of wood. What constituted the novelty of European 
 printing was the displacement , of block-books by the use of moveable 
 types.
 
 3i6 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 transferendis et componendis et applicandis, per earn quam 
 diximus Experientiam Literatam 21 , deduci possit. 
 
 CXI. 
 
 Neque illud omittendum ad faciendam spcm : reputent (si 
 placet) homines infinitas ingenii, temporis, facultatum ex- 
 pensas, quas homines in rebus et studiis longe minoris usus 
 et pretii collocant ; quorum pars quota si ad sana et solida 
 verteretur, nulla non difficultas superari possit. Ouod idcirco 
 adjungere visum est, quia plane fatemur Historiae Naturalis 
 ct Experimentalis collectionem, qualem animo metimur et 
 qualis esse debet, opus esse magnum, et quasi regium, et 
 multae operae atque impensae. 
 
 CXII. 
 
 Interim particularium multitudinem nemo reformidet, quin 
 potius hoc ipsum ad spem revocet. Sunt enim artium et 
 naturae particularia Phaenomena manipuli instar ad ingenii 
 commenta, postquam ab evidentia rerum disjuncta et ab- 
 stracta fuerint. Atque hujus viae exitus in aperto est, et fere 
 in propinquo ; alterius exitus nullus, sed implicatio infinita. 
 Homines enim adhuc parvam in Experientia moram fecerunt, 
 ct earn leviter perstrinxerunt, sed in meditationibus et com- 
 mentationibus ingenii infinitum tempus contriverimt. Apnd 
 nos vero si essct praesto quispiam qui de facto naturae -- ad 
 interrogata responderet, paucorum annorum esset inventio 
 causarum et scientiarum omnium. 
 
 CXIII. 
 
 Etiam nonnihil hominibus spei fieri posse putamus ab ex- 
 cmplo nostro proprio ; neque jactantiae causa hoc clicimus sed 
 quod utilc clictu sit. Si qui diffidant, me videant, hominem 
 
 1 This expression is here used in the same sense as in Aph. 103 and 
 the De Augmentis. 
 
 - The great ^difficulty, Bacon seems to have thought, wa_s_jo_ascertain 
 S^JHtHSi ratn er than to draw the right inferences from them. 
 Here, again, we see the importance which he attached to a properly and 
 adequately constituted Natural History.
 
 LIB. 7. in 114. 317 
 
 inter homines aetatis meae civilibus negotiis occupatissimum 2 ", 
 nee firma admodum valetudine (quod magnum habet temporis 
 dispendium), atque in hac re plane protopirum 21 , et vestigia 
 nullius sequutum, neque haec ipsa cum ullo mortalium com- 
 municantem, et tamen veram viam constanter ingressum et 
 ingenium rebus submittentcm, haec ipsa aliquatenus (ut cx- 
 istimamus) provexisse : et deinceps videant, quid ab homini- 
 bus otio abundantibus, atque a laboribus consociatis, atque a 
 temporum successione, post haec indicia nostra expectandum 
 sit ; praesertim in via quae non singulis solummodo pervia 
 est (ut fit in via ilia rationali), sed ubi hominum laborcs et 
 operae (praesertim quantum ad experientiae collectam) optime 
 distribui et deinde componi possint. Turn enim homines 
 vires suas nosse incipient, cum non eadem infmitij sed alia 
 alii praestabunt - :> . 
 
 CXIV. 
 
 Postremo, etiamsi multo infirmior et obscurior aura spei ab 
 ista Nova Continents spiraverit 2G , tamen omnino experiendum 
 esse (nisi velimus animi esse plane abjecti) statuimus. Non 
 enim res pari periculo non tentatur, et non succedit ; cum in 
 illo ingentis boni, in hoc exiguae humanae operae, jactura 
 vertatur. Verum ex dictis, atque etiam ex non dictis, visum 
 
 23 In the Cogitata et Visa (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 619), he speaks of him- 
 self as 'rebus civilibus plus quam vellet immistus.' The union of scien- 
 tific and civil employments, to which Bacon here alludes, reminds us of 
 Cowley's celebrated lines : 
 
 ' Bacon, at last, a mighty man, arose, 
 
 Whom a wise King and Nature chose 
 Lord-Chancellor of both their laws.' 
 
 24 IIpwToVetpor, the first man to make the trial. The account, given 
 in the Introduction, 13, of authors contemporary with or earlier than 
 Bacon, who had anticipated portions of his teaching, will shew that there 
 is some exaggeration in this statement. Perhaps, however, he is referring 
 only to the Inductive Method delineated in Bk. ii. 
 
 - 5 This sentence would form a good motto for Adam Smith's chapters 
 on the Division of Labour. 
 
 - c ' Bacon refers to what Peter Martyr Anghiera has related, that 
 Columbus observing the west winds which blow at certain times of the 
 year on the coast of Portugal came to the conclusion that there must be 
 land to generate them.' Mr. Ellis' note.
 
 3i 8 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 est nobis spei abunde subesse, non tantum homini strenuo ad 
 experiendum, sed etiam prudenti et sobrio ad credendum. 
 
 cxv. 
 
 Atque de desperatione tollenda, quae inter causas potentis- 
 simas ad progressum scientiarum remorandum et inhibendum 
 fuit, jam dictum est. Atque simul sermo de signis et causis 
 errorum, et inertiae et ignorantiae quae invaluit. absolutus est ; 
 praesertim cum subtiliores causae, et quae in judicium populate 
 aut observationem non incurrunt, ad ea quae de Idolis animi 
 humani dicta sunt referri debeant. 
 
 Atque hie simul pars destruens Instaurationis nostrae claudi 
 debet, quae perficitur tribus redargutionibus : redargutione 
 nimirum Humanae Rationis Nativae et sibi permissae ; re- 
 dargutione Demo nstrationum ; et redargutione Thcoriantm, 
 sive philosophiarum et doctrinarum quae receptae sunt 27 . 
 Redargutio vero earum talis fuit qualis esse potuit ; videlicet 
 per signa, et evidentiam causarum ; cum confutatio alia nulla 
 a nobis (qui et de principiis et de demonstrationibus ab aliis 
 dissentimus) adhiberi potuerit. 
 
 Ouocirca tempus est, ut ad ipsam artem et normam Inter- 
 prctandi Naturam veniamus ; et tamen nonnihil restat quod 
 praevertendum est. Ouum enim in hoc primo Aphorismorum 
 libro illud nobis propositum sit, ut tarn ad intelligendum quam 
 ad recipiendum ea quae sequuntur mentes hominum prae- 
 parentur ; expurgata jam et abrasa et aequata mentis area, 
 sequitur ut mens sistatur in positione bona. et tanquam 
 
 27 See notes on Aphs. 38, 39, with the passages in Ellis and Spedding's 
 Edition there referred to. In a note on the Distributio Operis, Mr. Sped- 
 ding remarks that there the three Redargutiones are enumerated in the 
 reverse order to that in which they are enumerated in this Aphorism, 
 and in which they are treated in the Novum Organum. ' This shows,' 
 he says, ' that the Distributio Operis was written before Bacon had de- 
 cided upon the arrangement of the Novum Organum.' The enumeration 
 in the Partis Secundae Delineatio (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 548) corresponds 
 with that in the Distributio Operis. 
 
 The 'Redargutio Humanae Rationis Nativae et sibi permissae' in- 
 cludes, of course, the doctrine of the Idola Tribus, Idola Specus, and 
 Idola Fori.
 
 LIB. 'I. 115 116. 319 
 
 aspectu benevolo, ad ea quae proponemus 28 . Valet enim in 
 re nova ad praejudicium, non solum praeoccupatio fortis 
 opinionis veteris, sed et praeceptio sive praefiguratio falsa rei 
 quae affertur. Itaque conabimur efficere ut habeantur bonae 
 et verae de iis quae adducimus opiniones, licet ad tempus tan- 
 tummodo, et tanquam usurariae, donee res ipsa pernoscatur. 
 
 CXVI. 
 
 Prime itaque 23 postulandum videtur, ne existiment homines 
 nos, more antiquorum Graecorum, aut quorundam novorurn 
 hominum, Telesii, Patricii, Severini 30 , sectam aliquam in philo- 
 sophia condere velle. Neque enim hoc agimus ; neque etiam 
 multum interesse putamus ad hominum fortunas quales quis 
 opiniones abstractas de natura et rerum principiis habeat : 
 neque dubium est, quin multa hujusmodi et vetera revocari et 
 nova introduci possint ; quemadmodum et complura themata 
 
 28 The mirror being now polished, it must be placed in such a position 
 as to catch the sun's rays. 
 
 29 In this; and the two next Aphorisms, we have three cautions or 
 warnings. The first is, that the author does not wish to found a sect, or 
 even to propound a complete theory ; the second, that particular effects 
 ought not to be expected at first ; the third, that mistakes will be sure 
 to occur in the history and tables of discovery. 
 
 30 Cp. De Augmentis, lib. iii. cap. 4 (E. and S., vol. i. p. 564) : ' Neque 
 vero ex hoc Placitorum Philosophiae Kalendario nuperas theorias et 
 dogmata exclude ; sicut illam Theophrasti Paracelsi, eloquenter in corpus 
 quoddam et harmoniam philosophiae redactam a Severino Dano ; aut 
 Telesii Consentini, qui Parmenidis philosophiam instaurans arma Peri- 
 pateticorum in illos ipsos vertit ; aut Patricii Veneti, qui Platonicorum 
 fumos sublimavit ; aut Gilberti popularis nostri, qui Philolai dogmata 
 reposuit ; aut alterius cujuscunque, si modo dignus sit.' To Telesius, 
 whom he calls ' the best of the Novellists,' Bacon refers, perhaps, more 
 than to any other modern writer. The Severinus, alluded to in this 
 Aphorism, is probably the same as 'Severinus the Dane' (b. 1542, 
 d. 1602), who must be distinguished from his more celebrated namesake, 
 Marcus Aurelius Severinus, the Calabrian. Both these authors, as well 
 as Telesius and Patricius, are referred to in the Introduction to this 
 Edition. 
 
 It is curious that in the Temporis Partus Masculus, where Bacon's 
 judgments are usually extremely severe, Severinus the Dane should be 
 specially selected for commendation : ' Invideo tibi (Paracelse) e sectato- 
 ribus tuis unum Petrum Severinum, virum non dignum qui istis ineptiis 
 immoriatur.' (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 533.)
 
 320 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 coeli supponi possunt, quae cum phaenomenis sat bene con- 
 veniunt, inter se tamen dissentiunt. 
 
 At nos de hujusmodi rebus opinabilibus, et simul inutilibus, 
 non laboramus. At contra nobis constitutum est experiri, an 
 revera potentiae et amplitudinis humanae firmiora fundamenta 
 jacere ac fines in latius proferre possimus 31 . Atque licet 
 sparsim, et in aliquibus subjectis specialibus, longe veriora 
 habeamus et certiora (ut arbitramur) atque etiam magis fruc- 
 tuosa quam quibus homines adhuc utuntur (quae in quintam 32 
 Instaurationis nostrae partem congessimus), tamen theoriam 
 nullam universalem aut integram proponimus. Neque enim 
 huic rei tempus adhuc adesse videtur. Quin nee spem habe- 
 mus vitae producendae ad sextam 33 Instaurationis partem 
 (quae philosophiae per legitimam Naturae Interprctationem 
 inventae destinata est) absolvendam ; sed satis habemus si 
 in mediis sobrie et utiliter nos geramus, atque interim semina 
 veritatis sincerioris in posteros spargamus, atque initiis rerum 
 magnarum non desimus. 
 
 CXVII. 
 
 Atque quemadmodum sectae conditores non sumus, ita nee 
 operum particularium largitores aut promissores. Attamen 
 possit aliquis hoc modo occurrere ; quod nos, qui tarn saepe 
 operum mcntionem faciamus et omnia eo trahamus, etiam ope- 
 rum aliquorum pignora exhibeamus. Verum via nostra et 
 ratio (ut saepe perspicue diximus et adhuc dicere juvat) ea 
 est ; ut non opera ex operibus sive experimenta ex cxperi- 
 mentis (ut empirici), sed ex operibus et experimentis causas 
 et axiomata, atque ex causis ct axiomatibus rursus nova 
 opera et experimenta (ut legitimi Naturae Interpretes), ex- 
 trahamus. 
 
 Atque licet in tabulis nostris inveniendi (ex quibus quarta 
 
 31 Cp. the title of the Novum Organum, 'Aphorism! de Interpretatione 
 Naturae et Rcgno Hominis.' 
 
 32 This part was to be entitled ' Prodromi sive Anticipationes Philo- 
 sophiae Secundae.' The Preface to it is published at the end of Ellis and 
 Spedding's second volume. 
 
 33 This part was to be entitled ' Philosophia Secunda, sive Scientia 
 Activa.' There is a fine description of it in the Distributio Opeiis. See 
 p. 1 80.
 
 LIB. 7. 117118. 321 
 
 pars 34 Instaurationis consistit), atque etiam exemplis particu- 
 larium (quae in secunda parte adduximus), atquc insupcr in 
 observationibus nostris super historian! (quae in tertia parte S5 
 operis descripta est), quivis vel mediocris perspicaciae et 
 solertiae complurium operum nobilium indicationes et desig- 
 nationes ubique notabit ; ingenue tamen fatemur, historiam < 
 naturalem quam adhuc habemus, aut ex libris aut ex inquisi-; 
 tione propria, non tarn copiosam esse et verificatam, ut' 
 legitimae Interpretation! satisfacere aut ministrare possit 3G . 
 
 Itaque si quis ad mechanica sit magis aptus et paratus, 
 atque sagax ad venanda opera ex conversatione sola cum ex- 
 perimentis, ei permittimus et relinquimus illam industriam, ut 
 ex historia nostra et tabulis multa tanquam in via decerpat 
 et applicet ad opera, ac veluti foenus recipiat ad tempus, donee 
 sors haberi possit. Nos vero, cum ad majora contendamus, 
 moram omnem praeproperam et praematuram in istiusmodi 
 rebus tanquam Atalantae pilas (ut saepius solemus dicere) 
 damnamus. Neque enim aurea poma pueriliter affectamus, 
 sed omnia in victoria cursus artis super naturam 37 ponimus ; 
 neque museum aut segetem herbidam demetere festinamus, 
 sed messem tempestivam expectamus. 
 
 CXVIII. 
 
 Occurret etiam alicui proculdubio, postquam ipsam historiam 
 nostram et inventionis tabulas perlegerit, aliquid in ipsis ex- 
 perimcntis minus certum, vel omnino falsum ; atque propterea 
 secum fortasse reputabit, fundamentis et principiis falsis et 
 dubiis inventa nostra niti. Verum hoc nihil est ; necesse enim 
 est talia sub initiis evenire. Simile enim est ac si in scrip- 
 tione aut impressione una forte litera aut altera perperam 
 
 34 The ' Scala Intellectus.' Cp. note 65 on Aph. 92. 
 
 35 The ' Phaenomena Universi, sive Historia Naturalis et Experimen- 
 talis ad condendam Philosophiam.' Cp. note 79 on Aph. 98. 
 
 3a This ' candid confession ' of Bacon should be taken in excuse of the 
 many shortcomings of the part of his work here referred to, and in 
 deprecation of the hostile criticisms of Liebig and others. Cp. the next 
 Aphorism, and Introduction, p. 144. 
 
 37 That is, the ' regnum hominis.' But then this victor)' over nature 
 can only be acquired by patient observation of her ways. ' Natura enim 
 .non nisi parendo vincitur.' 
 
 Y
 
 322 NOVUM ORGANUM, 
 
 posita aut collocata sit ; id enim legentem non multum im- 
 pedire solet. quandoquidem errata ab ipso sensu facile cor- 
 riguntur. Ita etiam cogitent homines, multa in historia 
 naturali experimenta falso credi et recipi posse, quae paulo 
 post a causis et axiomatibus inventis facile expunguntur et 
 rejiciuntur. Sed tamen verum est, si in historia naturali et 
 experimentis magna ct crebra et continua fuerint errata, ilia 
 nulla ingenii aut artis foelicitate corrigi aut emendari posse. 
 Itaque si in historia nostra naturali, quae tanta diligentia et 
 severitate et fere religione probata et collecta est, aliquid in 
 particularibus quandoque subsit falsitatis aut erroris, quid 
 tandem de naturali historia vulgari, quae prae nostra tam 
 negligens est ct facilis, dicendum erit ? aut de philosophia et 
 scientiis super hujusmodi arenas (vel syrtes potius) aedificatis? 
 Itaque hoc quod diximus neminem moveat. 
 
 CXIX. 
 
 Occurrent etiam in historia nostra et experimentis plurimae 
 res, primo levcs et vulgatae, deinde viles et illiberales. postremo 
 nimis subtiles ac mere speculativae, et quasi nullius usus : 
 quod genus rerum hominum studia avertere ct alienare 
 possit 38 . 
 
 Atquc de istis rebus quae videntur vulgatae, illud homines 
 cogitent ; solere sane eos adhuc nihil aliud agere, quam ut 
 eorum quae rara sunt causas ad ea quae frequenter fiunt 
 rcfcrant et accommodent, at ipsorum quae frequenter eveniunt 
 nullas causas inquirant, sed ea ipsa recipiant tanqiiam con- 
 ccssa et admissa. 
 
 Itaque non ponderis, non rotationis coelestium 31 , non caloris, 
 non frigoris. non luminis. non dun, non mollis. non tenuis. non 
 clcnsi. non liquidi. non consistentis, non animati. non inanimati, 
 non similaris, non dissimilaris ; nee demum organic!, causas 
 quaerunt ; sed illis, tanquam pro evidentibus et manifcstis, 
 
 3 ' In this and the two next Aphorisms, we have three apologies, 
 namely, for the occurrence in the Natural History of common things, of 
 base things, and of subtle things. 
 
 '-' To have asked this question should surely be put down to Bacon's 
 credit. The cause of the celestial motions was first discovered by 
 Newton.
 
 LIB. I. 119 J2O. 323 
 
 receptis, de ceteris rebus, quae non tarn frequenter et fami- 
 liariter occurrunt, disputant et judicant. 
 
 Nos vero, qui satis scimus nullum de rebus raris aut notabi- 
 libus judicium fieri posse, multo minus res novas in lucem 
 protrahi, absque vulgarium rerum causis et causarum causis 
 rite examinatis et repertis, necessario ad res vulgarissimas in 
 historiam nostram recipiendas compellimur. Quinetiam nil 
 magis philosophiae offecisse deprehendimus quam quod res, 
 quae familiares sunt et frequenter occurrunt, contemplationem 
 hominum non morentur et detineant, sed recipiantur obiter, 
 neque earum causae quaeri soleant : ut non saepius requiratur 
 informatio de rebus ignotis, quam attentio in notis. 
 
 cxx. 
 
 Quod vero ad rerum vilitatem attinet, vel etiam turpitudi- 
 nem, quibus (ut ait Plinius 40 ) honos praefandus est ; eae res, 
 non minus quam lautissimae et pretiosissimae in historiam 
 naturalem recipiendae sunt. Neque propterea polluitur natu- 
 ralis historia : sol enim aeque palatia et cloacas ingreditur, 
 neque tamen polluitur. Nos autem non Capitolium aliquod 
 aut Pyramidem hominum superbiae dedicamus aut condimus, 
 sed templum sanctum ad exemplar mundi in intellectu 
 humano fundamus. Itaque exemplar sequimur. Nam quic- 
 quid essentia dignum est, id etiam scientia dignum, quae est 
 essentiae imago 41 . At vilia aeque subsistunt ac lauta. Quin- 
 etiam, ut e quibusdam putridis materiis, veluti musco et 
 zibetho 42 , aliquando optimi odores generantur ; ita et ab 
 
 40 ' Rerum natura, hoc est, vita narratur, et haec sordidissima sui parte, 
 ut plurimarum rerum aut rusticis vocabulis aut externis, immo barbaris, 
 etiam cum honoris praefatione ponenclis.' Nat. Hist., lib. i. ad init. The. 
 expression 'hpnorgm praefari'jneanjsj^to apologise, 'Jj:q ask permission : 
 in jjsing an indelicate^ phrase^ Cp. Cicero, Epistolae ad Diversos, lib. ix. 
 ep. 22 : 'Si dicimus, ille patrem strangulavit, honorem non praefainur. 
 Sin de Aurelia aliquid, aut Lollia : honos praefandus est.' 
 
 41 With the various questions as to the correspondence or relation of 
 knowledge to being, which were to occupy so much of the attention of 
 subsequent philosophers, Bacon did not concern himself. That know- ; 
 ledge would correspond with being, if we were once to dispel the S 
 phantoms which beset us and lay our minds alongside of facts, he took ^ 
 for granted. 
 
 * J Musk and civet. 
 
 Y 2
 
 324 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 instantiis vilibus et sordidis quandoque eximia lux et infor- 
 matio emanat. Verum de hoc nimis multa ; cum hoc genus 
 fastidii sit plane puerile et effoeminatum. 
 
 CXXI. 
 
 At de illo omnino magis accurate dispiciendum ; quod plu- 
 rima in historia nostra captui vulgari, aut etiam cuivis intellectui 
 (rebus praesentibus assuefacto), videbuntur curiosae cujusdam 
 et inutilis subtilitatis. Itaque de hoc ante omnia et dictum et 
 dicendum est : hoc scilicet ; nos jam sub initiis et ad tempus, 
 tantum hicifera experimenta, non fructifera quaerere ; ad 
 exemplum creationis divinae, quod saepius diximus, quae 
 primo die lucem tantum produxit, eique soli unum integrum 
 diem attribuit, neque illo die quicquam materiati operis 
 immiscuit. 
 
 Itaque si quis istiusmodi res nullius esse usus putet, idem 
 cogitat ac si nullum etiam lucis esse usum censeat, quia res 
 scilicet solida aut materiata non sit. Atque revera dicendum 
 est, simplicium naturarum 43 cognitionem bene examinatam et 
 defmitam instar lucis esse: quae ad universa operum penetralia 
 aditum praebet, atque tota agmina operum et turmas, et axioma- 
 tum nobilissimorum fontes, potestate quadam complectitur et 
 post se trahit ; in se tamen non ita magni usus est. Quin et 
 literarum elementa per se et separatim nihil significant nee 
 alicujus usus sunt, sed tamen ad omnis sermonis composi- 
 tionem et apparatum instar materiae primae sunt. Etiam 
 semina rerum potestate valida, usu (nisi in processu suo) 
 nihili sunt. Atque lucis ipsius radii dispersi, nisi coeant, 
 beneficium suum non impertiuntur. 
 
 3 This passage is important as throwing light both on Bacon's theory 
 of Forms and on his theory of Induction. He seems to have thought it 
 possible to discover the ultimate elements (simplices naturae), out of 
 which all the manifold and intricate effects in Nature are compounded, 
 just as all words and sentences, however numerous and complex they 
 may be, are compounded out of the letters of the alphabet. When these 
 ' simple natures' were discovered, it would be easy, he conceived, by re- 
 jecting first one and then another, to ascertain, through the method of 
 Exclusion, the Form or Cause of any given phenomenon. See Intro- 
 duction, 9, and Mr. Ellis' General Preface to Bacon's Philosophical 
 Works, pp. 25-39.
 
 LIB. 7. 121. 325 
 
 Quod si quis subtilitatibus speculativis offendatur, quid cle 
 scholasticis viris dicendum erit, qui subtilitatibus immensum 
 indulserunt ? quae tamen subtilitates in verbis, aut saltern vul- 
 garibus notionibus (quod tantundem valet), non in rebus aut 
 natura consumptae fuerunt, atque utilitatis expertes erant, non 
 tantum in origine, sed etiam in consequentiis ; tales autem non 
 fuerunt, ut haberent in praesens utilitatem nullam, sed per con- 
 sequens infinitam ; quales sunt eae de quibus loquimur. Hoc 
 vero sciant homines pro certo, omnem subtilitatem disputatio- 
 num et discursuum mentis, si adhibeatur tantum post axiomata 
 inventa, seram esse et praeposteram ; et subtilitatis tempus 
 verum ac proprium,aut saltern praecipuum, versari in pensitanda 
 experientia et inde constituendis axiomatibus : nam ilia altera 
 subtilitas naturam prensat et captat, sed nunquam apprehendit 
 aut capit 44 . Et verissifnum certe est quod de occasione sive 
 fortuna dici solet, si transferatur ad naturam : videlicet, earn a 
 fronte comatam, ab occipitio calvam csse 4o . 
 
 Denique de contemptu in naturali historia rerum aut vul- 
 garium, aut vilium, aut nimis subtilium et in originibus suis 
 inutilium, ilia vox mulierculae ad tumidum principem, qui 
 petitionem ejus ut rem indignam et maj estate sua inferiorem 
 abjecisset, pro oraculo sit; Dcsine ergo rex essc^ : quia cer- 
 
 44 For it is ' subtilitati naturae longe impar.' ' Assensum itaque con- 
 
 stringit, non res.' Cp. Aphs. 10-14. 
 40 See Phaedrus' Fables, lib. v. fab. 8 : 
 
 ' Occasio Depicta. 
 
 Cursu volucri pendens in novacula, 
 Calvus, comosa fronte, nudo corpore, 
 Quern si occuparis, teneas : elapsum semel 
 Non ipse possit Jupiter reprehendere ; 
 Occasionem rerum significat brevem. 
 Effectus impediret ne segnis mora, 
 Finxere antiqui talem effigiem temporis.' 
 
 Dr. Kitchin quotes also a hexameter found in Dionysius Cato, Distich, de 
 
 Moribus, ii. 26 (circ. A. D. 400) : 
 
 ' Fronte capillata, post est Occasio calva.' 
 
 Cp. our proverb, ' Taking Time by the forelock.' 
 
 4C This story is told of Philip of Macedon by Plutarch, Apophthegmata, 
 
 p. 179. 25-29, ed. Reiske, vol. vi. : npeafivriSos 8e Trewxpar d^iovarjs eV 
 
 avTOv KpidfjvciL, KOI TroXXaKU fvox\ovcrr)s, f<pr], p.rj <T)(o\deiv. rj 8e Trpecrfivris 
 
 eyxpayoucra, Kal fJLTj /Socrt'/Xeue, elnfV. 6 de 6avp.dcras TO pr\Qe.V) ov povov e'/cetV^f, 
 
 dAXa <a\ TU>
 
 326 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 tissimum est, imperium in naturam, si quis hujusmodi rebus 
 ut nimis exilibus et minutis vacare nolit, nee obtineri nee 
 geri posse. 
 
 CXXII. 
 
 Occurrit 47 etiam et illud ; mirabile quiddam esse et durum, 
 quod nos omnes scientias atque omnes authores simul ac veluti 
 uno ictu et impetu summoveamus : idque non assumpto aliquo 
 ex antiquis in auxilium et praesidium nostrum, sed quasi viribus 
 propriis. 
 
 Nos autem scimus, si minus sincera fide agere voluissemus, 
 non difficile fuisse nobis, ista quae afferuntur vel ad antiqua 
 saecula ante Graecorum tempora (cum scientiae de natura magis 
 fortasse sed tamen majore cum silentio floruerint, neque in 
 Graecorum tubas et fistulas adhuc incidissent), vel etiam (per 
 partes certe) ad aliquos ex Graecis ipsis referre, atque astipula- 
 tionem et honorem inde petere : more novorum hominum, qui 
 nobilitatem sibi ex antiqua aliqua prosapia, per genealogiarum 
 favores, astruunt et afrmgunt. Nos vero rerum evidentia freti, 
 omnem commenti et imposturae conditionem rejicimus ; neque 
 ad id quod agitur plus interesse putamus, utrum quae jam in- 
 venientur antiquis olim cognita, et per rerum vicissitudines et 
 saecula occidentia et orientia sint, quam hominibus curae esse 
 debere, utrum Novus Orbis fuerit insula ilia Atlantis 4S et ve- 
 teri mundo cognita, an nunc primum reperta. Rerum enim 
 inventio a naturae luce petenda, non ab antiquitatis tcnebris 
 repetenda est. 
 
 Quod vero ad universalem istam reprehensionem attinet, 
 certissimum est vere rem reputanti, earn et magis probabilem 
 esse et magis modestam, quam si facta fuisset ex parte. Si 
 enim in primis notionibus errores radicati non fuissent, fieri 
 non potuisset quin nonnulla recte inventa alia perperam inventa 
 correxissent. Sed cum errores fundamentales fuerint, atque 
 ejusmodi, ut homines potius res neglexerint ac praeterierint 
 
 47 Mr. Speckling suggests that ' occurrit ' is a misprint for ' occurret.' 
 Aphs. 122-126 contain the answers to four objections. Aph. 127 is the 
 answer to a doubt rather than to an objection. 
 
 4-i See Plato's Timaeus, 24 -25 D.
 
 LIB. I. 122. 327 
 
 quam de illis pravum aut falsum judicium fecerint ; minime 
 mirum est, si homines id non obtinuerint quod non egerint, 
 nee ad metam pervenerint quam non posuerint aut collocarint, 
 neque viam emensi sint quam non ingress! sint aut tenuerint 49 . 
 Atque insolentiam rei quod attinet : certe si quis manus con- 
 stantia atque oculi vigore lineam magis rectam aut circulum 
 magis perfectum se describere posse quam alium quempiam sibi 
 assumat, inducitur scilicet facultatis comparatio ; quod si quis 
 asserat se adhibita regula aut circumducto circino lineam magis 
 rectam aut circulum magis perfectum posse describere, quam 
 aliquem alium vi sola oculi et manus, is certe non admodum 
 jactator fuerit. Quin hoc, quod dicimus, non solum in hoc nostro 
 conatu primo et incoeptivo locum habet ; sed etiam pertinet ad 
 eos qui huic rei posthac incumbent. Nostra enim via inveniendi 
 scientias exaequat fere ingenia 50 , et non multum excellentiae 
 eorum relinquit : cum omnia per certissimas regulas et demon- 
 strationes transigat. Itaque haec nostra (ut saepe diximus) 
 
 49 Cp. Aph. 32. 
 
 50 Cp. Aph. 6 1 and note 13. This anticipation of Bacon never has 
 been, and never can be, realised. There is not, and there never can be, 
 a mechanical method of invention, furnishing rules whereby men of 
 average abilities may invent arts or make discoveries with the same 
 facility and certainty with which they use a pair of compasses. The 
 reason of this impossibility is to be sought not only in the complexity 
 and 'subtlety' of nature (which Bacon thought to be much simpler than 
 it is) and in the laborious and complicated character of many of the 
 processes of reasoning, but also in the important and, indeed, indis- 
 pensable share which imagination has in all scientific discovery. Now 
 for the stimulation and exercise of the imagination no rules can be given, 
 though the habitual observation of the ordinary rules of logic, and 
 especially of hypothesis, may be useful in diverting it from improper, and 
 directing it into proper channels. 
 
 Bacon's confidence in the ease and certainty with which his method 
 might be applied was a direct consequence of his theory of ' simple 
 natures.' ' This method of exclusion ' (says Mr. Ellis, E. and S., vol. i. 
 pp. 33-6) ' requires only an attentive consideration of each " instantia," 
 in order first to analyse it into its simple natures, and secondly to see 
 which of the latter are to be excluded processes which require no higher 
 faculties than ordinary acuteness and patient diligence. There is clearly 
 no room in this mechanical procedure for the display of subtlety or of 
 inventive genius. Bacon's method therefore ' (as he conceived) ' leads to 
 certainty, and may be employed with nearly equal success by all men who 
 are equally diligent.'
 
 338 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 foelicitatis cujusdam sunt potius quam facultatis, et potius 
 temporis partus quam ingenii. Est enim certe casus aliquis 
 non minus in cogitationibus humanis, quam in operibus et 
 factis. 
 
 CXXIII. 
 
 Itaque dicendum de nobis ipsis quod ille 51 per jocum dixit, 
 praesertim cum tarn bene rem sccet : fieri non potcst ut idem 
 scntiant, qui aqnani ct qui vinum bibant. At caeteri homines, 
 tarn vetcres quam novi, liquorem biberunt crudum in scientiis, 
 tanquam aquam vcl sponte ex intellectu raanantem vel per 
 dialecticam, tanquam per rotas ex puteo, haustam. At nos 
 liquorem bibimus et propinamus ex infinitis confectam uvis, 
 iisque maturis et tempestivis, et per racemos quosdam collectis 
 ac deccrptis, et subinde in torculari pressis, ac postremo in 
 vase repurgatis et clarihcatis. Itaque nil mirum si nobis cum 
 aliis non convcniat. 
 
 CXXIV. 
 
 Occurret proculdubio et illud : nee metam aut scopum scien- 
 tiarum a nobis ipsis (id quod in aliis reprehendimus) verum et 
 optimum praefixum esse. Esse enim contemplationem veritatis 
 omni operum utilitate et magnitudine digniorem et celsiorem : 
 longam vero istam et sollicitam moram in experientia et materia 
 et rerum particularium fluctibus mentem veluti humo affigere, 
 vel potius in Tartarum quoddam confusionis et perturbationis 
 dejicere ; atque ab abstractae sapientiae serenitate et tranquil- 
 litate (tanquam a statu multo diviniore) arcere et summovere. 
 Nos vero huic rationi libenter assentimur ; et hoc ipsum, quod 
 innuunt ac praeoptant, praecipue atque ante omnia agimus. 
 Etenim verum exemplar mundi in intellectu humano fundamus ; 
 quale invenitur, non quale cuipiam sua propria ratio dictaverit. 
 Hoc autem perfici non potest, nisi facta mundi dissectione atque 
 anatomia diligentissima. Modules vero incptos mundorum et 
 tanquam simiolas 52 , quas in philosophiis phantasiae hominum 
 cxtruxcrunt. omnino dissipandas edicimus. Sciant itaque ho- 
 
 51 Said by Philocrates of Demosthenes : ('mivao-Tas 8' 6 SuAoK^aV^f p.d\a 
 i/3/jiOTiK&>y ovdev, e(f>rj, Qavp.aorroi', u> livdpes 'Adrjvaioi, p.rj ravra e'/xoi KCU 
 ATjp.oaQevei doKflv' ovros fJ.ev yap v8u>p, eya> 8e oivov TTiVa). Ka\ vp.fl$ e'-yeXdre. 
 Demosth. De Falsa Legatione, p. 355. 
 
 11 ' Apings,' ' mimicries.' The word is not classical, though simiolus is.
 
 LIB. L 123 124. 329 
 
 mines (id quod superius 53 diximus) quantum intersit inter 
 humanae mentis idola et divinae mentis ideas. Ilia enim 
 nihil aliud sunt quam abstractiones ad placitum : hae autem 
 sunt vera signacula Creatoris super creaturas, prout in materia 
 per lineas veras et exquisitas imprimuntur et terminantur. 
 Itaque lipsissimae ^res^sunt (in hg^gencre^) veri^sj_t utilitas : 
 atque opera ipsa pluris facienda sunt, quatenus sunt veritatis 
 pignora. quam propter vitae commoda 5d . 
 
 53 Aph. 23. 
 
 51 'Therefore, the very things themselves (that is, the facts of nature) 
 are, in this kind of enquiry, both truth and utility.' He means that, if we 
 know the facts of nature, as they really are, we shall both attain truth and 
 gain rules for practice. Mr. Spedding thinks that, if this were the true 
 interpretation, we ought to have et before veritas as well as before utilitas. 
 He proposes the translation ' truth and utility are (in this kind) the very 
 same things,' though he acknowledges that this use of ipsissimae cannot 
 be justified. To me there appears less difficulty in taking the passage as I 
 have done above. Mr. Ellis proposes to render it thus : ' Truth and utility 
 are in this kind the very things we seek for.' Dr. Kitchin, to the same 
 effect, translates : 'And so the chief things of all are, in this kind, Truth 
 and Usefulness.' This gives an excellent sense ; but will the words bear it ? 
 
 55 \Ve have here an important modification of the point of view which is 
 prominent in Aph. 81. 'Veritas et utilitas,' and 'veritas' rather than 
 ' utilitas ' is, in this Aphorism, described as the proper and adequate object 
 of the Baconian method. Cp. Aph. 129, where Bacon repeats, perhaps 
 still more unequivocally, the same sentiment. 
 
 The following passages, which are quoted by Mr. Spedding, appear to 
 me to be less in accordance with the spirit of this Aphorism than with that 
 of Aph. 81, which, it must be acknowledged, is, notwithstanding many 
 expressions to the contrary, representative of Bacon's general attitude on 
 this subject : 
 
 'Ista autem duo pronuntiata, Activum et Contemplativum, res eadem 
 sunt ; et quod in operando utilissimum, id in sciendo verissimum.' Nov. 
 Org, ii. 4. 
 
 ' Si quis autem sit, cui in contemplationis amorem et venerationem 
 effuso, ista operum frequens et cum tanto honore mentio quiddam asperum 
 et ingratum sonet, is pro certo sciat, se propriis desideriis adversari ; 
 etenim in natura, opera non tantum vitae beneficia, sed et veritatis pignora 
 esse. Et quod in religione verissime requiritur, ut fidem quis ex operibus 
 monstret ; idem in naturali philosophia competere, ut scientia similiter ex 
 operibus monstretur. Veritatem enim per operum indicationem, magis 
 quam ex argumentatione aut etiam ex sensu, et patefieri et probari. 
 Ouare unam eandemque rationem et conditionis humanae et mentis 
 dotandae esse.' Cogitata et Visa, E. and S., vol. iii. p. 612. 
 
 ' Ouinetiam illis quibus in contemplationis amorem effusis frequens apud
 
 330 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 cxxv. 
 
 Occurret fortasse et illud : nos tanquam actum agere, atque 
 antiques ipsos eandem quam nos viam tenuisse 56 . Itaque 
 verisimile putabit quispiam etiam nos, post tantum motum ct 
 molitionem, deventuros tandem ad aliquam ex illis philosophiis 
 quae apud antiques valuerunt. Nam et illos in meditationum 
 suarum principiis vim et copiam magnam exemplorum et par- 
 ticularium paravisse, atque in commentaries per locos et titu- 
 los digessisse, atque inde philosophias suas et artes confecisse, 
 et postea, re comperta, pronuntiasse, et exempla ad fidem et 
 docendi lumen sparsim addidisse ; sed particularium notas et 
 codicillos ac commentaries suos in lucem edere supervacuum 
 et molestum putasse : ideoque fecisse quod in aedificando fieri 
 solet. nempe post aedincii structuram machinas et scalas a 
 conspectu amovisse. Neque aliter factum esse credere certc 
 oportet. Verum nisi quis omnino oblitus fuerit eorum quae 
 superius dicta sunt, huic objectioni (aut scrupulo potius) facile 
 respondebit. Formam enim inquirendi et inveniendi apud 
 antiques et ipsi profitemur 57 , et scripta eorum prae se ferunt. 
 Ea autem non alia fuit 5S , quam ut ab exemplis quibusdam 
 et particularibus (additis notionibus communibus, et fortasse 
 
 nos operum mentio asperum quiddam atque ingratum ct mechanicum 
 sonat. monstrabimus quantum illi desideriis suis propriis adversentur ; cum 
 puritas contemplationum atque substructio et invcntio operum prorsus 
 eisdem rebus nitantur, ac simul perficiantur.' Partis Secundae Delineatio, 
 E. and S., vol. iii. p. 549. 
 
 To these passages might be added Nov. Org. ii. 49 : ' Etenim ipsum 
 Posse et ipsum Scire naturam humanam amplificant, non beant. Itaque 
 decerpenda sunt ex universitate rerum ea quae ad usus vitae maxime 
 faciunt.' 
 
 In my notes on Aph. Si, I have already stated my reasons for regarding 
 Bacon's conception of the ends of knowledge, or, at least, that which 
 is most prominent in his works, as partial and insufficient. In a few 
 places, however, as in the present Aphorism, he rises above the merely 
 practical view, to which he usually attaches himself. 
 
 "' Cp. Filum Labyrinthi, sive Inquisitio Legitima cle Motu, E. and S., 
 vol. iii. pp. 637-8. 
 
 57 There can be no question that we ought to adopt Mr. Ellis' correction, 
 ' profitentur.' 
 
 l * The remainder of the Aphorism sums up and brings together what 
 has already been said separately in many of the preceding Aphorisms.
 
 LIB. I. 125127. 331 
 
 portione nonnulla ex opinionibus receptis, quae maxime pla- 
 cuerunt) ad conclusiones maxime generates sive principia 
 scientiarum advolarent, ad quorum veritatem immotam et 
 fixam conclusiones inferiores per media educerent ac pro- 
 barent ; ex quibus artem constituebant. Turn demum si 
 nova particularia et exempla mota essent et adducta quae 
 placitis suis refragarentur, ilia aut per distinctiones aut per 
 regularum suarum explanationes in ordinem subtiliter redi- 
 gebant, aut demum per exceptiones grosso modo summove- 
 bant : at rerum particularium non refragantium causas ad ilia 
 principia sua laboriose et pertinaciter accommodabant. Verum 
 nee historia naturalis et experientia ilia erat, quam fuisse 
 oportebat (longe certe abest), et ista advolatio ad generalis- 
 sima omnia perdidit. 
 
 CXXVI. 
 
 Occurret et illud : nos, propter inhibitionem quandam pro- 
 nuntiandi et principia certa ponendi donee per medios gradus 
 ad generalissima rite perventum sit, suspensionem quandam 
 judicii tueri, atque ad Acatalepsiam rem deducere. Nos vero 
 non Acatalepsiam, sed Eucatalepsiam^ meditamur et proponi- 
 mus : sensui enim non derogamus, sed ministramus ; et intel- 
 lectum non contemnimus, sed regimus. Atque melius est 
 scire quantum opus sit, et tamen nos non penitus scire putare, 
 quam penitus scire nos putare, et tamen nil eorum quae opus 
 est scire. 
 
 CXXVII. 
 
 Etiam dubitabit quispiam potius quam objiciet, utrum nos 
 de Naturali tantum Philosophia G0 , an etiam de scientiis 
 reliquis, Logicis, Ethicis, Politicis, secundum viam nostram 
 perficiendis loquamur 01 . At nos certe de universis haec quae 
 
 J(J Dr. Kitchin appositely quotes the well-known passage from the Ad- 
 vancement of Learning : ' If a man will begin with certainties, he shall end 
 in doubts ; but if he will be content to begin with doubts, he shall end in 
 certainties.' See Bk. i., E. and S., vol. iii. p. 293. Cp. Aph. 37. 
 
 io It will be noticed that Natural Philosophy is here used in its restricted 
 sense, as opposed to ' scientiae logicae, ethicae,' &c., not as including the 
 consideration of ' affectus, et prehensiones intellectuales.' Cp. Aphs. 79, 80, 
 where it is used in the wider sense. 
 
 61 Cp. Newton's Optics, bk. ii. ad fin. : ' And if Natural Philosophy in all
 
 332 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 dicta sunt intelligimus : atque quemadmodum vulgaris logica, 
 quae regit res per syllogismum, non tantum ad naturales, sed 
 
 its parts, by pursuing this method, should at length be perfected, the 
 bounds of Moral Philosophy will be also enlarged. For so fgr as we 
 can know by Natural Philosophy what is the First Cause, what power he 
 has over us, and what benefits we receive from him ; so far our duty 
 towards him, as well as that towards one another, will appear to us by the 
 light of Nature.' 
 
 This Aphorism, notwithstanding certain passages in the NovumOrganum 
 which apparently point to the opposite conclusion, as, for instance, in the 
 Preface, p. 187, and in Aphs. 29, 77, 128, affords cojjchisrve_^vide|ice^that 
 B^^oncojitejn^laje^^hearjr^^ati^ of his method to the mental and 
 Inoral, as^ well as the natural sciences. The extended meaningoi the 
 term ' Natural Philosophy ' (including ' affectus, et prehensiones intellec- 
 tuales '), as employed in Aph. 80, appears to imply the same intention. 
 And, though, perhaps, there is nothing in Bacon's works strictly cor- 
 responding with the ' historia et tabulae inveniendi de ira, metu,' &c., of 
 which he speaks below, there are many places where he seems to assume 
 that such enquiries fall within the scope of his philosophy. Besides the 
 numerous passages in the later books of the De Augmentis, the student 
 may refer to the Novum Organum, Bk. ii. Aphs. 26, 27, 35 ad fin., Historia 
 Vitae et Mortis (E. and S., vol. ii. pp. 170-174), Filum Labyrinth!, sive 
 Inquisitio Legitima de Motu, ad fin. (E. and S., vol. iii. pp. 639-40), 
 Sylva Sylvarum, Exp. 795 and several of the ' experiments ' in the tenth 
 century. But, without multiplying references, I may state that it appears 
 to me unquestionable that Bacon, while he regarded his method as 
 primarily, and, perhaps, most easily applicable to the natural sciences, 
 contemplated its ultimate extension to all branches of knowledge alike. 
 The__rja^sa^ej^_which^seern to point in t^e_pojk_dJrectiOTi^are, I con- 
 ceive, as I have already stated, ironical, and refer not to science, or know- 
 ledge in the true sense, at all, b ufto^rTi et o ri c_an d jlj sp art at ion. 
 
 On the justness of Bacon's view and on the sense or senses in which 
 Induction is applicable to the moral and mental sciences, this is not the 
 place to speak. It may suffice to say that, in my opinion, certainty can 
 only be attained in these sciences by the employment, at all events in the 
 first instance, of the Inductive Method. Speculations, in these as in all 
 other subjects, unless based on the patient study of facts, 'variantur, non 
 augentur.' The enormous extension which the method of Induction has 
 received in recent times by the application of a historical treatment to the 
 subjects of law, institutions, language, art, morals, religion, &c., has really 
 laid the basis of a scientific study of man, which may at some future time 
 rival in respect of certainty, while it will even transcend in interest, the 
 scientific study of nature. The student who may wish to see successful 
 examples of this mode of treatment, the Jiistorical method, as it has been 
 called, is referred to the works of Sir H. Maine, Professor Max Miiller, Sir 
 J. Lubbock, Dr. Tylor, and (though here, perhaps, he will be treading on 
 less firm ground) to the Psychology and Sociology of Mr. Herbert Spencer.
 
 LIB. I. 127. 333 
 
 ad omnes scientias pertinet; ita et nostra, quae procedit per 
 inductionem, omnia complectitur. Tarn enim historiam et 
 tabulas 62 inveniendi conficimus de ira, metu, ct verecundia, et 
 similibus ; ac etiam de exemplis rerum civilium : nee minus 
 de motibus mentalibus memoriae, compositionis et divisionis 63 , 
 judicii, et reliquorum, quani de calido et frigido, aut luce, aut 
 vegetatione, aut similibus. Sed tamen cum nostra ratio in- 
 terpretandi, post historiam praeparatam et ordinatam, non 
 mentis tantum motus et discursus (ut logica vulgaris), sed et 
 rerum naturam intueatur : ita mentem regimus, ut ad rerum 
 naturam se, aptis per omnia modis, applicare possit 04 . Atque 
 propterea multa et diversa in doctrina interpretationis prae- 
 
 For an analysis of the historical method, he may consult the Editor's 
 Inductive Logic, 4th ed., pp. 201-203, and Mill's Logic, bk. vi. ch. 10. 
 The whole of the sixth book of Mr. Mill's Logic bears on the methods of 
 the moral and mental sciences. 
 
 The word 'logicis' in the above sentence should probably be taken as 
 including what we call 'psychology' as well as logic proper. But even 
 logic, in the strictest sense of the term, rests ultimately on an inductive 
 basis. It is only through having observed what processes of reasoning lead 
 to a sound, and what to ap. unsound conclusion, that is, to a conclusion 
 agreeing or disagreeing with facts, that men have been able to frame with 
 any certainty even the rules of logic itself. 
 
 62 See last note. 
 
 63 Affirmation and Negation, not, as Mr. Ellis suggests, Synthesis and 
 Analysis. See Aldrich's Logic, ad init. : ' Est enim Judicium aliud Affirma- 
 tivinn, quod vocatur etiam Compositio ; aliud Negativum^ quod et Divisio? 
 This terminology is derived from Aristotle. Cp., for instance, De Inter- 
 pretatione, ch. i : rrept -yap trvvBeviv KUI 8iaipta~iv tern TO \^fvd6s re KOI TO 
 d\T]6es. TO. fj.fi> ovv ovofjidTa aura KOI TO. pij/nara e'oi/ce ra> iivev avvQecreuts xal 
 Siaipecrfas vofj^taTi, olov TO avBpamns rj TO \evKov, oral/ /j.rj Trpo&Tfdfj TI' ovrf 
 yap \l/fvoos ovre a\r]0es TTW. 
 
 64 The object of this remark is to distinguish his own from the vulgar 
 logic. The common logic is concerned only with the operations of the 
 mind, regarded in and for themselves, but the Baconian logic has for its 
 aim to interpret the ways of external nature as well as the processes of 
 the human mind, and hence it must adapt and accommodate itself to 
 the quality and condition of the various objects which it investigates. 
 This is a far-seeing description of the office and peculiarities of the Induc- 
 tive Logic. Thus, for example, one method or combination of methods is 
 applicable to mechanical problems, another to the problems of chemistry, 
 a third to those of physiology, and so on. Bacon's own ' Praerogativae 
 Instantiarum ' in the 2nd Book would afford a good instance of what he 
 means.
 
 334 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 cipimus, quae ad subject!, de quo inquirimus, qualitatem et 
 conditionem modum inveniendi nonnulla ex parte applicent. 
 
 CXXVIII. 
 
 At illud de nobis ne dubitarc quidem fas sit ; utrum nos 
 philosophiam et artes et scientias quibus utimur destruere et 
 demoliri cupiamus : contra enim, earum et usum et cultum et 
 honores libenter amplectimur. Neque enim ullo modo offici- 
 nius, quin istae, quae invaluerunt, et disputationes alant, et 
 sermones ornent, et ad professoria munera ac vitae civilis 
 compendia adhibeantur et valeant ; denique, tanquam numis- 
 mata quaedam, consensu inter homines recipiantur. Quinetiam 
 significamus aperte, ea quae nos adducimus ad istas res 
 non multum idonea futura ; cum ad vulgi captum deduci 
 omnino non possint, nisi per effecta et opera tantum C5 . At 
 hoc ipsum, quod de affectu nostro et bona voluntate erga 
 scientias receptas dicimus, quam vere profiteamurj scripta 
 nostra in publicum edita (praesertim libri De Progressu 
 Scientiarum^} fidem faciant. Itaque id verbis amplius vin- 
 ccrc non conabimur. Illud interim constanter et diserte 
 moncmus ; his modis, qui in usu sunt, nee magnos in scien- 
 tiarum doctrinis et contemplatione progressus fieri, nee illas 
 ;id amplitudinem operum deduci posse. 
 
 CXXIX. 
 
 Superest ut de Finis excellentia pauca dicamus. Ea si 
 prius dicta fuissent, votis similia vicleri potuissent : sed spe 
 jam facta, et iniquis praejudiciis sublatis, plus fortasse pon- 
 deris habebunt. Quod si nos omnia perfccissemus et plane 
 absolvissemus, ncc alios in partem et consortium laborum 
 subinde vocaremus, etiam ab hujusmodi verbis abstinuissemus, 
 ne acciperentur in praedicationem meriti nostri. Cum vero 
 
 ''" See notes on the last Aphorism and on Aph. 29. In favour of my 
 interpretation of this and similar passages as ironical, I may adduce the 
 argument that Bacon could hardly have contradicted himself on so im- 
 portant a matter in two consecutive Aphorisms. 
 
 C(! ' The Twoo Bookes of Francis Bacon of the Proficience and Advance- 
 ment of Learning Divine and Humane,' first published in 1605. The De 
 Augmcntis, of course, was not yet published.
 
 LIB. I. 128 129. 335 
 
 aliorum industria acuenda sit et animi excitandi atque ac- 
 cendendi, consentaneum est ut quaedam hominibus in mentem 
 redigamus. 
 
 Primo itaque, videtur inventorum nobilium introductio inter 
 actiones humanas longe primas partes tenere : id quod antiqua 
 saecula judicaverunt. Ea enim rerum inventoribus divinos 
 honores tribuerunt 7 ; iis autem qui in rebus civilibus mere- 
 bantur (quales erant urbium et imperiorum conditores, legis- 
 latores, patriarum a' diuturnis malis liberatores, tyrannidum 
 debellatores, et his similes) heroum tantum honores decre- 
 verunt. Atque certe si quis ea recte conferat, justum hoc 
 prisci saeculi judicium reperiet. Etenim inventorum beneficia 
 ad universum genus humanum pertinere possunt, civilia ad 
 certas tantummodo hominum sedes : haec etiam non ultra 
 paucas aetates durant, ilia quasi perpetuis temporibus. Atque 
 status emendatio in civilibus non sine vi et perturbatione 
 plerumque procedit : at inventa beant, et beneficium deferunt 
 absque alicujus injuria aut tristitia. 
 
 Etiam inventa quasi novae creationes sunt, et divinorum 
 operum imitamenta ; ut bene cecinit ille : 
 
 ' Primum frugiferos foetus mortalibus aegris 
 Dididerant quondam praestanti nomine Athenae ; 
 Et RECREAVERUNT vitam, legesque rogarunt 6 V 
 
 67 Cp. De Augmentis, lib. i, E. and S., vol. i. p. 470 : ' Ouippe supra 
 humanos honores, hero'ici numerabantur et divini ; in quorum distri- 
 butione hunc ordinem tenuere veteres. Rerumpublicarum conditores, 
 legislatores, tyrannicidae, patres patriae, quique in rebus civilibus optime 
 meruerunt, insigniti sunt titulo Heroum tantum, aut Semideorum ; quales 
 fuere Theseus, Minos, Romulus, ceterique. Ex altera parte inventores 
 et authores novarum artium, quique vitam humanam novis commodis et 
 accessionibus dotarunt, semper consecrati sunt inter Deos ipsos Majores ; 
 quod Cereri, Baccho, Mercuric, Apollini, et aliis contigit. Quod certe 
 jure et sano cum judicio factum est. Nam priorum benemerita intra 
 unius aetatis aut nationis limites fere coercentur ; nee absimilia sunt 
 imbribus tempestivis et benignis, qui quamvis frugiferi sint atque opta- 
 biles, tamen pro ilia tempestate tantum qua decidunt, atque pro ampli- 
 tudine tractus terrae quam irrigant, utiles sunt ; posteriorum vero beneficia, 
 ut ipsius solis et coelestium munera, temporibus perpetua, locis infinita 
 sunt. Ilia rursus cum contentione et perturbatione ut plurimum con- 
 juncta sunt ; haec habent verum characterem Divinae Praesentiae, 
 veniuntque in aura lent, absque tumultu aut strepitu." 
 
 s< Lucretius, vi. 1-3. Bacon, in quoting these lines, probably from
 
 336 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 Atque videtur notatu dignum in Soloinone ; quod cum im- 
 perio, auro, magnificentia operum, satellitio, famulitio, classe 
 insuper, et nominis claritate, ac summa hominum admiratione 
 floreret, tamen nihil horum delegerit sibi ad gloriam, sed ita 
 pronuntiaverit : Gloriam Dei esse, celare rem ; gloriam rcgis, 
 investigare rent G0 . 
 
 Rursus (si placet) reputet quispiam, quantum intersit inter 
 hominum vitam in excultissima quapiam Europae provincia, 
 et in regione aliqua Novae Indiae 70 maxime fera et barbara : 
 ea 71 tantum differre existimabit, ut merito Jiominem homini 
 Deism cssc 72 , non solum propter auxilium et beneficium, sed 
 etiam per status comparationem, recte dici possit. Atque hoc 
 non solum, non coelum, non corpora, sed artes praestant. 
 
 Rursus. vim et virtutem et consequentias rerum inventarum 
 notare juvat; quae non in aliis manifestius occurrunt, quam in 
 illis tribus quae antiquis incognitae, et quarum primordia, 
 licet recentia, obscura et ingloria sunt : Artis nimirum Impri- 
 mendi, Pulveris Tormentarii. et Acus Nauticae 73 . Hacc enim 
 tria rerum facicm et statum in orbe terrarum mutaverunt : 
 primum, in re literaria ; secundum, in re bellica ; tertium, in 
 
 memory, has altered 'primae'into ' primum,' ' dididerunt ' into 'didide- 
 rant,' and ' praeclaro ' into ' praestanti.' 
 G ' J Proverbs xxv. 2. 
 
 70 The name given to the Western Continent and Islands, when first 
 discovered by Columbus, who imagined them to be a part of India. We 
 still have traces of this nomenclature in the ' West Indies,' the ' Red 
 Indians,' ' Indiana,' &c. 
 
 71 Ought not this word to be corrected to eas, which is the reading in 
 the edition published at Leyden in 1645 ' 
 
 72 ' " Homo homini Deus, si suum officium sciat." An Aphorism of 
 Caecilius Comicus apud Symmach. Epist. x. 104 (al. 114).' (?ix. 108.) 
 ' Bacon has expanded the meaning of the saying (according to his wont) 
 beyond its original extent. See also Zenobius, Cent. i. 91 in Gaisford's 
 Paroemiographi Graeci, where the proverb \s"Av6pa)Tros dvOpunov daifjioviov.' 
 Dr. Kitchin's note. Of the two authors here cited, Caecilius Statius, the 
 comic poet, died B.C. 168, being an immediate predecessor of Terence; 
 Zenobius lived in the time of Hadrian. It has been pointed out to me 
 that the same proverb is referred to in Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity, bk. 
 i. ch. x. sect. 12. See an interesting note on the passage in Dean Church's 
 edition of bk. i. (Clarendon Press), p. 128, and cp. Jeremy Taylor's Works 
 (ed. Heber and Eden), vol. iv. p. 315. 
 
 73 Cp. Aph. 109.
 
 LIB. /. 129. 337 
 
 navigationibus : unde innumerae rerum mutationes sequutae 
 sunt ; ut non imperium aliquod, non secta, non stella, majorem 
 efficaciam et quasi influxum super res humanas exercuisse 
 videatur, quam ista mechanica exercuerunt. 
 
 Praeterea non abs re fuerit, tria hominum ambitionis genera 
 et quasi gradus distinguere. Primum eorum, qui propriam 
 potentiam in patria sua amplificare cupiunt ; quod genus 
 vulgare est et degener. Secundum eorum, qui patriae po- 
 tentiam et imperium inter humanum genus amplificare nitun- 
 tur ; illud plus certe habet dignitatis, cupiditatis baud minus. 
 Quod si quis humani generis ipsius potentiam et imperium in 
 rerum universitatem instaurare et amplificare conetur, ea 
 proculdubio ambitio (si modo ita vocanda sit) reliquis et 
 sanior est et augustior. Hominis autem imperium in res, in 
 solis artibus et scientiis ponitur. Naturae enim non imperatur, 
 nisi parendo 74 . 
 
 Praeterea, si unius alicujus particularis inventi utilitas ita 
 homines affecerit, ut eum qui genus humanum universum 
 beneficio aliquo devincire potuerit homine majorem putaverint ; 
 quanto Celsius videbitur tale aliquid invenire, per quod alia 
 omnia expedite inveniri possint? Et tamen (ut verum om- 
 nino dicamus) quemadmodum luci magnam habemus gratiam, 
 quod per earn vias inire, artes exercere, legere, nos invicem 
 dignoscere possimus ; et nihilominus ipsa visio lucis res prae- 
 stantior est et pulchrior, quam multiplex ejus usus : ita certc 
 ipsa contemplatio rerum prout sunt, sine superstitione aut 
 impostura, errore aut confusione, in seipsa magis digna est, 
 quam universus inventorum fructus 75 . 
 
 Postremo, siquis depravationem scientiarum et artium ad 
 malitiam et luxuriam et similia objecerit ; id neminem moveat. 
 
 74 Cp. Aph. 3. Dr. Kitchin quotes Livy, xxi. 4, where, in describing 
 Hannibal, he says: ' Nunquam ingenium idem ad res diversissimas, paren- 
 dum atque imperandum, habilius fuit.' I may add Aristotle's description 
 of the good citizen, Pol. iii. 4 (14) : del 8e TOV TrohiTrjv TOI> ayudbv eTnVra- 
 cr6ai KOI dvvaadat. KOI ap^ecrdat Kal ap^eiv, KOI avrrj aperr] TroXiYot;, TO r!]V TU>V 
 eXevdepcov ap\>]V (Trio'Tcia'dai eV dfj.(f)6repa. 
 
 75 Cp. Aph. 124 ad fin. and note 55. This passage, like that, furnishes 
 a happy exception to the manner in which Bacon, when speaking of the 
 ends of knowledge, usually subordinates truth to practice. 
 
 Z
 
 338 NOVUM ORGANUM, 
 
 Illud enim de omnibus mundanis bonis dici potest, ingenio, 
 fortitudine, viribus, forma, divitiis, luce ipsa, et reliquis. Re- 
 cuperet modo genus humanum jus suum in naturam quod ei 
 ex dotatione divina competit, et detur ei copia : usum vero 
 recta ratio et sana religio gubernabit. 
 
 cxxx. 
 
 Jam vero tempus est ut artem ipsam Interpretandi Naturam 
 proponamus : in qua licet nos utilissima et verissima prae- 
 cepisse arbitremur, tamen necessitatem ei absolutam (ac si 
 absque ea nil agi possit) aut etiam perfectionem non attri- 
 buimus. Etenim in ea opinione sumus : si justam Naturae 
 et Experientiae Historiam 76 praesto haberent homines, atque 
 in ea sedulo versarentur, sibique duas res imperare possent : 
 unam, ut receptas opiniones et notiones deponerent ; alteram, 
 ut mentem a generalissimis et proximis ab illis ad tempus 
 cohiberent : fore ut etiam vi propria et genuina mentis 77 , 
 absque alia arte, in formam nostram Interpretandi incidere 
 possent. Est enim Interpretatio verum et naturale opus 
 mentis, demptis iis quae obstant 78 : sed tamen omnia certe 
 per nostra praecepta erunt magis in procinctu, et multo 
 firmiora. 
 
 76 Bacon again takes the opportunity of shewing the importance 
 which he attaches to his Natural History. Cp. Aph. 98 and my notes 
 on it. 
 
 77 But the mind would, in that case, employ unconsciously the rules 
 which Bacon and his successors have prescribed for its conscious use. 
 ' Natural Logic ' is only artificial logic, employed unconsciously, and arti- 
 ficial logic is only the formal expression of Natural Logic. 
 
 78 Mr. Spedding compares the following parallel passages : Valerius 
 Terminus, ch. 22 : ' That it is true that interpretation is the very natural 
 and direct intention, action, and progression of the understanding, de- 
 livered from impediments ; and that all anticipation is but a deflexion or 
 declination by accident.' Adv. of Learn. (2nd book) : ' For he that shall 
 attentively observe how the mind doth gather this excellent dew of know- 
 ledge, like unto that which the poet speaketh of, Acrii mellis coelestia dona, 
 distilling and contriving it out of particulars natural and artificial, as the 
 flowers of the field and garden, shall find that the mind of herself by 
 nature doth manage and act an induction much better than they de- 
 scribe it.'
 
 LIB. I. 130. 339 
 
 Neque tamen illis nihil addi posse affirmamus : sed contra, 
 
 nos, qui mentem respicimus non tantum in facultate 
 
 propria, sed quatenus copulatur 
 
 cum rebus, Artem invenien- 
 
 di cum Inventis adoles- 
 
 cere posse, statuere 
 
 debemus 79 . 
 
 79 In the Cogitata et Visa (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 610), there is a fine 
 passage on the relation between particular discoveries and the Art of 
 Discovery itself: 
 
 ' Quod si particularis alicujus inventi utilitas ita homines affecerit, ut 
 eum qui universum genus humanum unico aliquo beneficio complecti 
 posset homine majorem putarent ; at multo Celsius inventum esse, quod 
 alia omnia inventa particularia potentia quadam in se contineat, ac animae 
 humanae vias aperiat, ut ad nova et ulteriora quaeque ductu certo et recto 
 penetrare possit. Quemadmodum enim saeculis prioribus, cum homines 
 in navigando per stellarum tantum observationes cursum dirigebant, eos 
 veteris sane continentis oras legisse, aut maria aliqua minora et mediter- 
 ranea trajecisse ; necesse autem fuisse usum acus nauticae, ut ducem viae 
 magis fidum, innotuisse, antequam Oceanus trajiceretur, et Novi Orbis 
 regiones detegerentur : simili prorsus ratione, quae hucusque in artibus 
 et scientiis hominum inventa sunt, potuisse instinctu, usu, observatione, 
 meditatione, aperiri, utpote sensui propiora ; antequam vero ad remotiora 
 et occultiora naturae appellere liceat, necessario praecedere, ut melior et 
 perfectior mentis humanae usus et adoperatio inveniatur. Ouare hujus- 
 cemodi Inventum proculdubio Temporis partum nobilissimum, et vere 
 masculum esse.' 
 
 M. Bouillet calls attention to the following passage in the Filum Laby- 
 rinthi, sive Inquisitio Legitima de Motu (E. and S., vol. iii. pp. 635-636) : 
 ' Nam et ipsi statuimus, artem inveniendi adolescere cum inventis ; neque 
 ad aliquid immotum et inviolabile inveniendi artificiuin hominum indus- 
 triam et felicitatem astringendam. Artis enim perfectionem artis usum 
 remorari, nihil est necesse.' 
 
 Properly speaking, there is no such art as an ' Art of Invention,' for 
 ' invention ' depends on the exercise of the imaginative faculty, which has 
 not hitherto been amenable, and is never likely to be amenable, to rules. 
 But, at the same time, as we have seen in a note on a previous aphorism 
 (Aph. 122), by the cultivation of logical habits of mind, and the habitual 
 observation of certain rules, even the imagination may be diverted from 
 improper, and directed into proper channels. Moreover, when imagina- 
 tion has played its part, its products must be submitted to and tested by 
 reason, and here it becomes necessary to employ the rules of logic, whether 
 such rules be stated formally, or, as is more frequently the case, applied 
 unconsciously. At this point, then, arises the question (suggested by this 
 and the latter part of the I27th Aphorism, q. v.), whether there is any 
 
 Z 2
 
 340 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 advance in the analyses and rules of logic in any way corresponding with 
 the advance which is constantly taking place in the individual sciences ? 
 On the whole, I think, it may be answered that there is. For what is 
 Logic but the analysis of the most correct modes of reasoning in each de- 
 partment of human thought, and the construction of rules based on such 
 analysis ? Now reasoning is constantly being applied to new subjects or 
 to new branches of old subjects ; complicated cases of reasoning, too, are 
 constantly being unravelled and referred to simple principles. Hence, 
 though we are never likely to discover any new laws of thought or to add 
 to the simple formulae to which all reasoning may be reduced in the last 
 resort, yet we may be constantly gaining a wider knowledge of the appli- 
 cations, and possibly of the necessary modifications, of our rules, increased 
 practical skill in weighing arguments and detecting fallacies, and a juster 
 view of the special characteristics which distinguish the reasoning and 
 method of each particular science. And that logic (in the largest sense 
 of the term) has, as a matter of fact, advanced, as the particular arts and 
 sciences have advanced, though not, perhaps, always in the same propor- 
 tion, hardly admits, I conceive, of any doubt. 
 
 The dependence of Logic on the condition of the several sciences is put 
 in a striking, though undoubtedly an exaggerated, form by Condillac 
 (Histoire Moderne, livre xx. ch. 12): 'Je n'ai pas le courage de vous 
 parler de ceux qui, avant le renouvellement des sciences, ont tent d'en- 
 seigner 1'art de raisonner. Si des Tartares voulaient faire une poetique, 
 vous pensez bien qu'elle serait mauvaise, parce qu'ils n'ont pas de bons 
 poetes. II en est de meme des logiques qui ont etc faites avant le dix- 
 septieme siecle.'
 
 LIBER 
 SECUNDUS 
 
 APHORISMORUM.
 
 SUMMARY OF BOOK II. 
 
 FROM the prefatory remarks of Book I, Bacon passes in Book II to a 
 more formal and positive exposition of his method. The first ten Aphor- 
 isms consist mainly of general reflexions, for the most part very obscurely 
 worded, on the ends of science, on the necessity of enquiring into Forms, 
 and on the connexion between the speculative and practical branches of 
 knowledge. He then proceeds to give a specimen of the investigation of 
 a Form, taking as his example the Form of Heat. The first step in the 
 investigation is to draw up certain Tables, the ultimate purpose of which 
 is to enable him to eliminate those qualities which might be supposed to 
 be, but which are not really, of the required Form. When the Tables 
 are completed, and the false explanations have, so far as possible, been 
 rejected, he proceeds, according to his own metaphor, to reap the ' Vin- 
 demiatio Prima de forma Calidi,' and, in order to reap this vintage, he 
 gives free play to the Imagination, that is, in spite of his warnings to 
 the contrary in Book I, he frames Hypotheses. This process is called 
 ' permissio intellectus.' ' Atque haec sit prima vindemiatio, sive inter- 
 pretatio inchoata de forma Calidi, facta per permissionem intellectus ' 
 (see Aph. 20). In Aph. 21 he announces that, havir.g completed the 
 ' Tabulae ' and ' Vindemiatio Prima,' he will proceed ' ad reliqua auxilia 
 intellectus circa Interpretationem Naturae et Inductionem venim ac per- 
 fectam.' Of these 'auxilia' he enumerates nine (Aph. 21), but of the 
 nine one only, the ' Praerogativae Instantiarum ' (of which there are 
 twenty-seven varieties), is discussed in the Fragment of the Xovum 
 Organum which Bacon published. He is on the point of passing on to 
 the ' adminicula inductionis,' when the work abruptly ends.
 
 LIBER SECUNDUS 
 
 DE INTERPRETATION E 
 
 NATURAE, 
 
 SIVE 
 
 DE REGNO 
 
 H O M I N I S. 
 
 APHORISMUS. 
 I. 
 
 SUPER datum corpus novam naturam 1 sive novas naturas 
 generare et superinducere, opus et intentio est humanae po- 
 tentiae 2 . Datae autem naturae Formam, sive differentiam 
 veram 3 , sive naturam naturantem 4 , sive fontem emanationis 
 
 1 Mr. Ellis remarks that, throughout this Aphorism, Bacon maintains 
 the antithesis between ' corpus,' the concrete body, and ' natura,' the 
 abstract quality. Of each ' corpus ' various ' naturae ' are predicable. 
 
 ' 2 Bacon seems to have thought that, if we could once discover the 
 ; form,' we could superinduce the corresponding ' nature ' on any given 
 body, but this consequence by no means necessarily follows. Suppose we 
 knew the exact ' form ' of the ' natures ' which are predicable of and con- 
 stitute gold, could we superinduce these on silver, or could we eliminate 
 the 'natures' which characterise silver and substitute those which charac- 
 terise gold ? 
 
 3 Its distinguishing characteristics, or, more precisely, its essence, or 
 inmost constitution, or fundamental attributes. 
 
 4 In the most general meaning of the words, Natura Naturans and Na- 
 tura Naturata may be described as related to each other in the following
 
 344 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 (ista enim vocabula habemus, quae ad indicationem rei prox- 
 ime accedunt) invenire, opus et intentio est humanae scien- 
 tiae 5 . Atque his operibus primariis subordinantur alia opera 
 duo secundaria et inferioris notae : priori, transformatio cor- 
 porum concretorum de alio in aliud, intra terminos Possibilis 6 ; 
 posteriori, inventio in omni generatione et motu latentis pro- 
 
 manner. Natura Naturata is the actual condition of a given object or 
 quality, or of the aggregate of all objects and qualities, the Universe, 
 at any given time ; Natura Naturans is the immanent cause of this con- 
 dition, or aggregate of conditions, and is regarded as producing it by a 
 continuous process. Thus, when we say 'how wonderfully Nature works,' 
 we are speaking of ' Natura Naturans ; ' when we say ' how beautiful is 
 Nature,' we are speaking of Natura Naturata. Hence, Natura Naturans 
 is related to Natura Naturata as cause to effect. Or, again, we may say 
 that Natura Naturans is the active or dynamical, Natura Naturata the 
 passive or statical aspect of Nature. It will be easily understood from this 
 account how Natura Naturans, in some systems of philosophy, as, for 
 instance, in that of Spinoza, came to denote God as the immanent cause 
 of the Universe. 
 
 In employing 'natura naturans ' and 'fons emanationis ' as the equiva- 
 lents of ' form,' Bacon seems to be adopting a point of view slightly dif- 
 ferent from that which he takes, where he describes it as 'vera differentia.' 
 But, perhaps, we may exhibit the identity of these various expressions, by 
 saying that the ' data natura ' results from the ' form ' in the same way 
 that the secondary properties flow from the primary (' differentia vera '), 
 or the attributes from the substance, or effects in nature from the indwell- 
 ing cause. I am, however, inclined to think that in this passage the word 
 ' form ' is really employed, though, of course, unconsciously, with two dif- 
 ferent shades of meaning, namely, as the equivalent of ' essence ' (' dif- 
 ferentia vera') and of ' cause ' ('natura naturans, sive fons emanationis'). 
 For an explanation of these two meanings, and an attempt at reconciling 
 them, see Introduction, 8. 
 
 fl For the connexion between ' scientia et potentia humana,' cp. Bk. i. 
 Aph. 3. 
 
 6 The idea of the transmutation of one body into another, and specially 
 of metals, is of frequent occurrence in Bacon's works, and is specially in- 
 sisted on in Liebig's invective against the Baconian philosophy. 'The 
 possibility] says Mr. Ellis, 'of transmutation, long and strenuously denied, 
 though certainly on no sufficient grounds, is now generally admitted. 
 "There was a time when this fundamental doctrine of the alchemists was 
 opposed to known analogies. It is now no longer so opposed to them, 
 only some stages beyond their present development." Faraday, Lectures 
 on Non-Metallic Elements, p. 106.' 
 
 On Bacon's ideas as to the transmutability of the elements and of metals, 
 the student may refer to the Introduction, pp. 26-28.
 
 LIB. 1L 2. 345 
 
 cesstts" 1 , continuati ab efficierite manifesto et materia mani- 
 festa usque ad Formam inditam, et inventio similiter latentis 
 schematismi* corporum quiescentium et non in motu. 
 
 II. 
 
 Quam infeliciter se habeat scientia humana, quae in usu est, 
 etiam ex illis liquet quae vulgo asseruntur. Recte ponitur; 
 Vere scire, esse per causas scire 9 . Etiam non male constitu- 
 untur causae quatuor ; Materia, Forma, Efficiens, et Finis 10 . 
 At ex his causa finalis tantum abest ut prosit, ut etiam scien- 
 tias corrumpat, nisi in hominis actionibus n . Formae inventio 
 habetur pro desperata 12 . Efficiens vero, et materia (quales 
 quaeruntur et recipiuntur, remotae scilicet 13 , absque latenti 
 
 7 See Aph. 6 and i. 51. 
 
 8 See Aph. 7 and i. 51. 
 
 9 'ETTtcrracr&u ol6fj.(dci orav ri]v T alriav olcafifda yivaxrKfiv, Si' TJV TO Trpaypd 
 euTiv, OTI (Keivov atria COT/, KCU jj.fj ev8f^(cr6ai TOUT' nXXwy fX e< - v - Arist. An. 
 Post. i. 2 ad init. 
 
 Whatever may be our opinion as to the nature of Causation, or the 
 ultimate analysis of the idea of Cause, this maxim is undoubtedly true ; 
 \ve cannot truly know a thing, unless we know its antecedents and con- 
 ditions. 
 
 10 On the Four Causes of Aristotle, see Introduction, 8, n. 34. 
 
 11 In the actions of men, we must, of course, take account of Final 
 Causes. We know by experience that men always or generally act, con- 
 sciously or unconsciously, with some end in view. Hence, to understand 
 their acts, we must enquire into their aims. It is from supposing that 
 Nature always, in like manner, has some end in view, from an analogy, in 
 fact, between man and nature, that the theory of Final Causes has been 
 extended to Physics. 
 
 On the subject of Final Causes generally, and Bacon's criticism of the 
 doctrine, see Introduction, 10. 
 
 12 Cp. Bk. i. Aph. 75. 
 
 13 He is probably alluding here to the v\rj, or shapeless matter, potentially 
 all things and actually nothing, of the Aristotelians, and to the habit of 
 referring natural events and processes to God or Nature as the First 
 Cause, instead of seeking to ascertain the second and proximate Efficient 
 Causes. The proximate efficient cause with Bacon ^v^ujxI_be^the_latgns_ 
 processus^ and thej3K)xjma^e_mjitm^^ A 
 knowledge of such causes, he thought, would increase our power over 
 nature, whereas the various speculations about the more remote causes 
 appertained, he conceived, not to physics, but to theology and (so far 
 as he recognised any such science) metaphysics. 
 
 The causes which he condemns as ' remote' and ' superficial ' may, how-
 
 346 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 processu ad formam) res perfunctoriae sunt, et superficiales, 
 et nihili fere ad scientiam veram et activam. Neque tamen 
 obliti sumus nos superius notasse et correxisse errorem mentis 
 humanae, in deferendo formis primas essentiae 14 . Licet enim 
 in natura nihil vere existat praeter corpora individua 15 , edentia 
 actus puros individuos ex lege ; in doctrinis tamen, ilia ipsa 
 lex, ejusque inquisitio et inventio atque explicatio, pro funda- 
 mento est tarn ad sciendum, quam ad operandum. Earn autem 
 ej usque paragraphos, formarum nomine intelligimus ; 
 
 ever, simply be the material and efficient causes, as popularly assigned. 
 Thus, for instance, we might say that vegetable matter was the material 
 cause of coal, and continued pressure its efficient cause. But Bacon would 
 insist on knowing its inmost structure and the secret process by which it 
 had passed from its original condition into its present state. 
 
 14 Sc. primas partes. The passage to which he alludes is undoubtedly 
 Bk. i. Aph. 51, where the 'forms ' which he condemns are apparently the 
 tSeat of Plato (cp. Bk. i. Aph. 65), and where he insists on the investigation 
 of the matter rather than the form. ' Materia potius considerari debet, 
 et ejus schematismi, et meta-schematismi, atque actus purus, et lex actus 
 sive motus ; formae enim commenta animi humani sunt, nisi libeat leges 
 illas actus formas appellare.' Forms (in the sense of the Platonists and 
 some of the Schoolmen), as abstracted from matter, Bacon rejected 
 altogether ; instead of being the principal constituents of being (' primae 
 partes essentiae '), he denied that they had any existence at all. HjsjDwn 
 'forms,' whatever their precise character may have been, were^jto^jDe 
 arrived ^^j^Si^by^^^EY^stiS^op of matter, arid^had ^o^oujstenjcj^ajaajrt 
 from matter. Hence, the opposition between form and matter had no 
 place in his philosophy, and ' to assign to forms the principal share in 
 being ' became an unmeaning phrase. 
 
 15 He is here again combating the Platonic and Scholastic Realism. 
 Strictly speaking, there exist only individual bodies, with their individual 
 manifestations. We may translate the next clause, ' gjyingjOTthjn^ividual 
 manifestations (^ev^yeuu)_a.cc(yrdlngt.o law.' The laws according to which 
 individual bodies exhibit their various manifestations are the proper object 
 of knowledge, and such knowledge is the only guide to practice. 
 
 This sentence, combined with Bk. i. Aph. I, affords, perhaps, one of the 
 best statements we have of the Nominalist, as opposed to the Realist, 
 theory of the nature and objects of knowledge. 
 
 10 ' Clauses ' or ' sections.' I think that Mr. Ellis (see General Preface, 
 p. 31) interprets this term rightly, in referring it to the 'simple natures' 
 into which Bacon (see Bk. ii. Aph. 17) regarded the forms of substances as 
 admitting of resolution. A 'forma copulata' (as of lion, gold, &c.) is a 
 ' conjugium naturarum simplicium,' and hence the ' simple natures ' may be 
 regarded as ' clauses ' of the forma copulata. 
 
 There would, however, be no difficulty in interpreting ' paragraphos '
 
 LIB. II. 3. 347 
 
 praesertim cum hoc vocabulum invaluerit, et familiariter 
 occurrat. 
 
 III. 
 
 Qui causam alicujus naturae (veluti albedinis aut caloris) in 
 certis 17 tantum subjectis novit ; ejus scientia imperfecta est : 
 et qui effectum super certas tantum materias (inter eas, quae 
 sunt susceptibiles) inducere potest ; ejus potentia pariter im- 
 perfecta est. At qui efficientem et materialem causam 18 tan- 
 tummodo novit (quae causae fluxae sunt, et nihil aliud quam 
 vehicula et causae formam deferentes in aliquibus 1!) ), is ad 
 nova inventa, in materia aliquatenus simili et praeparata, per- 
 venire potest ; sed rerum terminos altius fixes non movet. 
 At qui formas novit, is naturae unitatem in materiis dissi- 
 millimis complectitur 20 ; itaque quae adhuc facta non sunt, 
 
 with reference to the ' forms ' of the ' simple natures ' themselves. The 
 allusion would then be to the several differentiae which constitute, or 
 the several conditions out of which is produced, the given nature, such, 
 for instance, as those enumerated in Aph. 20. 
 
 It will be noticed that Bacon here employs the word ' Form ' in a 
 different sense (namely, the signification appropriated to it by himself) 
 from that in which he employed it in the last sentence but one, where he 
 condemned the position assigned to Forms. 
 
 17 ' Certain ' in the sense of ' particular.' 
 
 8 The Efficient and Material Causes seem here to be spoken of only; 
 in reference to concrete substances, while the Forms which Bacon has) 
 in view in this Aphorism are those of 'simple natures,' such as heat or! 
 whiteness. Now he who knows the material and efficient causes of any 
 given substance may be able to produce or modify other substances of 
 a similar character, but his power will extend no further. But he, on the 
 other hand, who is acquainted with the form, law, or cause of a ' simple y ' 
 nature,' such as heat or whiteness, will be able to produce it in substances 
 of the most dissimilar kind. 
 
 9 In particular substances only. The meaning is that the Efficient and 
 Material Causes vary as we pass from one substance to another (fluxae 
 sunt), and convey or embody the form in certain cases only. In other 
 cases, a different efficient cause might be necessary to convey, or a dif- 
 ferent material cause to embody, the same form. For the sense in which 
 the word ' fluxae' is used, cp. Bk. i. Aphs. 16, 51, and note on Bk. i. 
 Aph. ii. 
 
 20 Thus, if we knew the Law of the development of Heat, we should be 
 able to produce heat in any substance whatever. This scientific know- 
 ledge of law is here contrasted with the merely empirical knowledge of 
 the artisan, who, being acquainted with certain substances only, can pro-
 
 348 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 qualia nee naturae vicissitudines, neque experimentales indus- 
 triae, neque casus ipse, in actum unquam perduxissent, neque 
 cogitationem humanam subitura fuissent, detegere et produ- 
 cere potest. Quare ex formarum inventione sequitur contem- 
 platio vera, et operatic libera 21 . 
 
 IV. 
 
 Licet viae ad potentiam atque ad scientiam humanam con- 
 junctissimae sint et fere eaedem, tamen propter pernieiosam 
 et inveteratam consuetudinem versandi in abstractis, tutius 
 omnino est ordiri et excitare scientias ab iis fundamentis quae 
 in ordine sunt ad partem activam, atque ut ilia ipsa partem 
 contemplativam signet et determinet. Videndum itaque est, 
 ad aliquam naturam super corpus datum generandam et super- 
 inducendam, quale quis praeceptum aut qualem quis direc- 
 tionem aut deductionem maxime optaret ; idque sermone 
 simplici et minime abstruso. 
 
 Exempli gratia ; si quis argento cupiat superinducere flavum 
 colorem auri aut augmentum ponderis (servatis legibus rnate- 
 riae 22 ), aut lapidi alicui non diaphano diaphaneitatem, aut 
 vitro tenacitatem, aut corpori alicui non vegetabili vegetatio- 
 nem ; videndum (inquam) est, quale quis praeceptum aut 
 deductionem potissimum sibi dari exoptet. Atque primo, 
 cxoptabit aliquis proculdubio sibi monstrari aliquid hujusmodi, 
 quod opere non frustret neque cxperimento fallat. Secundo, 
 exoptabit quis aliquid sibi praescribi, quod ipsum non astringat 
 ct coerceat ad media quaedam et modos quosdam operandi 
 particulares. Fortasse enim destituetur, nee habebit faculta- 
 tcm et commoditatem talia media comparandi et procurandi. 
 Quod si sint et alia media ct alii modi (praeter illud praecep- 
 tum) progignendae talis naturae, ea fortasse ex iis erunt quae 
 sunt in opcrantis potestate ; a quibus nihilominus per angus- 
 
 cluce changes in them, or like substances, but who, not being acquainted 
 with the Laws of Nature, cannot extend his operations beyond the range 
 of his experience. 
 
 1 That is, unrestricted to this or that object-matter. Cp. again Bk. i. 
 Aph. 3- 
 
 '-"* Are not these words inserted in order to intimate that the process 
 must be regarded as purely physical, and to exclude Superstitious Magic? 
 Mr. Ellis explains : ' That is, with a corresponding decrease of volume.'
 
 LIB. II. 4. 349 
 
 tias praecepti excludetur, nee fructum capiet. Tertio, optabit 
 aliquid sibi monstrari, quod non sit aeque difficile ac ilia ipsa 
 operatic de qua inquiritur, sed propius accedat ad praxin. 
 
 Itaque de praecepto vero et perfecto operandi, pronuntiatum 
 erit tale ; ut sit cerium, liberum, et disponens 23 sive in or dine 
 ad actionem. Atque hoc ipsum idem est cum inventione 
 formae verae. Etenim forma naturae alicujus talis est ut, 
 ea posita, natura data infallibiliter 24 sequatur. Itaque adest 
 perpetuo,,quando natura ilia adest 25 , atque earn universa- 
 liter affirmat, atque inest omni. Eadem forma tali's est ut, 
 ea amota, natura data infallibiliter fugiat 2G . Itaque abest 
 perpetuo, quando natura ilia abest, eamque perpetuo abne- 
 gat, atque inest soli 27 . Postremo 2S , forma vera talis est, ut 
 
 23 'Auxiliary.' 
 
 24 So far as ' Forma ' here = cause, ' infallibiliter ' must be taken with 
 the qualification, ' unless there are counteracting circumstances.' 
 
 25 So far as ' Forma ' = cause, and ' natura ilia ' = effect, Bacon is open 
 to the charge, made against him by Mill, of having neglected to take into 
 consideration the fact of plurality of causes. The same cause (unless 
 there are counteracting circumstances) always produces the same effect, 
 but the same effect may be due to different causes, as, for instance, death 
 to disease, poison, or a shot-wound. See Mill's Logic, bk. iii. ch. 10 ; bk. 
 v. ch. 3. 7. See also my Inductive Logic, 4th ed., pp. 6, 125-131, where 
 I have attempted to restate this doctrine with greater precision. 
 
 26 See last note. The effect, in any particular instance, might be due 
 to a different cause, and would, therefore, not disappear. 
 
 27 ' Therefore, the form is always absent, when the given nature is 
 absent ' (this statement is true), ' and its absence always involves the 
 absence of the given nature (this is inaccurate; see above), 'and it is to 
 be found in the given nature only ' (this is true). My criticism, contained 
 in the above parentheses, applies, of course, only to the case in which 
 Form = cause. 
 
 2$ Here ' form ' seems to be taken in the sense of ' vera differentia ' (see 
 Aph. i). The ' fons essentiae' spoken of below is regarded as the genus, 
 and the ' natura data ' as the species or tota essentia. The last is sup- 
 posed to be deduced from the fons essentiae by means of (or by the 
 addition of) the form. 
 
 This passage is interesting, because it illustrates both the ambiguity of 
 the word ' Form,' and the close approximation or even ultimate identity 
 of its two meanings, as noticed in the Introduction, 8. The ' Fons 
 Essentiae ' may be regarded as the original substance capable of differen- 
 tiation, the ' natura data ' as the new substance produced from it, and 
 the ' form ' either as the law governing the development of the one from 
 the other or as the sum of the attributes which, added to the original
 
 350 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 naturam datam ex fonte aliquo essentiae deducat quae inest 
 pluribus, et notior est naturae 29 (ut loquuntur) quam ipsa 
 forma. Itaque de axiomate vero et perfecto sciendi pronun- 
 tiatum et praeceptum tale est ; ut inveniatur natura alia, quae 
 sit cum natura data convertibilis 30 , et tamen sit limitatio na- 
 turae notioris, instar generis -veri^. Ista autem duo pronun- 
 tiata, activum et contemplativum, res eadem sunt ; et quod 
 in operando utilissimum, id in sciendo verissimum 32 . 
 
 V. 
 
 At praeceptum sive axioma de transformatione corporum 
 duplicis est generis 33 . Primum intuetur corpus, ut turmam 
 
 ' essentia,' constitute the ' natura data.' Thus, let us suppose, for the sake 
 of example, that it would be possible to find a menstruum, or common 
 substance, capable, by the addition of various differentiae, of becoming 
 gold, silver, copper, &c. The menstruum or common substance would 
 represent the fons essentiae, and gold, silver, &c. the naturae datae. 
 Then, we might describe the ' form ' either as the attributes which, added 
 to the menstruum, constitute the natura data, or as the conditions under 
 which the natura data is developed from the menstruum, or, which is only 
 another way of speaking, as the law of the process by which the men- 
 struum is converted into the natura data. 
 
 29 That is, more general. See note 27 on Bk. i. Aph. 22. The proper 
 expression is natura notior. 
 
 30 This expression requires qualification. See notes 25, 26 above. 
 
 31 ' As of a true genus.' The ' genus verum ' is the same as the ' natura 
 notius ' or ' fons essentiae.' 
 
 32 See Bk. i. Aphs. 81, 129, with the notes. 
 
 33 One of these modes of transformation proceeds by discovering the 
 various simple natures or qualities which determine the character of the 
 body, and then superinducing them one by one, till the body is constituted 
 (cp. Sylva Sylvarum, Exp. 328); the other watches the latent process by 
 which the body is produced according to the ordinary way of nature, and 
 then attempts to repeat it artificially. The artificial production of marble 
 by fusion under pressure would be a good instance of the latter mode 
 of transformation, as well as the various attempts, more or less successful, 
 to produce artificial diamonds. For Bacon's sanguine expectations as 
 to the former mode, I cannot offer a better apology than that suggested 
 by Mr. Mill (Logic, bk. v. ch. 3. 7) : ' Why should it not be possible 
 to make gold ? Each of the characteristic properties of gold has its forma, 
 its essence, its set of conditions, which if we could discover, and learn how 
 to realise, we could superinduce that particular property upon any other 
 substance, upon wood, or iron, or lime, or clay. If, then, we could effect 
 this with respect to every one of the essential properties of the precious 
 metal, we should have converted the other substance into gold. Nor did
 
 LIB. 77. 5 . 351 
 
 sive conjugationem naturarum simplicium : ut in auro haec 
 conveniunt; quod sit flavum; quod sit ponderosum, ad pondus 
 tale ; quod sit malleabile aut ductile, ad extensionem talem ; 
 quod non fiat volatile, nee deperdat de quanto suo per ignem ; 
 quod fluat fluore tali; quod separetur et solvatur modis tali- 
 bus ; et similiter de caeteris naturis, quae in auro concurrunt. 
 Itaque hujusmodi axioma rem deducit ex formis naturarum 
 simplicium. Nam qui formas et modos novit superinducendi 
 flavi, ponderis, ductilis, fixi, fluoris, solutionum, et sic de reli- 
 quis, et eorum graduationes et modos, videbit et curabit ut 
 ista conjungi possint in aliquo corpore, unde sequatur trans- 
 formatio in aurum. Atque hoc genus operandi pertinet ad 
 actionem primariam. Eadem enim est ratio generandi na- 
 turam unam aliquam simplicem, et plures ; nisi quod arctetur 
 magis et restringatur homo in operando, si plures requirantur, 
 propter difficultatem tot naturas coadunandi ; quae non facile 
 conveniunt, nisi per vias naturae tritas et ordinarias. Utcun- 
 que tamen dicendum est, quod iste modus operandi (qui 
 naturas intuetur simplices, licet in corpore concreto) procedat 
 ex iis 34 , quae in natura sunt constantia et aeterna et catholica, 
 et latas praebeat potentiae humanae vias, quales (ut nunc sunt 
 res) cogitatio humana vix capere aut repraesentare possit. 
 
 At secundum genus axiomatis (quod a latentis processiis 
 inventione pendet) non per naturas simplices procedit, sed per 
 concreta corpora, quemadmodum in natura inveniuntur, cursu 
 ordinario. Exempli gratia ; in casu ubi fit inquisitio, ex qui- 
 bus initiis, et quo modo, et quo processu, aurum aut aliud 
 quodvis metallum aut lapis generetur, a primis menstruis aut 
 rudimentis suis usque ad mineram perfectam ; aut similiter, 
 quo processu herbae generentur, a primis concretionibus suc- 
 
 this, if once the premises were granted, appear to transcend the real 
 powers of mankind. For daily experience showed that almost every one 
 of the distinctive sensible properties of any object, its consistence, its 
 colour, its taste, its smell, its shape, admitted of being totally changed 
 by fire, or water, or some other chemical agent. Theforwae of all those 
 qualities seeming, therefore, to be within human power either to produce 
 or to annihilate, not only did the transmutation of substances appear 
 abstractedly possible, but the employment of the power, at our choice, for 
 practical ends, seemed by no means hopeless.' 
 34 Sc. naturae simplices.
 
 352 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 corum in terra, aut a seminibus, usque ad plantam formatam, 
 cum universa ilia successione motus, et diversis et continuatis 
 naturae nixibus ; similiter, de generatione ordinatim explicata 
 animalium, ab initu ad partum ; et similiter de corporibus aliis. 
 
 Enimvero neque ad generationes corporum tantum spectat 
 haec inquisitio, sed etiam ad alios motus et opificia naturae. 
 Exempli gratia ; in casu ubi fit inquisitio de universa serie et 
 continuatis actionibus alimentandi, a prima receptione alimenti 
 ad assimilationem perfectam ; aut similiter de motu voluntario 
 in animalibus, a prima impressione imaginationis et continu- 
 atis nixiDUs spiritus usque ad flexiones et motus artuum ; 
 aut de explicato motu linguae et labiorum et instrumentorum 
 reliquorum usque ad editionem vocum articulatarum. Nam 
 haec quoque spectant ad naturas concretas, sive collegiatas et 
 in fabrica ; et intuentur veluti consuetudines naturae particu- 
 lares et speciales, non leges fundamentales et communes, quae 
 constituunt formas 35 . Veruntamen omnino fatendum est, rati- 
 onem istam videri expeditiorem et magis sitam in propinquo, 
 et spem injicere magis, quam illam primariam. 
 
 At pars Operativa similiter, quae huic parti Contempla- 
 tivae respondet, operationem extendit et promovet ab iis quae 
 ordinario in natura inveniuntur ad quaedam proxima, aut a 
 proximis non admodum remota. Sed altiores et radicales ope- 
 rationes super naturam pendent utique ab axiomatibus pri- 
 mariis. Quinetiam ubi non datur homini facultas operandi, 
 sed tantum sciendi, ut in coelestibus (neque enim conceditur 
 homini operari in coelestia, aut ea immutare aut transformare), 
 tamen inquisitio facti ipsius sive veritatis rei, non minus quam 
 cognitio causarum et consensuum, ad primaria ilia et catho- 
 lica axiomata de naturis simplicibus (veluti de natura rota- 
 tionis spontaneae 3G , attractionis sive virtutis magneticae, et 
 aliorum complurium quae magis communia sunt quam ipsa 
 coelestia) refertur. Neque enim speret aliquis terminare quae- 
 
 35 In attempting to determine the meaning which Bacon attached to 
 the word Form, this language is of some importance. The ' fundamental 
 and common laws' seem to be distinguished from the 'forms 'which 
 they ' constitute,' and thus one ' law ' or ' form ' to be regarded as more 
 generic than another. See Introduction, pp. 61, 62. 
 
 36 See ii. 36 (2) and 48 (17), with notes.
 
 LIB. II. 6. 353 
 
 stionem, utrum in motu diurno revera terra aut coclum rotet, 
 nisi naturam rotationis spontancae prius comprehenderit. 
 
 VI. 
 
 Latcns autcm Processus^ 1 , de quo loquimur, longe alia res 
 est quam animis hominum (qualiter nunc obsidcntur) facile 
 possit occurrere. Neque enim intelligimus mensuras quasdam, 
 aut signa, aut scalas processus in corporibus spectabiles ; scd 
 plane processum continuatum, qui maxima ex parte scnsum 
 fugit. 
 
 Exempli gratia ; in omni generatione et transformatione 
 corporum, inquirendum quid deperdatur et evolet, quid maneat, 
 quid accedat ; quid dilatetur, quid contrahatur ; quid uniatur, 
 quid separetur ; quid continuetur, quid abscindatur ; quid im- 
 pellat, quid impediat ; quid dominetur, quid succumbat ; et 
 alia complura. 
 
 Neque hie rursus, haec tantum in generatione aut transfor- 
 matione corporum quaerenda sunt ; sed et in omnibus aliis 
 alterationibus et motibus similiter inquirendum quid antece- 
 dat, quid succedat ; quid sit incitatius, quid remissius ; quid 
 motum praebeat, quid regat ; ct hujusmodi. Ista vero omnia 
 scientiis (quae nunc pinguissima Minerva et prorsus inhabili 
 
 37 See Playfair's Preliminary Dissertation to the Encyclopaedia Bri- 
 tannica, Remarks on the Novum Organum: 'Latent Process is the secret 
 and invisible progress by which sensible changes are brought about, and 
 seems, in Bacon's acceptation, to involve the principle, since called the 
 law of continuity, according to which, no change, however small, can be 
 effected but in time. Tqjcnpw thejrekition between the time and the 
 chjmgejeffected Uijt, would be to have a perfect knowledge of the latent 
 process. In the firing of a cannon, for example, the succession of events 
 during the short interval between the application of the match and the 
 expulsion of the ball constitutes a latent process of a very remarkable 
 and complicated nature, which, however, we can now trace with some 
 degree of accuracy. In mechanical operations, we can often follow this 
 process still more completely. When motion is communicated from any 
 body to another, it is distributed through all the parts of that other, 
 by a law quite beyond the reach of sense to perceive directly, but yet 
 subject to investigation, and determined by a principle which, though 
 late in being discovered, is now generally recognised. The applications 
 of this mechanical principle are perhaps the instances in which a 
 latent, and, indeed, a very recondite process has been most completely 
 analysed.' 
 
 A a
 
 354 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 contexuntur) incognita sunt et Intacta. Cum enim omnis actio 
 naturalis per minima 3S transigatur, aut saltern per ilia quae 
 sunt minora quam ut sensum feriant, nemo se naturam regere 
 aut vertere posse speret, nisi ilia debito modo comprehenderit 
 et notaverit. 
 
 VII. 
 
 Similiter, inquisitio et inventio latentis schematismi** in cor- 
 poribus res nova est, non minus quam inventio latentis pro- 
 cessus et formae 40 . Versamur enim plane adhuc in atriis 
 naturae, neque ad interiora paramus aditum. At nemo corpus 
 datum nova natura dotare vel in novum corpus foeliciter et 
 apposite transmutare potest, nisi corporis alterandi aut trans- 
 formandi bonam habuerit notitiam. In modos enim vanos 
 incurret. aut saltern difficiles et perversos, nee pro corporis 
 natura in quod operatur. Itaque ad hoc etiam via plane est 
 aperienda et munienda. 
 
 Atque in anatomia corporum organicorum (qualia sunt 
 hominis et animalium) opera sane recte et utiliter insumitur, 
 et videtur res subtilis et scrutinium naturae bonum. At hoc 
 genus anatomiae spectabile est, et sensui subjectum, et in cor- 
 por bus tantum organicis locum habet. Verum hoc ipsum 
 
 3 " Sc. the ultimate particles of bodies. 
 
 39 By the ' latent schematisrn ' Bacon seems to mean the _confi gyration 
 and relative position of the, yjtimate p_articlgs of Jjodies. As Professor 
 Playfair says, ' When we enquire into the constitution of crystals, or into 
 the internal structure of plants, &c., we are examining into the latent 
 schematism.' 
 
 4 " Notice that J^form_^ i_s here .coupled with latent jyrpcgss^and distin- 
 guished_jfrpm latent schemism. It must 
 
 __ 
 
 'The distinction between the Latent Process and Latent Schematism 
 in the absolute way in which it is here stated, involves an assumption 
 which the progress of science will probably show to be unfounded ; 
 namely, that bodies apparently at rest are so molecularly ....... The 
 
 introduction of the idea of unstable equilibrium, in connexion with 
 organic chemistry, was a step in the direction which molecular Physics 
 will probably soon take.' 
 
 The view propounded in the above note by Mr. Ellis as to the ultimate 
 constitution of bodies is that which is now generally adopted. Bacon 
 himself, however, says distinctly (Aph. 48, ad fin.) : ' In corporibus hie 
 apud nos nuila vera est quies, nee in integris, nee in partibus ; sed tantum 
 secundum apparentiam.'
 
 LIB. II. 7. 355 
 
 obvium quiddam cst, et in promptu situm, prae anatomia vcra 
 schematisms latentis in corporibus quae habcntur pro similari- 
 bus 41 : praesertim in rebus specificatis 42 et earum partibus, ut 
 ferri, lapidis ; et partibus similaribus plantae, animalis, vcluti 
 radicis, folii, floris, carnis, sanguinis, ossis, etc. At ctiam in 
 hoc genere non prorsus cessavit industria humana ; hoc ipsum 
 enim innuit separatio corporum similarium per distillationes 
 et alios solutionum modos, ut dissimilaritas compositi per con- 
 gregationem partium homogenearum apparcat. Quod etiam 
 ex usu est, et facit ad id quod quaerimus ; licet saepius res 
 fallax sit ; quia complures naturae separationi imputantur ct 
 attribuuntur, ac si prius substitissent in composite, quas revera 
 ignis et calor et alii modi apertionum de novo indunt et super- 
 inducunt. Sed et haec quoque parva pars est opens ad inve- 
 niendum schematismum verum in composito ; qui schematismus 
 res est longe subtilior et accuratior, ct ab operibus ignis potius 
 confunditur quam eruitur et elucescit. 
 
 Itaque facienda est corporum separatio et solutio : non per 
 ignem certe, sed per rationem et inductioncm veram, cum 
 experimentis auxiliaribus ; et per comparationem ad alia cor- 
 pora, et reductionem ad naturas simplices et earum formas 4;i , 
 
 41 That is, which are homogeneous. It is comparatively easy to dis- 
 tinguish heterogeneous parts ; but the anatomy which attempts to pene- 
 trate to the ultimate structure of homogeneous matter proposes to itself 
 a task of incomparably greater difficulty. 
 
 42 By 'res specificatae ' was meant things falling under a definite 
 species, as opposed to mere aggregates or combinations of elementary 
 matter uninformed by the specific quality which constitutes things into 
 a distinct class. The former division of things appears to have been 
 regarded by Bacon as characterised by a more uniform (homogeneous) 
 structure than the latter. The examples also shew that Bacon draws a 
 distinction between res specificatae and corpora organica (entire plants 
 and animals). 
 
 The student may find it worth while to compare Mr. Ellis' note on 
 De Augmentis, lib. ii. cap. 3. 
 
 The word 'stone' is, of course, used here in the most unscientific way. 
 The same may be said of ' root,' ' leaf,' c., below. 
 
 43 Here 'forms' are spoken of in connexion with 'latent schematisms,' 
 though, at the beginning of the Aphorism, form was distinguished from 
 latent schematism and coupled with latent process. This circumstance 
 affords a good illustration of the vagueness and ambiguity of the term. 
 
 A a 2
 
 356 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 quae in composito conveniunt et complicantur ; et transeun- 
 dum plane a Vulcano ad Mincrvam, si in animo sit veras cor- 
 porum texturas et schematismos (unde omnis occulta atque. ut 
 vocant, specifica proprietas et virtus in rebus pendet ; unde 
 etiam omnis potentis alterationis et transformationis norma 
 educitur) in lucem protrahcre. 
 
 Exempli gratia ; inquirendum, quid sit in omni corpore 
 spiritus, quid essentiae tangibilis ; atque ille ipse spiritus 44 , 
 utrum sit copiosus ct turgeat, an jejunus et paucus ; tenuis, 
 aut crassior ; magis aereus, aut igneus ; acris, aut deses ; 
 exilis, aut robustus ; in progressu, aut in regressu ; abscissus, 
 aut continuatus ; consentiens cum externis et ambientibus, aut 
 dissentiens ; etc. Et similiter, essentia tangibilis (quae non 
 pauciores recipit difFerentias, quam spiritus) atque ejus villi, ct 
 fibrae, et omnimoda textura ; rursus autem collocatio spiritus 
 per corpoream molem, ejusque pori, meatus, venae, et cellulae, 
 et rudimenta, sive tentamenta corporis organici, sub eandem 
 inquisitionem cadunt. Sed et in his quoque, atque adeo in 
 omni latentis schematismi inventione, lux vera et clara ab 
 axiomatibus primariis 4;3 immittitur, quae certe caliginem 
 omnem et subtilitatem discutit. 
 
 and of the mode in which Bacon seems to oscillate between its two 
 meanings. 
 
 The various ' Schematism! Matcriae' are enumerated in the De Aug- 
 mentis, lib. iii. cap. 4 (E. and S., vol. i. p. 560). In the passage in the 
 text, Bacon seems to think that, in order to determine the latent schema- 
 tism or ultimate constitution of any body, we must specify its qualities, 
 dense, heavy, hot, &c., and then proceed to ascertain the ' forms ' of 
 these qualities. The knowledge of the ' forms ' of these ' simple natures ' 
 will give all the information which we require. It is needless to point 
 out how vague, undetermined, and purely relative are most of the terms 
 which he employs to designate the simple natures, or how different is the 
 roundabout process which he here contemplates from that which recent 
 investigators into the ultimate constitution of bodies have, with the help 
 of the microscope, actually pursued. 
 
 44 For Bacon's curious speculations on ' Spirit,' sec Aph. 40, with notes, 
 and also i. 50, with note 82. The ' spiritus ' is distinguished from the 
 'essentia tangibilis' as being intangible and invisible. In Aph. 40, it is 
 described as being included in all tangible bodies. ' Omne enim tangi- 
 bilc apud nos continet spiritum invisibilem et intactilem, eique obducitur, 
 atque eum quasi vestit.' 
 
 * ;> That is, the axioms which convey a knowledgeof_the_^ forms^jjf
 
 LIB. II. 8. 357 
 
 VIII. 
 
 Neque propterea res deducetur ad atomum, quae praesup- 
 ponit vacuum 4G et matcriam non fluxam 47 (quorum utrumque 
 falsum est), sed ad particulas veras, quales inveniuntur. Neque 
 rursus est, quod exhorreat quispiam istam subtilitatem, ut 
 inexplicabilem : sed contra, quo magis vergit inquisitio ad 
 naturas simplices, eo magis omnia erunt sita in piano et per- 
 spicuo ; translate negotio a multiplici in simplex, et ab incom- 
 mensurabili ad commensurabile, et a surdo ad computabile, et 
 ab infinite et vago ad definitum et certum ; ut fit in elementis 
 literarum, et tonis conccntuum 48 . Optime autem cedit inqui- 
 
 ' simple natures.' Cp. Aph. 5 : ' Primaria ilia et catholica axiomata de 
 naturis simplicibus ;' ' Sed altiores et radicales operationes super naturam 
 pendent utique ab-axiomatibus primariis.' 
 
 40 In Aph. 48 (conclusion), he speaks more doubtfully : ' Neque enim 
 pro certo affirmaverimus, utrum detur vacuum, sive coacervatum, sive 
 permistum.' 
 
 The Atomic theory of Democritus postulated a vacuum between the 
 various atoms of which matter was regarded as composed. h.tvK.nnros de 
 KOI 6 eralpos avrov ^Tj/jLOKpiTOS OTOi^eta fJLfp TO rr\fjpfs Kal TO Kevov flvn'i (pacrt. 
 Arist. Metaph. i. 4 (985 b). Bacon, at least in this passage, while 
 adopting the opinion that matter, in its ultimate analysis, is an aggregate 
 of minute particles, repudiates the assumption that these particles are 
 separated by a vacuum. His own view appears to have been that, if we 
 could discover the inmost constitution of things, we should find the ulti- 
 mate particles, not separated by a vacuum, but so nicely adjusted, or 
 rather so nicely adjusting themselves, as to leave no breach of continuity 
 in passing from one to another. 
 
 M. Bouillet gives an appropriate reference to the beginning of the 
 treatise ' Cogitationes de Natura Rerum' (E. and S., vol. iii. pp. 15, &c.). 
 Cp. also Nov. Org. i. 66, ad fin. 
 
 On the question whether Bacon did or did not reject the doctrine of 
 a vacuum, see my notes on ii. 48 (2) and on the conclusion of the same 
 Aphorism. 
 
 On the conception of ultimate particles of matter, cp. a very interesting 
 passage in Newton's Optics, bk. iii.qu. 31 (Horsley's Ed., vol. iv. pp. 260-1). 
 
 47 That is, matter consisting of rigid, unchangeable, and eternal 
 atoms, as they were conceived of by Democritus. See note _t;o,.pn_Bk.j. 
 Agh.66. Bacon, on the other hand, maintained the theory of a ' plica 
 materiae,' or a power in the atoms themselves of expanding or con- 
 tracting themselves within certain limits. See conclusion of ii. 48. This 
 theory enabled him to dispense with the assumption of a vacuum. 
 
 4? ' Tones ' are, as it were, the alphabet of Music. The above passage 
 is important as throwing light on Bacon's doctrine of forms and simple
 
 358 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 sitio naturalis, quando physicum terminatur in mathematico 40 . 
 At rursus multitudinem aut fractiones nemo reformidet 50 . In 
 rebus enim, quae per numeros transiguntur, tarn facile quis 
 posuerit aut cogitaverit millenarium, quam unum ; aut mille- 
 simam partem unius, quam unum integrum. 
 
 IX. 
 
 Ex duobus generibus axiomatum, quae superius posita 
 sunt 51 , oritur vera divisio philosophiae et scientiarum ; trans- 
 latis vocabulis receptis (quae ad indicationem rei proxime 
 accedunt) ad sensum nostrum. Videlicet, ut inquisitio for- 
 marnin, quae sunt (ratione certe, et sua lege 52 ) aeternae et 
 imrnobiles, constituat me tap hy sic am G3 / inquisitio vero effici- 
 
 natures. It shews, as I have pointed out elsewhere, that he regarded the 
 ' sjmrjlenajtirres_^ and that he supposed 
 
 that, if we only possessed a complete knowledge of this alphabet, we 
 should be able to explain and reproduce nature in all her complexity. 
 
 49 Cp. i. 96 and note 75 on that Aphorism. The meaning of the pas- 
 sage in the text, when taken in connexion with the context, is somewhat 
 doubtful. It may refer generally to the deductive branches of natural 
 philosophy, stated and worked out mathematically (as I believe is the 
 case with the passage in i. 96), or (as the context would rather lead us to 
 suppose) it may have a more special reference. In the latter case, it 
 probably contemplates the application of mathematics to the enumeration, 
 mensuration, and determination of the form of the ultimate particles of 
 matter ; or possibly it may have reference to the combination of ' simple 
 natures ' in concrete substances, mathematics being applied to determine 
 the number of such ' simple natures ' which are to be found in any given 
 substance, or are requisite to its production, and, perhaps, also the several 
 proportions in which they are combined. 
 
 iu This sentence does not appear to mean more than that in Mathema- 
 tics we may have to deal with very large or very small quantities. There 
 may possibly be an allusion to a curious passage in the Republic of Plato 
 (bk. vii. p. 525 E), where Socrates says that the arithmetician will not 
 tolerate fractions, but insists on multiplying them back again into in- 
 tegers. 
 
 51 See Aph. 5. 
 
 52 ' Meaning,' says Mr. Ellis, ' that God could change them, but that 
 this change would be above reason and a change of the law of the form, 
 otherwise unchangeable.' 
 
 f ' 3 Cp. De Augmentis, iii. 4. There he includes the investigation of 
 Final Causes under Metaphysic. Here, as they stand in no relation to 
 the present discussion, he omits all mention of them. 
 
 It is, perhaps, needless to observe that this is a special and arbitrary
 
 LID. II. 9-10. 359 
 
 entis, et materiae, et latentis processus, et latcntis schema- 
 tismi (quae omnia cursum naturae communcm et ordinarium, 
 non leges fundamentales et aeternas respiciunt 54 ) consti- 
 tuat pJiysicam: atque his subordinentur similiter practicae 
 duae ; physicae mechanica ; metaphysicac (perpurgato nomine) 
 ma^ta 55 , propter latas ejus vias et majus imperium in na- 
 turam. 
 
 X. 
 
 Posito itaque doctrinae scope, pergendum ad praecepta ; 
 idque ordine minime perverse aut perturbato. Atque indicia 
 de interpretations naturae complectuntur partes in genere 
 duas 56 : primam, de educendis aut excitandis axiomatibus ab 
 experientia ; secundam, de deducendis aut derivandis experi- 
 mentis novis ab axiomatibus. Prior autem trifariam dividi- 
 tur : in tres nempe ministrationes ; ministrationem ad sensum, 
 
 use of the word ' Metaphysic.' The word, as I have already pointed 
 out (Bk. i. Aph. 63. n. 31), originated as a designation of a certain 
 collection of Aristotelian treatises (TU /nera TO. 0u<nKu), which was 
 regarded by those who arranged Aristotle's works as a sort of appendix 
 to the Physics. On the various and often contradictory meanings which 
 it has subsequently borne, it would be beside my purpose to speak. In 
 the ordinary sense of the term, Bacon did not recognise Metaphysics as 
 a science distinct from Physics, on the one side, and Natural Theology, 
 on the other. See Introduction, p. 67, and cp. pp. 15, 16. 
 
 54 In this Aphorism, it would be difficult to say whether 'forms' are 
 used in the sense of ' laws ' or ' essences.' Bacon probably had no clear 
 perception of the distinction between the two ideas. 
 
 G5 Cp. De Augmentis, iii. 5, which will furnish a full explanation of this 
 passage. 
 
 56 Namely, Induction and Deduction. On the latter method, the 
 Novum Organum, in its fragmentary state, contains nothing (unless we 
 except the Instances mentioned in ii. 52, as conducing 'ad operativam '), 
 though the seventh, ninth, and possibly fourth parts (see Aph. 21) were 
 to deal with this subject. 
 
 M. Bouil'et remarks that, in the Partis Secundae Delineatio, the Pars 
 Activa is distinguished from the Deductive branch of the Pars Contem- 
 plativa, whereas here the two are spoken of as one. See E. and S., vol. iii. 
 pp. 556-7. M. Bouillet also remarks that it is doubtful whether Bacon 
 would have found in the practical or operative part sufficient matter for 
 a special treatise, bearing in mind what he himself says : ' inter contem- 
 plativam partem activam perpetuo intercurrere ' (Partis Secundae Deli- 
 neatio, E. and S., vol. iii. p. 556). *,
 
 360 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 ministrationem ad memoriam, et ministrationem ad mentem 
 sive rationem 57 . 
 
 Primo enim paranda est Jiistoria naturalis et experimentalise 
 sufficiens et bona ; quod fundamentum rei est : neq'ue enim 
 fingendum, aut excogitandum, sed inveniendum, quid natura 
 faciat aut ferat. 
 
 Historia vero naturalis et expcrimentalis tarn varia est et 
 sparsa, ut intellectum confundat et disgreget, nisi sistatur et 
 compareat ordine idoneo. Itaque formandae sunt tabulae et co- 
 ordinationes instantiarum, tali modo et instructione ut in eas 
 agere possit intellectus. 
 
 Id quoque licet fiat, tamen intellectus sibi permissus, et 
 sponte movens, incompetens est et inhabilis ad opificium 
 axiomatum, nisi regatur et muniatur. Itaque tertio, adhi- 
 benda est indue tio legitima et vera, quae ipsa clavis est inter- 
 pretationis. Incipicndum autem est a fine, et retro pergendum 
 ad reliqua 58 . 
 
 XL 
 
 Inquisitio formarum sic procedit ; super naturam datam 
 primo facienda est comparentia 9 ad intellectum omnium in- 
 
 57 This division, as given in the present passage, is easily explicable. 
 The ' ministratio ad sensum ' supplies a collection of observations and 
 experiments, ' Historia Naturalis et Experimentalist The ' ministratio 
 ad memoriam ' arranges these in Tables, in a form adapted for use. The 
 'ministratio ad mentem sive rationem' is the process of Induction itself, 
 drawing from the tables the inferences to which they legitimately lead. 
 M. Bouillet has a long note on the mode in which the two first ' minis- 
 trationes ' may be supplied from different parts of Bacon's works. 
 
 On the discrepancy between the account of these ' ministrationes,' as 
 given here and in the Partis Secundae Delineatio, the student, who is 
 curious to trace the growth of Bacon's doctrine, may refer to Air. Sped- 
 ding's note on the present passage and to the General Preface, prefixed 
 to the 1st vol. of Ellis and Spedding's Edition, 10. 
 
 It must be recollected that the 'Tables' which occur in the Novum 
 Organum are only specimens of what Bacon designed. From the ' Dis- 
 tributio Opcris,' we learn that the first 'ministratio' was to be treated in 
 the third part of the Instauratio Magna, and the second 'ministratio' in 
 the fourth part. 
 
 " ;i An ' appearance,' a word borrowed from legal phraseology. We have 
 the phrase ' to enter ' or ' to put in ' an appearance. 
 
 This investigation into the nature of Heat (Aphs. 11-20) was included
 
 LIB. II. ii. 361 
 
 stantiarum notarum, quae in cadem natura conveniunt, per 
 materias licet dissimillimas. Atque hujusmodi collectio faci- 
 enda est historice G0 , absque contemplatione praefcstina, aut 
 subtilitate aliqua majore. Exempli gratia ; in inquisitione de 
 forma calidi G1 . 
 
 Instantiae c2 convenientes in natnra calidi. 
 i. Radii solis, praesertim aestate et meridie. 
 
 in a small volume, published at Leyden in 1638, entitled ' Francisci de 
 Verulamio Historia Naturalis et Experirnentalis De Ventis,' &c. See 
 Introduction, 17. 
 
 60 That is, according to the actual order in which they present them- 
 selves to the investigator in the course of his observations ; not according 
 to any predetermined order. The order of arrangement must be deter- 
 mined after collection, when all the instances are before us ; otherwise, we 
 are in danger of overlooking altogether instances which may be material 
 to our enquiry. 
 
 G1 De Remusat (Bacon, &c., p. 246) translates ' forma calidi ' by nature 
 of heat. And this, perhaps, is the nearest equivalent (cp. the fourth 
 paragraph of Aph. 20, beginning ' Intelligatur hoc,' &c.). But, as a know- 
 ledge of the nature of heat implies a knowledge of its cause and of the 
 law of its production, we may, in this instance, employ all three words 
 alike in illustration of Bacon's use of the word ' Form.' 
 
 62 The significance of these Instances, as well as of the Tables which 
 occur in the following Aphorisms, may, perhaps, best be understood by 
 comparing them with the far more natural and scientific form which they 
 assume in Mr. Mill's ' Experimental Methods.' To assist the student in 
 this task, I extract the following passages from one of the notes in my 
 Inductive Logic (ch. 3, Appended Note 2, 4th ed., pp. 207-10) : 
 
 ' If the " Instantiae convenientes in natura calidi " were so related to 
 one another that, besides the given phenomenon (heat), only one other 
 circumstance were common to them all, that other circumstance might be 
 regarded, with more or less probability, as the cause (or effect) of heat, 
 or, at least, as connected with it through some fact of causation. Such 
 instances would then come under the Method of Agreement. 
 
 ' If one instance in the Table of Agreement (" Instantiae convenientes 
 in natura calidi ") were so related to one of the instances in the Table of 
 Privation ("Instantiae in proximo, quae privantur natura calidi") as to 
 have every circumstance in common with it, except that the former, 
 besides presenting the phenomenon of heat which is supposed to be 
 absent in the latter, also presented some other circumstance which was 
 absent from the latter, this other circumstance would be the cause (or 
 effect), or a necessary part of the cause, of heat. We should here have 
 the Method of Difference. 
 
 'If, in the "Tabula graduum, sive comparativac in calido," we could 
 discover some one phenomenon which increased and diminished propor-
 
 362 NOVUM ORGANUM, 
 
 2. Radii solis reflexi et constipati, ut inter monies, aut per 
 parictes, et maxime omnium in speculis comburentibus. 
 
 lionately with the increase and diminution of heat, that phenomenon 
 would be the cause or the effect of heat, or, at least, connected with it 
 through some fact of causation, and the conditions would thus conform 
 to the requirements of the Method of Concomitant Variations. If it 
 could be shewn that this phenomenon and heat were the only circum- 
 stances which varied concurrently, then the phenomenon would be proved 
 to be either the cause or the effect of heat, and would conform to the 
 requirements of the rider to this last Method' (given in Inductive Logic, 
 p. 183). 
 
 ' The " Exemplum exclusivae, sive rejectionis naturarum a forma calidi," 
 (which is based on the three foregoing Tables) bears some, though, it 
 must be acknowledged, a very slight, resemblance to the Method of 
 Residues. These "rejectioncs" consist in excluding some possible ex- 
 planation of the phenomenon, either because an instance, which does 
 not present the phenomenon, does present the assigned cause, or because 
 an instance, which does present the phenomenon, does not present the 
 assigned cause (and similarly with regard to increase and decrease). As 
 an instance of the former, we may take the following " rejectio " : " Per 
 radios lunae (which were then supposed to be cold) et aliarum stellarum 
 rejice lucem ct lumen." As instances of the latter, we may take the two 
 following : " Per radios solis, rejice naturam elementarem (that is, " ter- 
 restrial nature," which is composed of "the four elements") ; Per ignem 
 cominunem, et maxime per ignes subterraneos (qui remotissimi sunt, et 
 plurimum intercluduntur a radiis coclestibus) rejice naturam coelestem." 
 By a succession of these " rejectiones," we limit the number of possible 
 explanations, amongst which we are to look for the true one. Bacon's 
 " rejections," however, not being, as a matter of fact, exhaustive, lead to 
 a purely negative result ; they may save us from unnecessary trouble in 
 seeking for a cause where it cannot be found, but they do not, like the 
 Method of Residues, leave a definite number of antecedents which either 
 constitute the cause, or amongst which we know that the cause is to be 
 sought.' 
 
 It is plain that if there w^re a certain number only of possible causes 
 of the given phenomenon, and by the Method of Rejections we could 
 exclude all but one, this one remaining cause would be the undoubted 
 cause of the given phenomenon. This case Bacon appears to have 
 regarded as the perfect type of Induction, and as alone capable of afford- 
 ing certainty. For a criticism of Bacon's Method of Rejections or 
 Exclusions, see Introduction, 9. 
 
 In comparing the logical procedure of Bacon and Mill, it should be 
 '"< carefully borne in mind that, whereas each of Mr. Mill's Methods may be 
 worked independently, and lead to a final conclusion, Bacon contem- 
 plated the concurrent use of all the Tables as preparatory to his Method 
 , of Rejections, and regarded the construction of the Tables and the sub-
 
 LIB. II. ii. 363 
 
 3. Meteora ignita. 
 
 4. Fulmina comburentia. 
 
 5. Eructationes flammarum ex cavis montium, etc. 
 
 6. Flamma omnis. 
 
 7. Ignita solida. 
 
 8. Balnea calida naturalia. 
 
 9. Liquida ferventia, aut calefacta. 
 
 10. Vapores et fumi ferventes, atque ae'r ipse, qui fortissimum 
 
 et furentem suscipit calorem, si concludatur ; ut in 
 reverberatoriis G:J . 
 
 11. Tempestates aliquae sudae 64 per ipsam constitutionem 
 
 aeris, non habita ratione temporis anni. 
 
 12. Ae'r conclusus et subterraneus in cavernis nonnullis, prae- 
 
 sertim hyeme. 
 
 13. Omnia villosa, ut lana, pellcs animalium, et plumagines, 
 
 habent nonnihil teporis. 
 
 14. Corpora omnia, tarn solida, quam liquida, et tarn densa, 
 
 quam tenuia (qualis est ipse ae'r), igni ad tempus 
 approximata. 
 
 15. Scintillae ex silice et chalybe per fortem percussionem. 
 
 1 6. Omne corpus fortiter attritum, ut lapis, lignum, pannus. 
 
 etc. ; adeo ut temones et axes rotarum aliquando flam- 
 mam concipiant : et mos excitandi ignis apud Indos 
 occidentales fuerit per attritionem. 
 
 i/. Herbae virides et humidae simul conclusac et contrusae. 
 ut rosae pisae G5 in corbibus ; adeo ut foenum, si repo- 
 situm fuerit madidum, saepe concipiat flammam. 
 
 18. Calx viva, aqua aspersa. 
 
 sequent application to them of the Method of Rejections as constituting 
 only one process. 
 
 1:3 ' Rcverberatories are furnaces constructed with two chambers ; an 
 outer one, which has no chimney, but has a passage connecting it with 
 an inner one which has a chimney. The substance to be exposed to the 
 heat is placed on the floor of the inner chamber, and fire is lighted in 
 the other: so that the flame, having no outlet in the outer chamber, 
 passes into the inner, over the substance, and is so concentrated with 
 vast power upon it.' Dr. Kitchin's note. 
 
 61 Se-udae. Cloudless, clear. 
 
 15 Mr. Ellis reads pinsae, but the two words have the same meaning, 
 namely, ' crushed ' or ' pounded.'
 
 364 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 19. Ferrum, cum primo dissolvitur per aquas fortes in vitro, 
 
 idque absque ulla admotione ad ignem : et stannum 
 similiter, etc. sed non adeo intense. 
 
 20. Animalia, praesertim et perpetuo per interiora ; licet in 
 
 insectis calor ob parvitatem corporis non deprehen- 
 datur ad tactum. 
 
 21. Fimus equinus, et hujusmodi excrementa animalium re- 
 
 centia. 
 
 22. Oleum forte sulphuris et vitrioli 66 exequitur opera caloris, 
 
 in linteo adurendo. 
 
 23. Oleum origani, et hujusmodi, exequitur opera caloris in 
 
 adurendis ossibus dentium. 
 
 24. Spiritus vini fortis et bene rectificatus exequitur opera 
 
 caloris ; acleo ut si albumen ovi in eum injiciatur, con- 
 crescat et albescat, fere in modum albuminis cocti ; 
 panis injectus torrefiat et incrustetur, ad modum panis 
 tosti G7 . 
 
 25. Aromata, et herbae calidae, ut dracunculus 68 , nasturtium 
 
 vetus, etc. licet ad manum non sint calida (nee integra, 
 nee pulveres eorum), tamen ad linguam et palatum 
 parum masticata percipiuntur calida, et quasi adu- 
 rentia. 
 
 26. Acetum forte, et omnia acida, in membro ubi non sit 
 
 epidermis, ut in oculo, lingua, aut aliqua alia parte 
 vulnerata, ct cute detecta, dolorem cient, non multum 
 discrepantem ab co, qui inducitur a calido. 
 
 ' ; This is probably an instance of the grammatical figure, ev fiui dvolv, 
 meaning, as Dr. Kitchin suggests, Sulphuric Acid. 
 
 Of the substances alluded to in this and some of the following examples, 
 Sir John Hcrschcl (Discourse on the Study of Natural Philosophy, 345) 
 remarks that they ' excite in our organs, and especially in that of taste, 
 a sensation of heat which they owe to their being chemical stimulants, 
 and not at all to their being actually hot.' 
 
 : ' The latter phenomenon, Mr. Ellis remarks, 'arises probably from the 
 dcsiccative power due to the strong affinity of alcohol for water.' 
 
 :; " ' Dragon-wort.' It was so called, because it was supposed to be 
 obnoxious to serpents, and also to be efficacious against their bites. See 
 Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxiv. sects. 142-150, chs. 91-93. In quoting or referring 
 to Pliny's Natural History, I shall employ the Teubner edition of 1857, 
 and refer both to the sections and to the chapters as numbered within 
 brackets.
 
 LIB. II. 12. 365 
 
 27. Etiam frigora acria et intensa inducunt sensum quondam 
 
 ustionis ; 
 
 Nam Boreae penetrabile frigus adurit 9 . 
 
 28. Alia. 
 
 Hanc tabulam essentiac et praesentiae appellare consuc- 
 
 vimus. 
 
 XII. 
 
 Secundo, facienda est compareiitia ad intellcctum instanti- 
 arum quae natura data privantur : quia forma (ut dictum est) 
 non minus abesse debet, ubi natura data abest, quam adessc, 
 ubi adest 70 . Hoc vero infinitum esset in omnibus. 
 
 Itaque subjungenda sunt negativa affirmativis, et priva- 
 tiones inspiciendae tantum in illis subjectis quae sunt maxime 
 cognata illis alteris, in quibus natura data inest et comparet. 
 Hanc tabulam dcclinationis, sive absentiae in proximo" 11 , appel- 
 lare consuevimus. 
 
 Instantiate in proximo, quae privantur natura Calidi. 
 Adinstantiam i. Lunae et stellarum et cometarum radii non 
 
 primam ajfirma- . . ,.-,. 70 
 
 th'am, instantia mveniuntur cahdi ad tactum'-: quinetiam obser- 
 
 prima negativa . . ....._ 
 
 vei subjunctiva. van solent acernma fngora in pleniiunus . At 
 stellae fixae majores, quando sol eas subit aut iis approxi- 
 
 69 Virg. Georg. i. 93. 
 
 70 So far as Form = Cause, it must, as already remarked, be absent 
 where the given nature is absent (unless counteracting causes have de- 
 stroyed its effects), but (owing to the circumstance of Plurality of Causes) 
 it need not necessarily be present, where the given nature is present ; for 
 the given nature may also be due to some other cause. 
 
 71 The value of these instances depends, of course, on the extent of 
 their approximation to the Instantiae Convenientes, or, in other words, 
 on the extent to which the two instances, when taken together, fulfil the 
 conditions of the Method of Difference. The more closely they approach 
 in other respects, the more likely are we to detect the cause of their 
 variation. 
 
 72 On the very interesting experiment by which Melloni, in spite of 
 great difficulties, detected heat in the lunar rays, see Tyndall's Heat con- 
 sidered as a Mode of Motion, 3rd ed., 661. 
 
 7:! On the night of full-moon, though not before or after, a series of 
 observations shews that the sky is, on an average, clearer than at other 
 times. (See Herschel's Familiar Lectures on Scientific Subjects, pp. 146-7.) 
 As a consequence of the diminution of the cloudy envelope, the night will 
 also be colder.
 
 366 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 matur, existimantur fervores solis augere et intendere ; ut fit 
 cum sol sistitur in Leone, et diebus canicularibus 74 . 
 
 Ad2<">i 2 *. 2. Radii solis in media (quam vocant) rcgione 
 aeris non calcfaciunt ; cujus ratio vulgo non male redditur ; 
 quia rcgio ilia nee satis appropinquat ad corpus solis, unde 
 radii emanant, nee etiam ad terrain, unde reflectuntur 7 "'. 
 Atque hoc liquet ex fastigiis montium (nisi sint praealti), ubi 
 nives perpetuo durant. Sed contra notatum est a nonnullis. 
 quod in cacumine Picus de Tenariph, atque ctiam in Andis 
 Peruviae, ipsa fastigia montium nive dcstituta sint ; nivibus 
 jacentibus tantum inferius in ascensu 76 . Atque insuper ae'r 
 illis ipsis verticibus montium deprehenditur minime frigidus, 
 scd tennis tantum et acer ; adeo ut in Andis pungat et 
 vulneret oculos per nimiam acrimoniam, atque etiam pungat 
 os vcntriculi, et inducat vomitum. Atque ab antiquis nota- 
 tum est, in vertice Olympi tantam fuisse aeris tcnuitatem. 
 ut necesse fuerit illis qui eo ascenderant secum deferre 
 spongias aceto et aqua madefactas, casque ad os et nares 
 subinde apponere, quia ae'r ob tenuitatem non sufficiebat 
 respiration! 77 : in quo vertice etiam relatum est, tantam fuisse 
 sercnitatem ct tranquillitatem a pluviis ct nivibus et ventis 78 , 
 
 7+ This influence of the fixed stars is, of course, purely imaginary, and 
 the remark, moreover, shews that Bacon entertained the crudest views of 
 astronomical distances. 
 
 I may here state that I shall not, as a rule, attempt, in the notes on the 
 remainder of this Book, to comment on Bacon's scientific examples, or to 
 note his scientific errors, unless they present some feature of special 
 interest. The object of this edition is to illustrate the logical and phi- 
 losophical, rather than the scientific position of the author, and hence 
 the latter, though I shall by no means ignore it, will usually be regarded 
 as subordinate to the former. 
 
 75 The true reason is the increasing rarefaction of the atmosphere, as 
 we ascend from the sea-level. 
 
 76 Simply because the peaks are so steep that the snow will not rest 
 on them. 
 
 77 I have not been able to trace this allusion to any classical writer. 
 The story, however, occurs in Augustine, De Genesi contra Manichaeos, 
 lib. i. cap. 15. Bacon notes it also in the Fragment entitled ' Calor et 
 Frigus ' (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 645 ). 
 
 'II p.ev p' &>s firrovcr' avtftr) y^avxunris 'Adiji'tj 
 Gi'XvuTTGi 8', v0L (pacrl 6t$>v eSos' a<r<paXes aid
 
 LIB. II. 12. 367 
 
 ut sacrificantibus literae, descriptae digito in cineribus sacri- 
 ficiorurn super aram Jovis, manerent in annum proximum 
 absque ulla perturbatione 73 . Atque etiam hodie ascendentes 
 ad vcrticem Picus de Tenariph eo vadunt noctu et non interdiu : 
 et paulo post ortum soils moncntur et excitantur a ducibus 
 suis ut festinent descendere, propter periculum (ut videtur) a 
 tenuitate aeris, ne solvat spiritus et suffocet. 
 
 Ad2' 3 . Reflexio radiorum soils, in regionibus prope cir- 
 culos polares, admodum debilis et inefficax invenitur in calore : 
 adeo ut Belgae, qui hybernarunt in Nova Zembla 8a , cum 
 expectarent navis suae liberationem et deobstructionem a 
 glaciali mole (quae earn obsederat) per initia mensis Julii spe 
 sua frustrati shit, ct coacti scaphae se committere. Itaquc 
 radii solis directi videntur parum posse, etiam super terrain 
 planam ; nee reflexi etiam, nisi multiplicentur et uniantur. 
 quod fit cum sol magis vergit ad perpendiculum, quia turn 
 incidentia radiorum facit angulos acutiores, ut lineae radiorum 
 sint magis in propinquo : ubi contra in magnis obliquitatibus 
 solis anguli sint valde obtusi, et proinde lineae radiorum 
 magis distantes. Sed interim notandum est, multas esse 
 
 ffj./jL(l>ai' our' Hfe/iOtcrt nyuirtrerat oure TTOT' ofj.j3pco 
 Several ovre ^iwv cmirthvaTai, dXXa p.d\' a'idprj 
 TTfrrraraL dvtfpeXos, XeuK;} S' em$eSpo[j.ei> a'iy\rj' 
 TOO fvi TepTTOvrai p.dt<apfs Oeol fjfjLaTa Tnivra. 
 
 Homer, Od. vi. 41-6. 
 
 The student will do well to read Dr. Merry's instructive note on these 
 lines. He quotes several parallel passages. 
 
 ' a See the Aristotelian or pseudo-Aristotelian Problemata, xxvi. 36 
 (p. 944 b. 12-16), where, however, the author specifies Athos and 'other 
 such mountains.' Pomponius Mela (lib. ii. cap. 2) refers also to Athos. 
 Solinus describes the phenomenon as taking place both on Olympus (Poly- 
 histor, cap. ixj and on Athos (cap. xi). Mr. Eliis cites Geminus and Philo- 
 ponus, the former of whom speaks of Mount Cyllene in Arcadia, and the 
 latter of Olympus. Augustine tells the story, at least twice, of Olympus. 
 
 All these stories are told of both Olympus and Athos in Maundeville's 
 Travels (Ed. Halliweli, p. 17), quoted by Mr. Tozer in his Highlands of 
 Turkey, vol. i. p. 102. 
 
 i0 Referring to Barentz's Expedition in search of a North-East Passage. 
 The event alluded to took place in June, 1597. Mr. Spedding refers 
 to 'Three Voyages by the North-East,' &c., Hackluyt Society, 1853, 
 p. 191.
 
 368 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 posse operationes radiorum solis, atque etiam ex natura calidi, 
 quae non sunt proportionatae ad tactum nostrum : adeo ut 
 respectu nostri non operentur usque ad calefactionem, sed 
 respectu aliorum nonnullorum corporum exequantur opera 
 calidi. 
 
 Ad2' 4 ". Fiat hujusmodi experimentum. Accipiatur specu- 
 lum 81 fabricatum contra ac fit in speculis comburentibus, ct 
 interponatur inter manum et radios solis ; et fiat observatio, 
 utrum minuat calorem solis, quemadmodum speculum com- 
 burens eundem auget et intendit. Manifestum est enim, 
 quoad radios opticos, prout fabricatur speculum in densitate 
 inaequali respectu meclii et laterum, ita apparere simulachra 
 magis diffusa aut magis contracta. Itaque idem videndum 
 in calore. 
 
 Ad 2^" 5". Fiat experimentum diligenter, utrum per specula 
 comburentia fortissima et optima fabricata radii lunae possint 
 excipi et colligi in aliquem vel minimum gradum teporis s2 . Is 
 vero gradus teporis si fortasse nimis subtilis et debilis fuerit, 
 ut ad tactum pcrcipi et deprehendi non possit, confugiendum 
 erit ad vitra ilia 8r ' quae indicant constitutionem aeris calidam 
 aut frigidam ; ita ut radii lunae per speculum comburens 
 incidant et jaciantur in summitatem vitri hujusmodi ; atque 
 turn notetur, si fiat depressio aquae per teporem. 
 
 Ad 2 > 6". Practicetur ctiam vitrum comburens super cali- 
 dum, quod non sit racliosum aut luminosum ; ut ferri et lapidis 
 calefacti sed non igniti. aut aquae ferventis, aut similium ; et 
 
 81 Used here for a lens. 
 
 82 For a long time, the experiments which were applied to detect heat 
 in the lunar rays were unsuccessful. For the successful experiment of 
 Melloni, see Tyndall, as referred to above, note 72. 
 
 83 The invention of the Thermometer, which was originally an Air 
 Thermometer, is, according to different accounts, ascribed to Galileo in 
 1597, Drebbel of Alkmaer in 1609, Paolo Sarpi in 1609, and Sanctorio in 
 1610. M. Bouillet (note on Nov. Org. ii. 13 (38)) and M. de Vauzelles 
 (Histoire, &c. de Bacon, vol. i. pp. 30-31) ascribe it, though on in- 
 sufficient grounds, to Bacon himself. The merit of the invention 
 probably belongs, in the first instance, to Galileo. See the authorities 
 referred to in Mr. Ellis' note on ii. 13 (38), and especially the arguments 
 employed by Libri, Histoire des Sciences Mathematiques en Ita'ie, tome 
 iv. pp. 187-197. 
 
 In Aphs. 13 and 24, Bacon calls this instrument Vitrum Calendarc.
 
 LIB. II. 12. 369 
 
 notetur utrum fiat augmentum et intentio calidi, ut in radiis 
 soils S4 . 
 
 Ad 3 7\ Practicetur etiam speculum comburens in flamma 
 communi. 
 
 Ad 3 a' s*. Cometarum (si et illos numerare inter meteora 85 
 libuerit) non deprehenditur constans aut manifestus effectus 
 in augend is ardoribus anni, licet siccitates saepius inde sequi 
 
 ** Dr. Kitchin has the following interesting note on this passage: 'The 
 questions started here and in the next paragraph have been settled ; and 
 the result is such as proves the similarity in kind of Solar and other 
 Heat ; so that in these places no Negative can "be adduced. Large 
 lenses brought before lighted candles or the fire produce sensible Heat ; 
 and by collecting the rays of Heat in the atmosphere, even when the 
 Sun is quite hidden behind clouds, concave Mirrors produce a definite 
 increase of Heat at their focus. Farther than this, MM. Saussure and 
 Pictet of Geneva have established the truth as to "ferrum, vel lapis 
 calefactus, sed non ignitus," &c. by heating an iron ball so as not to be 
 luminous, and by experimenting on boiling water. From the results 
 they have shewn that Heat emanates in invisible rays, and is subject to 
 the same laws of reflexion, &c. as if it were accompanied by rays of light 
 as well. Melloni has also established the fact that Heat is refrangible ; 
 and (like Light of different colours) Heat from different sources has 
 different degrees of refrangibility. Forbes has established the polarisa- 
 tion of Heat from both luminous and non-luminous sources : he also 
 depolarised Heat ; and as this is a consequence solely of double refrac- 
 tion, he thereby has proved that Heat is subject also to the Laws of 
 double refraction. See Turner's Chemistry, Heat, pp. 14-20.' 
 
 ' Mersenne says the greater number of the experiments mentioned in 
 the second book of the Novum Organum had already been made, and 
 mentions particularly, as if he had himself tried it, the reflexion of all 
 kinds of heat by a burning mirror. He also asserts that light is always 
 accompanied by heat. De la Verite des Sciences (1625), p. 210.' Mr. 
 Ellis' note. In the great majority of cases, I think, there is nothing in 
 Bacon's language to imply that the experiments suggested are original. 
 See Aph. 14. 
 
 f ' J It was a common subject of debate amongst the ancient astronomers 
 whether Comets were to be regarded as Meteors (which were supposed 
 to be engendered in the atmosphere), or whether they were more 
 analogous to the Planets. The point is discussed in a most interesting 
 manner in the Seventh Book of Seneca's Natural Questions. ' Placet 
 ergo nostris cometas sicut faces, sicut tubas trabesque et alia ostenta 
 coeli denso acre creari.' He then argues with great ability against this 
 view, referring to the comets which appeared in the time of Claudius 
 and Nero, and sums up his own opinion as follows : ' Ego iostris non 
 
 Bb
 
 370 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 notatae sint 80 . Ouinetiam trabes et columnae lucidae et 
 chasmata 87 et similia apparent saepius temporibus hybernis 
 quam aestivis 8S ; et maxime per intensissima frigora, sed con- 
 juncta cum siccitatibus. Fulmina tamen et coruscationes et 
 tonitrua raro eveniunt hyeme, sed sub tempus magnorum 
 fervorum 89 . At stellae (quas vocant) cadentes existimantur 
 vulgo magis constare ex viscosa aliqua materia splendida et 
 
 adsentior : non enim existimo cometen subitaneum ignem, sed inter 
 aeterna opera naturae.' (Chaps. 21, 22.) A view somewhat similar to 
 the former was regarded as possible even by Galileo. See II Saggiatore, 
 20, c., where he defends, as a possible explanation of comets, the 
 theory that they are formed by exhalations from the earth, rising to a 
 great height and reflecting the light of the Sun. The return of Halley's 
 Comet, nearly at the time predicted by him, in 1759, conclusively proved 
 that these bodies belong to the solar, and not to the terrestrial system, 
 and that, in the words of Seneca, they are ' aeterna opera naturae.' 
 
 " G Neither the one effect nor the other, so far as I am aware, has ever 
 been established by meteorological observation. At the same time, it 
 would be rash to deny that comets might have either or both of these 
 effects, especially if it be true, as the most recent spectrum analysis 
 seems to shew, that ' the nucleus is self-luminous, and that it is very 
 possibly composed of glowing gas containing carbon.' See a most 
 interesting section on Comets and their Spectra in Dr. Schellen's Spec- 
 trum Analysis, translated by J. and C. Lassell, and edited by Dr. Huggins 
 (Longmans, 1872). 
 
 87 For 'trabes,' see Seneca's Natural Questions, i. i, vii. 4. 5; for 
 ' columnae flagrantes,' vii. 20; and for ' chasmata,' i. 14. As Dr. Kitchin 
 observes, they are all of them clearly names for different appearances of 
 the Aurora Borealis, unless we suppose that ' columnae clipeique fla- 
 grantes ' may stand for the Zodiacal Light. 
 
 s This statement is not quite accurate. The annual maxima of these 
 appearances arc, taking an average, in March and October, the latter 
 being the greater ; and the annual minima in June and January. Whether 
 the Aurora be an electrical phenomenon (as most meteorologists sup- 
 pose), or whether (as some suppose) it be a cloud of meteoric dust ignited 
 by friction with the atmosphere, there is nothing to connect it with the 
 rate of temperature. 
 
 It is, of course, only on clear nights that the phenomenon can be seen, 
 and such nights are generally cold. 
 
 9 This statement is generally, though not universally, true. As aerial 
 electricity is, in all probability, mainly due to evaporation, and this 
 process occurs to a much greater extent in hot weather than in cold, 
 there is a good reason why thunder-storms should be more frequent in 
 summer than in winter.
 
 LIB. II. 12. 371 
 
 accensa 9n , quam esse naturae igneae fortioris. Sed de hoc 
 inquiratur ulterius. 
 
 Ad 4 <" 9 . Sunt quaedam coruscationes 91 quae praebent lumen 
 sed non urunt ; eae vero semper fiunt sine tonitru. 
 
 Ad 5"" 10'. Eructationes et eruptiones flammarum inveniuntur 
 non minus in regionibus frigidis quam calidis ; ut in Islandia 
 et Groenlandia : quemadmoclum et arbores per regiones frigi- 
 das magis sunt quandoque inflammabiles et magis piceae ac 
 resinosae quam per regiones calidas ; ut fit in abiete, pinu, 
 et reliquis : verum in quali situ et natura soli hujusmodi erup- 
 tiones fieri soleant, ut possimus affirmativae subjungere nega- 
 tivam, non satis quaesitum est 92 . 
 
 AdeaTia. Omnis flamma perpetuo est calida magis aut 
 minus 93 , neque omnino subjungitur negativa: et tamen refe- 
 runt ignem fatuum 94 (quern vocant), qui etiam aliquando 
 impingitur in parietem, non multum habere caloris ; fortasse 
 instar flammae spiritus vini, quae clemens et lenis est 95 . Sed 
 
 ' This opinion probably arose from their pear-like shape as they dart 
 across the heavens, and from the manner in which they appear to be 
 suddenly kindled and then again suddenly extinguished. In reality, 
 these aerolites usually consist mainly of metallic iron, the rest of their 
 substance being made up of a variety of other metals. 
 
 fll Sheet-lightning. This phenomenon occurs when the discharge of 
 electricity takes place below the horizon, or behind a dense cloud, or 
 at great elevations above the earth's surface. On these occasions, the 
 distance is too great or the intervening obstacle too dense for the thunder 
 to be heard. 
 
 )2 We must recollect that, at this time, not even the conception of a 
 science of geology had been formed. It is needless to say that volcanoes, 
 hot springs (see below), and similar phenomena have no connexion what- 
 ever with the temperature of the surface of the soil. 
 
 93 The temperature of a flame depends on the nature of the substance 
 burnt and on the nature of the medium in which the combustion takes place. 
 For the relation between the heat and luminosity of different kinds of flame, 
 see the article on Combustion in Watts' Dictionary of Chemistry. 
 
 '* ' Will o' the Wisp.' This phenomenon probably arises from the 
 escape of marsh gas (light carburetted hydrogen) from the earth at night- 
 time, when a faint light is easily visible. How the gas becomes ignited, 
 it is sometimes difficult to say. A frequent cause of its ignition, probably, 
 is contact with phosphoretted hydrogen. 
 
 95 As Dr. Kitchin says, 'the flame of spirits of wine, instead of being 
 " clemens et lenis," is one of the most intensely hot kinds of flame.' 
 Bacon was probably deceived by the appearance. 
 
 13 b 2,
 
 372 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 adhuc lenior videtur ea flamma quae in nonnullis historiis fidis 
 et gravibus invenitur apparuisse circa capita ct comas pucro- 
 rum et virginum 9l) ; quae nullo modo comas adurebat, sed 
 molliter circum eas trepidabat. Atque certissimum cst, circa 
 equum 97 in itinere sudantem noctu ct suda tempestate appa- 
 ruisse quandoque coruscationcm quandam absque manifesto 
 calore. Atque paucis abhinc annis, notissimum est et pro 
 miraculo quasi habitum gremiale cujusdam puellae paulo 
 motum aut fricatum coruscasse ; quod fortasse fact urn est ob 
 alumen aut sales, quibus gremiale tinctum erat, paulo crassius 
 hacrentia et incrustata, ct ex fricatione fracta <JS . Atque cer- 
 tissimum cst saccharum omne, sive conditum (ut vocant) 
 sive simplex, modo sit durius, in tenebris fractum aut cultello 
 scalptum coruscare ". Similiter aqua marina ct salsa noctu 
 interdum invenitur, remis fortiter percussa, coruscare 1 . Atque 
 
 ! ' c See the story about Servius Tullius in Livy, i. 39, and about Ascanius 
 in Virg. Aen. ii. 679-86 : 
 
 ' Talia vociferans gemitu tectum omne replebat, 
 Cum subitum dictuque oritur mirabile monstrum. 
 Namque manus inter maestorumque ora parentum 
 Ecce levis summo de vertice visus luli 
 Fundere lumen apex, tactuque innoxia mollis 
 Lambere flamma comas ct circum tempora pasci. 
 Nos pavidi trepidare metu, crinemque flagrantem 
 Excutere et sanctos restinguere fontibus ignis.' 
 
 Similar stories are told of some of the Saints, as, for instance, St. Cathe- 
 rine of Alexandria and St. Bridget. 
 ' i: Cp. note on St. Elmo's fire, below. 
 
 ;W ' The girl's apron was probably made of silk, and the " coruscatio " 
 electric.' Dr. Kitchin's note. 
 
 99 The crystals of sugar exhibit phosphorescence, when cut or rubbed. 
 1 This beautiful phenomenon must be familiar to almost every one. 
 The following extracts (I must apologise for their length) are taken from 
 Mr. Darwin's Naturalist's Voyage Round the World, ch. 8 : 
 
 ' While sailing a little south of the Plata on one very dark night, the 
 sea presented a wonderful and most beautiful spectacle. There was a 
 fresh breeze, and every part of the surface, which during the day is seen 
 as foam, now glowed with a pale light. The vessel drove before her 
 bows two billows of liquid phosphorus, and in her wake she was followed 
 by a milky train. As far as the eye reached, the crest of every wave was 
 bright, and the sky above the horizon, from the reflected glare of these 
 livid flames, was not so utterly obscure as over the vault of the heavens. 
 ' As we proceed further southward the sea is seldom phosphorescent ;
 
 LIB. II. 12. 373 
 
 ctiam in tcmpcstatibus spuma maris fortitcr agitata noctu 
 coruscat ; quam coruscationcm Hispani pidmoncni marinum 
 vocant 2 . De ilia flamma autem quam antiqui nautae voca- 
 bant Castorem et Pollncem, et modcrni Focum Sancti Erini :! , 
 qualem calorem habcat non satis quaesitum est. 
 
 and off Cape Horn I do not recollect more than once having seen it so, 
 and then it was far from being brilliant. This circumstance probably has 
 a close connexion with the scarcity of organic beings in that part of the 
 ocean. After the elaborate paper by Ehrenberg, on the phosphorescence 
 of the sea, it is almost superfluous on my part to make any observations 
 on the subject. I may however add that the same torn and irregular 
 particles of gelatinous matter, described by Ehrenberg, seem, in the 
 southern as well as in the northern hemisphere, to be the common cause 
 of this phenomenon. * * * 
 
 ' Observing that the water charged with gelatinous particles is in an 
 impure state, and that the luminous appearance in all common cases is 
 produced by the agitation of the fluid in contact with the atmosphere, 
 I am inclined to consider that the phosphorescence is the result of the 
 decomposition of the organic particles, by which process (one is tempted 
 almost to call it a kind of respiration) the ocean becomes purified.' 
 
 Whether this conjecture be true or not, there can be no doubt that the 
 phosphorescence of the sea is often due to living organisms. 
 
 2 Mr. Ellis remarks that this is ' merely a translation of Trvfv^a>v 8a\da- 
 o-iof, which is used by Dioscorides, De Materia Medica, ii. 39. The 
 luminous appearance arises apparently from serpent medusae, which in 
 texture are like the substance of the lungs, from which circumstance they 
 derive the name which Dioscorides gives them.' 
 
 3 'St. Elmo's fire.' Cp. Historia Ventorum, Prognostica Ventorum, 
 No. 43 (E. and S., vol. ii. pp. 69, 70), and Pliny's Natural History, bk. ii. 
 101 (ch. 37). 
 
 ' The fire of St. Elmo, or Castor and Pollux, is a brilliant light which 
 frequently appears on the summits of ships' masts, on the points of 
 bayonets, on the tops of spears, and on the tips of the ears of horses 
 (cp. passage above). It is obviously nothing more than the electricity 
 discharging itself either from or into pointed bodies.' Article on Elec- 
 tricity in the 8th Edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica by Sir David 
 Brewster. (The passage is not incorporated in the 9th Edition.) The 
 writer then proceeds to add some interesting accounts of this pheno- 
 menon, as given by Lord Napier and the Comte de Forbin. The latter 
 says, 'we saw from different points of the ship about thirty St. Elmo's 
 fires.' 
 
 Mr. Ellis, following Humboldt, quotes Camoens : 
 ' Vi claramente visto o lume vivo, 
 Oue a maritima gente tern por santo 
 Em tempo de tormenta,' &c. 
 
 Os Lusiadas de Cainoes, canto v. est. 18.
 
 374 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 Ad 7^' 12'. Omne ignitum ita ut vcrtatur in ruborem igneum 
 ctiam sine flamma perpetuo calidum cst, neque huic affirma- 
 ti-cae subjungitur ncgativa ; sed quod in proximo cst vidctur 
 esse lignum putre, quod splendet noctu neque tamen depre- 
 henditur calidum ; et squamae piscium putrescentes, quae 
 etiam splendent noctu, nee inveniuntur ad tactum calidae : 
 neque etiam corpus cicindelae aut muscae (quam vocant luci- 
 olam 4 ) calidum ad tactum deprehenditur. 
 
 Ad 8"* 13*. De balneis calidis, in quo situ et natura soli ema- 
 nare soleant, non satis quaesitum est ; itaque non subjungitur 
 negativa. 
 
 Ad 9"" 14". Liquidis fervcntibus subjungitur ncgatii'a ipsius 
 liquidi in natura sua. Nullum enim invenitur liquidum tan- 
 gibile quod sit in natura sua et maneat constantcr calidum, 
 sed superinducitur ad tempus tantum calor. ut natura ascititia : 
 adeo ut quae potestate et operationc sunt maxime calida, ut 
 spiritus vini, olea aromatum chymica, etiam olea vitrioli et 
 sulphuris 5 , et similia, quae paulo post adurunt, ad primum 
 tactum sint frigida. Aqua autem balneorum naturalium ex- 
 cepta in vas aliquod et separata a fontibus suis dcfervescit 
 perinde ac aqua igne calefacta. At vcrum est corpora oleosa 
 ad tactum paulo minus esse frigida quam aquea ; ut oleum 
 minus quam aqua, sericum minus quam linteum. Vcrum hoc 
 pcrtinct ad Tabnlam Gradunni de Frigido. 
 
 Ad 10"" 15*. Similitcr vapori fcrvido subjungitur ncgatii'a na- 
 turae ipsius vaporis, qualis apud nos invenitur. Etenim cx- 
 halationes ex olcosis. licet facile inflammabiles, tamen non 
 inveniuntur calidae, nisi a corpore calido rccenter exhala- 
 verint. 
 
 Ad 10="" i6\ Similiter aeri ipsi fervent i subjungitur ncgatrca 
 naturae aeris ipsius. Neque enim invenitur apud nos aer 
 
 calidus ; nisi fucrit aut conclusus. aut attritus n , aut manifesto 
 
 calefactus a sole, ignc. aut aliquo alio corpore calido. 
 
 1 Luciola = the fire-fly, cicindcla ^ the glow-worm. All the instances 
 given in this section are phenomena of phosphorescence. 
 
 " Sulphuric Acid. See note 66 above. 1 may here again notice the 
 same confusion as before between the temperature of an object itself and 
 the manner in which it affects our senses. 
 
 c ' Subjected to friction,' namely, of its minute particles. The word
 
 LIB. II. 12. 375 
 
 AJ nan- 1 7 '. Subjungitur negativa tempestatum frigidarum ma- 
 gis quam pro ratione temporis anni. quae eveniunt apud nos 
 flante Euro et Borca ; quemadmodum et contrariae tempes- 
 tates eveniunt flante Austro et Zcphyro. Etiam inclinatio 
 ad pluviam (praesertim temporibus hyemalibus) comitatur 
 tempestatem tepidam ; at gelu contra frigiclam. 
 
 Ad 12-"" is. Subjungitur negativa aeris conclusi in cavernis 
 tempore aestivo 7 . At de acre concluso omnino diligentius 
 inquirendum. Primo enim non absque causa in dubitationem 
 venit, qualis sit natura aeris quatenus ad calidum et frigiclum 
 in natura sua propria. Recipit enim aer calidum manifesto 
 ex impressione coelestium ; frigidum autem fortasse ab expi- 
 ratione terrae ; et rursus in media (quam vocant) regione aeris 
 a vaporibus frigidis et nivibus : ut nullum judicium fieri possit 
 de aeris natura per aerem qui foras est et sub dio, sed verius 
 foret judicium per aerem conclusum. Atqui opus est etiam 
 ut aer concludatur in tali vase et materia quae ncc ipsa im- 
 buat aerem calido vel frigido ex vi propria, nee facile admittat 
 vim aeris extranei. Fiat itaque experimentum per ollam figu- 
 larem multiplici corio obductam ad muniendam ipsam ab aere 
 extraneo, facta mora per trcs aut quatuor dies in vase benc 
 occluso ; deprehensio autem sit post apertionem vasis vel per 
 manum vel per vitrum graduum 8 ordine applicatum. 
 
 cannot mean simply agitated or put in motion ; for the passage would 
 then contradict what is said in Inst. 22, q. v. Bacon was, of course, 
 mistaken in supposing either that any motion could take place without 
 friction, or that air could move in masses without any friction amongst 
 its minute particles. 
 
 7 Both this and the phenomenon noticed in Inst. 12 of Aph. 11 are 
 really due to the same cause. Air is a bad conductor of heat, and hence, 
 as Dr. Kitchin says, ' it receives it slowly and retains it long.' The air 
 within a cavern being approximately of the same temperature in winter 
 and summer, seems, as compared with the outer air, hot at the one season 
 and cold at the other. It is for the same reason that, in walking up a 
 high mountain, we may suffer intensely from the sun's rays over-head, 
 while, if we retire into the shade, we may be almost frozen. 
 
 The following remarks show how little Bacon knew of the conduction 
 of heat, or of the purely relative character of the expressions ' hot ' and 
 ' cold.' He thought that cold was as much a positive quality as heat. 
 
 " This word shews that the thermometer was already graduated in 
 Bacon's time.
 
 376 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 Ad 13^ ig\ Subest similiter dubitatio 9 , utrum tepor in lana 
 et pellibus et plumis et hujusmodi fiat, ex quodam exili calore 
 inhaerente, quatenus excernuntur ab animalibus ; aut etiam ob 
 pinguedinem quandam et oleositatem, quae sit naturae l con- 
 gruae cum tepore ; vel plane ob conclusionem et fractionem 
 aeris, ut in articulo praecedente dictum est. Videtur enim 
 omnis ae'r abscissus a continuitate aeris forinseci habere non- 
 nihil teporis. Itaque fiat experimentum in fibrosis quae fiunt 
 ex lino; non ex lana aut plumis aut serico, quae excernun- 
 tur ab animatis. Notandum est etiam, omnes pulveres (ubi 
 manifesto includitur ae'r) minus esse frigidos quam corpora 
 integra ipsorum 10 ; quemadmodum etiam existimamusomnem 
 spumam (utpote quae aerem contineat) minus esse frigidam 
 quam liquorem ipsum. 
 
 Ad i 4 20*. Huic non subjungitur negativa. Nihil enim repe- 
 ritur apud nos sive tangibile sive spiritale n , quod admotum 
 igni non excipiat calorem. In eo tamen differunt, quod alia 
 excipiant calorem citius, ut ae'r 12 , oleum, et aqua ; alia tardius, 
 ut lapis et metalla. Verum hoc pertinet ad Tabulam Gra- 
 duum. 
 
 Ad i S "" 2i. Huic Instantiae non subjungitur negativa alia, 
 quam ut bene notetur non excitari scintillas ex silice et 
 chalybe aut alia aliqua substantia dura nisi ubi excutiuntur 
 minutiae aliquae ex ipsa substantia lapidis vel metalli, neque 
 
 y The 'dubitatio' of Bacon has, of course, been wholly removed. The 
 so-called 'warmth' of wool, skins, feathers, &c. is due to none of the 
 causes which he suggests, but simply to the fact that they are bad con- 
 ductors of heat, and hence, when the skin is covered with them, the 
 animal warmth is retained. 
 
 u This circumstance is, of course, due to the bad conducting power of 
 air. See note 7 above. 
 
 1 The word is evidently used in this place, not as opposed to material 
 or corporeal, but as applying to aeriform fluids. 
 
 - There is a confusion here between the radiation of heat though the 
 air and the conductivity of air itself. If we kindle a fire in a room, we at 
 once feel the increased warmth through radiation ; but if we extinguish it 
 shortly afterwards, it will be found that the temperature of the air has 
 hardly been perceptibly increased. The glass fire-screen furnishes a 
 familiar illustration of the same principle. Metals, on the other hand, 
 are rapid conductors, as we may test by their coldness to the touch in 
 ordinary temperatures.
 
 LIB. 77. 12. 377 
 
 aerem attritum unquam per se generate scintillas 13 , ut vulgo 
 putant ; qum et ipsae iliac scintillae ex pondere corporis 
 igniti magis vergunt deorsum quam sursum, et in extinctionc 
 redeunt in quandam fuliginem corpoream. 
 
 Adi6*" n 22. Existimamus huic instantiae non subjungi ncga- 
 tivam. Nullum cnim invenitur apud nos corpus tangibile, 
 quod non ex attritione manifesto calescat 14 ; adeo ut veteres 
 somniarent non inesse coelestibus aliam viam aut virtutem 
 calefaciendi nisi ex attritione ae'ris per rotationem rapidam 
 et incitatam 15 . Verum in hoc genere ulterius inquirendum 
 est, utrum corpora quae emittuntur ex machinis (qualia sunt 
 pilae ex tormentis) non ex ipsa percussione contrahant ali- 
 quem gradum caloris ; adeo ut postquam deciderint invenian- 
 tur nonnihil calida 16 . At aer motus magis infrigidat quam 
 
 13 See Tyndall, Heat a Mode of Motion, 3rd ed., 25 : 'When the air 
 is compressed, heat is suddenly generated. Tinder may be ignited by 
 this heat.' Compressed air, when expanded, on the other hand, has a 
 chilling effect. 
 
 * This statement is perfectly true. Motion or mechanical force (which 
 always involves friction) and heat are mutually convertible. Motion may 
 always be converted into heat, and heat into motion. This is the funda- 
 mental axiom of the modern science of Heat. 
 
 15 Mr. Ellis refers to Arist. Meteorol. bk. i. ch. 2 (ch. 3 of Berlin Edi- 
 tion, p. 341 a) sub finem, and De Coelo, ii, 7 (p. 288 a). The latter pas- 
 sage is peculiarly interesting : 17 Se Bfp^orrj^ an avT&v (sc. TU>I> oWpwi>) K<U TO 
 (j)u>s ylvfTai TrnpfK.Tpi(3ofjLfi>ov TOV aepos vno rf/s fK(iva>V (popas. 7T((pvKe yap fj 
 KiVTjcns (KKvpovv (ecu v\a Kal \ldovs Ka\ CT/Sfj/joj/' ev\oya>Te pov ovv TO fyyvTfpov 
 TOV TTtipdr, eyyvTfpov 8e 6 afjp, oinv Ka\ eVi TCOV (pepofj-fvcdv @e\u>v' TCIVTO. yap 
 aura (KTrvpovrai OVTIOS, K.r.X. Mr. Ellis remarks that ' it seems probable 
 that Aristotle was influenced by a wish to secure the doctrine of the 
 eternity of the universe, which he saw would be put in peril if celestial heat 
 was ascribed to anything akin to combustion.' 
 
 That Aristotle's theory was not inherently impossible will be plain from 
 the following passage, taken from Tyndall's Heat a Mode of Motion, 3rd 
 ed., 12 : 'The most probable theory of shooting stars is that they are 
 small liianetary bodies revolving round the sun, which are caused to swerve 
 from their orbits by the attraction of the earth, and are raised to incan- 
 descence by friction against our atmosphere. Chladni propounded this 
 view, and Dr. Joule has shewn that the atmospheric friction is competent 
 to produce the effect.' Professor Tyndall, at the beginning of this section, 
 refers to Aristotle's statement that arrows are heated by passing through 
 the air. 
 
 16 This is so. A bullet or a cannon-ball is heated by passing through
 
 378 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 calefacit ; ut in ventis et follibus et flatu oris contract! 1T . 
 Vcrum hujusmodi motus non est tarn rapidus ut excitet 
 calorem, ct fit secundum totum. non per particulas 18 ; ut 
 mi rum non sit, si non generet calorem. 
 
 Ad 17^ 2 3 \ Circa hanc instantiam facienda est inquisitio dili- 
 gentior. Videntur enim herbae et vegetabilia viridia et hu- 
 mida aliquid habere in se occulti caloris. Illc vero calor tarn 
 tennis est ut in singulis non percipiatur ad tactum : verum 
 postquam ilia adunata sint et conclusa, ut spiritus ipsorum 
 non expirct in ae'rem sed se invicem foveat, turn vero oritur 
 calor manifestus, et nonnunquam flamma in materia congrua 19 . 
 
 Ad is<"" 2 4 . Etiam circa hanc instantiam diligentior facienda 
 est inquisitio. Videtur enim calx viva aqua aspersa concipere 
 calorem vel propter unionem caloris qui antca distrahebatur 
 (ut ante dictum est de herbis conclusis), vel ob irritationem 
 
 the air. Cp. what Aristotle says in the passage quoted above about the 
 heating of arrows. 
 
 ' The cooling effect in these cases is due to the fact that fresh draughts 
 of air are constantly brought into contact with the body, the loss of heat 
 from the latter being thus rendered more rapid than it would be if the 
 surrounding atmosphere were more nearly of the same temperature with 
 itself. 
 
 - From this passage, it would appear as if Bacon thought that masses 
 of air could be put in motion, without causing any disturbance or fric- 
 tion amongst their minute particles a view in which he was, of course, 
 wrong. 
 
 11 This is a well-known phenomenon, as in damp hay-ricks, coal-dust, 
 heaps of decaying vegetable matter, masses of rags or tow saturated with 
 oil, &c. Bacon's explanation, it is unnecessary to say, is wholly unscientific. 
 The following is given in Watts' Dictionary of Chemistry, art. Combus- 
 tion : ' The substance absorbs and condenses the air within its pores ; 
 oxidation then commences immediately and raises the temperature, which 
 again accelerates the oxidation ; and thus the process goes on with con- 
 tinually increasing rapidity, till at length the mass bursts into flame. The 
 low conducting power of such a porous mass greatly facilitates the com- 
 bustion, by preventing the dissipation of the heat generated. * 
 The presence of moisture greatly promotes the spontaneous ignition of 
 porous substances, such as hay or coal-dust, the water probably supplying 
 oxygen to the combustible matter.' Where the masses are small, the heat 
 developed is usually carried off; so that combustion, in materials of this 
 character, is far more likely to take place in large masses than small. 
 Thus, in a hay-rick the process may be arrested by pulling the rick to 
 pieces.
 
 LIB. II. 12. 379 
 
 et exasperationem spiritus ignei ab aqua, ut fiat quidam con- 
 flictus et antiperistasis 20 . Utra vcro res sit in causa facilius 
 apparebit, si loco aquae immittatur oleum ; oleum enim 
 aeque ac aqua valebit ad unionem spiritus inclusi, scd non 
 ad irritationem. Etiam faciendum est experimentum latins 
 tarn in cineribus et calcibus diversorum corporum, quam per 
 immissionem diversorum liquorum. 
 
 Adig^as". Huic instantiae subjungitur ncgativa aliorum me- 
 tallorum, quae sunt magis mollia et fluxa. Etenim bracte- 
 olae auri, solutae in liquorem per aquam regis, nullum dani 
 calorem ad tactum in dissolutione ; ncque similiter plumbum 
 in aqua forti ; neque etiam argentum vivum (ut memini) ; sccl 
 argentum ipsum parum excitat caloris, atque etiam cuprum 
 (ut memini), sed magis manifesto stannum, atque omnium 
 maxime ferrum et chalybs, quae non solum fortem excitant 
 calorem in dissolutione, sed etiam violentam ebullitionem. 
 Itaque videtur calor fieri per confiictum, cum aquae fortes 
 penetrant et fodiunt et divellunt partes corporis, et corpora 
 ipsa resistunt 21 . Ubi vero corpora facilius cedunt, vix exci- 
 tatur calor. 
 
 Ad2o-26\ Calori animalium nulla subjungitur ncgativa, nisi 
 insectorum (ut dictum est) ob parvitatem corporis. Etenim in 
 piscibus collatis ad animalia terrestria magis notatur gradus 
 caloris quam privatio. In vegetabilibus autem et plantis 
 nullus percipitur gradus caloris ad tactum, neque in lachrymis 
 ipsorum, neque in medullis recenter apertis. At in animali- 
 bus magna reperitur diversitas caloris, turn in partibus ipso- 
 rum (alius est enim calor circa cor, alius in cerebro, alius circa 
 
 The reason is that the water enters into combination with the quick- 
 lime, which has a powerful affinity for it, and that heat is developed in the 
 process. 
 
 The word 'antiperistasis ' is defined in ii. 27 ad fin. as 'rejectio naturae 
 contrariae.' Cp. note on that passage. 
 
 The reader will not fail to notice Bacon's curious use of the word 
 'spirit' and the strange metaphors which it suggests to him. 
 
 - l In these and similar cases, heat is developed by chemical action. ' I 
 know of no exception,' says Sir W. R. Grove, ' to the general proposition 
 that all bodies, in chemically combining, produce heat.' Correlation of 
 Physical Forces, Section on Chemical Affinity.
 
 380 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 externa), turn in accidentibus eorum, ut in exercitatione vehe- 
 menti et febribus. 
 
 Ad2i27. Huic instantiae vix subjungitur ncgativa. Quin- 
 ctiam excrementa animalium non recentia manifeste habent 
 calorem potentialem, ut cernitur in impinguatione soli. 
 
 Ad 22"" et 23*11 28*. Liquores (sive aquae vocentur sive olea) qui 
 habent magnam et intensam acrimoniam exequuntur opera 
 caloris in divulsione corporum, atque adustione post aliquam 
 moram ; sed tamen ad ipsum tactum manus non sunt calidi 
 ab initio. Operantur autem secundum analogiam 22 et poros 
 corporis cui adjunguntur. Aqua enim regis aurum solvit, 
 argentum minime ; at contra aqua fortis argentum solvit, 
 aurum minime ; neutrum autem solvit vitrum. Et sic de 
 caeteris. 
 
 Ad24'2 9 \ Fiat experimentum spiritus vini in lignis, ac etiam 
 in butyro aut cera aut pice ; si forte per calorem suum ea 
 aliquatenus liquefaciat 23 . Etenim instantia 24 a ostendit pote- 
 statem ejus imitativam caloris in incrustationibus. Itaque 
 fiat similiter experimentum in liquefactionibus. Fiat etiam 
 experimentum per vitrum graduum sive calendare quod con- 
 cavum sit in summitate sua per exterius; et immittatur in 
 illud concavum exterius spiritus vini bene rectificatus, cum 
 operculo, ut melius contineat calorem suum ; et notetur utrum 
 per calorem suum faciat aquam descendere 24 . 
 
 Ad2 5 a' 3 o. Aromata, et herbac acres ad palatum, multo magis 
 sumptae interius. percipiuntur calida. Videndum itaque in 
 quibus aliis materiis exequantur opera caloris. Atque refe- 
 runt nautae, cum cumuli et massae aromatum diu conclusae 
 subito aperiuntur, periculum instare illis, qui eas primo agitant 
 et extrahunt, a febribus et inflammationibus spiritus. Simi- 
 
 - It is not easy to see the exact meaning of this expression here. Does 
 it mean vaguely ' according as they are related to the objects to which they 
 are applied ' ? 
 
 - 3 ' Spirits of wine will dissolve wax and pitch, but not wood or butter.' 
 Dr. Kitchin's note. 
 
 1 The nature of this experiment will be made clear by consulting Inst. 
 38 of the next Aphorism. The water will descend owing to the expansion 
 of the spirits of wine. The employment of Spirits of Wine in the con- 
 struction of thermometers was intermediate between that of air and txat 
 of mercury.
 
 LIB. //. 13. 381 
 
 liter fieri potent experimentum, utrum pulveres hujusmodi 
 aromatum aut herbarum non arefaciant laridum et carneni 
 suspensam super ipsos, veluti fumus ignis. 
 
 Ad26 in 3i. Acrimonia sive penetratio inest tarn frigidis, qualia 
 sunt acetum et oleum vitrioli, quam calidis, qualia sunt oleum 
 origani et similia. Itaque similiter et in a'nimatis cient dolo- 
 rem, et in non animatis divellunt partes et consumunt. Neque 
 huic instantiae subjungitur ncgativa. Atque in animatis nullus 
 reperitur dolor, nisi cum quodam sensu caloris. 
 
 Ad27"'32- Communes sunt complures actiones et calidi et 
 frigidi, licet diversa admodum ratione. Nam et nives pucro- 
 rum manus videntur paulo post urere ; et frigora tuentur 
 carncs a putrefactione - 5 , non minus quam ignis ; et calores 
 contrahunt corpora in minus 20 , quod faciunt et frigida. Verum 
 haec et similia opportunius est referre ad Inquisitionem de 
 Frigido 27 . 
 
 XIII. 
 
 Tertio facienda est comparcntia ad intcllcctum instantiarum 
 in quibus natura, de qua fit inquisitio, inest secundum magis 
 et minus ; sive facta comparatione incrementi et decrementi 
 in eodem subjecto, sive facta comparatione ad invicem in 
 subjectis diversis. Cum enim forma rei sit ipsissima res 2S ; 
 
 " This remark is interesting, as connected with the experiment which 
 was the occasion of Bacon's death. On a cold morning in the spring of 
 1626, he descended from his coach at the bottom of Highgate Hill, bought 
 a hen of a poor woman, and stuffed it with snow. The chill, to which 
 he was thus exposed, brought on an attack of what we should now call 
 bronchitis, of which he died on the 9th of April. 
 
 26 This effect, which is, of course, only apparent, is due to the escape of 
 gases. With certain very rare exceptions, the invariable effect of any aug- 
 mentation of temperature is to expand, not to contract, a body. 
 
 - 7 As I have pointed out before, Bacon did not see the true relation of 
 heat and cold, but regarded the latter as a positive quality. There is no 
 systematic ' Inquisitio de Frigido ' in his works. The nearest approaches 
 to it are ' Experiments in consort touching the production of cold : in the 
 Sylva Sylvarum, Century i. 69-75 (E. and S., vol. ii. pp. 370-1), and a 
 Fragment entitled ' Sequela Cartarum, sive Inquisitio Legitima de Galore 
 et Frigore' (E. and S., vol. iii. pp. 644-52). 
 
 28 The language here used of Form exactly corresponds with that which 
 might be used of the scholastic term ' Essence,' or of the ' Real Essence ' 
 .of r Locke. There is, perhaps, no passage in the Novum Organ um, in 
 which we could less appropriately replace the word by 'Law' or 'Cause.'
 
 382 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 neque differat res a forma, aliter quam differunt apparens et 
 existens, aut exterius et interius, aut in ordine ad hominem 
 et in ordine ad universum -- 1 ; omnino sequitur ut non reci- 
 piatur aliqua natura pro vera forma, nisi perpetuo decrescat 
 quando natura ipsa decrescit, et similiter perpetuo augeatur 
 quando natura ipsa augetur :i . Hanc itaque tabulam Tabu- 
 law Graduum sive Tabitlaui Comparativae appellare consue- 
 vimus. 
 
 Tabula Gradnnm sive Comfarativae in Calido. 
 
 Primo itaque dicemus de iis quae nullum prorsus gradum 
 caloris habent ad tactum, sed videntur habere potentialem 
 tantum quendam calorem, sive dispositionem et praepara- 
 tionem ad calidum. Postea demum descendemus ad ea quae 
 sunt actu sive ad tactum calida, eorumque fortitudines et 
 gradus. 
 
 i . In corporibus solidis et tangibilibus non invenitur aliquid 
 quod in natura sua calidum sit originaliter 31 . Non enim lapis 
 aliquis, non metallum, non sulphur, non fossile aliquod,. non 
 
 '' This is only another way of stating the contrast of ' apparens ' et 
 ' existens,' of a thing or quality as it appears to us, and as it is in its 
 own inmost nature. Thus, heat, as affecting the senses, is ' in ordine ad 
 hominem,' while its cause or essence, a motion of a certain kind amongst 
 the minute particles of matter, is ' in ordine ad universum.' Aristotle's 
 distinction of irpore/yci or yvuipi^atrepa Trpus TJ/JMS and irporfpa or yvu>pi/.iu>Tfpa 
 rfj (pilau, as applied respectively to individuals and species, is, it will be 
 noticed, here transferred to the relation of an effect to its cause or a 
 phenomenon to its. essence. 
 
 This rule, so far as it affects the relation of cause and effect, is vitiated 
 by the consideration of the Plurality of Causes. As an effect may be 
 due to two or more distinct causes, being sometimes produced by one and 
 sometimes by another, it is quite conceivable that one of the causes might 
 remain altogether unchanged, while the effect increased or diminished 
 concurrently with the other cause or with one of the other causes. This 
 objection does not apply to the Canon of the Method of Concomitant 
 Variations as stated by Mr. Mill or myself. 
 
 31 What Bacon means is that there is no tangible body which, in its 
 ordinary condition, affects the skin with the sensation of heat. The 
 purely relative and negative character of ' cold,' and the laws of radiation 
 and conduction, we must recollect, were alike unknown to him. 
 
 By ' cold ' Bacon, of course, means a temperature lower than that of 
 the skin.
 
 LIB. II. 13. 383 
 
 lignum, non aqua, non cadaver animalis, inveniuntur calida. 
 Aquae autem calidae in balneis vidcntur calefieri per acci- 
 dens, sive per flammam aut ignem subterraneum, qualis ex 
 Aetna et montibus aliis compluribus evomitur, sive ex con- 
 flictu corporum, quemadmodum calor fit in ferri ct stanni 
 dissoluttonibus. Itaque gradus caloris in inanimatis. quatenus 
 ad tactum humanum, nullus est ; veruntamen ilia gradu frigons 
 differunt ; non enim aeque frigidum est lignum ac metallum. 
 Sed hoc pertinet ad Tabulam Gradnum in Frigido. 
 
 2. Attamen quoad potentiales calores et pracparationes ad 
 flammam, complura inveniuntur inanimata admodum dispo- 
 sita. ut sulphur, naphtha, petrelaeum 32 . 
 
 3. Quae antea incaluerunt, ut fimus equinus ex animali, aut 
 calx, aut fortasse cinis aut fuligo ex igne, reliquias latentes 
 quasdam caloris prioris retinent :33 . Itaque fiunt quaedam 
 distillationes et separationes corporum per sepulturam in fimo 
 equino ; atque excitatur calor in calce per aspersionem aquae ; 
 ut jam dictum est. 
 
 4. Inter vegetabilia non invenitur aliqua planta sive pars 
 plantae (veluti lachryma aut medulla) quae sit ad tactum 
 humanum calida. Sed tamen (ut superius dictum est) herbae 
 virides conclusae calescunt ; atque ad interiorem tactum. 
 veluti ad palatum aut ad stomachum, aut etiam ad exteriores 
 partes, post aliquam moram (ut in emplastris et unguentis). 
 alia vegetabilia inveniuntur calida, alia frigida 34 . 
 
 32 Petroleum. 
 
 33 This idea is, of course, purely fantastic. By analogy, steel or glass 
 ought to be peculiarly susceptible of heat, because they have been passed 
 through the furnace. 
 
 34 This confusion between things which are hot, in the true sense of 
 having a high degree of temperature, and those which affect any of our 
 organs with a sensation akin to that of heat, has already been pointed 
 out in note 66 on Aph. n. Sir John Herschel's remarks (Discourse on 
 the study of Natural Philosophy, 345) on this and similar confusions 
 apply to so many of Bacon's examples that I think it will be useful to 
 the student if I extract them at length : 
 
 ' The word heat generally implies the sensation which we experience 
 on approaching a fire ; but, in the sense it carries in physics, it denotes 
 the cause, whatever it be, of that sensation, and of all the other phe- 
 nomena which arise on the application of fire, or of any other heating
 
 384 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 5. Non invenitur in partibus animalium, postquam fuerint 
 mortuae aut separatae, aliquid calidum ad tactum humanum. 
 Nam neque fimus equinus ipse, nisi fuerit conclusus et sepul- 
 tus, calorem retinet. Sed tamen omnis fimus habere videtur 
 calorem potentialem, ut in agrorum impinguatione. Et simi- 
 liter, cadavera animalium hujusmodi habent latentem et po- 
 tcatialem calorem ; adeo ut in coemeteriis, ubi quotidic fiunt 
 sepulturae, terra calorem quendam occultum colligat, qui 
 cadaver aliquod recenter impositum consumit longe citius 
 quam terra pura 35 . Atque apud orientales traditur inveniri 
 textile quoddam tenue et molle. factum ex avium plumagine, 
 quod vi innata butyrum solvat et liquefaciat in ipso leviter 
 involutum. 
 
 6. Ouae impinguant agros, ut fimi omnis generis, creta, 
 arena maris, sal, et similia, dispositionem nonnullam habent 
 ad calidum. 
 
 7. Omnis putrefactio in sc rudimenta quaedam exilis caloris 
 
 cause- We should be greatly deceived if we referred only to sensation 
 as an indication of the presence of this cause. Many of those things which 
 excite in our organs, and especially those of taste, a sensation of heat, 
 o\ve this property to chemical stimulants, and not at all to their being 
 actually Jioi. This error of judgment has produced a corresponding con- 
 fusion of language, and hence had actually at one period crept into physical 
 philosophy a great many illogical and absurd conclusions. Again, there 
 arc a number of chemical agents, which, from their corroding, blacken- 
 ing, and dissolving, or drying up the parts of some descriptions of bodies, 
 and producing on them effects not generally unlike (though intrinsically 
 very different from) those produced by heat, are said, in loose and vulgar 
 language, to burn them ; and this error has even become rooted into 
 a prejudice, by the fact that some of these agents are capable of becoming 
 actually and truly hot during their action on moist substances, by reason of 
 their combination with the water the latter contain. Thus, quicklime and 
 oil of vitriol both exercise a powerful corrosive action on animal and 
 vegetable substances, and both become violently hot by their combination 
 with water. They are, therefore, set down in vulgar parlance as sub- 
 stances of a hot nature ; whereas, in their relations to the physical cause of 
 heat, they agree with the generality of bodies similarly constituted.' 
 
 ::fl There is no ground, I believe, for this assertion. The idea may have 
 been suggested by the effects of quick-lime, which was frequently strewn 
 on corpses, during the time of plague, in hastening decomposition, not 
 only at the time of being strewn but subsequently. Moreover, bodies are 
 consumed much more quickly in some soils than others.
 
 LIB. II. 13. 385 
 
 habet 30 , licet non hucusque ut ad tactum percipiatur. Nam 
 nee ca ipsa quae putrefacta solvuntur in animalcula 37 , ut caro, 
 caseus, acl tactum percipiuntur calida; neque lignum putre, 
 quod noctu splendet 38 , deprehenditur ad tactum calidum. 
 Calor autem in putridis quandoque se prodit per odores 
 tetros et fortes. 
 
 8. Primus itaque caloris gradus, ex iis quae ad tactum 
 humanum percipiuntur calida, videtur esse calor animalium, 
 qui bene magnam habet graduum latitudinem. Nam infimus 
 gradus (ut in insectis) vix ad tactum deprenditur ; summus 
 autem gradus vix attingit ad gradum caloris radiorum solis 
 in regionibus et tcmporibus maxime ferventibus 3:) , neque ita 
 acris est quin tolerari possit a manu. Et tamen referunt de 
 Constantio 40 , aliisque nonnullis qui constitutionis et habitus 
 corporis admodum sicci fucrunt, quod acutissimis febribus 
 correpti ita incaluerint ut manum admotam aliquantulum 
 urere visi sint. 
 
 9. Animalia, ex motu et exercitatione, ex vino et epulis. ex 
 venere, ex febribus ardentibus, et ex dolore, augentur calore. 
 
 10. Animalia, in accessibus febrium intermittentium, a prin- 
 cipio frigore et horrore corripiuntur, sed paulo post majorem 
 in modum incalescunt ; quod etiam faciunt a principio in 
 causonibus 41 et febribus pestilentialibus. 
 
 36 This statement, as Mr. Ellis says, is true of eremacausis rather than 
 of real putrefaction. For instances of the development of heat in the 
 former process, see Inst. 23 of the last Aphorism and the note upon it. 
 
 37 Bacon regarded putrefaction as a co-ordinate cause of generation 
 with copulation. See Sylva Sylvarum, Experiment 900. 
 
 38 This phenomenon, as already stated, is due to phosphorescence. 
 
 39 Blood-Heat is marked at 98 Fahrenheit and Fever-Heat at 112" on 
 the ordinary Thermometers. These are considerably below the number of 
 degrees which the Thermometer sometimes marks in the sun even in 
 temperate climates. 
 
 40 The person alluded to is Constantius II, son of Constantine the Great. 
 Mr. Ellis refers to Ammianus Marcellinus, lib. xxi. cap. 15. The passage 
 runs as follows : ' paullatimque urente calore nimio venas, ut ne tangi 
 quidem corpus ejus posset in modum foculi fervens, cum usus deficeret 
 meclullarum, ultimum spirans deflebat exitium.' 
 
 41 The word Kavauiv is employed in the New Testament to express 
 a burning, scorching heat, as in Matt. xx. 12, Luke xii. 55, James i. II. 
 In the Septuagint, it generally means the East Wind, as being the wind 
 
 C C
 
 386 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 11. Inquiratur ulterius de calore comparato in diversis ani- 
 malibus, veluti piscibus, quadrupedibus, serpentibus, avibus ; 
 atque etiam secundum species ipsorum, ut in leone, milvio, 
 homine ; nam, ex vulgar! opinione, pisces per interiora minus 
 calidi sunt, aves autem maxime calidae ; praesertim columbae, 
 accipitres, struthiones 42 . 
 
 12. Inquiratur ulterius de calore comparato in eodem ani- 
 mali, secundum partes et membra ejus diversa. Nam lac, 
 sanguis, sperma, ova, inveniuntur gradu modico tepida, et 
 minus calida quam ipsa caro exterior in animali quando 
 movetur aut agitatur. Qualis vero gradus sit caloris in 
 cerebro, stomacho, corde, et reliquis, similiter adhuc non est 
 quaesitum. 
 
 13. Animalia omnia, per hyemem et tempestates frigidas, 
 secundum exterius frigent ; sed per interiora etiam magis 
 esse calida existimantur. 
 
 14. Calor coelestium, etiam in regione calidissima atque 
 temporibus anni et diei calidissimis, non eum gradum caloris 
 obtinet, qui vel lignum aridissimum vel stramen vel etiam 
 linteum ustum incendat aut adurat, nisi per specula combu- 
 rentia roboretur ; sed tamen e rebus humidis vaporem exci- 
 tare potest. 
 
 15. Ex traditione astronomorum ponuntur stellae aliae 
 ma^is, aliae minus calidae 43 . Inter planetas enim post solem 
 ponitur Mars calidissimus, deinde Jupiter, deinde Venus; 
 ponuntur autem tanquam frigidi Luna et deinde omnium 
 
 which brings hot and scorching weather. Here it must be employed as 
 the equivalent of Kaixros, a bilious, intermittent fever. 
 
 42 Mr. Spedding thinks that the word ' struthio ' is here used for a 
 sparrow ; but my relative, the Rev. J. T. Fowler, has pointed out to me 
 that there is no reason why it should not be taken in its ordinary sense 
 of ' an ostrich,' as the powerful digestion of this bird was commonly 
 attributed to the fervent heat of its stomach. 
 
 4:! The order here adopted is, of course, with the exception of the sun, 
 purely fanciful. The 'tradition,' with regard to the planets, was probably 
 founded on their aspect, i.e. their colour and brilliancy ; with regard to the 
 fixed stars, partly on their brilliancy, partly on some peculiarity in their 
 relative position in the heavens, partly on the period of their heliacal rising. 
 
 It may be noticed that the Sun is ranked amongst the Planets. 
 
 On the influence, generally, of the heavenly bodies on the seasons and 
 weather, see Pliny, Natural History, bk. ii. chs. 39-41. sects. 105-10.
 
 LIB. II. 13. 387 
 
 maxime Saturnus. Inter fixas autem ponitur calidissimus 
 Sirius 44 , deinde Cor Leonis, sive Regulus 45 , deinde Cani- 
 cula 46 , etc. 
 
 1 6. Sol magis calefacit. quo magis vergit ad perpendiculum 
 
 44 a Canis Majoris. We can hardly be surprised at the notion of intense 
 heat being connected with Sirius. Not only is it far the most brilliant of 
 the fixed stars, but the period of its heliacal rising corresponds with the 
 hottest time of the year, whence the expression ' Dies Caniculares ' or 
 ' Dog-Days.' It is frequently alluded to by the ancients, as in the well- 
 known lines of Homer and Virgil : 
 
 Tov 8' 6 yepcuv npia/J.os npuiTos 18ev o(pda\p.olcriv, 
 Traptpaivovd' &CTT' dcrrep', fTTtcrcrvfievov TrcSi'otO, 
 os pa T (jTT&pys ficriv, apifoXoi 8e ol nvyal 
 (paivovrai TToXXoZcri /Lter' do"Tpncri VVKTOS d/xoXyco' 
 ov re KVV 'Qpiavos f'niKXrja-iv ndXsovcriv. 
 Xa/LwrporaTo? /xeV oS' (CTTI, KaKov 8e re crtjfia rervKrat, 
 Kai Tf (ptpei TroXXoj' TrvpfTov fietXoicri /3/joTOtcrii'. 
 
 II. xxii. 25-31. (Cp. V. 5, 6.J 
 
 ' Non secus, ac liquida si quando nocte cometae 
 Sanguinei lugubre rubent, aut Sirius ardor, 
 Ille sitim morbosque ferens mortalibus aegris, 
 Nascitur et laevo contristat lumine coelum.' 
 
 Aen. x. 272-5. (Cp. Georg. iv. 425-8 ; Aen. iii. 141-2.) 
 Pliny (Nat. Hist. ii. 40. sect. 107) has an interesting description of the 
 supposed effects of the star, which is there called ' Canicula.' 
 
 ' Nam Caniculae exortu accendi Solis vapores quis ignorat ? cujus sideris 
 effectus amplissimi in terra sentiuntur. Fervent maria exoriente eo, fluc- 
 tuant in cellis vina, moventur stagna. Orygem appellat Aegyptus feram, 
 quam in exortu ejus contra stare, et contueri tradit, ac velut adorare, cum 
 sternuerit. Canes quidem toto eo spatio maxime in rabiem agi, non est 
 dubium.' 
 
 A tolerably full account of Sirius, or Canicula as it was sometimes called, 
 is given in Smyth's Celestial Cycle, vol. ii. p. 158, &c. 
 
 45 a Leonis. See Smyth's Celestial Cycle, vol. ii. p. 225, c. 'Ptolemy 
 calls this star BntriXurxos, from an opinion of its influencing the affairs of the 
 heavens ; whence comes its Latin name Regulus.' 
 
 w a Canis Minoris. See Smyth, vol. ii. pp. 182-3. This star is also 
 called UpoKvav, because it appears in the morning dawn, as the precursor of 
 Sirius. The 'Lesser Dog' or 'Little Dog' is a star of great brilliancy 
 though not nearly so brilliant as Sirius or the ' Greater Dog.' 
 Horace refers to this star and Regulus in the well-known lines : 
 ' Jam clarus occultum Andromedae pater 
 Ostendit ignem : jam Procyon furit, 
 Et Stella vesani Leonis, 
 Sole dies referente siccos.' 
 
 Od. iii. 29 (17-20). 
 
 C C 2
 
 388 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 sive Zenith, quod etiam credendum est de aliis pianetis, pro 
 modulo suo caloris ; exempli gratia, Jovem magis apud nos 
 calefacere, cum positus sit sub Cancro aut Leone quam sub 
 Capricorno aut Aquario. 
 
 17. Credendum est solem ipsum et planetas reliquos magis 
 calefacere in perigaeis suis, propter propinquitatem ad terram, 
 quam in apogaeis 47 . Quod si eveniat ut in aliqua regione sol 
 sit si mul in perigaeo et propius ad perpendiculum, necesse 
 est ut magis calefaciat quam in regione ubi sol sit similiter 
 in perigaeo sed magis ad obliquum. Adeo ut comparatio 
 cxaltationis planetarum notari debeat, prout ex perpcndiculo 
 aut obliquitate participet. secundum regionum varietatem. 
 
 1 8. Sol etiam. et similiter reliqui planetae, calefacere magis 
 existimantur cum sint in proximo ad stellas fixas majores ; 
 veluti cum sol ponitur in Leone, magis vicinus fit Cordi 
 Leonis, Caudae Leonis, et Spicae Virginis, et Sirio. et Cani- 
 culae, quam cum ponitur in Cancro, ubi tamen magis sistitur 
 ad perpendiculum 48 . Atque credendum est partes coeli majo- 
 rem infundere calorem (licet ad tactum minime perceptibilem) 
 quo magis ornatae sint stellis, praesertim majoribus. 
 
 19. Omnino calor coelestium augetur tribus modis ; vide- 
 licet ex perpendiculo, ex propinquitate sive perigaeo, et ex 
 conjunctione sive consortio stellarum. 
 
 20. Magnum omnino invenitur intervallum inter calorem 
 animalium ac etiam radiorum coelestium (prout ad nos defe- 
 runtur), atquc flammam, licet lenissimam, atque etiam ignita 
 
 47 The furthest and nearest distances between the earth and sun are, 
 of course, in the Copernican system described as aphelion and perihelion, 
 not as apogee and perigee. The variations of distance from the sun, due 
 to the elliptic orbit of the earth, have, as a matter of fact, little influence 
 in determining temperature, being compensated by the variations in the 
 angular velocity. Were it not for this fact, the summers and winters 
 would be intensified in the southern, and moderated in the northern 
 hemisphere. 
 
 For an explanation of the phenomena of the seasons, see Herschel's 
 Astronomy (loth Ed., 362-370). 
 
 " This is an attempt to account for July being hotter than the time of 
 the summer solstice. The true reason is, of course, the same as that 
 for the early afternoon being hotter than noon-day, namely, the increased 
 radiation of heat from the earth's surface.
 
 LIB. II. 13. 389 
 
 omnia. atque insuper liquores, ant aerem ipsum majorem in 
 modum ab ignc calefactum. Etcnim flamma spiritus vini, 
 praesertim rara nee constipata, tamen potis est stramen aut 
 linteum aut papyrum incendere ; quod nunquam faciet calor 
 animalis vel solis, absque speculis comburentibus 4;) . 
 
 2J. Flammae autem et ignitorum plurimi sunt gradus in 
 fortitudine et debilitate caloris 50 . Verum de his nulla est 
 facta diligens inquisitio ; ut necesse sit ista leviter trans- 
 mittere. Videtur autem ex flammis ilia ex spiritu vini esse 
 mollissima ; nisi forte ignis fatuus, aut flammae seu corus- 
 cationes ex sudoribus animalium, sint molliores. Hanc sequi 
 opinamur flammam ex vegetabilibus levibus et porosis, ut 
 stramine. scirpis, et foliis arefactis, a quibus non multum 
 differre flammam ex pilis aut plumis. Hanc sequitur fortasse 
 flamma ex lignis. praesertim iis quae non multum habent 
 ex resina aut pice ; ita tamen ut flamma ex lignis quae parva 
 sunt mole (quae vulgo colligantur in fasciculos) lenior sit 
 quam quae fit ex truncis arborum et radicibus. Id quod 
 vulgo experiri licet in fornacibus quae ferrum excoquunt, in 
 quibus ignis ex fasciculis et ramis arborum non est admodum 
 utilis 51 . Hanc sequitur (ut arbitramur) flamma ex oleo et sevo 
 et cera, et hujusmodi oleosis et pinguibus, quae sunt sine 
 magna acrimonia. Fortissimus autem calor reperitur in pice 
 et resina ; atque adhuc magis in sulphure et caphura y ~ et 
 
 4y And yet, in parts of Australia and South Africa, during summer, a 
 lucifer match accidentally falling on the ground will ignite. See HerscheFs 
 Astronomy, 369. 
 
 ""' It is almost unnecessary to remark that the order in which Bacon 
 arranges the temperature of flames bears hardly any relation to the con- 
 clusions established by modern physicists. He was partly, no doubt, 
 deceived by the luminosity or illuminating power of flames, which is often 
 very low, when the temperature is very high. Thus, for instance, a 
 hydrogen flame, which is the palest of all, gives out the greatest heat. 
 
 A good account of the nature of Flame is given in Miller's Elements of 
 Chemistry, Part ii. In Ganot's Physics (Translation, I2th Ed., 484) 
 there is a table of the relative quantities of heat disengaged by various 
 bodies during combustion. Marsh-gas comes next to hydrogen in this 
 list, while spirits of wine is relatively high and sulphur relatively low. 
 
 51 The quantity of heat disengaged by moist wood during combustion 
 is much less than that disengaged by dry wood. 
 
 '-' Camphor.
 
 390 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 naphtha ct petrelaeo et salibus (postquam materia cruda cru- 
 perit), et in horum compositionibus, veluti pulvere tormcntario, 
 igne Graeco 53 (quern vulgo ignem fcrum vocant), et diversis 
 ejus generibus, quae tain obstinatum habent calorem ut ab 
 aquis non facile extinguantur. 
 
 22. Existimamus etiam flammam, quae resultat ex nonnullis 
 metallis imperfectis "' l , esse valde robustam et acrem. Verum 
 dc istis omnibus inquiratur ultcrius. 
 
 23. Videtur autem flamma fulminum potentiorum 55 has 
 omnes flammas superare ; adeo ut ferrum ipsum perfectum 
 aliquando colliquaverit in guttas, quod flammae illae alterae 
 facere non possunt. 
 
 24. In ignitis autem diversi sunt ctiam gradus caloris, de 
 quibus etiam non facta est diligens inquisitio. Calorem maxime 
 debilem existimamus esse ex linteo usto, quali ad flammae 
 excitationem uti solemus ; et similitcr ex ligno illo spongioso r>Cl 
 aut funiculis arefactis qui ad tormentorum accensionem ad- 
 hibcntur. Post hunc sequitur carbo ignitus ex lignis et 
 anthracibus, atque etiam ex lateribus ignitis, et similibus. 
 Ignitorum autem vehementissime calida existimamus esse 
 metalla ignita, ut ferrurn et cuprum et cactera. Verum de 
 his etiam facienda cst ulterior inquisitio. 
 
 25. Inveniuntur ex ignitis nonnulla longe calidiora quam 
 nonnullae ex flammis. Multo enim calidius est et magis 
 adurens ferrum ignitum quam flamma spiritus vini. 
 
 26. Inveniuntur etiam ex illis quae ignita non sunt scd 
 
 ~' 3 Not to be confounded with gunpowder. ' It was known in the east of 
 I -In rope as early as the year A.D. 673, when, it is said, Callinicus, an 
 architect of Hcliopolis, taught the use of it to the Greeks. It did not 
 reach the west of Europe till much later.' Brande and Cox's Dictionary 
 of Science, &c. 
 
 r ' 4 He probably means what were commonly called the baser or viler, 
 as opposed to the more precious metals (gold and silver). Thus, in the 
 Catalogus Historiarum Particularium, published at the end of the first 
 edition of the Novum Organum, he enumerates 'Historia Metallorurn 
 perfectorum, Auri, Argenti ' (E. and S., vol. i. p. 406). It is possible, 
 however, that he may mean ' metals while being smelted in the furnace.' 
 See the expression 'ferrum ipsum perfectum' in the next instance. 
 
 '' As opposed to sheet-lightning. . See ii. 12. Inst. 9. 
 
 r " ; Touchwood.
 
 LIB. II. 13. 391 
 
 tantum ab igne calefacta, sicut aquae ferventcs ct aer con- 
 clusus in reverberatoriis, nonnulla quae superant calore multa 
 ex flammis ipsis et ignitis. 
 
 27. Motus auget calorem 57 ; ut videre est in follibus et 
 flatu ; adeo ut duriora ex metallis non solvantur aut liquefiant 
 per ignem mortuum aut quietum, nisi flatu excitetur. 
 
 28. Fiat experimentum per specula comburentia, in quibus 
 (ut memini) hoc fit ; ut si speculum ponatur (exempli gratia) 
 ad distantiam spithamae ab objecto combustibili, non tanto- 
 pere incendat aut adurat quam si positum fuerit speculum 
 (exempli gratia) ad distantiam semi-spithamae, et gradatim 
 et lente trahatur ad distantiam spithamae. Conns tamen et 
 unio radiorum eadem sunt, sed ipse motus auget operationem 
 caloris 58 . 
 
 29. Existimantur incendia ilia, quae fiunt flante vento forti, 
 majores progressus facere adversus ventum quam secundum 
 ventum ; quia scilicet flamma resilit motu perniciore, vento 
 remittente, quam procedit, vento impellente 50 . 
 
 30. Flamma non emicat aut generatur, nisi detur aliquid 
 concavi in quo flamma movere possit et ludere 60 ; praeterquam 
 in flammis flatuosis pulveris tormentarii, et similibus, ubi 
 compressio et incarceratio flammae auget ejus furorem C1 . 
 
 57 ' By supplying a greater quantity of oxygen from the air. It is not 
 mere motion, for the manufacturer, -who tried to blow his fires by means 
 of steam jets, simply blew them out.' Dr. Kitchin's note. 
 
 r>s The only explanation of this curious supposition, as Mr. Ellis suggests, 
 is that the focal length of the lens lay between a span and half a span, 
 and was found by moving the lens. Bacon's remark, it must be con- 
 fessed, betrays great ignorance of the laws of Optics. 
 
 59 Here the fact is inaccurately stated, and the reason assigned fanciful. 
 In a fire, however, the flames will burn most brightly where the wind is 
 highest (provided it is not sufficiently violent to put them out), the reason 
 being that fresh supplies of oxygen are being constantly brought into 
 contact with the ignited mass. 
 
 G " In ordinary cases, a supply of oxygen is essential to combustion, and, 
 therefore, there must be contact with the air. ' But combustion does not 
 necessarily involve the presence of oxygen. If either powdered antimony 
 or a fragment of phosphorus be placed in a vessel of chlorine, it unites 
 with chlorine, producing thereby heat and flame,' the principle being, in fact, 
 the same as in the case of oxygen. Ganot's Physics, I2th Ed., . 483. 
 
 cl In this case, the supply of oxygen is derived from the saltpetre. It
 
 392 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 31. Incus per malleum calefit admodum ; adeo ut si incus 
 fuerit laminae tenuioris, existimemus illam per fortes et con- 
 tinues ictus mallei posse rubescere, ut ferrum ignitum 62 ; sed 
 de hoc fiat experimentum. 
 
 32. At in ignitis quae sunt porosa, ita ut detur spatium ad 
 exercendum motum ignis, si cohibeatur hujusmodi motus per 
 compressionem fortem, statim extinguitur ignis ; veluti cum 
 linteum ustum aut filum ardens candelae aut lampadis aut 
 etiam carbo aut pruna ardens comprimitur per pressorium aut 
 pedis conculcationem aut hujusmodi. statim cessant operationes 
 ignis. 
 
 33. Approximatio ad corpus calidum auget calorem, pro 
 gradu approximations ; quod etiam fit in lumine : nam quo 
 propius collocatur objectum ad lumen eo magis est visibile 03 . 
 
 34. Unio calorum diversorum auget calorem, nisi facta sit 
 commistio corporum. Nam focus magnus et focus parvus in 
 codem loco nonnihil invicem augent calorem ; at aqua tepida 
 immissa in aquam ferventem refrigerat. 
 
 35. Mora corporis calidi auget calorem. Etenim calor per- 
 petuo transiens et emanans commiscetur cum calore praein- 
 existente, adeo ut multiplicet calorem. Nam focus non aeque 
 calefacit cubiculum per moram semihorac ac si idem focus 
 duret per horam integram. At hoc non facit lumen ; etenim 
 lampas aut candcla in aliquo loco posita non magis illuminat 
 per moram diuturnam quam statim ab initio. 
 
 36. Irritatio per frigidum ambiens auget calorem ; ut in 
 
 is, perhaps, needless to add that the amount of explosion is exactly the 
 same in the gun as it would be in the open air. 
 
 ''- This would be so. Bacon was here on the right track for discovering 
 the connexion between heat and motion. 
 
 li:! 'To the eye of the philosopher these obscure radiations' (namely, of 
 heat) 'are precisely the same in kind, as those which produce the impres- 
 sion of light. You must, therefore, figure the particles of the heated body 
 as in a state of motion ; you must figure that motion as communicated to 
 I he surrounding ether, and transmitted through it with a velocity, which 
 we have the strongest reason for believing to be the same as that of light.' 
 TyndalPs Heat a Mode of Motion, 3rd Ed., 306. The law of the in- 
 tensity of radiant heat on a given surface is the same as that of illumin- 
 ation, that is to say, it varies inversely as the square of the distance 
 from the source of heat, as the other from the source of light.
 
 LIB. II. 13. 393 
 
 focis videre est per gelu acre c4 . Quod existimamus fieri non 
 tantum per conclusionem et contractionem caloris, quae cst 
 species unionis, sed per exaspcrationem ; veluti cum ae'r aut 
 baculum violenter comprimitur aut flectitur, non ad punctum 
 loci prioris resilit, sed ulterius in contrarium. Itaque fiat dili- 
 gens experimentum per baculum vel simile aliquid immissum 
 in flammam, utrum ad latera flammae non uratur citius quam 
 in medio flammae. 
 
 37. Gradus autem in susceptione caloris sunt complures. 
 Atque primo omnium notandum est, quam parvus et exilis 
 calor etiam ea corpora, quae caloris minime omnium sunt 
 susceptiva, immutet tamen et nonnihil calefaciat. Nam ipsc 
 calor manus globulum plumbi aut alicujus metalli paulisper 
 detentum nonnihil calefacit. Adeo facile et in omnibus 
 transmittitur et cxcitatur calor, corpore nullo modo ad 
 apparentiam immutato. 
 
 38. Facillime omnium corporum apud nos et excipit et 
 remittit calorcm aer 05 ; quod optime cernitur in vitris calen- 
 daribus. Eorum confectio esttalis 00 : accipiatur vitrum vcntre 
 
 64 This circumstance is due to the increased draught produced by the 
 difference between the temperatures of the internal and external air, and. 
 consequently, to the more frequent renewal of the supplies of oxygen 
 which are, ordinarily, a condition of combustion. See note 60 above. 
 
 The ideas of exasperation and irritation, as applied to these phenomena. 
 are peculiarly fanciful. 
 
 6r ' As I have before said, air is a bad conductor of heat. It was on 
 account of its expansive and not on account of its conductive capacity 
 that it served roughly as a thermometer, before the substitution, first of 
 alcohol, and then of mercury. 
 
 66 Mr. Ellis remarks: 'I am very much inclined to think that Bacon 
 heard of the vitrum calendare from Fludde, or a Fluctibus, as he is called 
 in Latin, who returned from Italy in [1605], and in whose philosophy, 
 built upon certain abstract notions of rarefaction and condensation, per- 
 petual reference is made to the air-thermometer, to which he gives the 
 same name.' 
 
 As I have already noticed in note 83 on the last Aphorism, the invention 
 of the thermometer has been ascribed to several persons, including Galileo, 
 Drebbel, and, though on insufficient grounds, even Bacon himself. See 
 also Introduction, p. 43, n. 19. Mr. Ellis has a long note on the invention 
 of the Thermometer (vol. i. p. 255. n. i). To this note, which is too long 
 for quotation, I must refer the reader who is specially interested in the 
 question.
 
 394 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 concavo, collo tenui et oblongo ; resupinetur et demittatur 
 hujusmodi vitrum, ore deorsum verso, ventre sursum. in aliud 
 vasculum vitreum ubi sit aqua, tangendo fundum vasculi illius 
 recipients extreme ore vitri immissi, et incumbat paullulum 
 vitri immissi collum ad os vitri recipientis, ita ut stare possit ; 
 quod ut commodius fiat, apponatur parum cerae ad os vitri 
 recipientis ; ita tamen ut non penitus obturetur os ejus, ne 
 ob defectum aeris succedentis impediatur motus de quo jam 
 dicetur, qui est admodum facilis et delicatus. 
 
 Oportet autem ut vitrum demissum, antequam inseratur in 
 alterum, calefiat ad ignem a parte superiori, ventre scilicet. 
 Postquam autem fucrit vitrum illud collocatum, ut diximus, 
 recipict et contrahct se aer (qui dilatatus erat per calefactionem), 
 post moram sufficientem pro cxtinctione illius ascititii caloris, 
 ad talem extensionem sivc dimcnsionem qualis erit aeris am- 
 bicntis aut communis tune tcmporis quando immittitur vitrum, 
 atque attrahet aquam in sursum ad hujusmodi mensuram. 
 Debet autem appendi charta angusta et oblonga, et gradibus 
 (quot libuerit) interstincta. Videbis autem, prout tempcstas 
 diei incalescit aut frigescit, aerem se contrahere in angustius 
 per frigidum ct extendere se in latius per calidum ; id quod 
 conspicietur per aquam ascendentem quando contrahitur aer, 
 et descendcntem sive deprcssum quando dilatatur aer. Sen- 
 sus autem aeris, quatenus acl calidum et frigidum. tarn sub- 
 tilis est et exquisitus ut facultatem tactus humani multum 
 superet ; adeo ut solis radius aliquis, aut calor anhelitus, multo 
 magis calor manus, super vitri summitatem positus, statim 
 dcprimat aquam manifesto. Attamen existimamus spiri- 
 tum animalium c " magis adhuc exquisitum sensum habcre 
 calidi et frigidi, nisi quod a mole corporea impediatur et 
 hebetetur. 
 
 39. Post aerem. existimamus corpora esse maxime sensitiva 
 caloris ea quac a frigore rccentcr immutata sint et compressa, 
 
 This remark is in accordance with Bacon's ordinary conception of 
 ' spirit,' and especially of 'vital spirit,' as the most refined and delicate of 
 all substances. In the Historia Vitae et Mortis (E. and S., vol. ii. p 215) 
 he regards 'vital spirit' as composed of air and flame. 'Alterum cliscri- 
 mcn inter spiritus est ; quod spiritus vitalis nonnullam habeat incensionem, 
 atque sit tanquam aura composita ex flamma et acre.'
 
 LIB. II. 1415- 395 
 
 qualia sunt nix et glacies ; ea enim leni aliquo teporc solvi 
 incipiunt et colliquari. Post ilia scquitur fortassc argentum 
 vivum. Post illud sequuntur corpora pinguia, ut oleum, buty- 
 rum, et similia ; deinde lignum ; deinde aqua ; postremo lapides 
 ct metalla, quae non facile calefiunt, praesertim interius r>8 . Ilia 
 tamen calorem semel susceptum diutissimc retinent ; ita ut 
 later aut lapis aut ferrum ignitum in pelvim aquae frigidae 
 immissum et demersum, per quartam partem horae (plus 
 minus) retineat calorem, ita ut tangi non possit. 
 
 40. Quo minor est corporis moles, eo citius per corpus 
 calidum approximatum incalescit 9 ; id quod demonstrat 
 omnem calorem apud nos esse corpori tangibili quodammodo 
 adversum. 
 
 41. Calidum, quatenus ad sensum et tactum humanum, res 
 varia est et respectiva : adeo ut aqua tepida, si manus frigorc 
 occupetur, scntiatur esse calida ; sin manus incaluerit, frigida. 
 
 XIV. 
 
 Quam inopes simus historiae quivis facile advertet. cum in 
 tabulis superioribus, praeterquam quod loco historiae probatae 
 et instantiarum certarum nonnunquam traditiones et relationes 
 inseramus (semper tamen adjecta dubiae fidei ct authoritatis 
 nota), saepenumero etiam hisce verbis, fiat expcrimentum, vel 
 inquiratur nlterius, uti cogamur : ". 
 
 XV. 
 
 Atque opus et officium harum trium tabularum Compa- 
 rentiam instantiarum ad intcllcctum vocare consuevimus. 
 Facta autem comparentia, in opere ponenda est ipsa indnctio. 
 Invenienda est enim, super ccmparcntiam omnium et singu- 
 
 fi " ; On the different powers of conducting heat possessed by different 
 bodies, see TyndaiFs Heat a Mode of Motion, 3rd Ed., 244-250. 
 As a general rule, metals are the best conductors of heat. This is pre- 
 eminently the case with silver and copper. Iron is comparatively a bad 
 conductor. 
 
 69 In other words, the conduction of heat requires time, which is 
 undoubtedly true. 
 
 70 In criticising Bacon's instances, this apology should be borne in 
 mind. He ought, at least, to have the benefit of having been aware of 
 the insufficiency and untrustworthiness of his own data. Cp. i. 117.
 
 NOVUM RCA NUM. 
 
 larum instantiarum natura talis, quae cum natura data pcrpetuo 
 adsit, absit 71 , atque crescat, et decrescat ; sitque (ut superius 
 dictum est) limitatio naturae magis communis 72 . Hoc si mens 
 jam ab initio facere tentet affirmative 7 ^ (quod sibi permissa 
 semper facere solet). occurrent phantasmata et opinabilia et 
 notionalia male terminata et axiomata quotidie emendanda ; 
 nisi libcat (scholarum more) pugnare pro falsis " 4 . Ea tamen 
 proculdubio erunt meliora aut praviora pro facultate et robore 
 intellectus qui operatur. At omnino Deo (formarum inditori 
 et opifici) aut fortasse angelis ct intclligentiis competit formas 
 per affirmationem immediate nosse. atque ab initio contem- 
 plationis. Sed certe supra hominem est ; cui tantum con- 
 ceditur, procedere primo per ncgativas, et postremo loco 
 desinere in affirmativas^ post omnimodam exclusionem. 
 
 XVI. 
 
 Itaque naturae facienda est prorsus solutio et separatio ; 
 non per ignem certe, sed per mentem, tanquam ignem divi- 
 num. Kst itaque inductionis verac opus primum (quatenus 
 ad inveniendas formas) rcjcctio sive exclusiva naturarum 
 
 11 If both these conditions were satisfied, the case would fall under the 
 Double Method of Agreement, or Joint Method of Agreement and Dif- 
 ference, as it is variously called. It would not then be subject to the 
 characteristic imperfection of the Method of Agreement, arising from 
 Plurality of Causes, as would happen if we were simply able to establish 
 the concomitance of the nature in question (' natura talis ') and the ' natura 
 data.' See notes on Aph. 4 and note 30 on beginning of Aph. 13. 
 Moreover, if both conditions were satisfied, it would be proved that the 
 ascertained cause was not only a cause but the only cause of the given 
 phenomenon. 
 
 On the Double Method of Agreement, and its relation to the question 
 of Plurality of Causes, the student may refer to the Editor's Inductive 
 Logic, ch. 3. 
 
 ~- See Aph. 4. The 'form' is here regarded as = differentia, that which 
 added to the genus, or common nature, gives its distinctive character to 
 the nature in question. Bacon illustrates his meaning in Aph. 20, where 
 several 'differentiae' are proposed as limiting ' motus,' which is described 
 as ' instar generis ad calorem.' 
 
 ' :; Cp. i. 46, 105. 
 
 74 Alluding to the scholastic disputations, in which both sides of a 
 question were defended, however false or heretical one of them might 
 be regarded as beiny.
 
 LIB. II. 1617. 397 
 
 singularum, quac non inveniuntur in aliqua instantia, ubi 
 natura data adest 7 ' 3 ; aut inveniuntur in aliqua instantia, ubi 
 natura data abest 7G ; aut inveniuntur in aliqua instantia 
 crescere, cum natura data decrescat 77 ; aut decresccre, cum 
 natura data crescat 78 . Turn vero post rcjectionem et exclu- 
 sivam debitis modis factam, secundo loco (tanquam in fundo) 
 manebit (abeuntibus in fumum opinionibus volatilibus) forma 
 affirmativa, solida, et vera 79 . et bene terminata. Atque hoc 
 breve dictu est, sed per multas ambages ad hoc pervenitur. 
 Nos autem nihil fortasse ex iis, quae ad hoc faciunt, 
 praetermittemus. 
 
 XVII. 
 
 Cavendum autem est, et monendtim quasi perpetuo, ne, 
 cum tantae partes formis videantur a nobis tribui, trahantur 
 ea, quae dicimus, ad formas eas, quibus hominum contem- 
 plationes et cogitationes hactenus assueverunt so . 
 
 Primo enim, de formis copulatis 81 , quae sunt (ut diximus) 
 
 75 Owing to the Plurality of Causes, the ' given nature ' might be 
 present without the other ' nature,' even though this last was one of the 
 causes capable of producing it. For it might not be the only cause, and, 
 in this particular instance, the 'given nature' might be due to some other 
 cause. Hence, the 'rejection' might be unwarranted. 
 
 On the Method of Exclusions or Rejections generally, see Introduction, 
 
 9- 
 
 70 As a cause must produce its effect, unless there be some counter- 
 acting cause, the 'rejection,' with this qualification, is warranted. 
 
 77 The same remark applies to this case as to the last. 
 
 78 Here again, owing to the consideration of the Plurality of Causes, 
 the 'rejection' might not be justified. Thus, the mortality of a town 
 might increase, while a pestilence was diminishing, providing famine, 
 war, or any other cause of death supervened. 
 
 The objection founded on Plurality of Causes, of course, only applies so 
 far as ' Form' is intended to express the same idea as Cause. There can 
 only be one ' essence,' or, in the strict sense of the terms, only one ' differ- 
 entia ' (that is, sum of characteristics) or ' definition ' of an object or 
 quality. 
 
 79 That is, provided all possible causes have been considered, and the 
 rejection has been so exhaustive, that only one cause remains conditions 
 which it is almost impossible to fulfil. 
 
 80 Cp. i. 51,65. 
 
 81 These are the forms of concrete substances, and, as concrete sub- 
 stances are supposed to be constituted by a number of qualities or 'simple 
 natures,' their forms will be the aggregate of the forms of the simple
 
 398 NOVUM ORGANUM, 
 
 naturarum simplicium conjugia ex cursu communi universi. 
 ut leonis, aquilae, rosae, auri. et hujusmodi. impraescntiarum 
 non loquimur. Tempus cnim erit de iis tractandi, cum 
 ventum fuerit ad latcntcs proccssns, et latcntcs scJicmatismos, 
 eorumque inventionem, prout reperiuntur in substantiis (quas 
 vocant) sen naturis concretis 82 . 
 
 Rursus vero, non intelligantur ea quae dicimus (etiam 
 quatenus ad naturas simplices) de formis et idcis abstractis 80 , 
 aut in materia non determinatis 84 , aut male determinatis. 
 Nos cnim, quum de formis loquimur, nil aliud intelligitnus 
 quam leges illas et determinationes actus puri, quae naturam 
 aliquam simplicem ordinant et constituunt. ut calorem, lumen, 
 pondus, in omnimoda materia et subjecto susceptibili. Itaque 
 eadcm res cst forma calidi aut forma luminis, et lex calidi 
 sive lex luminis ; ncque vcro a rebus ipsis et parte operativa 
 unquam nos abstrahimus aut reccdimus. Quare cum dicimus 
 (exempli gratia) in inquisitione formae caloris, Rcjicc tcnni- 
 tatem, aut Tenuitas non cst ex forma caloris ; idem est ac 
 si clicamus, Potcst homo snperinduccrc calorem in corpus 
 densum, aut contra, Potcst homo anfcrre aut arccrc calorem 
 a cor pore tcnni. 
 
 Quod si cuiquam vidcantur etiam formae nostrae habere 
 nonnihil abstract!, quod misceant et conjungant heterogenea 
 (vidcntur cnim valde esse heterogenea calor coelestium, et 
 
 natures of which they are composed. See Aph. 5 ad init. to which Bacon 
 here refers. 
 
 - Bacon had intended to proceed to these enquiries in a subsequent 
 part of the Xovum Organum. See Aph. 21 ('de variatione inquisitionis 
 pro natura subjecti ') and the last paragraph of Aph. 52. 
 
 * 3 Referring to the Idem of Plato and the Forms of the Schoolmen. 
 This paragraph seems to be nothing more than an expansion of the latter 
 part of i. 51, on which see the notes. 
 
 This is one of the passages in which ' Form ' appears to be most un- 
 equivocally used in the sense of 'Law' or ' Cause.' 
 
 ;4 Cp. De Augm. iii. 4 (E. and S., vol. i. p. 565) : 'At manifestum est. 
 Platonem, virum sublimis ingenii (quique vcluti ex rupe excelsa omnia 
 circumspiciebat), in sua de Ideis doctrina Fornias csse i>erinn sciential 
 objection vidisse ; utcunque sententiac hujus verissimae fructum amiserit, 
 Formas pcnitus a Materia abstractas, non in Materia determinatas, con- 
 templanclo et prensando ; undc factum cst, ut ad speculationes theologicas 
 diverteret, quod omncm naturalcm suam philosophiam infecit et polluit.'
 
 LIB. II. 17. 399 
 
 ignis ; rubor fixus in rosa aut similibus, et apparcns in iride 
 aut radiis opalii aut adamantis ; mors ex summersione, ex 
 crematione, ex punctura gladii, ex apoplexia, ex atrophia ; 
 et tamen conveniunt ista in natura calidi, ruboris, mortis), 
 is se habere intellectum norit consuetudine et integralitate 8r> 
 rerum et opinionibus captum et detentum. Certissimum enim 
 est ista, utcunque heterogenea et aliena, coire in formam *' ; 
 sive legem earn, quae ordinat calorem, aut ruborem, aut 
 mortem ; nee emancipari posse potentiam humanam et 
 liberari a naturae cursu communi, et expandi et exaltari 
 ad efficientia nova et modos operandi novos, nisi per reve- 
 lationem et inventionem hujusmodi formarum ; et tamen post 
 
 5 The vague, general, or superficial appearances of things. 
 30 Italmost seems roirilii>3assae 
 
 Ca.uses. But here, as elsewhere, his vague and vacillating use of the word 
 'Form' makes it exceedingly difficult to attach a precise meaning to his 
 language. It is undeniable, for instance, that the 'nature' of heat, that 
 which constitutes it, its ' essence,' as the Schoolmen would have said, is the 
 same in all cases ; or else we should require two or more distinct words 
 to express the phenomenon. But its efficient causes, the agencies which 
 produce it, may be, and are, several ; as, for instance, friction, chemical 
 combination, electricity, &c. Hence, where by 'form' Bacon means, as 
 I think he usually does, ' nature,' there is only one form, and to the ques- 
 tion, for example, What is heat ? there is, and only can be, one answer. 
 But, where by ' form ' he means ' law ' or ' cause,' there may be many 
 forms ; thus there are, for example, in this sense, as many forms of heat as 
 there are distinct modes of its production. At the same time, we must re- 
 member that, if the word 'form' with Bacon is vague and obscure, the 
 word ' law ' is so also, and we are not always justified in assuming that the 
 latter word is employed by him in the same sense in which it is usually 
 employed by us. The 'law' of an object or quality may be what we 
 sometimes call the 'law of its being,' and thus not differ really from its 
 ' nature.' To add, therefore, to our perplexity with reference to Bacon's 
 employment of the word 'form,' we can seldom be quite certain in which 
 of its two senses, nature or essence, and law or cause, he is using it ; and, 
 in fact, sometimes he seems to be using it in both at once. For a further 
 discussion of this subject, see Introduction, 8. The objections .founded 
 qn_the consideration ofjthe PJuj^i^^Caj^s^sjiv^ilg^c^j^oj^ejjio^ajDrjl^ 
 
 t ^^X I Sl^iy^I&^L^J : ^li3:iHI e J. But it need hardly be remarked that 
 a philosophy which confined itself to investigating the ' natures ' or ' es- 
 sences ' of things, without taking any account of their causes or the laws 
 which determine their production, would be exceedingly defective on the 
 side of both knowledge and practice.
 
 400 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 istam unionem naturae, quae est res maxime principalis, de 
 naturae divisionibus et venis, tarn ordinariis quam interioribus 
 et verioribus, suo loco postea dicetur. 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 Jam vero proponendum est exemplum exclusionis sive 
 rejectionis naturarum, quae per tdbulas comparentiae repe- 
 riuntur non esse ex forma calidi ; illud interim monendo, non 
 solum sufficcrc singulas tabulas ad rejectionem alicujus naturae, 
 scd etiam unamquamque ex instantiis singularibus in illis 
 contentis. Manifestum enim est ex iis, quae dicta sunt. 
 omnem instantiam contradictoriam destruere opinabile de 
 forma 87 . Sed nihilominus quandoque perspicuitatis causa, 
 et ut usus tab2ilarnm clarius demonstretur, exchisivam dupli- 
 camus aut repetimus. 
 
 Exemplum exclusivae, sive rejectionis natnranim a forma 
 
 calidi. 
 
 1. Per radios solis, rcjicc naturam elementarem 8S . 
 
 2. Per ignem communem, et maxime per ignes subterraneos 
 
 (qui remotissimi sunt, et plurimum intercluduntur a 
 radiis coelestibus), rcjicc naturam coelestem. 
 
 3. Per calcfactionem omnigcnum corporum (hoc est, mine- 
 
 ralium, vegetabilium, partium exteriorum animalium. 
 aquae, olei, aeris, et reliquorum) ex approximatione 
 sola ad ignem aut aliud corpus calidum, rcjicc omnem 
 varietatem sive subtiliorcm texturam corporum. 
 
 4. Per ferrum ct metalla ignita, quae calefaciunt alia 
 
 corpora, nee tamen omnino pondere aut substantia 
 minuuntur, rcjicc inditionem sive mixturam substantiae 
 alterius calidi. 
 
 5. Per aquam fcrventem atque aerem, atque etiam per 
 
 *' Cp. notes on Aph. 16. These will shew the qualifications with which 
 Bacon's assertion must be taken. 
 
 3 That is terrestrial as opposed to celestial, all terrestrial natures being 
 regarded as admitting of resolution into one or more of the four 
 elements.
 
 LIB. II. 1 8. 401 
 
 metalla et alia solida calefacta, scd non usque ad 
 ignitionem sive ruborem, rejice lucem et lumen 8i) . 
 
 6. Per radios lunae et aliarum stellarum (excepto sole), 
 
 rejice etiam lucem et lumen. 
 
 7. Per comparativam ferri igniti et flammae spiritus vini 
 
 (ex quibus ferrum ignitum plus habet calidi et minus 
 lucidi, flamma autem spiritus vini plus lucidi et minus 
 calidi 90 ), rejice etiam lucem et lumen. 
 
 8. Per aurum et alia metalla ignita, quae densissimi sunt 
 
 corporis secundum totum, rejice tenuitatem. 
 
 9. Per ae'rem, qui invenitur ut plurimum frigidus, et tamen 
 
 manet tennis, rejice etiam tenuitatem. 
 
 10. Per ferrum ignitum, quod non intumescit mole 01 , sed 
 manet intra eandem dimensionem visibilem, rejice 
 motum localem aut expansivum secundum totum. 
 
 n. Per dilatationem aeris in vitris calendariis et similibus, 
 qui movetur localiter et expansive manifesto, neque 
 tamen colligit manifestum augmentum caloris 92 , rejice 
 etiam motum localem aut expansivum secundum totum. 
 
 ?9 ''Lux, id quod lumine diffunditur, claritas, fulgor ; Lumen, id quod 
 splendorem difFundit.' Doderlein, ii. 66, as quoted by Dr. Kitchin. 
 
 " Bacon is comparing two disparate phenomena, namely, the heat 
 arising from the consumption by fire of spirits of wine with the heat 
 arising from iron, when merely rendered red-hot. If we compare the 
 heat evolved by the consumption of both substances, the advantage is 
 greatly on the side of Spirits of Wine. Taking as thermal unit the heat 
 necessary to raise the temperature of a pound of water through one degree 
 Centigrade, the thermal units in round numbers disengaged by a pound 
 of Absolute Alcohol and a pound of Iron, while burning in oxygen, are 
 respectively 7180 and 1181. See Ganot's Physics, Translation, I2th Ed., 
 
 484- 
 
 91 This statement is, of course, erroneous. But see notes on Aph. 24. 
 
 - The sole cause of the expansion of the air is its increase in tempera- 
 ture, though, in so small a quantity of air as is contained in a thermometer, 
 the increased temperature is not sensible to the touch. It is the more 
 curious that Bacon should have fallen into this error, when we compare 
 what he says at the beginning of Inst. 38 of Aph. 13. 
 
 'Secundum totum 'here and elsewhere is, of course, opposed to 'per 
 particulas.' It is, perhaps, hardly necessary to notice the perverse inter- 
 pretation of this expression by Liebig as 'on the whole ;' as if Bacon 
 meant that in the majority of cases, but not in all, expansion enters into 
 the 'form of heat.' See Liebig's answer to Sigwart in the Allgemeine 
 
 D d
 
 402 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 12. Per facilem tepefactionem omnium corporum, absquc 
 
 aliqua destructione aut alteratione notabili, rejicc 
 naturam destructivam aut inditionem violentam alicujus 
 naturae novae. 
 
 13. Per consensum et conformitatem operum similium quae 
 
 eduntur a calore et a frigore, rejice motum tarn 
 expansivum quam contractivum secundum totum. 
 
 14. Per accensionem caloris ex attritione corporum. rejice 
 
 naturam principialem 93 . Naturam principialem vo- 
 camus earn, quae positiva reperitur in natura, nee 
 causatur a natura praecedente. 
 
 Sunt et aliae naturae : neque enim tabulas conficimus per- 
 
 fectas, sed exempla tantum. 
 
 Omnes et singulae naturae praedictae non sunt ex forma 
 calidi. Atque ab omnibus naturis praedictis liberatur homo 
 in operationc super calidum. 
 
 XIX. 
 
 Atque in exdusiva jacta sunt fundamenta inductionis verae, 
 quae tamen non perficitur donee sistatur in afTirmativa. 
 Neque vero ipsa exdusiva ullo modo perfecta est, neque 
 adeo esse potest sub initiis. Est enim exdusiva (ut plane 
 liquet) rcjectio naturarum simplicium 94 . Quod si non habe- 
 
 Zeitung (Tchihatchef, p. 159). What Bacon obviously refers to is the 
 motion of the entire body, as distinct from that of the minute particles. 
 Cp. Aph. 20, Tertia Differentia. 
 
 J3 Such would be the so-called substance of caloric, which was long 
 supposed to be contained in bodies, and to be the cause of heat. The 
 existence of this supposed substance was disproved by Rumford and 
 Davy. See Tyndall's Heat a Mode of Motion, 3rd Ed., 20-23, anc ^ 
 Appendix ii. to chap. ii. Both Bacon and Locke, however, had already 
 anticipated what is now called the dynamical or mechanical theory of 
 heat. 
 
 ' Bacon here anticipates not merely the essential character of the most 
 recent theory of heat, but also the kind of evidence by which it has been 
 established. The proof that caloric does not exist, in other words that 
 heat is not the manifestation of a peculiar substance diffused through 
 nature, rests mainly on experiments of friction.' Mr. Ellis' note. 
 
 ;4 As opposed to concrete bodies, the forms of which are ' formae 
 copulatae.'
 
 LIB. IL 19 2O. 403 
 
 amus adhuc bonas et veras notiones 05 naturarum simplicium, 
 quomodo rcctificari potcst exclusivaf At nonnullae ex 
 supradictis (veluti notio naturae elemcntaris, notio naturae 
 coelestis, notio tenuitatis) sunt notiones vagae, nee bene 
 terminatae. Itaque nos, qui nee ignari sumus nee obliti 
 quantum opus aggrediamur (viz. ut faciamus intellectual 
 humanum rebus et naturae parem), nullo modo acquiescimus 
 in his. quae adhuc praecepimus : sed et rem in ulterius 
 provehimus, et fortiora auxilia in usum intellectus machi- 
 namur et ministramus ; quae mine subjungemus. Et certe in 
 interpretatione naturae animus omnino taliter est praeparandus 
 et formandus. ut et sustineat se in gradibus debitis certitudinis, 
 et tamen cogitet (praesertim sub initiis) ea quae adsunt 
 multum pendere ex iis quae supersunt. 
 
 XX. 
 
 Attamen quia citius emergit veritas ex errore quam ex 
 confusione, utile putamus, ut fiat permissio intellectui 90 , post 
 
 15 But these notions are themselves to be gained by Induction. See 
 Bk. i. Aphs. 14, 1 8, 40. Thejac^js^that true axioms^and^soun,d jiotions 
 a^jntjgjjd 4 ejDeji4^ In Mathematics, the work of 
 
 definition is elementary and comparatively easy, but, in the Physical and 
 Moral Sciences, we must already have made considerable advances, before 
 we can begin to define with any precision. Cp. note 99 on i. 59. Our 
 notions become clearer as we ascertain more facts, and, as our notions 
 become clearer, the facts we collect or infer become more pertinent and 
 more pregnant. I^eji^^XJSLJadinj^J^J^j 1 ^ 
 
 tempjat^t^_dj^tin^t_kjnds^ oJnducjtion, one for the clearing up of 
 conceptions and another for the establishment of axioms. Mr. Ellis, 
 however (see General Preface, vol. i. p. 37), is apparently of a different 
 opinion. 
 
 00 Here Bacon advocates the employment of hypothesis, notwithstand- > 
 ing his implied condemnation of it in the First Book. See i. 19, and my) 
 note upon it. His remark at the beginning of the present Aphorism is^ 
 conceived in a far truer and more scientific spirit than the language which > 
 (unless we except that of i. 106, q. v.) he has hitherto employed on the\ 
 subject. To repeat what I have said elsewhere : ' Even though a hypo- ^ 
 thesis may ultimately be discovered to be false, it may be of great service \ 
 in pointing the way to a truer theory. Thus the circular theory of \ 
 planetary motion, and the supplementary theory of epicycles and eccen- j 
 tries, undoubtedly contributed to the formation of the hypothesis which \ 
 was eventually proved to be true. Kepler himself tried no less than \ 
 nineteen different hypotheses, before he hit upon the right one, and his ' 
 
 D d 2
 
 404 NOVUM O RCA NUM. 
 
 tres tabulas coinparentiac primae (quales posuimus) factas et 
 pensitatas, accingendi se et tentandi opus interpretationis 
 naturae in affirmativa ; tarn ex instantiis tabularum, quam 
 ex iis quae alias occurrent. Quod genus tentamenti, per- 
 missionem intellectus, sive interpretationem inchoatam, sive 
 inndemiationem prim am appellare consuevimus. 
 
 Vindemiatio prima de forma calidi. 
 
 Animadvertendum autem est, formam rei inesse (ut ex 
 iis quae dicta sunt plane liquet) instantiis universis et singulis, 
 in quibus res ipsa inest 97 ; aliter enim forma non esset : itaque 
 nulla plane dari potest instantia contradictoria. Attamen 
 
 (Ultimate success was doubtless in no slight degree due to his unsuccessful 
 (efforts. There is hardly any branch of science in which it might not be 
 > affirmed that, without a number of false guesses, true theories could never 
 ^ have been attained.' Inductive Logic, 4th Ed., p. 98. 
 
 Mr. Ellis (in his General Preface, vol. i. pp. 36, 37) makes the following 
 | important remarks on the relation of this Aphorism to the others of the 
 (Second Book: 'The phrase Permissio Intellectus sufficiently indicates 
 !,that in this process the mind is suffered to follow the course most 
 ^natural to it ; it is relieved from the restraints hitherto imposed on it, and 
 I reverts to its usual state. In this Vindemiatio we accordingly find no 
 (reference to the method of exclusion : it rests immediately on the three 
 ^tables of Comparentia ; and though of course it does not contradict the 
 j results of the Exclusiva, yet on the other hand it is not derived from them. 
 If we lose sight of the real nature of this part of the investigation, which 
 j is merely introduced by the way " because truth is more easily extricated 
 ] from error than from confusion," we also lose sight of the scope and 
 \ purport of the whole method. All that Bacon proposes henceforth to do 
 ) is to perfect the Exclusiva ; the Vindemiatio prima, though it is the closing 
 1 member of the example which Bacon makes use of, is not to be taken as 
 the type of the final conclusion of any investigation which he would 
 s recognise as just and legitimate. It is only a parenthesis in the general 
 * method, whereas the Exclusiva, given in the eighteenth aphorism of the 
 s second book, is a type or paradigm of the process on which every true 
 .'induction (inductio vera) must in all cases depend.' 
 
 97 See notes on Aphs. 16, 17. The argument would have been perfectly 
 correct, not only with reference to ' natures ' but also with reference to 
 ' causes,' if he had said that, wherever the supposed form is, there the 
 thing itself must be. Thus, if we start the hypothesis that motion is 
 causally connected with heat, and we find, as a matter of fact, that motion 
 is always attended by an increase of temperature, the hypothesis becomes 
 an ascertained truth. We can, as I have so frequently stated, argue with 
 certainty from the cause to the effect, but not from the effect to the cause.
 
 LIB. II. 2O. 405- 
 
 longe magis conspicua invenitur forma et evidcns in aliquibus 
 instantiis, quam in aliis ; in iis videlicet, ubi minus cohibita 
 est natura formae et impedita ct redacta in ordinem per 
 naturas alias. Hujusmodi autem instantias, ehicescentias vel 
 instantias ostensivas appellare consuevimus 98 . Pergendum ita- 
 que est ad vindemiationein ipsam primam de forma calidi. 
 
 Per universas et singulas instantias, natura cujus limi- 
 tatio est calor videtur esse motus. Hoc autem maxime 
 ostenditur in flamma, quae perpetuo movetur ; et in 
 liquoribus ferventibus aut bullientibus, qui etiam per- 
 petuo moventur. Atque ostenditur etiam in incitatione 
 sive incremento caloris facto per motum ; ut in follibus 9!) , 
 et ventis ; de quo vide Instant. 29. Tab. 3. Atque simi- 
 liter in aliis modis motus, de quibus vide Instant. 28. et 
 31. Tab. 3. Rursus ostenditur in extinctione ignis et 
 caloris per omnem fortem compressionem, quae fraenat 
 ct cessare facit motum ; de qua vide Instant. 30. et 32. 
 Tab. 3. Ostenditur etiam in hoc, quod omne corpus de- 
 struitur aut saltern insigniter alteratur ab omni igne et ca- 
 lore forti ac vehementi ; unde liquido constat, fieri a calore 
 tumultum et perturbationem et motum acrem in partibus 
 internis corporis, qui sensim vergit ad dissolutionem *. 
 
 Intelligatur hoc quod diximus de motu (nempe, ut sit instar 
 generis ad calorem), non quod calor generet motum, aut quod 
 motus generet calorem (licet et haec in aliquibus 2 vera sint). 
 sed quod ipsissimus calor, sive quid ipsum :! caloris, sit motus 
 
 Ui See Aph. 24. 
 
 M On this and some of the other instances here alluded to, see notes 
 above. We have now reached a point at which it becomes superfluous to 
 criticise in detail either the instances themselves or the inferences based 
 upon them. 
 
 1 These facts are well and correctly stated, though Bacon did not know 
 what becomes of the parts of the body, on ' dissolution.' 
 
 2 Heat and motion are not only occasionally, but invariably convertible 
 or capable of passing into each other. 
 
 n ro Tt ea-Ti. Here, of course, form is used unequivocally for ' nature ' 
 or 'essence.' Cp. the expressions below : ' differentias veras, quae iimitant 
 motum, et constituunt eum in formam calidi ; : 'forma sive defmitio vera 
 caloris.'
 
 406 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 et nihil aliud ; limitatus tamen per differentials quas mox sub- 
 jungemus, postquam nonnullas cautiones adjecerimus ad evi- 
 tandum aequivocum. 
 
 Calidum ad sensum 4 res respectiva est, et in ordine ad 
 hominem non ad universum ; et ponitur recte ut effectus 
 caloris tantum in spiritum animalem. Quin etiam in seipso 
 res varia est, cum idem corpus (prout sensus praedisponitur) 
 inducat perceptionem tarn calidi quam frigidi; ut patet per 
 Instant. 41. Tab. 3. 
 
 Neque vero communicatio caloris, sive natura ejus transi- 
 tiva per quam corpus admotum corpori calido incalescit, con- 
 fundi debet cum forma calidi 5 . Aliud enim est calidum, 
 aliud calefactivum. Nam per motum attritionis inducitur 
 calor absque aliquo calido praecedente, unde excluditur cale- 
 factivum a forma calidi. Atque etiam ubi calidum efficitur 
 per approximationem calidi, hoc ipsum non fit ex forma 
 calidi, sed omnino pendet a natura altiore et magis com- 
 muni ; viz. ex natura assimilationis sive multiplicationis sui ; 
 dS qua facienda est separatim inquisitio G . 
 
 At notio ignis plebeia est, et nihil valet : composita enim 
 est ex concursu qui fit calidi et lucidi in aliquo corpore ; ut in 
 flamma communi, et corporibus accensis usque ad ruborem. 
 
 Remote itaque omni aequivoco, veniendum jam tandem est 
 ad differentias veras, quae limitant motum et constituunt 7 
 eum in formam calidi. 
 
 Prima igitur differentia ea est, quod calor sit motus 
 expansivus 8 , per quern corpus nititur ad dilatationem sui, 
 
 4 ' Calidum ad sensum ' is here opposed to ' calor,' the former being an 
 affection of our organism, the latter an affection of the body itself. 
 
 5 Heat itself is distinct from its production or communication. This is 
 all that Bacon seems to mean. So far as he is here referring to the 
 ' cause ' of heat, it is to the remote, not to the proximate cause. 
 
 6 See Aph. 48, ' Motus undecimus.' 
 
 7 In the language of the scholastic logic, the differentia is said to divide 
 the genus and to constitute the species. 
 
 s In Aph. 18, Inst. 10, he rejects 'motum expansivum, secundum totum,' 
 and in the third differentia assigned in this Aphorism, he describes heat 
 as ' motus, non expansivus uniformiter secundum totum, sed expansivus 
 per particulas minores corporis.' It is difficult, however, to see how the
 
 LIB. II. 2O. 407 
 
 et recipiendi 9 se in majorem sphaeram sive dimensionem 
 quam prius occupaverat. Haec autem differentia maxi- 
 me ostenditur in flamma ; ubi fumus sive halitus pinguis 
 manifesto dilatatur et aperit se in flammam. 
 
 Ostenditur etiam in omni liquore fervente, qui mani- 
 festo intumescit, insurgit, et emittit bullas ; atque urget 
 processum expandendi se, donee vertatur in corpus longe 
 magis extensum et dilatatum quam sit ipse liquor; viz. 
 in vaporem aut fumum aut ae'rem 10 . 
 
 Ostenditur etiam in omni ligno et combustibili ; ubi 
 fit aliquando exudatio, at semper evaporatio. 
 
 Ostenditur etiam in colliquatione metallorum, quae 
 (cum sint corporis compactissimi) non facile intumescunt 
 et se dilatant ; sed tamen spiritus eorum 11 , postquam 
 fuerit in se dilatatus, et majorem adeo dilatationem con- 
 cupierit, trudit plane et agit partes crassiores in liquidum. 
 Quod si etiam calor fortius intendatur, solvit et vertit 
 multum ex iis in volatile. 
 
 Ostenditur etiam in ferro aut lapidibus ; quae licet non 
 liquefiant aut fundantur, tamen emolliuntur. Quod etiam 
 fit in baculis ligni ; quae calefacta paululum in cineribus 
 calidis fiunt flexibilia. 
 
 Optime autem cernitur iste motus in ae're, qui per 
 exiguum calorem se dilatat continuo et manifesto ; ut 
 per Instant. 38. Tab. 3. 
 
 Ostenditur etiam in natura contraria frigidi 12 . Frigus 
 
 minute particles of a body could be expanded without causing the expan- 
 sion of the whole body, especially as Bacon (see Aph. 8) rejected the idea 
 of a vacuum between the particles. As a fact, all bodies (with a few 
 exceptions, such as water between 32 and 39 Fahrenheit, and bismuth 
 at the moment of solidification) expand with an augmentation of tem- 
 perature. 
 
 9 This, which is the reading of the First Edition, is probably a misprint 
 for ' recipiendum,' the reading of the second and most subsequent editions. 
 If we retain ' recipiendi,' it must be governed by ' motus ' above. 
 
 10 Cp. an interesting passage on the conversion of solids into liquids, 
 and of liquids into vapours, in Herschel's Discourse on the Study of 
 Natural Philosophy, 357, 358, and see especially note 37 on Aph. 33. 
 
 11 Notice again the curious language which Bacon employs about the 
 'spirits' of inanimate objects. Cp. i. 50, ii. 7, ii. 40, c. 
 
 '- Here again we have the conception of cold as a positive quality.
 
 4 o8 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 enim omne corpus contrahit 13 et cogit in angustius ; adeo 
 ut per intensa frigora clavi excidant ex parietibus, aera 
 dissiliant, vitrum etiam calefactum et subito positum in 
 frigido dissiliat et frangatur. Similiter aer per levem 
 infrigidationem recipit se in angustius ; ut per Instant. 
 38. Tab. 3. Verum de his fusius dicetur in inquisitione 
 de Frigido. 
 
 Neque mirum est si calidum et frigidum edant com- 
 plures actiones communes (de quo vide Instant. 32. Tab. 
 2), cum inveniantur duae ex sequentibus diffcrentiis (de 
 quibus mox dicemus) quae competunt utrique naturae ; 
 licet in hac differentia (de qua mine loquimur) actiones 
 sint ex diametro oppositae. Calidum enim dat motum 
 expansivum et dilatantem, Frigidum autem dat motum 
 contractivum et coeuntem. 
 
 Secunda differentia est modificatio prioris ; haec vide- 
 licet, quod calor sit motus expansivus sive versus circum- 
 ferentiam ; hac lege tamcn. ut una feratur corpus sursum u . 
 Dubium enim non est quin sint motus complures mixti. 
 Exempli gratia ; sagitta aut spiculum simul et progre- 
 cliendo rotat, et rotando progreditur. Similiter et motus 
 caloris simul est et expansivus et latio in sursum. 
 
 Haec vero differentia ostenditur in forcipe, aut bacillo 
 
 :! This statement is not universally true. See note 8 above. Water- 
 pipes, for instance, are often burst by the expansion of ice at the moment 
 of solidification. 
 
 H In gases and liquids, the heated particles, being expanded, and so 
 occupying more space in proportion to their density, ascend, while the 
 particles not yet equally heated remain stationary, or descend. This mode 
 of diffusion of heat is called Convection. See Tyndall's Heat a Mode of 
 Motion, 3rd Ed., 221, 222. There is, of course, no analogous pheno- 
 menon in the case of solids. Bacon's example of ' the tongs and poker : 
 is purely fanciful, the idea having probably arisen from the fact that, in 
 order to make them stand upright, they must be planted more firmly in 
 the fire, and so exposed to a larger amount of heat, than when placed 
 horizontally. Moreover, the heat radiated from the fire upwards in the 
 direction of the chimney is usually much greater than that radiated 
 sideways. 
 
 It will be seen from what is here said, that this second differentiation is 
 delusive.
 
 LIB. II. 20. 409 
 
 ferreo immisso in ignem : quia si immittatur perpendi- 
 culariter tenendo manum superius, cito tranum adurit ; 
 sin ex latere aut inferius, omnino tardius. 
 
 Conspicua etiam est in distillationibus per descenso- 
 rium ; quibus utuntur homines ad fiores dclicatiores, quo- 
 rum odorcs facile evanescunt. Nam hoc reperit indus- 
 tria. ut collocent ignem non subter sed supra, ut adurat 
 minus 15 . Neque enim flamma tantum vergit sursum, sed 
 etiam omne calidum. 
 
 Fiat autem experimentum hujus rei in contraria natura 
 frigidi : viz. utrum frigus non contrahat corpus descen- 
 dendo deorsum, quemadmodum calidum dilatat corpus 
 ascendendo sursum. Itaque adhibeantur duo bacilla fer- 
 rea, vel duo tubi vitrei, quoad cactera pares, et calefiant 
 nonnihil ; et ponatur spongia cum aqua frigida, vel nix, 
 subter unam, et similiter super alteram. Existimamus 
 enim celeriorem fore refrigerationem ad extremitates in 
 eo bacillo ubi nix ponitur supra quam in eo ubi nix 
 ponitur subter : contra ac fit in calido. 
 
 Tertia differentia ea est ; ut calor sit motus. non ex- 
 pansivus uniformiter 1G secundum totum, sed expansivus 
 per particulas minores n corporis ; et simul cohibitus et 
 repulsus ct reverberatus, adeo ut induat motum alter- 
 
 15 Heat being propagated in liquids both by convection and conduction, 
 and more in the former way than the latter, it will be plain from the last 
 note that it ascends in them more quickly than it descends. Hence, a 
 liquid will be warmed more slowly by a fire above than by a fire below. 
 
 16 That is to say, some particles are heated before others, and, con- 
 sequently, the whole mass is, at any given time, heated unequally in its 
 different parts. This circumstance does not, however, prevent the ex- 
 pansion of the body as a whole, which must be a necessary consequence 
 of the expansion of even a portion of its constituent particles. See note 8 
 above. 
 
 1 It is of importance to notice the precise expression employed here, 
 'particulas minores corporis.' In the Ouarta Differentia, just below, 
 these ' particulae minores ' or ' minutae ' arc clearly distinguished from the 
 ultimate particles of matter ('non ad extremam subtilitatem, sed quasi 
 majusculae '). There is thus a considerable difference, not indeed of 
 kind but of degree, between Bacon's statement of the Theory of Heat 
 and that of more recent writers, like Tyndall.
 
 410 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 nativum 1S et perpetuo trepidantem et tentantem et niten- 
 tem et ex repercussione irritatum ; unde furor ille ignis 
 et caloris ortum habet. 
 
 Ista vero differentia ostenditur maxime in flamma et 
 liquoribus bullientibus ; quae perpetuo trepidant, et in 
 parvis portionibus tument, et rursus subsidunt. 
 
 Ostenditur etiam in iis corporibus, quae sunt tarn durae 
 compagis ut calefacta aut ignita non intumescant aut 
 dilatentur mole ; ut ferrum ignitum 19 3 in quo calor est 
 acerrimus. 
 
 Ostenditur etiam in hoc, quod per frigidissimas tem- 
 pestates focus ardeat acerrime 20 . 
 
 Ostenditur etiam in hoc, quod cum extenditur ae'r in 
 vitro calendari absque impedimento aut repulsione, uni- 
 formiter scilicet et aequaliter, non percipiatur calor. 
 Etiam in ventis conclusis, licet erumpant vi maxima, 
 tamen non percipitur calor insignis; quia scilicet motus 
 fit secundum totum, absque motu alternante in parti- 
 culis. Atque ad hoc fiat experimentum, utrum flamma 
 non urat acrius versus latera quam in medio flammae. 
 
 Ostenditur etiam in hoc, quod omnis ustio transigatur 
 per minutos poros corporis quod uritur ; adeo ut ustio 
 subruat et penetret et fodicet et stimulet, perinde ac si 
 essent infmitae cuspides acus. Itaque ex hoc illud etiam 
 
 1S This description seems to be a remarkable anticipation of the Un- 
 dulatory Theory of Heat. Cp. Tyndall, Heat a Mode of Motion, 3rd Ed., 
 339 : ' Let us now revert for a moment to our fundamental conceptions 
 regarding radiant heat. Its origin is an oscillatory motion of the ultimate 
 particles of matter a motion taken up by the ether, and propagated 
 through it in waves. The particles of ether in these waves do not oscil- 
 late in the same manner as the particles of air, in the case of sound. The 
 air-particles move to and fro, in the direction in which the sound travels ; 
 the ether particles move to and fro, across the line in which the light 
 travels. The undulations of the air are longitudinal, those of the ether 
 transversal. The ether waves resemble more the ripples of water than 
 they do the aerial pulses which produce sound.' 
 
 19 See note on Aph. 18, Inst. 10. 
 
 " IJ See note on Aph. 13, Inst. 36. 
 
 Bacon's theory is in advance of his proofs. Most of the instances 
 collected under this 'Third Differentia' are of little, if any, value towards 
 proving the conclusion.
 
 LIB, II. 20. 411 
 
 fit, quod omnes aquae fortes (si proportionatae sint ad 
 corpus in quod agunt) edant opera ignis, ex natura sua 
 corrodente et pungente. 
 
 Atque ista differentia (de qua mine dicimus) communis 
 est cum natura frigidi : in quo cohibetur motus contrac- 
 tivus per renitentiam expandendi ; quemadmodum in 
 calido cohibetur motus expansivus per renitentiam con- 
 trahendi. 
 
 Itaque sive partes corporis penetrent versus interius 
 sive penetrent versus exterius, similis est ratio : licet 
 impar admodum sit fortitudo ; quia non habemus hie 
 apud nos in superficie terrae aliquid quod sit impense 
 frigidum. Vide Instant. 27. Tab. i. 
 
 Quarta differentia est modificatio prioris : haec scilicet, 
 quod motus ille stimulationis aut penetrationis debeat 
 esse nonnihil rapidus et minime lentus ; atque fiat etiam 
 per particulas, licet minutas ; tamen non ad extremam 
 subtilitatem, sed quasi majusculas 21 . 
 
 Ostenditur haec differentia in comparatione operum 
 quae edit ignis cum iis quae edit tempus sive aetas. 
 Aetas enim sive tempus arefacit, consumit, subruit, et 
 incinerat, non minus quam ignis ; vel potius longe 
 subtilius : sed quia motus ejusmodi est lentus admodum 
 et per particulas valde exiles, non percipitur calor. 
 
 Ostenditur etiam in comparatione dissolutionum ferri 
 et auri 22 . Aurum enim dissolvitur absque calore exci- 
 tato ; ferrum autem cum vehement! excitatione caloris, 
 licet simili fere intervallo quoad tempus. Quia scilicet 
 in auro, ingressus aquae separationis est clemens et sub- 
 tiliter insinuans, et cessio partium auri facilis ; at in ferro, 
 ingressus est asper et cum conflictu, et partes ferri habent 
 obstinationem majorem. 
 
 21 This last qualification is, of course, erroneous, and seems to have 
 been suggested by the fanciful contrast, drawn below, between time and 
 fire. Heat is a motion of the ultimate particles of matter, whatever 
 the nature of these particles may be. Cp. note 17 above. 
 
 '- He is here alluding to the instances given under Aphs. 11 (19) and 
 12 (25), relating to the chemical dissolution of iron and gold respectively.
 
 412 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 Ostenditur etiam aliquatenus in gangraenis nonnullis 
 et mortificationibus carnium ; quae non excitant magnum 
 calorem aut dolorem, ob subtilitatem putrefactionis. 
 
 Atque haec sit Priina Vindcmiatio, sive Intcrpretatio in- 
 cJwata de Forma Calidi, facta per Pcrmissionem Intellect-its. 
 
 Ex Vindemiatione autem ista Prima, forma sive definitio 
 vera 23 caloris (ejus qui est in ordine ad universum, non rela- 
 tivus tantummodo ad sensum) talis est, brevi verborum com- 
 plexu : Calor est motns expansivns, cohibitus, et nitens per 
 paries minores. Modificatur autem expansio: ut expandendo 
 in anibitnm 24 , nonnihil tamen incline t versus snperiora 25 . 
 Modificatur autem et nixus ille per partes ; tit non sit omnino 
 scgnis, sed incitatus et cum impctn nonmdlo. 
 
 Quod vero ad Operativam attinet, eadem res est. Nam 
 designatio est talis : Si in atiqno corpore natnrali poteris cx- 
 citarc motum ad se dilatandnm ant expandendum ; cuinque 
 inotnin ita rcprimcrc et in se vcrtcre, nt dilatatio ilia non proccdat 
 acqnaliter, scd partim ob tine at. part im rctrndatur ; procnldubio 
 generabis calidum: non habita ratione, sive corpus illud sit 
 elementare (ut loquuntur), sive imbutum a coelestibus 20 ; sive 
 luminosurn, sive opacum ; sive tenue, sive densum ; sive loca- 
 liter expansum, sive intra claustra dimensionis primae conten- 
 tum ; sive vcrgens ad dissolutionem. sive manens in statu ; 
 sive animal, sive vegetabile, sive minerale, sive aqua, sive 
 oleum, sive acr. aut aliqua alia substantia quaecunque susceptiva 
 
 - 3 Notice that 'form' is here identified with definition. 
 
 24 All round, in all directions. 
 
 - : ' See note 14 above. 
 
 26 Spectrum analysis has recently shown that ' celestial ' and 'terrestrial' 
 or ' elementary' bodies are of much the same chemical composition. The 
 common opinion in Bacon's time, inherited from the Peripatetics (see De 
 Coelo, i. 3, ii. 7, and other places), was that the heavenly bodies are com- 
 posed of an entirely different substance (a fifth essence, or element) from 
 those which enter into the composition of sublunary bodies. Bacon, 
 while opposing this opinion, admits that there is no doubt ' quin regiones 
 sub lima positae et supra, una cum corporibus quae sub iisdem spatiis 
 continentur, multis et magnis rebus differant.' See Descriptio Globi In- 
 tellectualis, cap. 7 (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 748, &c.). 
 
 On the expression ' inibutuin a coelestibus,' cp. what Bacon says on 
 Astrology in De Augmentis, iii. 4 (E. and S., vol. i. pp. 554-60).
 
 LIB. II. 21. 413 
 
 motus praedicti. Calidum autem ad scnsum res eadem est ; 
 sed cum analogia 27 , qualis competit sensui.*" Nunc vero ad 
 ulteriora auxilia procedendum est 28 . 
 
 XXI. 
 
 Post Tabulas comparentiae primae et rejectionem sive ex- 
 clusivam> nee non vindemiationem primam factam secundum 
 eas, pergendum est ad reliqua auxilia intellectus circa inter- 
 pretationem naturae et inductionem veram ac perfectam. In 
 quibus proponendis, ubi opus erit tabulis, procedemus super 
 calidum et frigidum ; ubi autem opus erit tantum exemplis 
 paucioribus, procedemus per alia omnia : ut nee confundatur 
 inquisitio, et tamen doctrina versetur minus in angusto. 
 
 Dicemus itaque primo loco, de Praerogativis Instantiarum^ : 
 
 27 By this explanation he means that the 'calidum ad sensum ' is simply 
 the 'calidum in se ' in its relation to our senses. ' Calor,' as perceived by 
 us, is modified by the condition of the percipient. 
 
 2S Mr. Ellis (pp. 266, 267) has an interesting note on various points 
 connected with the ' Inquisitio de forma calidi.' It is too long to quote, 
 but the student may refer to it with advantage, bearing in mind, however, 
 that the dynamical theory of heat has gained considerably in evidence 
 since the time at which Mr. Ellis wrote. Most of the points touched on in 
 this note have been mentioned by me in the course of my own annotations. 
 
 The ' ulteriora auxilia ' are designed for the purpose of perfecting the 
 ' Exclusiva,' for which purpose the Tables alone are not supposed to be 
 sufficient. The necessary imperfection of his method, in the present state 
 of knowledge, and with the present modes of enquiry, is acknowledged 
 by Bacon himself in Aph. 19. 
 
 To the parenthetical character of the Aphorism just concluded I have 
 already drawn attention in the extracts from Mr. Ellis' General Preface 
 in note 96 above. 
 
 29 So called from the ' Tribus Praerogativa ' which, being selected by 
 lot, voted first in the ' Comitia Tributa ' of the Romans, and thus afforded 
 an indication of the mode in which the other tribes were likely to vote. 
 Its vote also frequently exercised a considerable influence on the succeed^ 
 ing votes. 
 
 ' By the prerogatives of instances,' says Sir John Herschel (Discourse on 
 the Study of Natural Philosophy, 190), 'Bacon understands characteristic 
 phenomena, selected from the great miscellaneous mass of facts which 
 occur in nature, and which, by their number, indistinctness, and com- 
 plication, tend rather to confuse than to direct the mind in its search 
 for causes and general heads of induction. Phenomena so selected on 
 account of some peculiarly forcible way in which they strike the reason,
 
 414 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 secundo 30 . de Adminiciilis Indnctionis : tertio, &Q Rectifications 
 Indnctionis : quarto, de Variatione Inquisitionis pro Natnra 
 Subjecti: quinto 31 , de Praerogativis Naturarum quatenus ad 
 inquisitionem, sivc de eo quod inquirendum est prius et poste- 
 rius : sexto, de Terminis Inquisitionis. sive de synopsi omnium 
 
 and impress us with a kind of sense of causation or a particular aptitude 
 for generalisation, he considers, and justly, as holding a kind of prerogative 
 dignity, and claiming our first and especial attention in physical enquiries.' 
 
 On the more important of these ' praerogativae instantiarum ' some ex- 
 cellent remarks and illustrations will be found in Herschel's Discourse, 
 &c., 190-200, Playfair's Preliminary Dissertation to the Encyclopaedia 
 Britannica, Section 2, and Dr. Hippus' Account of the Novum Organum, 
 Part ii, in the Library of Useful Knowledge (which, however, borrows 
 largely from Playfair's Dissertation). From these sources, I shall, as we 
 proceed, extract what appears to me most valuable. 
 
 In the ' General Preface to the Philosophical Works,' Mr. Ellis remarks 
 that ' to the word instance Bacon gives a wide range of signification. It 
 corresponds more nearly to observation than to any other term which is 
 used in modern scientific language.' 
 
 30 Cp. the passage at the end of the book : ' Nunc vero ad adminicula 
 et rectificationes induct ionis, et deinceps ad concreta, et latcntes processus, 
 et latentes schematismos, et reliqua, quae aphorismo 21. ordine propo- 
 suimus, pergendum.' In this passage 'ad concreta' seems to answer to 
 the ' Yariatio Inquisitionis pro Natura Subjecti ' of the text, and, perhaps, 
 ' Latentes Processus et Latentes Schematism! ' to the ' Deductio ad 
 Praxin,' though M. Bouillet refers these also to the Variatio Inquisitionis. 
 
 Mr. Ellis (General Preface, p. 43) observes that the practical utility 
 of the prerogative instances would have been explained when Bacon came 
 to speak of the Adminicula Inductionis. M. Bouillet, on the other hand, 
 thinks that the 'Adminicula Inductionis ' were to embrace the ' Minis- 
 tratio ad Sensum' and ' Ministratio ad Memoriam,' mentioned in Aph. 
 10. He refers to the conclusion of Aphs. 42 and 43, and quotes from the 
 Partis Secundae Delineatio the words ' ministratio ad rationem cui minis- 
 trationes duae priores subministrant.' See E. and S., vol. iii. p. 553. 
 
 In M. Bouillet's note on this Aphorism, there is an attempt to determine 
 the exact character of these missing parts of the Novum Organum, and, 
 where possible, to supply them from other portions of Bacon's works. 
 The attempt is interesting and ingenious, but it is too conjectural, as well 
 as too lengthy, to admit of being reproduced here. The reader, however, 
 would do well to compare with this Aphorism the Partis Secundae De- 
 lineatio (E. and S., vol. iii. pp. 547-57). 
 
 11 He seems here to contemplate the arrangement of the simple natures, 
 or, at least, the principal ones, in a kind of hierarchy, according to their 
 relative importance, as in the sixth division he designs an exhaustive 
 enumeration of them.
 
 LIB. II. 22. 415 
 
 naturarum in universe : septimo, de Deductions ad Praxin, 
 sive de eo quod est in ordine ad Hominem : octavo 32 , de Para- 
 sceuis ad Inquisitioncm : postremo autem, de Scala Ascensoria 
 et Descensoria Axiomatum. 
 
 XXII. 
 
 Inter Praerogatwas Instantiarum 33 , primo proponemus 
 Instantias Solitarias 34 . Eae autem sunt solitariae, quae exhi- 
 
 32 Towards this division we have a contribution in the tract printed 
 at the end of the first edition of the Novum Organum, entitled ' Parasceve,' 
 &c. Bacon expressly says in the Introduction to it : ' Huic autem rei locus 
 proprius foret quum ad Parasceuas Inquisitionis ordine deventum fuerit. 
 Hoc vero praevertere, nee locum proprium expectare, consultius nobis 
 videtur.' 
 
 33 In Aph. 52, these Praerogativae Instantiarum are divided into such as 
 are concerned 'circa partem informativam ' (1-20, of which 1-15 'juvant 
 intellectual,' 16-20 'juvant sensum'), and such as are concerned 'circa 
 partem operativam ' (21-27). For further subdivisions, see the Aphorism 
 itself. 
 
 This portion of the Novum Organum, it must be confessed, is defective 
 in arrangement, nor does it supply any systematic set of rules for the 
 investigation of nature. It consists rather of a miscellaneous collection 
 of remarks, hints, and directions, many of which are exceedingly valuable 
 and suggestive, though often expressed in fanciful language and often 
 illustrated by examples which we should now deem worthless and un- 
 scientific. Of Bacon's terminology, however, I may remark that it has at 
 least been so felicitously selected, as in many cases to have left a per- 
 manent mark on the language, as, for example, in the expressions ' Crucial 
 Instance,' ' Glaring Instance,' ' Clandestine Instance,' and the like. 
 
 In the Partis Secundae Delineatio (E.and S., vol. iii. p. 556), the Prae- 
 rogativa Instantiae together with the Praerogativa Inquisiti are described 
 as constituting the ' inquisitionis contractio,' which has for its office 'ut 
 non tantum in inviis via, sed in viis compendium, et tanquam linea recta 
 quae per ambages et flexus secet, ex indiciis nostris innotescat.' ' Itaque 
 docebimus primo,' he goes on to say, ' quales sint illae instantiae, sive 
 experimenta, quae ad illuminationem prae caeteris excellant, adeo ut 
 paucae idem quod aliae plures praestent. Hoc enim et moli ipsius his- 
 toriae, et discurrendi laboribus parcit.' 
 
 34 Bacon could hardly have commenced with a more promising example 
 of his ' prerogatives.' It is curious that the two divisions of the ' instantiae 
 solitariae ' correspond respectively with Mill's Methods of Agreement and 
 Difference. To quote what I have said elsewhere (Inductive Logic, 4th 
 Ed., p. 147) : ' In the Method of Difference, the instances agree in every- 
 thing, except in the possession of two circumstances which are present in 
 the one instance and absent in the other. In the Method of Agreement.
 
 41 6 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 bent naturam, de qua fit inquisitio, in talibus subjectis quae 
 nil habent commune cum aliis subjectis. praeter illam ipsam 
 naturam; aut rursus quae non exhibent naturam, de qua fit 
 inquisitio, in talibus subjectis quae sunt similia per omnia cum 
 aliis subjectis, praeterquam in ilia ipsa natura. Manifestum 
 enim est quod hujusmodi instantiae tollant ambages, atque 
 accelerent et roborent exclusivam^ ; adeo ut paucae ex illis 
 sint instar multarum. 
 
 Exempli gratia : si fiat inquisitio de natura Coloris 3G , In- 
 stantiae Solitariae sunt prismata, gemmae chrystallinae, quae 
 reddunt colores non solum in se sed exterius supra parietem, 
 item rores, &c. Istae enim nil habent commune cum coloribus 
 fixis in floribus, gemmis coloratis, metallis. lignis, &c., praeter 
 ipsum colorem. Unde facile colligitur, quod color nil aliud 
 sit quam modificatio imaginis lucis immissae et receptae : in 
 priore genere, per gradus diversos incidentiae ; in posteriore, 
 per texturas et schematismos varios corporis. Istae autem 
 Instantiae sunt Solitariae quatenus ad similitudinem 37 . 
 
 Rursus in eadem inquisitione, venae distinctae albi et nigri 
 in marmoribus, et variegationes colorum in floribus ejusdem 
 
 the various instances compared (for here we generally require more than 
 two instances) agree in nothing, except in the possession of two circum- 
 stances which are common to all the instances.' Here, of course, the 
 ' two circumstances ' are the ' natura de qua fit inquisitio ' and the assigned 
 cause. The cogency of these methods is almost evident from the state- 
 ment of them. 'The Method of Agreement,' says Mr. Mill, 'stands on 
 the ground that whatever can be eliminated, is not connected with the 
 phenomenon by any law. The Method of Difference has for its foundation 
 that whatever can not be eliminated, is connected with the phenomenon 
 by a law.' 
 
 35 The second division, answering to the Method of Difference, does 
 more than this. If its conditions were perfectly satisfied, it would demon- 
 strate the truth of the assigned cause. 
 
 BG Bacon is no less happy in his example than in his rule. ' He con- 
 cludes,' says Professor Play-fair, ' that colour is nothing else than a modi- 
 fication of the rays of light, produced, in the first case, by the different 
 degrees of incidence ; and, in the second, by the texture or constitution of 
 the surfaces of bodies. He may be considered as very fortunate in fixing 
 on these examples ; for it was by means of them that Newton afterwards 
 found out the composition of light.' 
 
 37 It will be noticed that the very expressions ' Method of Agreement' 
 and ' Method of Difference ' all but occur in the Text.
 
 LIB. II. 23. 417 
 
 speciei, sunt Instantiae Solitariac. Album enim et nigrum 
 marmoris, et maculae albi et purpurei in floribus garyophylli ;3 *, 
 conveniunt fere in omnibus praeter Ipsum colorem. Undo 
 facile colligitur, colorem non multum rei habere cum naturis 
 alicujus corporis intrinsecis, sed tantum situm esse in positura 
 partium crassiori et quasi mechanica. Istae autem Instantiae 
 sunt Solitariac, quatenus ad discrepantiam. Utrunque autem 
 genus Instantias Solitarias appellare consuevimus ; aut 
 Ferinas, sumpto vocabulo ab astronomis. 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 Inter praerogativas instantiarum, ponemus secundo loco 
 Instantias Migr antes 40 . Eae sunt, in quibus natura inquisita 
 
 13 More properly Caryophylla, from Kapv6(f)v\\oi>. The name, with Bacon, 
 probably designates pinks, carnations, and cloves. 
 
 10 Dr. Kitchin gives up this word in despair. I have little doubt that 
 Mr. Ellis is right in his conjecture that it is used (possibly by an ac- 
 cidental substitution) for feralis, which is thus defined in the Lexicon 
 Mathematicum of Hieronymus Vitalis, published at Paris in 1668 : 'Feralis, 
 
 [S.C.] 
 
 apud Astronomos dicitur planeta, quando fuerit in loco, ubi nullam cum 
 reliquis familiaritatem habet : quod quidem maximum est detrimentum, 
 et potissime attenditur in Luna, quae proinde in eo casu appellatur 
 Agrestis, cursu vacua,' &c. 
 
 40 Cp. the Tabula Graduum of Aph. 13, and Mill's Method of Con- 
 comitant Variations. 
 
 ' Bacon's " travelling instances" are those in which the nature or quality 
 under investigation " travels," or varies in degree ; thus affording an 
 indication of a cause by a gradation of intensity in the effect. One of 
 his instances is very happy, being that of ' paper, which is white when 
 dry, but proves less so when wet, and comes nearer to the state of 
 transparency upon the exclusion of the air, and admission of water. 
 In reading this, and many other instances in the Xovum Organum, one 
 would almost suppose (had it been written) that its author had taken 
 them from Newton's Optics. 
 
 ' The travelling instances, as well as what Bacon terms " frontier in- 
 stances," are cases in which we are enabled to trace that general law 
 which seems to pervade all nature the law, as it is termed, of continuity, 
 which is expressed in the well-known sentence, " Natura non agit per 
 saltum."' Herschel, ^ 198, 199. 
 
 Professor Playfair remarks: 'The mineral kingdom is the great theatre 
 of the instantiae migrantcs, where the same nature is seen in all grada- 
 tions, from the most perfect state, till it become entirely evanescent. 
 
 E e
 
 41 8 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 migrat ad generationem, cum prius non existeret ; aut contra 
 migrat ad corruptionem, cum prius existeret. Itaque in 
 utraque antistrophe, instantiae tales sunt semper geminae 41 ; 
 vel potius una instantia in motu sive transitu, producta ad 
 periodum adversam. At hujusmodi instantiae non solum 
 accelerant et roborant exclusivam, sed etiam compellunt 
 affirmativam sive formam ipsam in angustum. Necesse est 
 enim ut forma rei sit quippiam, quod per hujusmodi migra- 
 tionem indatur, aut contra per hujusmodi migrationcm tollatur 
 et destruatur. Atque licet omnis exclusio promoveat affirma- 
 tivam, tamen hoc magis directc fit in subjecto eodem quam 
 in diversis. Forma autem (ut ex omnibus quae dicta sunt 
 manifesto liquet) prodens se in uno ducit ad omnia. Quo 
 autem simplicior fuerit migratio, eo magis habenda est instantia 
 in pretio. Praeterea Instantiae Migrantes magni sunt usus 
 ad partem operativam ; quia cum proponant formam copu- 
 latam cum efficiente aut privante, perspicue designant praxin 
 in aliquibus ; unde facilis etiam est transitus ad proxima. 
 Subest tamen in illis nonnihil periculi, quod indiget cautione ; 
 hoc videlicet, ne formam nimis retrahant ad efficientem 42 , et 
 intellectum perfundant vel saltern perstringant falsa opinione 
 de forma ex intuitu efficientis. Efficiens vcro semper ponitur 
 nil aliud esse quam vehiculum sive deferens formae. Verum 
 
 Such are the shells which we see so perfect in figure and structure in 
 limestone, and gradually losing themselves in the finer marbles, till they 
 can no longer be distinguished. The use, also, of one such fact to ex- 
 plain or interpret another, is nowhere so well seen as in the history of the 
 mineral kingdom.' 
 
 It may be added, however, that the application of this method to com- 
 parative anatomy, to physiology, and to the comparative study of law, 
 morals, politics, art, &c., is, at least, as interesting and instructive as its 
 application to mineralogy. See my Inductive Logic under the head of 
 ' Method of Concomitant Variations.' 
 
 At the instant when the phenomenon is actually generated, or actually 
 vanishes, the instance falls under the Method of Difference. See note 
 48 below. 
 
 1 That is, as one quality is making its appearance, the other is vanish- 
 ing ; thus, as transparency vanishes, whiteness appears, and vice versa. 
 
 42 Here Bacon expressly distinguishes between the form and the efficient 
 cause. The efficient conveys the form, or superinduces it on any given 
 material, but is not to be confounded with it.
 
 LIB. II. 23. 419 
 
 huic rei, per cxclusivam legitime factam, facile adhibetur 
 remedium 43 . 
 
 Proponendum itaque est jam exemplum instantiae migrantis. 
 Sit natura inquisita Candor sive Albedo : instantia migrans 
 ad generationem est vitrum integrum et vitrum pulverizatum. 
 Similiter, aqua simplex et aqua agitata in spumam. Vitrum 
 enim integrum et aqua simplex diaphana sunt, non alba ; at 
 vitrum pulverizatum et aqua in spuma, alba, non diaphana. 
 Itaque quaerendum quid accident ex ista migratione vitro aut 
 aquae 44 . Manifestum enim est formam albedinis defcrri et 
 invehi per istam contusionem vitri et agitationem aquae. Nihil 
 autem reperitur accessisse, praeter comminutionem partium 
 vitri et aquae, et acris insertionem. Neque vero parum pro- 
 fectum est ad inveniendam formam albedinis, quod corpora 
 duo per se diaphana, sed secundum magis et minus (aer scilicet 
 ct aqua, aut aer et vitrum), simul posita per minutas portiones 
 exhibcant albedinem, per refractionem inaequalem radiorum 
 lucis 4l l 
 
 Ycrum hac in re proponendum est etiam exemplum periculi 
 ct cautionis, de quibus diximus. Nimirum facile hie occurret 
 intellectui ab hujusmodi efficientibus depravato, quod ad for- 
 mam albedinis aer semper requiratur, aut quod albedo gene- 
 retur tantum per corpora diaphana ; quae omnino falsa sunt, 
 
 43 The effect (the 'nature' exhibiting the 'form') will often be found, 
 where the efficient cause has ceased to operate. Hence, by the Method 
 of Exclusion, the form and its efficient may be distinguished. Thus, 
 long after we have ceased to apply friction, a body may remain heated 
 beyond its ordinary temperature. 
 
 * This phenomenon arises from the great number of reflecting surfaces 
 which cause a very much larger proportion of light to be reflected or 
 scattered than transmitted. Another good instance of the phenomenon 
 is to be seen in the globules of turpentine, when mixed with water and 
 shaken in a bottle. 
 
 K It is not to the unequal refraction of the rays of light in the air 
 and water, or air and glass, as the case may be, but to the repeated 
 reflexion from so many surfaces, as pointed out in the last note, that 
 the phenomenon of whiteness is cue. This reflexion, of course, could 
 not take place, unless the particles were mixed with air. It may be 
 worth adding that Bacon notices the phenomena of Refraction, properly 
 so called, in Sylva Sylvarum, Exps. 761, 762. 
 
 E e 2
 
 420 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 et per multas cxclusioncs convicta 4r '. Ouin potius apparebit 
 (misso acre et hujusmodi) corpora omnino aequalia (secundum 
 portiones opticas) dare diaphanum ; corpora vero inaequalia 
 per texturam simplicem, dare album ; corpora inaequalia 
 secundum texturam compositam, sed ordinatam, dare reliquos 
 colores, praeter nigrurn ; corpora vero inaequalia per texturam 
 compositam, sed omnino inordinatam et confusam. dare 
 nigrum 4T . Itaquc clc instantia migrante ad generationem 
 in natura inquisita albedinis, propositum est jam exemplum. 
 Instantia autem migrans ad corruptionem in eadem natura 
 albedinis, est spuma dissoluta, aut nix dissoluta. Exuit enim 
 albedinem et induit diaphanum aqua, postquam fit integrale 
 sine acre. 
 
 Nequc vero illud ullo modo praetermittendum est. quod sub 
 
 iG In this passage, Bacon seems explicitly to recognise what we call the 
 Plurality of Causes, namely, the fact that an event may be due to various 
 causes or distinct sets of conditions. An argument might hence be deduced 
 in favour of the position that by Form he invariably intends to express nature 
 or essence rather than cause. As I have stated, however, in the Introduc- 
 tion, I believe that the word is employed by him in various shades of 
 meaning in different places. Should it be said that the form is the set 
 of conditions immediately preceding the phenomenon, as it appears to us., 
 and that this is invariably the same, it must be borne in mind that, even if 
 we granted this to be the case, the difficulty connected with Plurality 
 of Causes would recur with regard to the set of conditions immediately 
 preceding this, or the set immediately preceding that, and so on ; so that it 
 would only be potsponed, not eliminated. See my Inductive Logic, 4th 
 ed., pp. 125, 126, n. 4. 
 
 47 This explanation of the colour of bodies is mere guess-work. We 
 have no sufficient evidence, at least as yet, for determining the conditions 
 on which the absorption of colours by A r arious bodies depends. In New- 
 ton's Optics, bk. ii. pt. iii, there is a curious and interesting attempt to 
 determine the same problem. Thus, for instance, Newton thinks that ' The 
 Bigness of the Component Parts of Natural Bodies may be conjectured by 
 their colours ; ' that ' for the production of Black, the corpuscles must 
 be less than any of those which exhibit colours ; ' and that ' microscopes 
 may at length be improved to the discovery of the particles of bodies 
 on which their colours depend, if they are not already in some measure 
 arrived to that degree of perfection.' 
 
 There is a long passage on the theory of Colours in Valerius Terminus 
 (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 236, &c.). Notwithstanding much that is crude in 
 Bacon's speculations, we have only to compare them with such a book 
 as Telcsius de Coloribus, to see on how much firmer ground the physicists 
 of his age were treading than those of the previous generation.
 
 LIB. II. 24. 421 
 
 Instantiis Migrantibus comprehend} debeant non tantum illae 
 quae migrant ad generationem ct privationem 48 , sed etiam 
 illae quae migrant ad majorationcm et minorationem ; cum 
 illae etiam tendant ad inveniendam formam, ut per defini- 
 tionem formae superius factam et tabulam graduum manifesto 
 liquet. Itaque papyrus, quae sicca cum fuerit alba est, at 
 madefacta (excluso acre et recepta aqua) minus alba est et 
 magis vergit ad diaphanum. similem habet rationem cum 
 instantiis supradictis. 
 
 XXIV. 
 
 Inter praerogativas instantiarum, tertio loco ponemus In- 
 stantias Ostensivas, de quibus in mndemiatione prima de 
 Calido mentionem fecimus ; quas etiam Elucescentias^, sive 
 Instantias Liberatas ct Pracdominantes, appellare consuevimus. 
 Eae sunt. quae ostendunt naturam inquisitam nudam et sub- 
 stantivam, atque etiam in exaltatione sua aut summo gradu 
 potentiae suae ; emancipatam scilicet, et liberatam ab impedi- 
 mentis, vel saltern per fortitudinem suae virtutis dominantem 
 super ipsa, eaque supprimentem et coercentem. Cum enim 
 omnc corpus suscipiat multas naturarum formas copulatas 50 et 
 in concrete, fit ut alia aliam retundat, deprimat, frangat, et 
 liget ; unde obscurantur formae singulae. Inveniuntur autem 
 subjecta nonnulla in quibus natura inquisita prae aliis est in 
 suo vigore, vel per absentiam impedimenti vel per praedomi- 
 nantiam virtutis. Hujusmodi autem instantiac sunt maxima 
 ostensivac formae. Verum et in his ipsis instantiis adhibenda 
 
 !; I have drawn attention above (n. 40) to the correspondence between 
 this ' Prerogative ' and the Method of Concomitant Variations. But, 
 strictly speaking, an instance which ' travels to generation or privation,' 
 at least at the precise moment when it actually attains to either the one 
 or the other (that is, when the phenomenon, not having existed before, 
 is produced, or, having existed before, vanishes), falls under the head, not 
 of the Method of Concomitant Variations, but of the Method of Dif- 
 ference. On the close relation of these two methods to each other, see 
 my Inductive Logic, under the head of the Method of Concomitant 
 Variations. 
 
 i9 Hence the common name for these instances, ' Glaring Instances.' 
 Cp. Aph. 20 ad init. 
 
 '""' Cp. Aph. 17, and see my note upon the expression, as it occurs there.
 
 422 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 est cautio, et cohibendus impetus intellectus 51 . Ouicquid enim 
 ostentat formam, eamque trudit, ut videatur occurrere in- 
 tellectui, pro suspecto habendum est, et recurrendum ad ex- 
 clusivam severam et diligentem. 
 
 Exempli gratia ; sit natura inquisita Calidum. Instantia 
 Ostensiva motus expansionis, quae (ut superius dictum est) 
 portio est praecipua 52 formae calidi, est vitrum calendare aeris 53 . 
 
 01 Cp. i. 47. There is sometimes a danger lest these 'glaring instances' 
 should produce an undue effect on the mind, to the prejudice of other 
 instances less striking, but, perhaps, equally or more instructive ; and 
 hence the need of caution. This is all that Bacon seems to mean. 
 
 52 In Aph. 20, 'motus expansivus ' is given as the 'prima differentia' 
 of heat. 
 
 53 The thermometer, as exhibiting the expansive power of heat, is a 
 good example of a glaring instance. I add some others. 
 
 ' If the weight of the air were inquired into, the Torricellian experi- 
 ment, or the barometer, affords an ostensive instance, where the circum- 
 stance which conceals the weight of the atmosphere in common cases, 
 namely, the pressure of it in all directions, being entirely removed, that 
 weight produces its full effect, and sustains the whole column of mercury 
 in the tube. The barometer affords also an example of the instantia 
 migrans, when the change is not total, but only partial or progressive. 
 If it be the weight of the air which supports the mercury in the tube 
 of the barometer, when that weight is diminished, the mercury ought 
 to stand lower. On going to the top of a mountain, the weight of the 
 incumbent air is diminished, because a shorter column of air is to be 
 sustained ; the mercury in the barometer ought therefore to sink, and it 
 is found to do so accordingly. 
 
 ' These are instances in which the action of certain principles is ren- 
 dered visible by the removal of all the opposing forces. One may be 
 given where it is the distinct and decisive nature of this fact which leads 
 to the result. 
 
 ' Suppose it were inquired, whether the present land had ever been 
 covered by the sea. If we look at the stratified form of so large a portion 
 of the earth's surface, we cannot but conclude it to be very probable that 
 such land was formed at the bottom of the sea. But the decisive proof 
 is afforded by the shells and corals, or bodies having the perfect shape 
 of shells and corals and of other marine exuviae, which are found im- 
 bedded in masses of the most solid rock, and often on the tops of very 
 high mountains.' Playfair, Preliminary Dissertation. 
 
 ' The laws of crystallography were obscure, and its causes still more so, 
 till Haiiy fortunately dropped a beautiful crystal of calcareous spar on a 
 stone pavement, and broke it. In piecing together the fragments, he 
 observed their facets not to correspond with those of the crystal in its 
 entire state, but to belong to another form : and, following out the hint
 
 LIB. II. 24. 423 
 
 Etenim flamma, licet manifesto exhibeat expansionem, tamen 
 propter momcntaneam extinctionem non ostendit progressum 
 expansionis. Aqua autem fervens, propter facilem transitionem 
 aquae in vaporem et aerem, non tarn bene ostendit expansionem 
 aquae in corpore suo. Rursus ferrum ignitum, et similia, tan- 
 tum abest ut progressum ostendant, ut contra per retusionem 
 et fractionem spiritus per partes compactas et crassas (quae 
 domant et fraenant expansionem) ipsa expansio non sit omnino 
 conspicua ad sensum 54 . At vitrum calendare clare ostendit 
 expansionem in aere, et conspicuam et progredientem et 
 durantem, neque transeuntem 55 . 
 
 Rursus, exempli gratia, sit natura inquisita Pondus. In- 
 stantia Ostensiva ponderis est argentum vivum 5G . Omnia 
 enim superat pondere magno intervallo, praeter aurum ; quod 
 non multo gravius est 57 . At praestantior instantia est ad 
 indicandam formam ponderis argentum vivum quam aurum : 
 quia aurum solidum est et consistens, quod genus referri 
 videtur ad densum ; at argentum vivum liquidum est et 
 turgens spiritu, et tamen multis partibus exuperat gravitate 
 
 offered by a "glaring instance " thus casually obtruded on his notice, he 
 discovered the beautiful laws of the cleavage and the primitive forms of 
 minerals.' Herschel's Discourse, &c., 191. 
 
 In 365 of the same book, Herschel adduces Magnetism as a 'glaring 
 instance ' of polarity, ' and that under circumstances which peculiarly adapt 
 it for the study of this quality.' 
 
 54 From these remarks, it almost looks as if he thought that ignited 
 iron, &c., do undergo expansion, though the amount of it is imperceptible 
 to us. Cp. Aph. 1 8, Inst. 10. 
 
 05 ' And without passing beyond the condition of air ; ' as water, for 
 instance, transcends its own condition, when it is converted into steam. 
 
 50 Dr. Hippus (Account of the Novum Organum, in the Library of 
 Useful Knowledge, pt. ii. p. 16) points out that Bacon is not happy in his 
 selection of this instance : ' for gold, which is heavier than quicksilver, 
 becomes fluid also by the application of heat ; and quicksilver is solid at 
 a certain temperature.' 
 
 57 Bacon commits the same mistake in the Historia Densi et Rari. He 
 there makes the ratio of the Specific Gravity of Quicksilver to that of 
 Gold as 19 Den. 9 Gr. to 20 Den., that is as I9'37S to 20. (E. and S., 
 vol. ii. p. 245.) The true ratio is I3'598 to I9'258 of Cast Gold or I9'362 
 of Stamped Gold, taking the specific gravity of all these substances at 
 zero, as compared with distilled water at 4C. The specific gravity of 
 Platinum is still greater than that of gold.
 
 424 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 diamantcm. et ea quae putantur solidissima. Ex quo osten- 
 ditur formam gravis sive ponderosi dominari simpliciter in 
 copia materiae, et non in arcta compage 5S . 
 
 XXV. 
 
 Inter praerogativas instantiarum ponemus quarto loco In- 
 stant? as Clandestinas^, quas etiam Instantias Crcpnscnli ap- 
 
 This conception of Weight is perfectly correct. Weight, which is the 
 amount of the earth's attraction on a body, depends not on the consistency 
 of the body, but on the amount of matter contained in it. And, as the 
 amount of matter or mass depends partly on the volume and partly on the 
 density, two bodies of equal volume will vary in weight according to their 
 respective densities. 
 
 59 'The contrary of glaring are "clandestine instances,'' where '''the 
 nature sought is exhibited in its weakest and most imperfect state." Of 
 this, Bacon himself has given an admirable example in the cohesion of 
 fluids, as a clandestine instance of the " nature or quality of consistence, or 
 solidity." Yet here, again, the same acute discrimination which enabled 
 Bacon to perceive the analogy which connects fluids with solids, through 
 the common property of cohesive attraction, would, at the same time, have 
 enabled him to draw from it, if properly supported, every consequence 
 necessary to forming just notions of the cohesive force ; nor does its 
 reference to the class of clandestine instances at all assist in bringing 
 forward and maturing the final results. When, however, the final result is 
 obtained, when our induction is complete, and we would verify it, this 
 class of instances is of great use, being, in fact, frequently no other than 
 that of extreme cases, such as we have already spoken of ; Avhich, by 
 placing our conclusions, as it were, in violent circumstances, try their 
 temper, and bring their vigour to the test.' Herschel's Discourse, 193. 
 
 An example of this instance may be given from hydrostatics. If the sus- 
 pension of water in capillary tubes be inquired into, it becomes very useful to 
 view that effect when it is least, or when the tube ceases to be capillary, and 
 becomes a vessel of a large diameter. The column is then reduced to a 
 slender ring of water, which goes all round the vessel ; and this, though 
 now so inconsiderable, has the property of being independent of the size 
 of the vessel, so as to be in all cases the same when the materials are the 
 same. As there can be no doubt that this ring proceeds from the attrac- 
 tion of the sides, and of the part immediately above the water, so there can 
 be no doubt that the capillary suspension, in part at least, is derived from 
 the same cause. An effect of the opposite kind takes place when a glass 
 vessel is filled with mercury.' Playfair's Preliminary Dissertation. 
 
 I confess that, in the former quotation, I do not quite understand what 
 Sir John Ilcrschel means by saying that 'its reference to the class of 
 clandestine instances does not at all assist in bringing forward and 
 maturing the final results.' The mere act of calling it a 'clandestine 
 instance,' of course, does not ; but. surely, the fact of noticing the cir-
 
 LIB. IL 25. 425 
 
 pellare consucvimus. Eae sunt vcluti oppositac instantiis 
 ostcnsivis, Exhibent enim naturam inquisitam in infima vir- 
 tute, et tanquam in incunabulis et rudimentis suis ; tentantem 
 et tanquam primo experientem, scd sub contraria natura 
 latcntcm et subactam. Sunt autem hujusmodi instantiac 
 magni omnino momenti ad inveniendas formas : quia sicut 
 ostcnsivae ducunt facile ad dififerentias, ita clandestinae ducunt 
 optime ad genera 00 ; id est, ad naturas illas communes, 
 quarum naturae inquisitae nihil aliud sunt quam limitationes. 
 
 Exempli gratia ; sit natura inquisita Consistens, sive se 
 determinans ; cujus contrarium est Liquidum, sive fluens 01 . 
 Instantiac clandestinae sunt illae quae exhibcnt gradum non- 
 nullum debilem et infimum consistentis in fluido ; vcluti bulla 
 aquae, quae est tanquam pellicula quaedam consistens et 
 determinata, facta ex corpore aquae. Similiter stillicidia, 
 quae, si adfuerit aqua quae succedat, producunt se in filum 
 admodum tenue, ne discontinueter aqua ; at si non detur 
 talis copia aquae quae succedere possit, cadit aqua in guttis 
 rotundis, quae est figura quae optime aquam sustinct contra 
 discontinuationem G2 . At in ipso temporis articulo, cum dcsinit 
 
 cumstance of cohesion in this extreme case must have contributed largely 
 to forming just notions of the nature and extent of the property. 
 
 " These instances, being on the extreme border, serve to determine the 
 range of the genus, as the ' glaring instances,' exhibiting a property in its 
 most striking form, serve to direct attention to the most characteristic 
 features of the phenomenon, or, in other words, its differentiae. 
 
 01 Bacon employs interchangeably the terms Fluid and Liquid, which. 
 with us, stand respectively for the genus (including gases) and the species. 
 By ' fluens ' he means a liquid. Gases are by him included under ' corpora 
 pneumatica,' as opposed to 'corpora tangibilia.' See Aph. 40 and Historia 
 Densi et Rari. 
 
 2 The spheroidal shape is due to the cohesion of the molecules of the 
 water. ' In large masses of liquids, the force of gravity overcomes that of 
 cohesion. Hence liquids acted upon by the former force have no special 
 shape ; they take that of the vessel in which they arc contained. But in 
 smaller masses cohesion gets the upper hand, and liquids present then the 
 spheroidal form. This is seen in the drops of dew on the leaves of plants ; 
 it is also seen when a liquid is placed on a solid which it does not moisten ; 
 as, for example, mercury upon wood. The experiment may also be made 
 with water, by sprinkling upon the surface of the wood some light powder, 
 such as lycopodium or lampblack, and then dropping some water on it.' 
 Ganot's Physics, I2th Ed. of Translation, 84.
 
 426 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 filum aquae ct incipit descensus in guttis, resilit ipsa aqua 
 sursum ad evitandam discontinuationem. Ouin in metallis, 
 quae cum funduntur sunt liquida sed magis tenacia, recipiunt 
 se saepe guttae liquefactae sursum, atque ita haerent. Simile 
 quoddam est instantia speculorum puerilium, quae solent 
 facere pueruli in scirpis ex saliva, ubi cernitur etiam pellicula 
 consistens aquae. At multo melius se ostendit hoc ipsum 
 in altero illo ludicro puerili, quando capiunt aquam, per 
 saponem factam paulo tenaciorem, atque inflant earn per 
 calamum cavum, atque inde formant aquam tanquam in 
 castellum bullarum ; quae per interpositionem aeris inducit 
 consistentiam eo usque ut se projici nonnihil patiatur absque 
 discontinuatione. Optime autem cernitur hoc in spuma et 
 nive, quae talem induunt consistentiam ut fere secari possint ; 
 cum tamen sint corpora formata ex acre et aqua, quae utraque 
 sunt liquida u3 . Quae omnia non obscure innuunt Liquidum 
 et Consistens esse notiones tantum plebeias, et ad sensum : 
 inesse autem revera omnibus corporibus fugam et evitationem 
 se discontinuandi ; earn vero in corporibus homogeneis G4 
 (qualia sunt liquida) esse debilem et infirmam, in corporibus 
 vero, quae sunt composita ex heterogeneis, magis esse vividam 
 ct fortem ; propterea quod admotio heterogenei constringit 
 corpora, at subintratio homogenel solvit et relaxat. 
 
 Sirniliter. exempli gratia ; sit natura inquisita Attractio, sive 
 Coitio Corporum. Instantia circa formam ejus ostcnsiva 
 maxime insignis est magnes. Contraria autem natura attra- 
 henti est non attrahens, licet in substantia simili. Veluti 
 ferrum, quod non attrahit ferrum, quemadmodum nee plumbum 
 plumbum, ncc lignum lignum, nee aquam aqua. Instantia 
 autem dandcsti)ia est magnes ferro armatus, vel potius ferrum 
 
 3 It must be remembered that Bacon was not aware that probably 
 any body may, by a sufficient diminution or increase of temperature, be 
 made solid, liquid, or gaseous. See n. 37 on Aph. 33. 
 
 1 Bacon was, of course, in error in supposing that liquids, as such, are 
 more homogeneous than solids. The reason that cohesion is more strongly 
 exerted in solids than in liquids is that its intensity decreases as the tem- 
 perature increases, being counteracted by the repulsive force due to heat. 
 So far from cohesion being greater in heterogeneous than in homogeneous 
 bodies, it is precisely between molecules of the same nature that it exerts 
 its force.
 
 LIB. II. 25. 427 
 
 in magnete armato. Nam ita fert natura, ut magnes armatus 
 in distantia aliqua non trahat ferrum fortius quam magnes non 
 armatus. Verum si admoveatur ferrum, ita ut tangat ferrum 
 in magnete armato, tune magnes armatus longe majus pondus 
 ferri sustinet quam magnes simplex et inermis, propter simili- 
 tudinem substantiae ferri versus ferrum G5 ; quae operatic erat 
 omnino clandestina et latens in ferro, antequam magnes ac- 
 cessisset. Itaque manifestum est formam coitionis esse quip- 
 piam quod in magnete sit vividum et robustum, in ferro debile 
 et latens. Itidem notatum est sagittas parvas ligneas absque 
 cuspide ferrea, emissas ex sclopetis grandibus, altius penetrare 
 in materiam ligneam (puta latera navium, aut similia), quam 
 easdem sagittas ferro acuminatas, propter similitudinem sub- 
 stantiae ligni ad lignum, licet hoc ante in ligno latuerit 00 . 
 Itidem, licet aer aerem aut aqua aquam manifesto non trahat 
 in corporibus integris, tamen bulla approximata bullae facilius 
 dissolvit bullam quam si bulla ilia altera abesset, ob appetitum 
 coitionis aquae cum aqua et ae'ris cum acre 67 . Atque hujus- 
 modi Instantiae Clandestinae (quae sunt usus nobilissimi, ut 
 dictum est) in portionibus corporum parvis et subtilibus 
 maxime se dant conspiciendas. Quia massae rerum majores 
 
 u The fact is true, but the reason purely fanciful. Mr. Ellis says : ' Be- 
 fore the Novum Organum was published, Galileo had shown' (? maintained) 
 ' that the armature acts by producing a more perfect' contact.' He then 
 refers to the Dialog! dei Sistemi massimi, Giornata Terza, Florence Edi- 
 tion of Galileo's Works of 1 842, vol. i. p. 440. It should be pp. 440-2. The 
 true reason why magnetic force is increased by armatures will be found in 
 Ganot's Physics, I2th Ed., 718. 
 
 It is needless to add that this example of a ' Clandestine Instance' is 
 wholly delusive. 
 
 fl It has been suggested to me by Professor Clifton that, if the facts are 
 correctly stated by Bacon, they are probably due either to the greater 
 velocity with which the wooden arrow would move, in consequence of its 
 lightness, or to the windage in the ' sclopetum ' being greater in the case 
 of the tipped arrow than in that of the wooden arrow. 
 
 In Henschel's Edition of Du Cange, Paris, 1846, Sclopetum is defined as 
 'Tormentum bellicum manuale, Gall, escopette ' (a 'carbine'). In the 
 first edition of Du Cange, the word does not occur. 
 
 1 The bursting, or, as is sometimes the case, the union of two bubbles 
 in contact is probably due to a complexity of causes, of which capillary 
 attraction is one.
 
 428 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 sequuntur formas magis catholicas et generalcs ; ut suo loco 
 dicetur 6S . 
 
 XXVI. 
 
 Inter praerogativas instantiarum poncmus quinto loco In- 
 stantias Constitntivas^, quas etiam Manipnlares appellare con- 
 
 ''" See Aph. 48, Motus Septimus, i.e. 'Motus Congregationis Majoris.' 
 
 ''''' These instances are neither more nor less than subordinate inductions 
 made with the view of leading up to larger inductions, or afterwards 
 employed for that purpose. Notice the expressions ' tanquam formam 
 minorem,' ' formae particulares,' &c. 
 
 ' "Collective instances,'" says Sir John Herschel, 'in Bacon's classifica- 
 tion, arc no other than general facts, or laws of some degree of generality, 
 and are themselves the results of induction. But there is a species of 
 collective instance which Bacon does not seem to have contemplated, of a 
 peculiarly instructive character ; and that is, where particular cases are 
 offered to our observation in such numbers at once as to make the induc- 
 tion of their law a matter of ocular inspection. For example, the parabolic 
 form assumed by a jet of water, spouted from a round hole, is a collective 
 instance of the velocities and directions of the motions of all the particles 
 which compose it seen at once, thus leading us, without trouble, to 
 recognise the law of the motion of a projectile. Again, the beautiful 
 figures exhibited by sand, strewed on regular plates of glass or metal set 
 in vibration, arc collective instances, of an infinite number of points which 
 remain at rest while the remainder of the plate vibrates ; and in con- 
 sequence afford us, as it were, a sight of the law which regulates their 
 arrangement and sequence throughout the whole surface. The beautifully 
 coloured lemniscates seen around the optic axes of crystals exposed to 
 polarised light afford a superb example of the same kind, pointing at once 
 to the general mathematical expression of the law which regulates their 
 production. (Sec Phil. Trans. 1819.) Of such collective instances as these, 
 it is easy to see the importance, and its reason. They lead us to a general 
 law by an induction which offers itself spontaneously, and thus furnish ad- 
 vanced points in our enquiries ; and, when we start from these, already 
 " a thousand steps are lost.'' 
 
 'A fine example of a collective instance is that of the system of Jupiter 
 or Saturn with its satellites. We have here, in miniature, and seen at 
 one view, a system similar to that of the planets about the sun ; of which, 
 from the circumstance of our being involved in it, and unfavourably 
 situated for seeing it otherwise than in detail, we are incapacitated from 
 f< -rniing a general idea but by slow progressive efforts of reason. Accord- 
 ingly, the contemplation of the drcumjovial planets (as they were called) 
 most materially assisted in securing the admission of the Copernican 
 --ystem.' Discourse, &.C., 194-5- 
 
 Professor Playfair adduces as examples of 'Collective Instances' the 
 three laws of Kepler, which subsequently, in the hands of Xewton, led to
 
 LIB. II. 26. 
 
 429 
 
 suevimus. Eae sunt quac constituunt imam spccicm naturae 
 inquisitae tanquam Formam Minorem. Cum enim formae 
 legitimae (quac sunt semper convertibilcs cum naturis inqui- 
 sitis) lateant in profundo ncc facile inveniantur, postulat res 
 et infirmitas humani intellcctus ut formae particulares 70 , quac 
 sunt congregativae Manipnlornm quorundam instantiarum 
 (neutiquam vero omnium) in notionem aliquam communcm, 
 non negligantur, vcrum diligentius notentur. Ouicquid cnim 
 unit naturam, licet modis impcrfectis, ad inventionem for- 
 marum viam sternit. Itaque instantiae, quae ad hoc utiles 
 sunt, non sunt contemnendae potestatis, sed habent nonnullam 
 Praerogativam. 
 
 Verum in his diligens est adhibenda cautio, nc intellectus 
 humanus, postquam complurcs ex istis formis particularibus 
 adinvenerit atque indc partitiones sivc divisioncs naturae 
 inquisitae confecerit, in illis omnino acquiescat, atque ad in- 
 
 the discovery of the great principle of Gravitation. ' These discoveries 
 were all made before Bacon wrote, but he is silent concerning them ; for 
 the want of mathematical knowledge concealed from his view some of the 
 most splendid and interesting parts of science.' 
 
 ' Astronomy is full of such collective instances, and affords them, indeed, 
 of the second and third order, that is to say, two or three times gene- 
 ralised. The astronomer observes nothing but that a certain luminous 
 disk, or perhaps merely a luminous point, is in a certain position, in respect 
 of the planes of the meridian and the horizon, at a certain moment of 
 time. By comparing a number of such observations, he finds that this 
 luminous point moves in a certain plane, with a certain velocity, and per- 
 forms a revolution in a certain time. Thus, the periodic time of a planet 
 is itself a collective fact, or a single fact expressing the result of many 
 hundred observations. This holds with respect to each planet, and with 
 respect to each element, as it is called, of the planet's orbit, every one of 
 which is a general fact, expressing the result of an indefinite number of 
 particulars. This holds still more remarkably of the inferences which 
 extend to the distances of the planet from the earth, or from the sun. 
 The laws of Kepler are therefore collective facts of the second, or even 
 a higher order ; or such as comprehend a great number of general facts, 
 each of which is itself a general fact, including many particulars.' Pre- 
 liminary Dissertation. 
 
 70 These formae minores or particulares correspond with the axiomata 
 infima or some of the lower degrees of the axiomata media of Bk. i. (see, 
 for instance, i. 104). They might be described as the definitions of specific 
 (though still general) exemplifications of the nature under examination. 
 Cp. the last paragraph of the Aphorism.
 
 430 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 ventionem legitimam Formae Magnae se non accingat, sed 
 pracsupponat naturam velut a radicibus esse multiplicem 
 ct divisam, atque ulteriorem naturae unionem, tanquam rem 
 supervacuae subtilitatis et vergentem ad mcrum abstractum, 
 fastidiat et rejiciat. 
 
 Exempli gratia; sit natura inquisita Memoria 71 , sive 
 Excitans et Adjuvans memoriam. Instantiac constitutivae 
 sunt, ordo sive distributio, quae manifesto juvat memoriam : 
 item Loci in memoria artificiali, qui aut possunt esse loci 
 secundum proprium sensum, veluti janua, angulus, fcnestra, 
 et similia. aut possunt esse personae familiares et notac, aut 
 possunt esse quidvis ad placitum (modo in ordine certo 
 ponantur), veluti animalia, hcrbae ; etiam verba, literae, cha- 
 ractcres, personae historicac, et caetera ; licet nonnulla ex 
 his magis apta sint et commoda, alia minus. Hujusmodi 
 autem Loci memoriam insigniter juvant, eamque longe supra 
 vires naturales exaltant. Item carmina facilius hacrent et 
 discuntur memoriter quam prosa. Atque ex isto vianipulo 
 trium instantiarum, videlicet ordinis, locorum artificialis 
 memoriae, ct versuum, constituitur species una auxilii ad 
 Memoriam. Species autem ilia Abscissio Infiniti' 1 - recte 
 vocari possit. Cum enim quis aliquid reminisci aut revocare 
 in memoriam nititur, si nullam praenotionem habcat aut 
 perceptlonem ejus quod quacrit, quaerit certc et molitur et 
 hac iliac discurrit, tanquam in infinito. Quod si certam 
 aliquam praenotionem habeat. statim abscinditur infinitum, 
 et fit discursus memoriae magis in vicino. In tribus autem 
 illis instantiis quac superius dictae sunt, pracnotio pcrspicua 
 cst et certa. In prima videlicet, clebet esse aliquid quod 
 
 71 This example is interesting in connexion with i. 127, as shewing 
 that Bacon did not confine his examples any more than the scope of his 
 philosophical reform to what is usually called Natural Philosophy. 
 
 On his doctrine of Memory and the Aids to Memory, in general, see 
 De Augmentis, lib. v. cap. 5. 
 
 Most of the mental phenomena as well as the artificial aids to memory 
 here described would now be explained by the doctrine of Association of 
 Ideas. 
 
 - In the DC Augmentis, the expression ' Praenotio ' (which also occurs 
 below) is put forward most prominently to describe this species. ' Prae- 
 notionem vocamus abscissioncm quandam investigationis infinitae.'
 
 LIB. II. 26. 431 
 
 congruat cum ordine ; in secunda, debet esse imago quae 
 relationem aliquam habeat sivc convenientiam ad ilia loca 
 certa ; in tertia, debent esse verba quae cadant in versum. 
 Atque ita abscinditur infinitum. Aliae autem instantiae 
 dabunt hanc alteram specicm ; ut quicquid deducat intel- 
 lectuale ad feriendum sensum 73 (quae ratio etiam praecipue 
 viget in artificiali memoria) juvet memoriam. Aliae instantiae 
 dabunt hanc alteram speciem ; ut quae faciunt impressionem 
 in affectu forti, incutientia scilicet metum, admirationem, 
 pudorem, delectationem, juvent memoriam. Aliae instantiae 
 dabunt hanc alteram speciem ; ut quae maxime imprimuntur 
 a mente pura et minus praeoccupata ante vel post, veluti 
 quae discuntur in pueritia aut quae commentamur ante 
 somnum 74 , etiam primae quaeque rerum vices, magis haereant 
 in memoria. Aliae instantiae dabunt hanc alteram speciem ; 
 ut multitude circumstantiarum sive ansarum juvet memoriam, 
 veluti scriptio per partes non continuatas, lectio, sive recitatio 
 voce alta. Aliae denique instantiae dabunt hanc alteram 
 speciem ; ut quae expectantur et attentionem excitant melius 
 haereant, quam quae praetervolant. Itaque si scriptum 
 aliquod vicies perlegeris, non tarn facile illud memoriter disces 
 quam si illud legas decies, tentando interim illud recitare, et, 
 ubi deficit memoria, inspiciendo librum. Ita ut sint veluti 
 sex Formae Minores eorum quae juvant Memoriam : vide- 
 licet abscissio infiniti ; deductio intellectuals ad sensibile ; 
 impressio in affectu forti ; impressio in mente pura ; multitudo 
 ansarum ; praeexpectatio. 
 
 73 In the De Augmentis, this species is called 'Emblema,' and is 
 described at greater length than here, as well as illustrated. See the end 
 of bk. v. 
 
 74 The probable cause of this phenomenon (of which some striking 
 instances will be found in Dr. Carpenter's Mental Physiology, ch. 13) 
 is that we repeatedly recur to these thoughts during sleep, though, on 
 waking, we have forgotten that we did so. It belongs to the class of 
 phenomena described by Leibnitz as ' obscure ideas,' by Hamilton as 
 ' Latent Mental Modifications,' by Dr. Carpenter as ' Unconscious Cere- 
 bration,' and more happily by Mr. Lewes as ' Subconsciousness.' Awaking 
 at an appointed hour is a good and familiar instance of the power which 
 the mind actually exerts during sleep, though ail recollection of its exertion 
 may have passed away.
 
 432 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 Similiter, exempli gratia ; sit natura inquisita Gustus, sive 
 Gustatio. Instantiae quae sequuntur sunt Constitutivae : vide- 
 licet, quod qui non olfaciunt, sed sensu eo a natura destituti 
 sunt, non percipiant aut gustu distinguant cibum rancidum 
 aut putridum, neque similiter alliatum aut rosatum, aut hu- 
 jusmodi 75 . Rursus, illi, qui per accidens nares habent per 
 descensum rhcumatis obstructas, non discernunt aut percipiunt 
 aliquid putridum aut rancidum aut aqua rosacea inspersum. 
 Rursus, qui afficiuntur hujusmodi rheumate, si in ipso momento, 
 cum aliquid foetidum aut odoratum habent in ore sive palato, 
 emungant fortiter, in ipso instanti manifestam perceptionem 
 habent rancidi vel odorati. Ouae instantiae dabunt et consti- 
 tuent hanc speciem, vel partem potius gustus ; ut sensus 
 gustationis ex parte nihil aliud sit quam olfactus interior, 
 transiens et descendens a narium meatibus superioribus in os 
 et palatum 70 . At contra, salsum et dulce et acre et acidum 
 et austerum et amarum, et similia, haec (inquam) omnia 
 aeque sentiunt illi in quibus olfactus deest aut obturatur. ac 
 quisquam alius ; ut manifestum sit sensum gustus esse com- 
 positum quiddam ex olfactu interior! et tactu quodam 
 exquisite 77 ; de quo nunc non est dicendi locus. 
 
 Similiter, exempli gratia ; sit natura inquisita Communicatio 
 
 75 These instances are, perhaps, slightly exaggerated. But, so far as 
 they are true, they are well explained by the following extract from Prof. 
 Bain's 'Senses and Intellect,' 3rd Ed., pp. 158-9: ' Tastes, properly so 
 called, affect only the gustatory nerves, and are therefore the same 
 whether the nostrils are opened or closed. But many sapid bodies arc 
 also odorous. In the act of expiration accompanying mastication, especi- 
 ally the instant after deglution, the odorous particles are carried into the 
 cavities of the nose, and affect the sense of smell, or make their odour 
 apparent. This effect is what we term flavour. Some bodies, as 
 cinnamon, have hardly any taste, but a flavour, in other words an odour, 
 brought out by mastication.' 
 
 76 It must be borne in mind, however, that, though the sensations of 
 smell and taste are closely associated, and their organs are in close 
 proximity, they are still perfectly distinct. 
 
 77 In the case of both taste and smell, the precise mode of action on the 
 organ is very obscure, but, in each case, it is probably chemical. Touch 
 is, of course, a condition common to all the five external senses, various as 
 they are in their characteristics, and impossible as it is to reduce them, one 
 to the other.
 
 LIB. II. 27. 433 
 
 Qualitatis absque Commistione Substantiac. Instantia Lucis 
 dabit vel constituet unam spccicm communicationis ; Calor 
 vero et Magnes alteram. Communicatio enim lucis cst 
 tanquam momentanea, et statim perit, amota luce original!. 
 At calidum et virtus magnetica, postquam tramissa fucrint 
 vel potius excitata in alio corpore, haerent et manent ad 
 tempus non parvum, amoto primo movente. 
 
 Denique magna est omnino praerogativa instantiarum con- 
 stitutivarum, ut quae plurimum faciant et ad defmitiones 
 (praesertim particulares) et ad divisioncs sive partitiones 
 naturarum ; de quo non male dixit Plato, Quod habcndus sit 
 tanquam pro Deo, qui definire et divider e bene sciat~ (% . 
 
 XXVII. 
 
 Inter praerogativas instantiarum ponemus sexto loco In- 
 stantiasConformes~ i -\s,\.veProportionatas; quas etiam Parallelas, 
 
 18 See Phaedrus, 266 B : Tovraiv 81] eycoye avrus re epa(rrr]S, o> <J?al8pe, TWJ/ 
 diaipeaeuni Kai ffvvaya>ya>i>, "iv otoy re co \eyeiv re KOL (ppovelv' eav re nv <i\\ov 
 r)yrjau>fj.ai Svvarov els ev Kai eVt sroAAa TrefyvKoff opav, rovrov dia>Ka> KaroTTLcrde 
 fj.fr 'i\yiov uxrre Beolo. 
 
 79 This very important class of instances consists of ' Analogies ' drawn 
 from objects or qualities in many respects dissimilar at all times one of 
 the most fertile sources of suggestion both for scientific discoveries and 
 practical inventions. The imaginative and truly philosophical type of 
 mind which is adapted to note these resemblances is well described by 
 Bacon in i. 55. 
 
 Professor Playfair, giving examples of these instances, says : ' Such are 
 the telescope and microscope, in the works of art, compared with the eye 
 in the works of nature. This, indeed, is an analogy which goes much 
 beyond the mere exterior; it extends to the internal structure, and to the 
 principle of action, which is the same in the eye and in the telescope,^ 
 to the latent schematism, in the language of Bacon, as far as material 
 substance is concerned. It was the experiment of the camera obsciira 
 which led to the discovery of the formation of the images of external 
 objects in the bottom of the eye by the action of the crystalline lens and 
 the other humours of which the eye is formed. 
 
 ' Among the instances of conformity, those arc the most useful which 
 enable us to compare productions of an unknown formation, with similar 
 productions of which the formation is well understood. Such are basalt, 
 and the other trap rocks, compared with the lava thrown out from volca- 
 noes. They have a structure so exactly similar, that it is hardly possible 
 to doubt that their origin is the same, and that they are both produced 
 by the action of subterraneous fire. There are, however, amid their 
 
 Ff
 
 434 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 sive Sitnilitudines P/iysicas, appellare consuevimus. Eae 
 vero sunt; quae ostendunt similitudines et conjugationes 
 rerum, non in formis minoribus (quod faciunt instantiae con- 
 stitutivae) sed plane in concrete 80 . Itaque sunt tanquam 
 primi et innmi gradus ad unionem naturae. Neque constituunt 
 aliquod axioma statim ab initio, sed indicant et observant 
 tantum quendam conscnsum corporum 81 . Attamen licet non 
 multum promoveant ad inveniendas formas, nihilominus magna 
 cum utilitate revelant partium universi fabricam, et in membris 
 ejus exercent veluti anatomiam quandam ; atquc proinde 
 
 similarity, some very remarkable differences in the substances which they 
 contain, the trap rocks containing calcareous spar, and the lava never 
 containing any. On the supposition that they are both of igneous origin, 
 is there any circumstance, in the conditions in which heat may have been 
 applied to them, which can account for this difference ? Sir James Hall, 
 in a train of most philosophical and happily-contrived experiments, has 
 explained the nature of those conditions, and has shown that the presence 
 of calcareous spar, or the want of it, may arise from the greater or less 
 compression under which the fusion of the basalt was performed. This 
 has served to explain a great difficulty in the history of the mineral 
 kingdom. 
 
 ' Comparative anatomy is full of analogies of this kind, which are most 
 instructive and useful guides to discovery. It was by remarking in the 
 blood-vessels a contrivance similar to the valves used in hydraulic engines, 
 for preventing the counter-current of a fluid, that Harvey was led to the 
 discovery of the circulation of the blood. The analogies between natural 
 and artificial productions are always highly deserving of notice.' Pre- 
 liminary Dissertation. 
 
 It is by the bold use of analogies of this kind that modern physicists 
 have been able to trace the correlations of the various physical forces; 
 that modern philologists have been able to refer to the same families, 
 languages of apparently the most dissimilar character ; and that modern 
 jurists and moralists have detected in laws, institutions, customs, and 
 feelings amongst the most widely scattered races and at the most various 
 stages of civilisation a common origin and a common meaning. Though 
 the strict use of logical method is indispensable to demonstration and 
 verification, it is the observation of analogies, and those often very re- 
 mote ones, that generally sets us on the track of great discoveries. 
 
 That is, they are concerned with individual observations, and not 
 with inductive generalisations, as arc the Instantiae Constitutivae. 
 
 1 They serve to suggest axioms, rather than to establish them. Sec 
 note 79. It is curious that considerations of this kind did not lead Bacon 
 to attach greater importance to the office of the Imagination in scientific 
 discovery.
 
 LIB. II. 27. 435 
 
 veluti manu-ducunt interdum ad axiomata sublimia ct nobilia, 
 pracsertim ilia quae ad mundi configurationem pertinent, 
 potius quam ad naturas et formas simplices 82 . 
 
 Exempli gratia ; Instantiae Conformes sunt quae sequuntur : 
 speculum, et oculus ; et similiter fabrica auris, et loca red- 
 dentia echo. Ex qua conformitate, praeter ipsam obser- 
 vationem similitudinis, quae ad multa utilis est, proclive est ^ 
 insuper colligere et formare illud axioma ; videlicet, organa 
 sensuum et corpora quae pariunt reflexiones ad scnsus esse 
 similis naturae. Rursus ex hoc ipso admonitus intellectus 
 non aegre insurgit ad axioma quoddam altius et nobilius. 
 Hoc nimirum ; nihil interesse inter consensus sive sympathias 
 corporum sensu praeditorum, et inanimatorum sine sensu, 
 nisi quod in illis accedat spiritus animalis 83 ad corpus ita Si 
 dispositum. in his autem absit. Adeo ut quot sint consensus 85 
 in corporibus inanimatis, tot possint esse sensus in animali- 
 bus, si essent perforationes in corpore animato ad discursum 
 spiritus animalis in membrum rite dispositum, tanquam in 
 organum idoneum. Et rursus, quot sint sensus in animalibus, 
 tot sint proculdubio motus in corpore inanimate ubi spiritus 
 animalis abfuerit ; licet necesse sit multo plures esse motus in 
 corporibus inanimatis quam sensus in animatis, propter pauci- 
 tatem organorum sensus. Atque hujus rei ostendit se exem- 
 plum valde manifestum in doloribus. Etenim quum sint 
 plura genera doloris in animalibus, et tanquam varii illius 
 
 2 This is hardly the case. Analogy has played an important part in 
 suggesting the laws of Light, Heat, Sound, Electricity, Gravitation, &c. 
 
 83 See note on 'spiritus animalium ' in Aph. 13. Inst. 38, and the 
 passage in the Historia Vitae et Mortis (E. and S., vol. ii. pp. 214, 215) 
 there referred to. In the latter passage, Bacon distinguishes between the 
 ' spiritus mortuales,' and the ' spiritus vitalis ' (or animatus) which is 
 'superadded' in all animated beings. 
 
 In ii. 40 there are some extremely curious speculations on 'actio et 
 motus spiritus, qui includitur in corporibus tangibilibus.' Cp. also i. 50, 
 with note 82. 
 
 f * Dr. Kitchin proposes (I think needlessly) to read 'rite.' 'Ita 
 dispositum ' means ' so disposed as to receive impressions,' ' disposed 
 accordingly.' 
 
 ~ 5 On 'Operationes per consensus aut fugas (qui sextus modus operandi 
 est),' see ii. 50. Cp. also 'Aditus ad Historiam Sympathiae et Antipathiae 
 Rerum' (E. and S., vol. ii. p. Si), Sylva Sylvarum, Exps. 800-830. 
 
 F f 2
 
 436 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 characteres (veluti alius est dolor ustionis, alius frigoris in- 
 tensi, alius puncturae, alius compressionis, alius extensionis. et 
 similium), certissimum est omnia ilia, quoad motum, inesse 
 corporibus inanimatis ; veluti ligno aut lapidi, cum uritur, 
 aut per gelu constringitur, aut pungitur, aut scinditur, aut 
 flectitur, aut tunditur, et sic de aliis ; licet non subintrent 
 sensus, propter absentiam spiritus animalis. 
 
 Item instantiae conformes (quod mirum fortasse dictu) sunt 
 radices et rami plantarum. Omne enim vegetabile intumescit. 
 et extrudit partes in circumferentiam, tarn sursum quam deor- 
 sum. Neque alia est differentia radicum et ramorum, quam 
 quod radix includatur in terra, et rami cxponantur acri et 
 soli 8G . Si quis enim accipiat ramum tenerum et vegetum 
 arboris, atque ilium reflectat in aliquam terrae particulam, 
 licet non cohaercat ipsi solo, gignit statim non ramum, sed 
 radicem. Atque vice versa, si terra ponatur superius, atque 
 ita obstruatur lapide aut aliqua dura substantia, ut planta 
 cohibeatur nee possit frondescere sursum, edet ramos in 
 aerem deorsum. 
 
 Item instantiae conformes sunt gummi arborum, et plerae- 
 que gemmae rupium 87 . Utraquc enim nil aliud sunt quam 
 exudationes et percolationes succorum : in primo genere 
 scilicet, succorum ex arboribus ; in secundo, ex saxis ; unde 
 
 " This is, of course, an error, but it is not entirely without excuse. 
 ' In the young state there is no distinction between stem and root, as 
 regards structure ; both being cellular, and an extension of each other in 
 opposite directions. The root is afterwards distinguished from the stem, 
 by the want of a provision for the development of leaf-buds, and by 
 increasing from above downwards. Such plants, however, as the Moutan 
 Paeony, the Plum-tree, Pyrus Japonica, and especially Anemone Japonica, 
 have a power of forming buds on their roots.' Balfour's Manual of Botany, 
 
 "9- 
 
 M. Bouillet, speaking of this example ancj of some of those given below, 
 says : ' Ne trouve-t-on pas dans toutes ces indications le germe de deux 
 theories qui ont etc developpees de nos jours avec un grand succcs, celle 
 des metamorphoses des organcs des plantes, qu'ont defendues Goethe et 
 M. de Candollc, et cellc des analogues, qui a fait 1'objet special des etudes 
 de M. Geoffroy-St.-Hilaire? : 
 
 87 This is simply a fancy, and, like some of Bacon's other instances in 
 this Aphorism, is an example of false rather than of true Analogy. Gems 
 are due to Crystallisation.
 
 LIB. II. 27. 437 
 
 gignitur claritudo et splendor in utrisque, per percolationem 
 nimirum tenuem ct accuratam. Nam inde fit etiam, quod 
 pili animalium non sint tarn pulchri et tarn vividi coloris 
 quam avium plumae complures : quia succi non tarn delicate 
 percolantur per cutem quam per calamum. 
 
 Item instantiate conformes sunt scrotum in animalibus mas- 
 culis, et matrix in femellis. Adeo ut nobilis ilia fabrica per 
 quam sexus differunt (quatenus ad animalia terrestria), nil 
 aliud videatur esse, quam secundum exterius et interius 88 : 
 vi scilicet majore caloris genitalia in sexu masculo pro- 
 trudente in exterius, ubi in femellis nimis debilis est calor 
 quam ut hoc facere possit ; unde accidit quod contineantur 
 interius. 
 
 Item instantiae conformes sunt pinnae piscium S9 , et pedes 
 quadrupedum, aut pedes et alae volucrum ; quibus addidit 
 Aristoteles quatuor volumina in motu serpentum 90 . Adeo 
 
 ' This remark seems to have been suggested by a similar passage in 
 Telesius, De Rerum Nattira, vi. 18 : " Masculo .... magnus datus est 
 calor, qui et membrum genitale foras propellat et sanguinem multum 
 beneque omnem compactum conficiat, &c. Foeminae autem . . . languen-s 
 inditus est calor, qui neque genitale vas foras propellere nee e semine 
 spiritum educere queat." The doctrine however of this passage was first 
 taught by Galen, from whom Telesius derived it. See Galen, De Usu 
 Partium, xiv. 6.' Mr. Ellis' note. It hardly needs to be observed that 
 this fancy has no foundation in fact. 
 
 9 This analog)', so far as birds, quadrupeds, and fishes are concerned, is 
 a good one. It occurs both in Aristotle and Pliny. See Arist. Hist. An. 
 i. 5 (Berlin Ed., p. 490 a. 26, &C.): Kii/etrat Se ra Kivov^fva Tvavra rerrapcri 
 rrrjp.fi.ois rj TrAet'ocn, ra fjiev eWujua Terrapin fj,6vov } olov avBpamos jj.tv ^epcrl Sucrt 
 KCU TTocri dwiv, opvis e Trrepv^t Sucrt Kal TTOCTI dvai, ra 8e rtrpdVoSa Kal l^dves 
 ra p.ev rerrapcri irocriv, ol 8e reVrapen Ttrepvyiois. "Ocra 6e 8vo (%ei Trrepvyia t) 
 oXcos fif], olov 6'<pt?, re'rrapcrt a-rjfieioi.s ov6ei> TJTTOV' at yap KOfjmai re'rrapey, ^ 8vo 
 rrvv TO'IS Trrepuyt'otf. Ocra 8' afatyiza OVTCL TT\eiovs TrciSas fX fl ) e ' re TtTrjva etre 
 TTf^d, o-rjfjLeiois Kivelrai TrXft'oo-iv, K.r.X. Cp. De Incessu Animalium, i. 7, 8 
 (Berlin Ed., pp. 707-8). See also Pliny, Nat. Hist. ix. ch. 20 (sect. 73): 
 ' Ideo pinnarum quoque fiunt discrimina, quae pedum vice sunt datae 
 piscibus : nullis supra quaternas : quibusdam binae, aliquibus nullae. In 
 Fucino tantum lacu piscis est, qui octonis pinnis natat.' 
 
 P! -' See the two passages from Aristotle referred to in the last note. 
 This is a 'glaring instance' of the tendency of the human mind 'supponere 
 majorem ordinem et aequalitatem in rebus quam invenit ' et ' affingere 
 parallela et correspondentia et relativa quae non sunt.'
 
 438 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 ut in fabrica universi motus viventium plerunque videatur 
 expediri per quaterniones artuum sive flexionum. 
 
 Item denies in animalibus terrestribus, et rostra in avibus, 
 sunt instantiae conformes ; unde manifestum est, in omnibus 
 animalibus perfectis fluere duram quandam substantiam 
 versus os. 
 
 Item non absurda est similitudo et conformitas ilia, ut 
 homo sit tanquam planta inversa. Nam radix nervorum 
 et facultatum animalium est caput ; partes autem seminales 
 sunt infimae, non computatis extremitatibus tibiarum et 
 brachiorum. At in planta, radix (quae instar capitis est) 
 regulariter infimo loco collocatur ; semina autem supremo. 
 
 Denique illud omnino praecipiendum est et saepius monen- 
 dum ; ut diligentia hominum in inquisitione et congerie Natu- 
 ral is Historiae deinceps mutetur plane, et vertatur in contrarium 
 ejus quod nunc in usu est. Magna enim hucusque atque adeo 
 curiosa fuit hominum industria in notanda rerum varietate 
 atque explicandis accuratis animalium, herbarum, et fossilium 
 differentiis ; quarum pleraeque magis sunt lusus naturae quam 
 seriae alicujus utilitatis versus scientias. Faciunt certe hujus- 
 modi res ad delectationem, atque etiam quandoque ad praxin ; 
 verum ad introspicicndam naturam parum aut nihil. Itaque 
 convertenda plane est opera ad inquirendas et notandas rerum 
 similitudines et analoga. tarn in integralibus quam partibus. 
 IDae enim sunt quae naturam uniunt, et constituere scientias 
 incipiunt 01 . 
 
 Verum in his omnino est adhibenda cautio gravis et severa ; 
 ut accipiantur pro instantiis conformibus et proportionatis illae, 
 quae dcnotant similitudines (ut ab initio diximus) physicas ; 
 id est, realcs et substantiales et immersas in natura, non for- 
 tuitas et ad speciem ; multo minus superstitiosas aut curiosas, 
 quales naturalis magiae scriptores !l2 (homines levissimi, et in 
 rebus tarn scriis quales nunc agimus vix nominandi) ubique 
 
 111 These remarks arc hardly worthy of Bacon's penetration. To the 
 successful investigation of science it is quite as essential to note the 
 differences as the resemblances of things. His contrast of the two opposed 
 mental types in i. 55 is far juster and sounder than this paragraph. 
 
 92 Cp. De Augmcntis, iii. 5, and Aditus ad Historian.! Sympathise ci 
 Antipathiae Rerum (E. and S., vol. ii. p. 81).
 
 LIB. II. 27. 439 
 
 ostentant ; magna cum vanitate et desipientia, inanes simili- 
 tudines et sympathias rerum describentes atque ctiam quan- 
 doque affingentes. 
 
 Verum his missis, etiam in ipsa configuratione mundi in 
 majoribus non sunt negligendae instantiae conformcs ; veluti 
 Africa, et regio Peruviana cum continente se porrigente usque 
 ad Fretum Magellanicum. Utraque enim regio habet similes 
 isthmos et similia promontoria, quod non temere accidit 93 . 
 
 Item Novus et Vetus Orbis ; in eo quod utrique orbes 
 versus septentriones lati sunt et exporrecti, versus austrum 
 autem angusti et acuminati 4 . 
 
 Item instantiae conformes nobilissimae sunt frigora intensa 
 in media (quam vocant) aeris regione, et ignes acerrimi qui 
 saepe reperiuntur erumpentes ex locis subterraneis : quae 
 duae res sunt ultimitates et extrema ; naturae scilicet fri- 
 gidi versus ambitum coeli, et naturae calidi versus viscera 
 
 ' 3 Bacon seems to be comparing the western or corresponding sides of 
 the two continents. The conformity of the opposite sides is also remark- 
 able, the projections on one side answering roughly to the recesses on 
 the other. 
 
 H Humboldt discusses these and similar phenomena at some length. 
 See Col. Sabine's Translation of the Kosmos, vol. i. p. 280, &c. While 
 acknowledging that ' little can be ascertained by investigation respecting 
 the causal connection of the great phenomena appertaining to the forma- 
 tion of our continents, and to the analogies and contrasts presented by 
 their configuration,' he suggests two principal causes, acting in succession, 
 which may have determined such configuration. ' Slight disturbances in 
 the equilibrium of the elastic forces in the interior of our planet may 
 have determined their action more towards the northern than the southern 
 hemisphere, and have occasioned the elevation of the dry land in the 
 eastern hemisphere in the form of a wide connected mass, having its major 
 axis almost parallel to the equator, and, in the western and more oceanic 
 hemisphere, in a comparatively narrow band, following the direction of the 
 meridian.' Again, ' Our Atlantic Ocean presents the characteristics of a 
 valley. It is as if the flow of the waters had been directed first towards 
 the north-east, then towards the north-west, and then again towards the 
 north-east. The parallelism of the coasts north of 10 of South latitude, 
 the projecting and re-entering angles, the convexity of Brazil opposite 
 to the Gulf of Guinea, and the convexity of Africa to the Gulf of Mexico, 
 all favour this view, which at first may seem too hazardous. In the 
 Atlantic Valley, as is indeed usually the case in the form of large masses 
 of land, coasts deeply indented and fringed with many islands are placed 
 opposite to those of a contrary character.'
 
 440 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 terrae 05 ; per antiperistasin 96 , sive rejectionem naturae con- 
 trariae. 
 
 Postremo autem in axiomatibus scientiarum 97 notatu diena 
 
 o 
 
 est conformitas instantiarum. Veluti tropus rhetoricae, qui 
 dicitur Praeter Expectatum, conformis est tropo musicae, qui 
 vocatur Dcclinatio Cadentiae. Similiter, postulatum mathe- 
 
 " 5 It is true that the higher we ascend in the atmosphere, the colder it 
 is, and the lower we descend into the interior of the earth, the warmer 
 it is ; but these two sets of facts depend on different causes, and hence 
 they do not really constitute an Instantia Conformis. 
 
 On the internal heat of the earth and the causes of volcanoes and earth- 
 quakes, see LyelPs Principles of Geology, chs. on the Causes of Earth- 
 quakes and Volcanoes (i2th Ed., chs. 32, 33). 
 
 36 Cp. ii. 12. Inst. 24. The word avrmtp'urraa-is is of not uncommon 
 occurrence in Aristotle. See, for instance, Physics, viii. 10 (p. 267 a. 16) : 
 Sto KCU tv aepi Kai ev uSan yiverai 17 TOiavTT] KLITJO-LS, fji> Aeyoucrt TLVfs diri- 
 TrepiaTaa-iv tlvai. Meteorologica, i. 12 (p. 348 b. 2) : dAA' eVetSr) 6pu>p.ev on 
 yiverai avrnrfpicrTacns TU> 6fpptp KCU. TW \j/vxpca a\\i]\ois. On the former 
 passage, Bonitz quotes the following definition from Simplicius : dvri- 
 irepiarTacris ecrriv, orav fu>dovp.evov TIVOS crco/iaro? dzraXXay?) yevrjTai TO>V 
 TOTTOU', xat TO p.ev f^a>6fj(rai> eV TW TOV fga>0r]dei>Tos frrfj TOTTW, TO S' egcadrjdev TO 
 rrpoa-fx^ f'^ 00 ^) MS &" T f<TX aTOV f ' v T( P TOTTW yei>^rai TOV TrpwTou fcadr](rai>TOS. 
 7 These are the ' Axiomata quae particularium scientiarum non sint 
 propria, sed pluribus earum in commune competant ' which constitute one 
 division of the Philosophia Prima. See De Augmentis, iii. i. Aristotle 
 employs the word dio>^<zTa in a similar, though not exactly the same 
 sense, for the principles or pre-suppositions common to all sciences. See 
 note on i. 7. A still nearer parallel would be the 'mathematical axioms,' 
 so far as they are common to the sciences of arithmetic and geometry. 
 
 9 ' 'Is not the trope of music, to avoid or slide from the close or cadence, 
 common with the trope of rhetoric of deceiving expectation ? ' Advance- 
 ment of Learning, bk. ii. (E. and S., vol. iii. pp. 348-9). 'Tropus ille 
 Musicus, a clausula aut cadentia (quam vocant), cum jamjam adesse 
 videatur, placide elabendi, convenit cum tropo Rhetorico expectationem 
 eludendi.' De Augm. iii. i. The following note, communicated by 
 Professor Sir F. A. Gore Ouseley, I borrow from Dr. Kitchin : 'At first 
 I thought it meant a "Cadenza d' Inganno," or "false cadence;" but I 
 have now satisfied myself that such a thing was unknown in Bacon's 
 time. I am rather inclined to think it refers to a species of false close, 
 such as we find in the last bar but two of Tallis's Nunc dimittis in D, 
 where the Harmony proceeds to ^ and ^ on A for a Bass, as though 
 it were about to close immediately on the chord of D ; when suddenly 
 the Tenor strikes a Cft, which necessitates a modulation into the chord 
 of G, thus leading to a " Plasral Close." '
 
 LIB. II. 28. 441 
 
 maticum no , ut quae cidem tcrtio acqualia stint etiain inter se 
 sint aequalia, conforme est cum fabrica syllogism! in logica, 
 qui unit ea quae conveniunt in medio *. Denique multum 
 utilis est in quamplurimis sagacitas quaedam in conquirendis 
 et indagandis conformitatibus ct similitudinibus physicis. 
 
 XXVIII. 
 
 Inter praerogativas instantiarnm> ponemus septimo loco 
 Instantias Monodicas 2 ; quas etiam Irregulares sive Hetero- 
 clitas (sumpto vocabulo a grammaticis) appellare consuevi- 
 mus. Eae sunt, quae ostendunt corpora in concreto, quae 
 videntur esse extravagantia et quasi abrupta in natura, et 
 minime convenire cum aliis rebus ejusdem generis. Etenim 
 instantiae conformes sunt similes alterius, at instantiae mono- 
 
 ii;) Generally, and more properly called an Axiom. 
 
 ' Quae in eodem tertio conveniunt, et inter sc conveniunt, rcgula est 
 itidem ex Mathematicis ; verum simul tarn potens in Logica, ut syllogismi 
 sit fundamentum.' De Augm. iii. i. There, and in the corresponding 
 passage of the Advancement of Learning, several other examples of these 
 ' Axioms ' are given. 
 
 The Mathematical Axiom that 'things which are equal to the same 
 thing are equal to one another' is, strictly speaking, only applicable to 
 Logic, if we quantify the predicate. But the dictum de omni et nullo, 
 the maxim 'nota notae est nota rei ipsius,' and syllogistic principles 
 such as the ' Canon of Reasoning in the First Figure ' which I have given 
 in my Deductive Logic (Qth Ed., p. 94), are analogous (' conformia ') to it. 
 In the passage in the text, this is all that Bacon's language implies. 
 
 The later examples in this Aphorism supply another illustration of 
 i. 127. Cp. Aphs. 26, 35. 
 
 2 Properly 'monadicas.' See note on i. 45. In the edition of the 
 Novum Organum, published at Amsterdam in 1660, 'monadica' is read 
 throughout the Second Book, though, curiously, the correction is not 
 made in the First Book. 
 
 Comets, Double Stars, the occasional crescent-shape of Venus, of Mer- 
 cury, and of the Moon, Earthquakes, Volcanoes, Cyclones, Meteoric Stones, 
 the peculiarities in the relation between the expansion and temperature of 
 water as well as of bismuth and the casting-metals generally, are all good 
 examples of what Bacon means by these instances. Similarly, in law, 
 we might adduce as 'monadic instances' Gavelkind and Borough English, 
 or, in moral sentiment, Suttee, Duelling, the Levirate, &c. It is some- 
 times indifferent whether we refer an example to this head or the next 
 of Instantiae Deviantcs, as is the case with one or two of the examples 
 given above.
 
 442 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 dicae sunt sui similes. Usus vero instantiarum monodica- 
 rum est talis qualis est instantiarum dandestinarnm : viz. ad 
 evehendam et uniendam naturam ad invenienda genera sive 
 communes naturas, limitandas postea per differentias veras. 
 Neque enim desistendum ab inquisitione donee proprietates 
 et qualitates, quae inveniuntur in hujusmodi rebus quae pos- 
 sunt censeri pro miraculis naturae, reducantur et comprehen- 
 dantur sub aliqua forma sive lege certa : ut irregularitas sive 
 singularitas omnis reperiatur pendere ab aliqua forma com- 
 muni ; miraculum vero illud sit tandem solummodo in differ- 
 entiis accuratis et gradu et concursu raro, et non in ipsa 
 specie : ubi nunc contemplationes hominum non procedant 
 ultra quam ut ponant hujusmodi res pro secretis et magnali- 
 bus naturae, et tanquam incausabilibus, et pro exceptionibus 
 regularum generalium 3 . 
 
 Exempla instantiarum monodicarum sunt, sol et luna, inter 
 astra ; magnes, inter lapides ; argentum vivum, inter metalla ; 
 
 3 These remarks are truly philosophical. We ought never to rest 
 till exceptions are explained, and, when explained, they will usually be 
 found to fall under some general law of nature, or, in the case of moral 
 and social phenomena, to be what Dr. Tylor has happily called 'survivals' 
 of some state of things which was far more general in the past. The 
 history of language, it may be noticed, is peculiarly rich in phenomena of 
 this kind. 
 
 Sir John Herschel illustrates this instance as follows : 'The discovery of 
 the magnetism of nickel, which, though inferior to that of iron, is still con- 
 siderable ; that of cobalt, yet feebler, and that of titanium, which is only 
 barely perceptible, have effectually broken down the imaginary limit 
 between iron and the other materials of the world, and established the 
 existence of that general law of continuity which it is one chief business of 
 philosophy to trace throughout nature. The more recent discoveries of 
 M. Arago have completed this generalisation, by showing that there is 
 no substance but which, under proper circumstances, is capable of 
 exhibiting unequivocal signs of magnetic virtue. And to obliterate all 
 traces of that line of separation which was once so broad, we are now 
 enabled, by the great discovery of Oersted, to communicate at and during 
 pleasure to a coiled wire of any metal indifferently all the properties of 
 a magnet; its attraction, repulsion, and polarity; and that even in a 
 more intense degree than was previously thought to be possible in the 
 best natural magnets.' Discourse, &c., 364. Appended to the later 
 editions of Sir W. R. Grove's Correlation of Physical Forces is an 
 admirable Address, delivered before the British Association, on the Law 
 of Continuity.
 
 LIB. II. 29. 443 
 
 clephas, inter quadrupedes ; sensus veneris, inter genera tac- 
 tus ; odor venaticus in canibus, inter genera olfactus. Etiam S 
 litera apud grammaticos habetur pro monodica ; ob facilem 
 compositionem quam sustinet cum consonantibus, aliquando 
 duplicibus, aliquando triplicibus 4 ; quod nulla alia litera facit. 
 Plurimi auteni faciendae sunt hujusmodi instantiae ; quia 
 acuunt et vivificant inquisitionem, et medentur intellectui 
 depravato a consuetudine et ab iis quae fiunt plerunque. 
 
 XXIX. 
 
 Inter praerogativas instantiarum, ponemus loco octavo 
 Instantias Deviantcs 5 ; errores scilicet naturae, et vaga, ac 
 monstra : ubi natura declinat et deflectit a cursu ordinario. 
 Differunt enim errores naturae ab instantiis monodicis in hoc ; 
 quod monodicae sint miracula specierurrij at errores sint 
 miracula individuorum. Similis autem fere sunt usus ; quia 
 rectificant intellectum adversus consueta, et revelant formas 
 communes. Neque enim in his etiam desistendum ab in- 
 quisitione donee inveniatur causa hujusmodi declinationis G . 
 Veruntamen causa ilia non exurgit ad formam aliquam 
 proprie, sed tantum ad latcntem processtim ad formam 7 . 
 Oui enim vias naturae noverit, is deviationes etiam facilius 
 
 4 An instance of the former case is to be found in the English word 
 ' strap,' of the latter in the German word ' schwarz.' 
 
 5 Dr. Kitchin truly remarks that ' Instances 7, 8, and 9 might have all 
 come under one head, for Mono\a\dicae in Species are what Deviantcs are 
 in Individuals, and Limitaneae are offshoots of Mono\_d\dicae, being those 
 cases in which two species seem to have transgressed one another's limits.' 
 Saturn's rings, the perturbations of the planet Uranus, and the red flames 
 which accompany a total eclipse of the Sun would fall under the head 
 of Instantiae Deviantes. 
 
 6 An admirable instance of an enquiry of this kind is that which led to 
 the discovery of the planet Neptune, in consequence of the observed 
 perturbations of Uranus. 
 
 7 The meaning of this remark is not very obvious. For a true ex- 
 planation of these ' monstra ' ought to throw light on the nature of the 
 species to which they belong. What Bacon had in mind probably was 
 that ' deviating instances ' are due to some arrest or modification of the 
 process which would ordinarily result in the more usual form, and, hence, 
 that their explanation throws light, not directly on the form, but on 
 the process which leads to the form. Indirectly, however, it would illus- 
 trate the nature or form as well.
 
 444 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 observabit. At rursus, qui deviations noverit, is accuratius 
 vias describe! 8 . 
 
 Atque in illo differunt etiam ab instantiis monodicis, quod 
 multo magis instruant praxin et operativam. Nam novas 
 species generare arduum admodum foret; at species notas 
 variare, et inde rara multa ac inusitata producere, minus ar- 
 duum 9 . Facilis autem transitus est a miraculis naturae ad 
 miracula artis 10 . Si enim deprehendatur semel natura in 
 variatione sua, ejusque ratio manifesta fuerit, expeditum erit 
 eo deducere naturam per artem quo per casum aberraverit. 
 Neque solum eo, sed et aliorsum ; cum errores ex una parte 
 monstrent et aperiant viam ad errores et deflexiones unde- 
 quaque. Hie vero exemplis non est opus, propter eorundem 
 copiam. Facienda enim est congeries sive historia naturalis 
 particularis omnium monstrorum et partuum naturae pro- 
 digiosorum ; omnis denique novitatis et raritatis et inconsueti 
 in natura n . Hoc vero faciendum est cum severissimo delectu, 
 ut constet fides. Maxime autem habenda sunt pro suspectis 
 quae pendent quomodocunque a religione, ut prodigia Livii : 
 nee minus, quae inveniuntur in scriptoribus magiae naturalis, 
 aut ctiam alchymiae, et hujusmodi hominibus ; qui tanquam 
 proci sunt et amatores fabularum. Sed depromenda sunt 
 ilia ex gravi et fida historia, et auditionibus certis. 
 
 The truth of these words is obvious, but the maxim is none the less 
 important, and affords a happy example of Bacon's sagacity as well as his 
 felicity of expression. 
 
 '' Familiar illustrations of this artificial process of variation are supplied 
 by the cases of plants, dogs, pigeons, cattle, &c. 
 
 What man does, in comparatively brief periods of time, in the case of 
 varieties, Mr. Darwin has shown that Nature probably does, throughout 
 the lapse of long ages, in the case of species and even the higher classes. 
 
 ll ' Kal TpoTrov nva irfp\ TO. avrd fcrnis 17 rvy^ij KCU 77 re^vr], Kaddrrfp /cat 
 
 Eth. Nic. vi. 4 (5). 
 
 A wonderful instance of the successful imitation of Nature by Art is the 
 artificial production of marble, through fusion under violent pressure, by 
 Sir James Hall, to which I have already referred (p. 350). 
 
 11 Such are many of the 'experiments' in the Sylva Sylvarum.
 
 LIB. II. 30. 445 
 
 XXX. 
 
 Inter praerogativas instantiarum, ponemus loco nono In- 
 stantias Limit ane as ^ ; quas etiam Participia vocare consue- 
 vimus. Eae vero sunt, quae exhibent species corporum tales, 
 quae videntur esse compositae ex speciebus duabus, vel rudi- 
 menta inter speciem unam et alteram. Hae vero instantiae 
 inter instantias monodicas sive heteroclitas recte numerari 
 possunt : sunt enim in universitate rerum rarae et extra- 
 ordinariae. Sed tamen ob dignitatem seorsim tractandae et 
 ponendae sunt ; optime enim indicant compositionem et fabri- 
 cam rerum, et innuunt causas numeri et qualitatis specierum 
 ordinariarum in universo. et deducunt intellectum ab eo quod 
 est, ad id quod esse potest 13 . 
 
 Harum exempla sunt: muscus, inter putredinem et plantam ; 
 cometae nonnulli, inter Stellas et meteora ignita 14 ; pisces 
 volantes, inter aves et pisces ; vespertiliones, inter aves et 
 quadrupedes ; etiam 
 
 ' Simla quam similis turpissima bestia nobis 15 ; ' 
 
 12 'These Limiting Instances or " participia," (i.e. partakers of two or 
 more kinds, just as the Participle in Grammar participates in the nature 
 of Verb and Noun) exhibit a combination of two kinds, and so seem to 
 stand between the Singular and the Deviating instances. Bacon's ex- 
 amples are not satisfactory. Moss is by no means "inter putredinem 
 et plantam." Some of the Zoophytes, or the Ornithorhyncus Paradoxus 
 would be better examples. Neither Flying-fish nor Bats are "limiting" 
 between two kinds, except in appearance.' Dr. Kitchin's note. The bat 
 belongs to the Order of Cheiroptera in the Class Mammalia, though vul- 
 garly supposed to be an abnormal sort of bird. The flying-fish, also, has 
 no structural resemblance to a bird. 
 
 The late PrOi f essor Rolleston suggested to me that the best example in 
 the animal world of the 'instantiae limitaneae' is the order Dipnoi, in- 
 cluding the three species, Lepidosiren Paradoxa, Lepidosiren Annectens, 
 and Keratodus. These animals have affinities to fishes in one set of 
 organs, and to amphibia in another. 
 
 1;i The language of this paragraph seems almost to anticipate the theories 
 of Evolution maintained by recent Naturalists. Cp. i. 66, and the last 
 Aphorism. 
 
 14 Stars are seen in the heavens permanently; meteors only momentarily. 
 Comets are seen for some time, and then disappear. This must have been 
 the ground on which Bacon referred them to the ' Instantiae limitaneae.' 
 
 15 Quoted from Ennius by Cicero, De Natura Deofum, i. 35.
 
 446 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 et partus animalium biformes et commisti ex speciebus diver- 
 sis ; et similia. 
 
 XXXI. 
 
 Inter praerogativas instantiarum ponemus decimo loco 
 Instantias Potestatis^ sive Fascium (sumpto vocabulo ab 
 insignibus imperil), quas etiam Ingenia, sive Manns Hominis 
 appellare consuevimus. Eae sunt opera maxime nobilia et 
 perfecta, et tanquam ultima in unaquaque arte. Cum enim 
 hoc agatur praecipue ut natura pareat rebus et commodis 
 humanis ; consentaneum est prorsus, ut opera, quae jam- 
 pridem in potestate hominis fuerunt (quasi provinciae antea 
 occupatae et subactae), notentur et numerentur ; praesertim 
 ea quae sunt maxime enucleata et perfecta : propterea quod 
 ab istis proclivior et magis in propinquo sit transitus ad nova 
 et hactenus non inventa. Si quis enim ab horum contem- 
 platione attenta propositum acriter et strenue urgere velit, 
 fiet certe ut aut producat ilia paulo longius, aut deflectat 
 ilia ad aliquid quod finitimum est, aut etiam applicet et 
 transferat ilia ad usum aliquem nobiliorem. 
 
 Neque hie finis. Verum quemadmodum ab operibus na- 
 turae raris et inconsuetis erigitur intellectus et elevatur ad 
 inquirendas et inveniendas formas, quae etiam illorum sunt 
 capaces 17 , ita etiam in operibus artis egregiis et admirandis 
 hoc usu-venit ; idque multo magis ; quia modus efficiendi et 
 operand! hujusmodi miracula artis manifestus ut plurimum 
 est, cum plerunque in miraculis naturae sit magis obscurus. 
 Attamen in his ipsis cautio est adhibenda vel maxime, ne 
 deprimant scilicet intellectum et eum quasi humo affigant. 
 
 Periculum enim est, ne per hujusmodi opera artis, quae 
 videntur velut summitates quaedam et fastigia industriae 
 
 1(5 These instances are evidences of man's power, being ' the most noble 
 and perfect and, as it were, consummate productions in each art.' It 
 would be endless to adduce recent examples, such as the steam engine, 
 with its many applications, the electric telegraph, chloroform, photo- 
 graphy, &c. 
 
 17 ' Which are capable of including them also.' He means that the 
 study of these rare and unusual works of nature leads to a knowledge 
 of the Forms, which they exemplify in a more or less peculiar manner.
 
 LIB. II. 31. 447 
 
 humanae, reddatur intellectus attonitus ct ligatus ct quasi 
 maleficiatus quoad ilia, ita ut cum aliis consuescere non 
 possit, sed cogitet nihil ejus generis fieri posse nisi eadem 
 via qua ilia effecta sunt, accedente tantummodo diligentia 
 majore et praeparatione magis accurata 18 . 
 
 Contra, illud ponendum est pro certo : vias et modos effi- 
 ciendi res et opera, quae adhuc reperta sunt et notata, res 
 esse plerunque pauperculas ; atque omnem potentiam majorem 
 pendere et ordine derivari a fontibus formarum, quarum nulla 
 adhuc inventa est 10 . 
 
 Itaque (ut alibi diximus 20 ) qui de machinis et arietibus, 
 quales erant apud veteres, cogitasset, licet hoc fecisset obnixe 
 atque aetatem in eo consumpsisset, nunquam tamen inci- 
 disset in inventum tormentorum igneorum operantium per 
 pulverem pyrium. Neque rursus, qui in laninciis et serico 
 vegetabili observationem suam et meditationem collocasset, 
 unquam per ea reperisset naturam vermis aut serici bomby- 
 cini. 
 
 Ouocirca omnia inventa. quae censeri possunt magis nobilia 
 (si animum advertas), in lucem prodiere, nullo modo per 
 pusillas enucleationes et extensiones artium, sed omnino per 
 casum. Nihil autem repraesentat 21 aut anticipat casum 
 (cujus mos est ut tantum per longa saecula operetur). praeter 
 inventionem formarum 22 . 
 
 Exempla autem hujusmodi instantiarum particularia nihil 
 opus est adducere, propter copiam eorundem. Nam hoc 
 omnino agendum ; ut visitentur et penitus introspiciantur 
 omnes artcs mechanicae, atque liberales etiam (quatenus ad 
 opera), atque inde facienda est congeries sive historia par- 
 
 1? Cp. i. 6, 85. 
 
 111 Cp. i. 75, ii. 2, 17. De Augmentis, iii. 4 (E. and S., vol. i. pp. 564- 
 566). 
 
 20 See i. 109. 
 
 21 See note on this word at the end of i. 109. 
 
 - Cp. ii. 3 ad fin.: 'At qui formas novit, is naturae unitatem in materiis 
 dissimillimis complectitur ; itaque quae adhuc facta non sunt, qualia nee 
 naturae vicissitudines, neque experimentales industriae, neque casus ipse, 
 in actum unquam perduxissent, neque cogitationem humanam subitura 
 fuissent, detegere ct producere potest. Ouare ex formarum inventione 
 sequitur contemplatio vera, et operatio libera.'
 
 448 . NOVUM ORGANUM.. 
 
 ticularis, tanquam magnalium et operum magistralium et 
 ma'xime perfectoruni in unaquaque ipsarum, una cum modis 
 effectionis 'sive operationis. 
 
 Nequ. tamen astringimus diligentiam, quae adhibenda est 
 in hujusmodi collecta, ad ea quae censentur pro magisteriis 
 et arcanis alicujus artis tantum, atque movent admirationem. 
 Admiratio enim proles est raritatis ; siquidem rara, licet in 
 genere sint ex vulgatis naturis, tamen admirationem pariunt 
 
 At contra, quae fevera admiration} esse debent propter 
 discrepantiam quae inest illis in specie collatis ad alias spe- 
 cies, tamen si in usu familiari praesto sint leviter notantur. 
 Debent autem notari monodica artis, non minus quam mono- 
 dica naturae ; de quibus antea diximus 23 . Atque quemad- 
 modum in monodicis naturae posuimus solem, lunam, mag- 
 netem, et similia, quae re vulgatissima sunt sed natura tamen 
 fere singulari : idem et de monodicis artis faciendum est. 
 
 Exempli gratia ; instantia monodica artis est papyrus ; res 
 admodum vulgata. At si diligenter animum advertas, ma- 
 teriae artificiales aut plane textiles sunt per fila directa et 
 transversa ; qualia sunt pannus sericus, aut laneus, et linteus, 
 et hujusmodi : aut coagmentantur ex succis concretis ; qualia 
 sunt later, aut argilla figularis, aut vitrum, aut esmalta 24 , aut 
 porcellana, et similia ; quae si bene uniantur splendent, sin 
 minus, indurantur certe, sed non splendent. Attamen omnia 
 talia, quae fiunt ex succis concretis, sunt fragilia, nee ullo 
 modo haerentia et tenacia. At contra, papyrus est corpus 
 tenax, quod scindi et lacerari possit ; ita ut imitetur et fere 
 aemuletur pellcm sive membranam alicujus animalis, aut 
 folium alicujus vcgetabilis, ct hujusmodi opificia naturae. 
 Nam nequc fragilis est, ut vitrum ; neque textilis, ut pannus ; 
 sed habet fibras ccrte, non fila distincta, omnino ad modum 
 materiarum naturalium : ut inter artificiales matcrias vix in- 
 veniatur simile aliquod, sed sit plane monodicum 25 . Atque 
 
 23 Aph. 28. 
 
 ' ' Italian "smalto," "ismalto," enamel. The word is connected with 
 the Anglo-Saxon " Myltan," to melt or smelt.' Dr. Kitchin's note. 
 
 '*" Mr. Ellis says : ' It is curious that Bacon should not have remarked 
 that all the qualities here mentioned belong to felt as well as to paper.'
 
 LIB. II. 31. 449 
 
 pracferenda sane sunt in artificialibus ea quae maxime ac- 
 cedunt ad imitationem naturae, aut e contrario earn potente* 
 regunt et invertunt 2G . 
 
 Rursus, inter ingenia et manus hominis, non prorsus con- 
 temnenda sunt praestigiae et jocularia 27 . Nonnulla enim ex 
 istis, licet sint usu levia et ludicra tamen informatione valida 
 esse possunt. 
 
 Postremo, neque omnino omittenda sunt superstitiosa, et 
 (prout vocabulum sensu vulgari accipitur) magica. Licet 
 enim hujusmodi res sint in immensum obrutae grandi mole 
 mendaciorum et fabularum, tamen inspiciendum paulisper si 
 forte subsit et lateat in aliquibus earum aliqua operatfo na- 
 turalis ; ut in fascino, et fortificatione imaginationis, et con- 
 sensu rerum ad distans, et transmissione impressionum a 
 spiritu ad spiritum non minus quam a corpore ad corpus, 
 et similibus 28 . 
 
 26 Of this last class the lightning-conductor is an admirable example. 
 
 27 The remark is perfectly just, and can, perhaps, be more adequately 
 appreciated in our own days than in Bacon's. Numbers of toys and tricks 
 illustrate scientific principles, as well as mental habitudes. 
 
 In the Catalogus Historiarum Particularium, published at the end of the 
 First Edition of the Novum Organum, are enumerated, ' 123, Historia 
 Ludorum omnis generis; 124, Historia Praestigiatorum et Circulatorum.' 
 
 28 Cp. De Augmentis, lib. iv. cap. 3 (E. and S., vol. i. pp. 608, 609), 
 Sylva Sylvarum, Century X. (E. and S., vol. ii. p. 640, &c.). In Exp. 986, 
 he relates the story of the dream which he had at Paris two or three 
 days before his father's death. 
 
 This class of questions had an irresistible attraction for the men of 
 Bacon's time, nor have they ceased to be discussed with interest by many 
 scientific men even in our own. 
 
 Of the extravagant lengths to which the belief in the ' consensus rerum 
 ad distans ' and the ' transmissio impressionum ' were sometimes carried, 
 we have some very amusing instances in Dr. Glanvill's Scepsis Scienti- 
 fica, a work published in 1665, forty-five years after the publication of the 
 Novum Organum. I select two of these, and feel confident that the reader 
 will require no apology for their length : 
 
 ' Besides this ' (sc. conference by means of sympathetic dials) ' there 
 is another way of Secret Conveyance that's whisper' d about the World, 
 the truth of which I vouch not, but the possibility : it is conference at 
 distance by sympathized hands. For say the relatours of this strange 
 secret : The hands of two friends being allyed by the transferring of Flesh 
 from one into another, and the place of the Letters mutually agreed on ; 
 the least prick in the hand of one, the other will be sensible of, and that in 
 
 GS
 
 450 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 XXXII. 
 
 Ex iis, quae ante dicta sunt, patet quod quinque ilia in- 
 stantiarum genera de quibus diximus (viz. instantiarum con- 
 formium, instantiarum monodicarum, instantiarum dcvian- 
 tium, instantiarum limitanearum, instantiarum potestatis] non 
 debeant reservari, donee inquiratur natura aliqua certa (quem- 
 admodum instantiae reliquae, quas primo loco proposuimus, 
 nee non plurimae ex iis quae sequentur, reservari debent) : 
 sed statim jam ab initio facienda est earum collectio, tanquam 
 historia quaedam particularis : eo quod digerant ea quae in- 
 grediuntur intellectum, et corrigant pravam complexionem 
 intellectus ipsius, quern omnino necesse est imbui et infici 
 et demum perverti ac distorqueri ab incursibus quotidianis 
 et consuetis 29 . 
 
 the same part of his own. And thus the distant friend, by a new kind of 
 Chiromancy, may read in his own hand what his correspondent had set 
 down in his. For instance, would I in London acquaint my intimate 
 in Paris, that / ain well : I would then prick that part where I had 
 appointed the letter [I] and, doing so in another place to signifie that 
 word was done, proceed to [A] thence to [M] and so on, till I had finisht 
 what I intended to make known.' 
 
 ' Then there is a Magnetick way of curing wounds by anointing the 
 weapon, and that the wound is affected in like manner as is the extra- 
 venate blood by the Sympathetick medicine, as to matter of fact is with 
 circumstances of good evidence asserted by the Noble Sir K. Digby in his 
 ingenious discourse on the subject. The reason of this magnale he 
 attempts by Mechanism, and endeavours to make it out by atomical 
 aporrheas, which passing from the cruentate cloth or weapon to the 
 wound, and being incorporated with the particles of the salve carry 
 them in their embraces to the affected part : where the medicinal atomes, 
 entering together with the effluviums of the blood, do by their subtle 
 insinuation better effect the cure, than can be done by any grosser ap- 
 plication. The particular way of their conveyance and their regular 
 direction is handsomely explicated by that learned Knight, and recom- 
 mended to the ingenious by most witty and becoming illustrations. It 
 is out of my way here to enquire whether the Anima Mundi be not 
 a better account than any Mechanical Solutions. The former is more 
 desperate ; the latter perhaps hath more of ingenuity than good ground 
 of satisfaction. It is enough for me that de fttcto there is such an en- 
 tercourse between the Magnetick unguent and the vulnerated body, and 
 I need not be solicitous of the cause.' 
 
 " These five instances are regarded rather as furnishing materials for
 
 LIB. II. 3233. 451 
 
 Itaque adhibendae sunt eae instantiae tanquam praepara- 
 tivum aliquod, ad rectificandum et expurgandum intellectum. 
 Ouicquid enim abducit intellectum a consuetis, aequat et com- 
 planat aream ejus ad recipiendum lumen siccum et purum 
 notionum verarum. 
 
 Quin etiam hujusmodi instantiae stcrnunt et praestruunt 
 viam ad operativam ; ut suo loco dicemus, quando de Deduc- 
 tionibus ad Praxin 30 sermo erit. 
 
 XXXIII. 
 
 Inter pracrogativas instantiarum ponemus loco undecimo 
 Instantias Comltatus, atque Hostiles^ ; quas etiam Instantias 
 Propositiomim Fix arum appellare consuevimus. Eae sunt 
 instantiae, quae exhibent aliquod corpus sive concretum tale, 
 in quo natura inquisita perpetuo sequatur tanquam comes 
 quidam individuus : aut contra, in quo natura inquisita per- 
 petuo fugiat atque ex comitatu excludatur, ut hostis et 
 inimicus. Nam ex hujusmodi instantiis formantur propo- 
 sitiones certae et universales, aut affinnativae aut ncgativac ; 
 in quibus subjcctum erit tale corpus in concrete, praedicatum 
 vero natura ipsa inquisita. Etenim propositiones particulars 
 omnino fixae non sunt, ubi scilicet natura inquisita reperitur 
 in aliquo concrete fluxa et mobilis, viz. accedens sive acquisita, 
 aut rursus recedens sive deposita. Quocirca particulares 
 propositiones non habent pracrogativam aliquam majorem, 
 nisi tantum in casu migrationis ; de quo antea dictum est. 
 Et nihilominus. etiam particulares illae propositiones com- 
 paratae et collatae cum universalibus multum juvant ; ut 
 
 a Natural History, and as instrumental in removing prejudices, than as 
 directly suggesting inductive inferences. But, as Dr. Kitchin says, it 
 is hard to see why, if they are merely preliminary, they should be in- 
 serted in this place. 
 
 so The seventh in order of the 'reliqua auxilia intellectus' (see Aph. 21). 
 This part of the Novum Organum Bacon never reached. 
 
 31 These instances are such as the nature in question is constantly asso- 
 ciated with, or constantly dissociated from. The fact is expressed, in the 
 one case, by an Universal Affirmative, and, in the other, by an Universal 
 Negative Proposition. In both cases, the instance furnishes the subject of 
 the proposition, and the nature in question the predicate. 
 
 Gg 2
 
 452 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 suo loco dicetur 82 . Neque tamen, etiam in universalibus 
 istis propositionibus exactam aut absolutam affirmationem. 
 vel abnegationem requirimus. Sufficit enim ad id quod 
 agitur, etiamsi exceptionem nonnullam singularem aut raram 
 patiantur 33 . 
 
 Usus autem instantiarum comitatus est ad angustiandam 
 affirmativam formae. Quemadmodum enim in instantiis mi- 
 grantibus angustiatur affirmativa formae ; viz. ut necessario 
 poni debeat forma rei esse aliquid quod per actum ilium 
 migrationis inditur aut destruitur : ita etiam in instantiis 
 comitatus angustiatur affirmativa formae ; ut necessario poni 
 debeat forma rei esse aliquid quod talem concretionem 
 corporis subingrediatur, aut contra ab eadem abhorreat ; ut 
 qui bene norit constitutionem aut schematismum hujusmodi 
 corporis non longe abfuerit ab extrahenda in lucem forma 
 naturae inquisitae 34 . 
 
 Exempli gratia ; sit natura inquisita Calidum. Instantia 
 comitatus est flamma 35 . Etenim in aqua, acre, lapide, 
 metallo, et aliis quamplurimis, calor est mobilis, et accedere 
 potest et recedere : at omnis flamma est calida, ita ut calor 
 in concretione flammae perpetuo sequatur. At instantia 
 hostilis calidi nulla reperitur apud nos. Nam de visceribus 
 terrae nihil constat ad sensum ; sed eorum corporum quae 
 
 yl He alludes to the Instantiae Subjunctivae of the next Aphorism. 
 
 33 But this exception must always be regarded as requiring explanation, 
 shewing why it deviates from the general rule. The history of science is 
 rich in explanations of this kind. 
 
 31 Thus, if the form required be that of heat, and we have observed that 
 heat always accompanies flame, the ' form ' or nature of heat may be de- 
 tected by a careful examination of flame. Similarly, if the form required 
 be that of transparency, and we have observed that malleability never 
 accompanies transparency, the ' form ' or nature of transparency must be 
 something which is not to be found in malleable substances (or, at least, 
 something which, if it is to be found in them, is counteracted by other 
 properties). It is plain from the qualification, just given, how liable to 
 error may be reasoning based solely on ' instantiae hostiles.' 
 
 35 Not only is flame always accompanied by heat, but, as Professor 
 Playfair adds, ' the same degree of heat in a given substance is always 
 accompanied with flame,' that is to say, there is always a given temperature 
 at which any particular incandescent substance bursts into flame.
 
 LIB. II. 33. 453 
 
 nobis nota sunt nulla prorsus est concretio quae non est 
 susceptibilis caloris 30 . 
 
 At rursus, sit natura inquisita Consistens. Instantia hosti- 
 lis est aer. Etenim metallum potest fluere, potest consistere ; 
 similiter vitrum ; etiam aqua potest consistere, cum con- 
 glaciatur: at impossibile est ut aer unquam consistat, aut 
 exuat fluorem 37 . 
 
 Verum de instantiis\\.u]'ttsr[\od{ propositiomim fixamm super- 
 sunt duo monita, quae utilia sunt ad id quod agitur. Primum, 
 ut si defuerit plane universalis affirmativa aut negativa, illud 
 ipsum diligenter notetur tanquam non-ens 38 ; sicut fecimus de 
 calido, ubi universalis negativa (quatenus ad entia quae ad 
 nostram notitiam pervenerint) in rerum natura deest. Simi- 
 liter, si natura inquisita sit aeternum aut incorruptibile, deest 
 affirmativa universalis hie apud nos. Neque enim praedicari 
 potest Aeternum aut Incorruptibile de aliquo corpore eoruni 
 quae infra coelestia sunt, aut supra interiora terrae 39 . Alterum 
 
 86 This passage again shows Bacon's ignorance of the purely relative 
 character of the expressions ' Hot ' and ' Cold.' 
 
 37 This was the opinion of scientific men even long after Bacon's time, 
 and it is repeated, though in rather more cautious language, by Professor 
 Playfair. But the experiments of Cailletet and Pictet (for an account of 
 which I referred in my First Edition to the Academy of Jan. 12, 1878, 
 and to Nature of Jan. 3 and 17 of the same year) have conclusively shown 
 that even oxygen, hydrogen, and nitrogen admit of liquefaction, and, there- 
 fore, probably of solidification. A brief account of these experiments is 
 given in Ganot's Physics, Translation, 1 2th Ed., 382. Thus, the old 
 distinction between permanent and non-permanent gases has been en- 
 tirely effaced. By a legitimate analogy, it may be inferred, with a very 
 high degree of probability, that all liquids admit of solidification. But 
 some liquids, such as alcohol, ether, and bisulphide of carbon have 
 hitherto resisted all attempts to solidify them, even at the lowest known 
 temperature. See Ganot, 343. 
 
 :J Though expressed in scholastic language, the meaning of this caution 
 is plain. If we are unable to establish an universal affirmative or an uni- 
 versal negative, the mere fact of such incapacity is worth the noting. 
 
 39 In the Descriptio Globi Intellectualis (E. and S., vol. iii. pp. 754~7) 
 Bacon criticises severely the dogma of Aristotle and the Peripatetics, 
 which affirms the immutability of the heavenly bodies. The same passage 
 shows why he here brings the ' interiora terrae ' into juxtaposition with 
 ' coelestia.' ' Deinde si quis adhuc instet, negari tamen non posse quin in 
 ipsa superficie orbis terrarum et partibus proximis infinitae riant muta-
 
 454 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 monitum est, ut propositionibus universalibus, tarn affirmativis 
 quam negativis, de aliquo concrete, subjungantur 40 simul ea 
 concreta quae proxime videntur accedere ad id quod est ex 
 non-entibus 41 : ut in calore, flammae mollissimae et minimum 
 adurentes ; in incorruptibili, aurum, quod proxime accedit. 
 Omnia enim ista indicant terminos naturae inter ens et 
 non-ens ; et faciunt ad circumscriptiones formarum, ne gliscant 
 et vagentur extra conditiones materiae 42 . 
 
 XXXIV. 
 
 Inter praerogativas instantiarum, ponemus loco duodecimo 
 ipsas illas Instantias Subjunctivas, de quibus in superiori 
 aphorismo diximus : quas etiam Instantias Ultimitatis sive 
 Termini appellare consuevimus. Neque enim hujusmodi in- 
 stantiae utiles sunt tantum, quatenus subjunguntur propositio- 
 nibus fixis ; verum etiam per se, et in proprietate sua 43 . In- 
 dicant enim non obscure veras sectiones naturae, et mensuras 
 rerum, et illud Quoiisque natura quid faciat et ferat, et deinde 
 transitus naturae ad aliud. Talia sunt, aurum, in pondere 44 ; 
 
 tiones, in coelo non item : huic ita occurrimus ; nee nos haec per omnia 
 aequare, et tamen si regiones (quas vocant) superiorem et mediam aeris 
 pro superficie aut interiore tunica coeli accipiamus, quemadmodum spatium 
 istud apud nos, quo animalia, plantae, et mineralia continentur, pro super- 
 ficie vel exteriore tunica terrae accipimus ; et ibi quoque varias et multi- 
 formes generationes inveniri. Itaque tumultus fere omnis et conflictus 
 et perturbatio in confiniis tantum coeli et terrae locum habere videtur ; 
 ut in rebus civilibus fit, in quibus illud frequenter usu venit, ut duorum 
 regnorum fines continuis incursionibus et violentiis infestentur, dum in- 
 teriores utriusque regni provinciae diutina pace fruuntur, et beilis tantum 
 gravioribus et rarioribus commoventur.' 
 
 40 See next Aphorism. 
 
 41 Or, as we should say, which least exemplify the given proposition. 
 
 42 He appears here to regard matter as limiting and checking the ex- 
 hibition of the form. Hence, in certain cases, he conceives, the mani- 
 festation of the form is weak, and we must take care to state our general 
 propositions, whether affirmative or negative, with due qualifications. 
 
 li Except in relation to the Instances described in the last Aphorism, it 
 is difficult to see how this class of instances constitutes a distinct division. 
 Surely, when regarded in themselves, out of relation to the others, they 
 are merely the 'Glaring Instances' and 'Clandestine Instances' over 
 again. 
 
 14 Platinum is heavier than gold, ether is lighter than spirits of wine ;
 
 LIB. II. 3435- 455 
 
 ferrum, in duritie ; cete, in quantitate animalium ; canis, in 
 odore ; inflammatio pulveris pyrii, in expansione celeri ; et alia 
 id genus. Nee minus exhibenda sunt ea quae sunt ultima 
 gradu infimo, quam quae supremo : ut spiritus vini, in pon- 
 dere ; sericum, in mollitie ; vermiculi cutis 45 3 in quantitate 
 animalium ; et caetera. 
 
 XXXV. 
 
 Inter pracrogativas instantiarum, ponemus loco decimo tertio 
 InstantiasFoederis sive Unionis^. Eae sunt, quae confundunt 
 et adunant naturas, quae existimantur esse heterogeneae, et 
 pro talibus notantur et signantur per divisiones receptas. 
 
 At instantiate foederis ostendunt operationes et effectus, quae 
 deputantur alicui ex illis heterogeneis ut propria, competere 
 etiam aliis ex heterogeneis ; ut convincatur ista heterogenia 
 (quae in opinione est) vera non esse aut essentialis. sed nil aliud 
 esse quam modificatio naturae communis. Optimi itaque sunt 
 usus ad elevandum et evehendum inteliectum a differentiis ad 
 genera ; et ad tollendum larvas et simulachra rerum, prout 
 occurrunt et prodeunt personatae in substantiis concretis. 
 
 Exempli gratia : sit natura inquisita Calidum. Omnino 
 videtur esse divisio solennis et authentica, quod sint tria genera 
 
 the diamond is harder than iron ; some detonating powders exceed gun- 
 powder in their expansive force ; and the whale, though larger than any 
 other living animal, must yield to the geological monsters which the 
 researches of recent geologists and anatomists have re-constructed for us. 
 
 45 The ' Vermiculi cutis ' (to which Bacon refers again in Aph. 43) are, 
 as Dr. Kitchin observes, ' not animal bodies, but only little vessels caused 
 originally by the obstruction of the glands placed immediately under the 
 skin, from which a minute pipe carries off the perspiration.' I am in- 
 debted to the late Professor Rolleston for the information that there is 
 a minute microscopic animal, called Demodex folliculorum, discovered by 
 a German physician, Dr. Simon, in the unctuous matter which collects 
 within the oil-tubes of the skin. But, of course, Bacon could have had 
 no means of observing it. 
 
 40 An instance of Alliance is an instance which exhibits the identity 
 or similarity of natures which are supposed to be heterogeneous, and thus 
 leads from the consideration of the differentiae to that of the genus. 
 
 An excellent example would be the fall of detached bodies to the earth, 
 which is said to have suggested to Newton that there is a common 
 explanation of terrestrial gravitation and of the force which retains the 
 planets in their orbits.
 
 456 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 caloris ; viz. calor coelestium, calor animalium, et calor ignis 47 ; 
 quodque isti calores (praesertim unus ex illis comparatus ad 
 reliquos duos) sint ipsa essentia et specie, sive natura speci- 
 fica, differentes et plane heterogenei : quandoquidem calor 
 coelestium et animalium generet et foveat, at calor ignis 
 contra corrumpat et destruat 48 . Est itaque instantia foederis 
 experimentum illud satis vulgatum, cum recipitur ramus aliquis 
 vitis intra domum ubi sit focus assiduus, ex quo maturescunt 
 uvae etiam mense integro citius quam foras ; ita ut maturatio 
 fructus etiam pendentis super arborem fieri possit, scilicet ab 
 igne. cum hoc ipsum videatur esse opus proprium solis' 49 . 
 
 47 This is, even still, a vulgar division of the different kinds of heat. 
 Telesius had anticipated Bacon in criticising it. See De Rerum Natura, 
 vi. 20, a passage which Bacon had evidently read. 
 
 43 See Aristotle, De Generatione Animalium, ii. 2 (Berlin Ed., p. 737 a. 
 I, K. T. A.) : 816 Trvp p.ev ovdfv yevvq <f>ov, ov&e (paLveTai avvicrTdfJLfvov irvpov- 
 /neVois OUT' tv vypols OVT ev ^rjpols ovdev' 17 Se TOV 17X1011 6epfjLOTr]s KOI T) ra>v 
 fcooov 011 fjiovov f] 8ia TOV (Tnepp-arof, dXXa KO.V TI TreptVrw/ia rvxtf TIJS (pixrews ov 
 fTfpov, o/zcos e^ei teal TOVTO a>Tiicf]v apx*] v - Tl M^" ^ v ^ e> " T0 ' s C 1 ? ^ Bfpp-OTTjs 
 ovre Trvp ovTf airo Trvpbs e^fi rr]V dpxyv, e< rS>v TOIOVTUV eo~Ti (pavepov. 
 
 49 ' The regular use of artificial heat in green-houses and conservatories 
 was not known in Bacon's time. In the Maison Champetre, an encyclo- 
 paedia of gardening and agriculture published in 1607, nothing is said 
 of it ; nor is there anything on the subject in the writings of Porta, 
 though in his Nat. Mag. he has spoken of various modes of accelerating 
 the growth of fruits and flowers. In the Sylva Sylvarum (412), however, 
 Bacon speaks of housing hot-country plants to save them, and, in the 
 Essay on Gardens, of stoving myrtles. The idea of what are now called 
 green-houses was introduced into England from Holland about the time 
 of the Revolution. The orangery at Heidelberg, formed, I believe, about 
 the middle of the seventeenth century, is said to be the earliest conserv- 
 atory on record. 
 
 ' It is related that Albertus Magnus, entertaining the emperor at Cologne 
 during the winter, selected for the place of entertainment the garden of 
 his monastery. Everything was covered with snow, and the guests were 
 much inclined to be discontented ; but, when the feast began, the snow 
 cleared away ; the trees put forth, first leaves, then blossoms, then fruit ; 
 and the climate became that of summer. This glorious summer, which 
 had thus abruptly succeeded to the winter of their discontent, lasted 
 only to the conclusion of the feast, when everything resumed its former 
 aspect. It would be a fanciful explanation, and I know not whether it 
 has ever been suggested, to say that Albertus Magnus really entertained 
 the emperor in a conservatory, and only led his guests through the garden. 
 See, for the story, Grimm's Deutsche Sagen? Mr. Ellis' note.
 
 LIB. II. 35. 457 
 
 Itaque ab hoc initio facile insurgit intellectus, repudiata 
 heterogenia essential!, ad inquirendum quae sint differentiae 
 illae quae revera reperiuntur inter calorem solis et ignis, ex 
 quibus fit ut eorum operationes sint tarn dissimiles, utcunque 
 illi ipsi participent ex natura communi. 
 
 Quae differentiae reperientur quatuor : viz. primo, quod calor 
 solis respectu caloris ignis sit gradu longe clementior et lenior ; 
 secundo, quod sit (praesertim ut defertur ad nos per aerem) 
 qualitate multo humidior ; tertio (quod caput rei est), quod sit 
 summe inaequalis, atque accedens et auctus, et deinceps rece- 
 dens et diminutus, id quod maxime confert ad generationem 
 corporum. Recte enim asseruit Aristoteles 50 causam princi- 
 palem generationum et corruptionum, quae fiunt hie apud nos 
 in superficie terrae, esse viam obliquam solis per zodiacum 51 ; 
 unde calor solis, partim per vicissitudines diei et noctis, 
 partim per successiones aestatis et hyemis, evadit miris modis 
 inaequalis. Neque tamen desinit ille vir id quod ab eo recte 
 inventum fuit statim corrumpere et dcpravare. Nam ut 
 arbiter scilicet naturae (quod illi in more est) valde magis- 
 traliter assignat causam generationis accessui solis, causam 
 autem corruptionis recessui : cum utraque res (accessus vide- 
 licet solis et recessus) non respective, sed quasi indifferenter, 
 praebeat causam tam generationi quam corruptioni ; quando- 
 quidem inaequalitas caloris generationi et corruptioni rerum, 
 aequalitas conservationi tantum ministret Est et quarta 
 differentia inter calorem solis et ignis, magni prorsus momenti : 
 viz. quod sol operationes suas insinuet per longa temporis 
 spatia, ubi operationes ignis (urgente hominum impatientia) 
 
 50 Meteorologica, i. 14 (p. 351 a. 30, K.r.X.) : rfj 8e yfj TQVTQ (sc. O.KIJ.TJV 
 (X elv Ka ' yiP as ) ylyvtra.1 Kara pepos 8ia \}sv-iv /cat 6epfJ.oTrjTa. Tavra p.ev ovv 
 av^fTai Kat (pdivei dia TOV fj\iov /cat TTJV nepKpopdv, Stu 8e ravra Kai Trjv 8vvafj.iv 
 ra p-fprf rrjs yijs Xa^/Sdj/ei diaipepovcrav, coore fte^pt TWOS evvftpa SvvaTai Sia/ie- 
 vfiv, elra r)paivfTai KO.\ yrjpdaKfi rraXiv' erepoi fie TOTTOI fiid><TKovTai /cat eVuSpot 
 yiyvovTai Kara p.epos. 
 
 De Generatione et Corruptione, ii. 10 (p. 336 a, b). It is to this latter 
 passage that the words ' Nam ut arbiter,' &c. refer. See 336 b. 17, &c. : 
 dpui^ifv yap OTI 7rpocri6i>Tos p.ev TOV rj\iov yfvtcris fo~Tii> ) cmiovTos 8e (pdicris, Kal 
 (V i'cro) xpov<p fKaTfpov' tcroy yap 6 %povos TTJS <p6opas Kal rijs yevfcrfuis Tijs Kara 
 (pvo-iv. 
 
 M TJ Kara TOV Xo|6i/ KVK\OV (popd. De Gen. et Corr. ii. 10.
 
 458 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 per breviora intervalla ad exitum perducantur. Quod si quis 
 id sedulo agat, ut calorem ignis attemperct et reducat ad 
 gradum moderatiorem et leniorem (quod multis modis facile 
 fit), deinde etiam inspergat et admisceat nonnullam humidi- 
 tatem, maxime autem si imitetur calorem solis in inaequalitate, 
 postremo si moram patienter toleret (non certe earn quae sit 
 proportionata operibus solis, sed largiorem quam homines ad- 
 hibere solent in operibus ignis), is facile missam faciet hetero- 
 geniam illam caloris, et vel tentabit vel exaequabit vel in ali- 
 quibus vincet opera solis. per calorem ignis. Similis instan- 
 tia focdcris cst resuscitatio papilionum ex frigore stupentium 
 et tanquam emortuarum, per exiguum teporem ignis ; ut 
 facile cernas non magis negatum esse igni vivificarc animantia 
 quam maturare vegetabilia. Etiam inventum illud celebre 
 Fracastorii ' 2 de sartagine acriter calefacta, qua circundant 
 meclici capita apoplecticorum desperatorum, expandit mani- 
 feste spiritus animales ab humoribus et obstructionibus cerebri 
 compresses ct quasi extinctos, illosque ad motum excitat, non 
 aliter quam ignis operatur in aquam aut ae'rcm, ct tamen per 
 consequens vivincat. Etiam ova aliquando excluduntur per 
 calorem ignis, id quod prorsus imitatur calorem animalcm ; 
 et complura ejusmodi ; ut nemo dubitare possit quin calor 
 ignis in multis subjectis modificari possit ad imaginem caloris 
 coclestium et animalium. 
 
 Similiter sint naturae inquisitae Motus et Ouies. Videtur 
 esse divisio solcnnis atque ex intima philosophia, quod corpora 
 naturalia vel rotent,vel ferantur recta, vel stcnt sive quiescant. 
 Aut enim est motus sine termino, aut statio in termino, aut 
 latio ad tenninum. At motus ille pcrennis rotationis videtur 
 cssc coelestium proprius ; statio sive quies videtur competere 
 
 r ' 2 It is related of this distinguished physician (born at Verona 1483, died 
 1553) that, apoplexy having deprived him of the use of speech, he made a 
 sign to his servants to apply cupping-glasses to his head ; but, not being 
 understood, he died in a few hours. 
 
 Cupping is effected by rarefying the air within the vessel, and thus 
 partially removing the atmospheric pressure from the surface of the skin, 
 which accordingly rises. This operation is generally followed by making 
 incisions on the raised surface, by means of a scarificator, after which the 
 cup is again applied, for the purpose of drawing out the blood.
 
 LIB. II. 35. 459 
 
 globo ipsi terrae ; at corpora caetera (gravia quac vocant et 
 levia, extra loca scilicet connaturalitatis suae sita) feruntur 
 recta ad massas sive congregationes similium ; levia sursum, 
 versus ambitum coeli ; gravia deorsum, versus terram. Atque 
 ista pulchra dictu sunt 5a . 
 
 At instantia focderis est cometa aliquis humilior; qui cum 
 sit longe infra coelum, tamen rotat 54 . Atque commentum 
 Aristotelis 5c5 de alligatione sive sequacitate cometae ad astrum 
 
 3 This is the ordinary Peripatetic account of what is called ' motion of 
 translation' ($opd), and is stated almost in the words of Aristotle himself. 
 See, amongst other places, De Coelo, i. 2 (pp. 268 0-269 b), from which I 
 extract the following passage (p. 268 b. 17, K.T.X.): nSo-a 8e nivrja-is Sarj Kara 
 TOTTOV, i]v KaXovfjifv (popdi>, rj tvdfla r) KVK\U> *) ex rovrutv /J.IKTT]' aTrXat yap avrat. 
 dvo /jLovai. A.ITIOV 8' on KOI ra peyedi) ravra aTrXa povov, TJ T' fvdfla KOL f] nepi- 
 (peprjs. Ku/cXw fiev ovv earlv f] Trepi TO p.(o-ov, fvdela fi' 17 ava> Kal KUTU>. Aey<u 
 8' ayca p.ev rt]i> dno rov pecrou, Karat 8e rfjv eVl TO [ifcrov. "flo-T* avayKrj Tracrav 
 flvai ri]V airXrjv (popav rrji> ^.ev dno rov futcrov, ri]v S" ori TO fj.eo~oii, ri^v de irepi 
 TO fieo-ov. The other parts of the doctrine occur or are implied in the 
 same chapter : cp. also Phys. viii. 9 (265 a, b). 
 
 It is not quite plain from Bacon's words at the end of the paragraph, 
 whether he implicitly accepted this account, or not. From Aph. 48, 
 ' Motus decimus septimus,' it would seem as if he did do so, whereas, in 
 the Descriptio Globi Intellectualis (E. and S., vol. iii. pp. 754-5), he 
 calls in question the dogmas of both the circular and the eternal motion 
 of the heavenly bodies (cp., with regard to the former, Nov. Org. i. 45). 
 This treatise must have been written about 1612, so that, unless we suppose 
 that, in the two passages of the Novum Organum, he is merely stating the 
 commonly received opinion, without thinking it necessary to criticise it, 
 we must admit some inconsistency in his treatment of this subject. 
 
 The establishment of the true nature and laws of motion belongs to the 
 period subsequent to Bacon, beginning with the discoveries of Galileo and 
 ending with those of Newton. See Whewell's History of the Inductive 
 Sciences. 
 
 4 The comets being as much ' heavenly bodies ' as the planets, this 
 instance has, of course, no significance for us. 
 
 There is another respect, however, as Dr. Kitchin observes, in which 
 comets afford a good example of an Instantia Foederis. Notwithstanding 
 the apparent irregularity of their orbits, they illustrate the Law of Gravity 
 equally with the planets, whose orbits are apparently regular, and hence 
 their motions contribute to establish the universality of that Law. 
 
 or ' See Meteorologica, i. 7 (p. 344). It is not, however, with regard to 
 all comets that Aristotle propounds this theory. "Orav ^ev ovv eV avra> rta 
 Kara) TOTTW i^ a PX*l T ^ s o~uo~Tacrecos ?/, KU$' eavrov (paiverai KO/LU/TTJS' orav 8 inro 
 T<OV acrrpwv rivos, rj ru>v cnr\av)V f) ra>v TT\avr)ra>v ) vno rrjs Kivr]o~e<os crvviarriTai 
 fj dvadvuiaviS) rorf Kop.^Trjs yiyi-erai rovrwv ns' ov yap Trpbs avrols rj K.6p.r]
 
 460 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 aliquod jampridem explosum est ; non tantum quia ratio 
 ejus non est probabilis, sed propter experientiam manifestam 
 discursus et irregularis motus cometarum per varia loca coeli. 
 
 At rursus alia instantia foederis circa hoc subjectum est 
 motus aeris ; qui intra tropicos (ubi circuli rotationis sunt 
 majores) videtur et ipse rotare ab oriente in occiden- 
 tem 5G . 
 
 Et alia rursus instantia foret fluxus et refluxus maris, si 
 modo aquae ipsae deprehendantur ferri motu rotationis (licet 
 tardo et evanido) ab oriente in occidentem ; ita tamen ut 
 bis in die repercutiantur 57 . Itaque, si haec ita se habeant, 
 
 yiyvfTai TO'IS acrrpois, dXX' axnrep al aX Trepi TOV rjXiov (paivovrai KCU TTJV 
 <Tf\i']vr]v TrapaKo\ovdovo~at, Kaiirep ^.fdi<TTap.fvo>v TOIV acrTpcav, orav ourws rj 
 nfnvKvaifjLfvos 6 arjp wore TOVTO yiyvecrQai TO Trudos inro rrjv TOV fj\iov iropeiav, 
 ovTOt Kai f] KOfirj Tols (iaTpoLs olov aXcof f&Tiv. liXrjv r] [j.v yiyvfTdi i dvaK\a(Tiv 
 ToiavTi] TTJV xpoav, e/cet 8' eV avra>v TO xpufjLO. <paiv6/j.ev6v i&TtV, *Qrav fj.ev ovv 
 KCLT darepa yf'vrjTai T; TOiavTrj crvyKpicriS) TTJV ainrjv dvdyKr) (paivecrdai (popav 
 Kop,r)Trjv rjvnfp (frfpfTai 6 acrr^p' OTCIV Se CTDCTT^ naff avTov, rdrf 
 voi (paivovTai. (p. 344 a. 33 b. II.) On Aristotle's theory of 
 comets generally, as well as the opinions of previous philosophers, see 
 Meteorol. i. 6, 7. 
 
 66 Bacon is alluding to the Trade-Winds, which, when not interfered 
 with by local causes, blow, speaking roughly, from east to west. On the 
 causes of these winds, see Herschel's Outlines of Astronomy, loth Ed., 
 239, &c., or Tyndall's Heat a Mode of Motion, 206, c. (3rd Ed.), or 
 almost any manual of Physical Geography. 
 
 The ' circuli rotationis,' of which Bacon speaks, must be those of the 
 winds, or of the heavens ; for, in the Tractate de Fluxu et Refluxu Maris 
 (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 53), he speaks of the theory of the earth's rotation as 
 ' satis licenter excogitatum, quoad rationes physicas,' language which is in 
 accordance with what he invariably says elsewhere, when the question is 
 definitely before him. See Introduction, pp. 34-37, and my notes there 
 referred to. 
 
 57 Bacon does not seem to have suspected the true theory of the semi- 
 diurnal tides, namely, that they are caused by the combined, or some- 
 times opposed, attractions of the sun and moon, heaping up, as it were, 
 the waters nearest to them, as well as those most remote from them. 
 The foundations of this theory were first laid in calculation by Newton, 
 though the influence of the sun and moon, or of the sun or moon, on the 
 tides had often been previously suggested, in a more or less vague way. 
 Bacon's own theory seems to have been that the waters, under the in- 
 fluence of the sun, move naturally from east to west, but that they are 
 driven back by striking on the coasts of America. See his Tractate de 
 Fluxu et Refluxu Maris, and the Introduction to it by Mr. Ellis (E. and S.,
 
 LIB. IL 35. 461 
 
 manifestum est motum istum rotationis non terminari in 
 coelestibus, sed communicari aeri et aquae. 
 
 Etiam ista proprietas levium, nimirum ut ferantur sursum, 
 vacillat nonnihil 58 . Atque in hoc sumi potest pro instantia 
 focderis bulla aquae. Si enim aer fuerit subter aquam, ascendit 
 rapide versus superficiem aquae, per motum ilium plagae^ 
 (quam vocat Democritus), per quam aqua descendens percutit 
 et attollit aerem sursum ; non autem per contentionem aut 
 nixum aeris ipsius. Atqui ubi ad superficiem ipsam aquae 
 ventum fuerit, turn cohibetur aer ab ulteriore ascensu co , per 
 levem resistentiam quam reperit in aqua non statim tolerante 
 se discontinuari : ita ut exilis admodum sit appetitus aeris ad 
 superiora. 
 
 vol. iii. p. 39, &c.). This idea was probably suggested by the Gulf Stream, 
 which, under the influence of the Trade-Winds, flows, in the early part 
 of its course, westwards, from the coast of Africa to that of America. 
 On Bacon's varying opinions as to the cause of the semi-menstrual, or 
 spring and neap, tides, see notes on Aph. 36 (i) and Aph. 45. 
 
 58 Bacon, we must recollect, was ignorant of the true explanation of the 
 phenomena which we designate ' light ' and ' heavy.' 
 
 59 ' Declinat,inquit, atomus. Primumcur? aliam quandam viam motus 
 habebunt a Democrito impulsionis, quam plagam ille appellat : a te, 
 Epicure, gravitatis et ponderis.' Cicero, De Fato, cap. 20. Ar^o'icpiros 
 <pvcri aKivrfTa Xe'ycoi/ ra cirofj.a vrXr/y^ KiVf'icrQai (forjcriv. Simplic. ad AnstOt. 
 Phys. fol. 96, as quoted by Mullach. On this subject, see Mullach, De- 
 mocriti Abderitae Operum Fragmenta, pp. 383-5. ' Epicurus in corporum 
 insecabilium pondere motus naturalis principium esse voluit : contra, 
 Democritus atomos natura sua immotas esse ratus violentum iis atque 
 aeternum motum attribuit, ita ut non interna vi cierentur, sed extrinsecus 
 percussae externo pulsu agitarentur. Hujus posterioris motus, qui et ipse 
 vibratione et vertigine fit, propria est, ni fallor, mutua impulsio i\\\-r}\mv- 
 TTi'a, avTirvnia, dvTudrjcris ij npbs a\\rj\a, quam Cicero de fato cap. 20 a De- 
 mocrito TT\t)yr]v nominatam esse testatur,' &c. 
 
 Bacon also refers to this ' motus plagae ' in Nov. Org. ii. 48 (3), and in 
 Sylva Sylvarum, Exp. 24. In the latter passage, he says : ' But as for 
 the swift ascent of the air, while it is under the water, that is a motion of 
 percussion from the water ; which itself descending driveth up the air ; 
 and no motion of levity in the air. And this Democritus called motus 
 plagae.' It is almost needless to observe that Bacon's explanation is false. 
 The lighter particles, of course, necessarily rise to the surface, being dis- 
 placed by the heavier particles which sink to the bottom. 
 
 This fact is due to the force of cohesion in the particles of water, but, 
 when that force is overcome by the efforts of the air to escape, the bubble 
 bursts.
 
 462 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 Similiter sit natura inquisita Pondus. Est plane divisio 
 recepta, ut densa et solida ferantur versus centrum terrae, rara 
 autem et tenuia versus ambitum coeli ; tanquam ad loca sua 
 propria. Atque loca quod attinet (licet in scholis hujusmodi 
 res valeant). plane inepta et puerilis cogitatio est. locum aliquid 
 posse 01 . Itaque nugantur philosophi cum dicant quod, si per- 
 forata esset terra, corpora gravia se sisterent quando ventum 
 esset ad centrum 62 . Esset enim certe virtuosum plane et 
 efficax genus nihili, aut puncti mathematici, quod aut alia 
 afficeret, aut rursus quod alia appeterent 63 : corpus enim non 
 
 01 Bacon's own theory evidently being that it is not place, but 'sympathia 
 sive consensus cum alio corpora,' which determines the motion of light 
 things upwards and heavy things downwards. See a striking passage, which 
 is exactly to the point, in the beginning of the Thema Coeli (E. and S., 
 vol. iii. p. 769) : ' Videtur itaque natura rerum, in dispertitione materiae, 
 disclusisse tenuia a crassis ; atque globum terrae crassis, omnia vero ab 
 ipsa superficie terrae et aquarum ad ultima coeli usque tenuibus sive 
 pneumaticis assignasse ; tanquam geminis rerum classibus primariis, non 
 aequis scilicet sed convenientibus portionibus. Neque vero vel aqua in 
 nubibus haerens vel ventus in terra conclusus naturalem et propriam rerum 
 collocationem confundit. Haec vero differentia tenuis vel pneumatici et 
 crassi vel tangibilis omnino primordialis est, et ea qua maxime utitur 
 systema uni'versi. Sumpta autem est ex rerum conditione omnium sim- 
 plicissima, hoc est copia et paucitate materiae pro exporrectione sua.' 
 
 62 While men remained ignorant of the laws of accelerating forces, this 
 consequence was a necessary inference from the Peripatetic doctrine that 
 heavy bodies tend downwards. It would also follow from the thesis pro- 
 pounded by Gilbert : ' Centrum Virtutum magneticarum in tellure, est 
 telluris centrum.' De Magnete, lib. ii. cap. 27. 
 
 The true account is that, if a tube were bored through the centre of the 
 earth, a body would oscillate between the point on the surface or within 
 the tube from which it was dropped and the corresponding point on the 
 opposite surface or within the opposite part of the tube ; and, if there 
 were no resisting medium, this oscillation would go on for ever. See 
 Price's Infinitesimal Calculus, vol. iii. 233. The theorem is there proved 
 of a homogeneous sphere, but, though the earth is not homogeneous, 
 heterogeneity on one side of the centre is approximately balanced by 
 corresponding heterogeneity on the other, and hence the conclusion is 
 approximately true. Taking into account, however, the influence of a 
 resisting medium, the body would, after an enormous number of oscilla- 
 tions, ultimately rest at the centre. 
 
 Galileo states this case, and resolves it rightly. See Dialogo dei Massimi 
 Sistcmi, Giornata Seconda, Florence Ed. of 1842, vol. i. pp. 251-2 (Sir 
 Thomas Salusbury's Translation, pp. 203-4). 
 
 6J The sentence is ironical. ' For it would certainly be a very powerful
 
 LIB. II. 35. 463 
 
 nisi a corpora patitur. Verum iste appetitus ascendendi et 
 desccndendi aut est in schematismo corporis quod movetur, 
 aut in sympathia sive consensu cum alio corpore 64 . Quod 
 si inveniatur aliquod corpus densum et solidum, quod nihil- 
 ominus non fcratur ad tcrram G5 , confunditur hujusmodi divisio. 
 At si recipiatur opinio Gilbert! GG , quod magnetica vis terrae 
 ad alliciendum gravia non extendatur ultra orbem virtutis 
 suae (quae operatur semper ad distantiam certam, et non 
 ultra), hocque per aliquam instantiam verificetur ; ea demum 
 erit instantia foederis circa hoc subjectum G7 . Neque tamen 
 occurrit impraesentiarum aliqua instantia super hoc certa et 
 manifesta. Proxime videntur accedere cataractae coeli GS , quae 
 
 and efficacious kind of nothing, or mathematical point, which could either 
 affect other things, or again which other things might seek.' 
 
 It seems strange that Bacon did not perceive that the position which he 
 criticises would be quite in accordance with any interpretation which could 
 be put on the ' sympathia sive consensus ' of which he speaks below, and 
 that it would be no real exception to the rule ' corpus non nisi a corpore 
 patitur.' 
 
 M Cp. Aph. 36 (3) and notes. It will be noticed that the words ' iste 
 appetitus ascendendi et descendcndi ' imply the notion of positive levity. 
 
 !> It is curious here to notice how far Bacon was from seeing that the 
 moon was exactly a case in point, or from divining the true bond of 
 connexion ('foederis sive unionis') between its revolution round the earth 
 and the phenomena of falling bodies. 
 
 00 See De Magnete, lib. ii. cap. 7. The expression 'orbis virtutis,' as 
 applied both to the earth and to ordinary magnets, is common throughout 
 the book, and is defined, at the beginning, as ' totum illud spatium, per 
 quod quaevis magnetis virtus extenditur.' 
 
 The phenomena of gravitation, it must be recollected, are explained by 
 Gilbert as cases of magnetism. 
 
 07 Both this and the next case, Bacon conceived, would afford examples 
 of Instantiae Foederis, by proving that heavy bodies, though left free, may 
 be at rest. They show how immature were his conceptions of motion, as 
 well as of gravity. 
 
 6< On the phenomena of Whirlwinds, Waterspouts, and Dust-Storms, 
 see Sir John Herschel's Meteorology, pp. 241-7. After describing Whirl- 
 winds, he says : ' They are often terminated by heavy falls of rain, a very 
 obvious consequence of the sudden transfer of a great mass of air nearly 
 saturated with vapour at the surface of the earth to a much higher level.' 
 He then continues : ' Whirlwinds of this kind taking place at sea give rise 
 to waterspouts (trombes de mer), which are very singular and sometimes 
 dangerous phenomena. Tall columns, apparently of cloud, and reaching 
 from the sea to the clouds, are seen moving majestically along, often
 
 464 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 in navigationibus per Oceanum Atlanticum versus Indias 
 utrasque saepe conspiciuntur. Tanta enim videtur esse vis 
 et moles aquarum quae per hujusmodi cataractas subito 
 effunditur, ut videatur collectio aquarum fuisse ante facta, 
 atque in his locis haesisse et mansisse ; et postea potius per 
 causam violentam dejecta et detrusa esse, quam naturali motu 
 gravitatis cecidisse ; adeo ut conjici possit, corpoream molem 
 densam atque compactam in magna distantia a terra fore 
 pensilem tanquam terram ipsam, nee casuram nisi dejiciatur. 
 Verum de hoc nil certi affirmamus. Interim in hoc et in 
 multis aliis facile apparebit, quam inopes simus historiae 
 naturalis ; cum loco instantiarum certarum nonnunquam 
 suppositiones afferre pro exemplis cogamur. 
 
 Similiter sit natura inquisita Discursus Tngenii. Videtur 
 omnino divisio vera, rationis humanae et solertiae brutorum. 
 Attamen sunt nonnullae instantiae actionum quae eduntur a 
 brutis, per quas videntur etiam bruta quasi syllogizare G3 : ut 
 memoriae proditum est de corvo, qui per magnas siccitates 
 fere enectus siti conspexit aquam in trunco cavo arboris 70 ; 
 atque cum non daretur ei intrare propter angustias, non 
 
 several at once, sometimes straight and vertical, at others inclined and 
 tortuous, but always, when approached, perceived to be in rapid rotation. 
 At their bases the sea is violently agitated, and heaped up with a leaping 
 or boiling motion. Indeed, water would seem, at least in some cases, to 
 be actually carried up in considerable quantity, and scattered round from 
 a great height, as solid bodies are on land. Hence they have been 
 supposed by some to draw water from the sea by suction, a thing obviously 
 impossible.' 
 
 It is needless to point out how crude is both Bacon's account and his 
 explanation of these phenomena. 
 
 69 The observations and speculations of Mr. Darwin, Mr. Herbert 
 Spencer, and others, have placed in an entirely new light the comparative 
 psychology of man and the brute animals, and shown that here, as in the 
 rest of nature, there is much less of discontinuity than was formerly 
 imagined. In this, as in so many other places, Bacon seems to anticipate 
 modern theories. 
 
 70 In Sir Roger L'Estrange's Collection of Fables, under the head of 
 Avianus' Fables, this story is told of 'A Crow and a Pitcher,' and the 
 moral drawn is, ' There is a Natural Logick in Animals, over and above 
 the Instinct of their kinds.' In Mr. Robinson Ellis' Edition of the Fables 
 of Avianus, this Fable occurs as No. XXVII.
 
 LIB. 1L 36. 465 
 
 cessavit jacere multos lapillos, per quos surgeret et ascenderet 
 aqua ut bibere posset ; quod postea cessit in proverbium. 
 
 Similiter sit natura inquisita Visibile. Videtur omnino 
 esse divisio vera et certa, lucis, quae est visibile originate et 
 primam copiam facit visui, et coloris, qui est visibile secun- 
 darium et sine luce non cernitur, ita ut videatur nil aliud esse 
 quam imago aut modificatio lucis 7l . Attamen ex utraque 
 parte circa hoc videntur esse instantiae foederis : scilicet, 
 nix 72 in magna quantitate, et flamma sulphuris 73 ; in quarum 
 altera videtur esse color primulum lucens, in altera lux 
 vergens ad colorem. 
 
 XXXVI. 
 
 Inter praerogativas instantiarum, ponemus loco decimo 
 quarto Instantias Crucis"^ ; translate vocabulo a Crucibus^ quae 
 
 71 Mr. Ellis refers here to Telesius, De Rerum Natura, lib. vii. cap. 31, 
 the title of the chapter being 'Non colorem, sed lucem proprium esse 
 visus sensile.' The correspondence between his language and Bacon's 
 is not very close, though it is quite possible that, by reflecting on this and 
 other chapters of bk. vii, Bacon's optical theories may have been suggested 
 to him. 
 
 72 This is not really an Mnstantia foederis.' Snow, like other white bodies, 
 reflects all the light thrown on it, and is, therefore, more easily visible than 
 bodies which absorb part of the light ; but it is not, in any sense, an inde- 
 pendent source of light, like the sun or a flame. 
 
 73 All flames, not merely that of sulphur, appear coloured, the particular 
 tint depending partly on the nature and proportion of the various sub- 
 stances in combustion, partly on the medium through which the flame is 
 seen. Thus, flame, being both a source of light and also itself a coloured 
 object, might properly be regarded as an ' instantia foederis.' 
 
 74 These are far the most celebrated of Bacon's ' Praerogativae Instan- 
 tiarum.' A ' crucial instance ' has become a household word in the Eng- 
 lish language, and is, perhaps, far more widely used than any other technical 
 term of the Inductive Logic. According to the metaphor, there are two 
 or more ways before us, and the observation or experiment in question 
 acts as a 'guide-post ' (crux) in determining us which to take. We have 
 two or more rival hypotheses, which equally well accord with the facts 
 hitherto observed, and then we think of some decisive experiment or 
 observation, which, by according with one of the theories, and that only, 
 will enable us summarily to reject the others. One of the simplest 
 and most familiar examples is to be found in chemical processes, as where 
 we employ a test for the purpose of determining the nature of a particular 
 substance or of detecting the presence of a particular poison. 
 
 In logical classification, all crucial instances may be regarded as appli- 
 
 H h
 
 466 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 erectae in biviis indicant et signant viarum separationes. Has 
 etiam Instantias Dccisorias et Judiciales, et in casibus non- 
 cations of the Method of Difference. All other circumstances being the 
 same, the appearance or disappearance, the existence or non-existence of 
 some one circumstance, or combination of circumstances, enables us to 
 determine the question at issue. 
 
 Various examples of ' instantiae crucis ' are adduced by myself in my 
 Inductive Logic (4th Ed., pp. 149-152), by Professor Playfair in his 
 Preliminary Dissertation, by Sir John Herschel in his Discourse on the 
 Study of Natural Philosophy ( 196, 197, 218, 246), and by Dr. Hippus 
 in his account of the Xovum Organum, published by the Society for the 
 Diffusion of Useful Knowledge. To these I must refer the reader, as I 
 have space for one example only, which I take from Sir John Herschel : 
 
 ' The discover}' of Torricelli was, however, at first much misconceived, 
 and even disputed, till the question was finally decided by appeal to a 
 crucial instance, one of the first, if not the very first on record in physics, 
 and for which we are indebted to the celebrated Pascal. His acuteness 
 perceived that if the weight of the incumbent air be the direct cause of 
 the elevation of the mercury, it must be measured by the amount of that 
 elevation, and therefore that, by carrying a barometer up a high mountain, 
 and so ascending into the atmosphere above a large portion of the incum- 
 bent air, the pressure, as well as the length of the column sustained by it, 
 must be diminished ; while, on the other hand, if the phenomenon were 
 due to the cause originally assigned, no difference could be expected to 
 take place, whether the observation were made on a mountain or on the 
 plain. Perhaps the decisive effect of the experiment which he caused to 
 be instituted for the purpose on the Puy de Dome, a high mountain in 
 Auvergne, while it convinced every one of the truth of Torricelli's views, 
 tended more powerfully than any thing which had previously been done 
 in science to confirm, in the minds of men, that disposition to experimental 
 verification which had scarcely yet taken full and secure root.' Discourse, 
 &c., 246. 
 
 Dr. Hippus draws a very useful distinction between tests or experimenta 
 crucis which are decisive both ways and those which are what he calls 
 unilateral : 
 
 ' Thus, if a flame burns in any gas submitted to experiment, we may 
 roughly (though only roughly) conclude that such gas contains oxygen ; 
 but, if the flame is extinguished, we cannot, therefore, conclude that the 
 gas contains no oxygen, for the oxygen present may be in too close combi- 
 nation with some other substance, to enable it to support combustion. But 
 a perfect test would be weighing any gas ; for if it be heavier than common 
 air, in the ratio of 1.435 to I - 2 > it ' s oxygen : if lighter or heavier, it is not. 
 Thus, too, in discussing whether a given writing be innocent or libellous, 
 that is, maliciously composed, or composed with any improper motive of 
 any kind, the truth is a unilateral test ; for if the allegations be false, there
 
 LIB. II. 36. 467 
 
 nullis Instantias Oracnli et Mandati, appellare consuevimus. 
 Earum ratio talis est. Cum in inquisitione naturae alicujus 
 intellectus ponitur tanquam in acquilibrio, ut incertus sit utri 
 naturarum e duabus, vel quandoque pluribus, causa naturae 
 inquisitae attribui aut assignari debeat, proptcr complurium 
 naturarum concursum frequentem et ordinarium 75 , instantiae 
 crncis ostendunt consortium unius ex naturis (quoad naturam 
 inquisitam) fidum et indissolubile, alterius autem varium et 
 separabile ; unde terminatur quaestio, et recipitur natura ilia 
 prior pro causa, missa altera et repudiata. Itaque hujusmodi 
 instantiae sunt maximae lucis, et quasi magnae authoritatis ; 
 ita ut curriculum interpretations quandoque in illas desinat, 
 et per illas perficiatur. Interdum autem Instantiae Cruets 
 illae occurrunt et inveniuntur inter jampridem notatas 7G ; at ut 
 plurimum novae sunt, et de industria atque ex composite quae- 
 sitae et applicatae, et diligentia sedula et acri tandem erutae. 
 
 (i) Exempli gratia; sit natura inquisita Fluxus et Refluxus 
 Maris, ille bis repetitus in die atque sexhorarius in accessibus 
 et recessibus singulis, cum differentia nonnulla quae coincidit 
 in motum lunae 77 . Bivium circa hanc naturam tale est. 
 
 must be malice ; but there may be malice also, though the matter stated 
 be true. There would arise very great distinctness in argumentation, were 
 we to adopt this convenient phrase of a complete and an incomplete or 
 unilateral test many of the errors in reasoning, especially upon moral 
 subjects, arising from mistaking incomplete for complete tests.' Account, 
 c., pt. ii. p. 20. I have been compelled, for the sake of clearness, to 
 alter the phraseology of the first sentence. 
 
 75 In other words, on account of the difficulty of disentangling from the 
 mass of antecedents the one which stands in the relation of cause to the 
 given effect. 
 
 76 As, for instance, among the 'instantiae solitariae,' 'instantiae osten- 
 sivae,' &c. In fact, as already noticed, Bacon's 'instances' are, by no 
 means, mutually exclusive, and a ' crucial instance ' always falls under the 
 head of ' solitary instances,' and generally under some other head as well. 
 Most crucial instances, however, are specially invented for the purpose of 
 enabling us to decide between rival hypotheses, and hence, under whatever 
 other head they may fall, they are primarily crucial instances. They are 
 made, not found. This is what Bacon appears to mean by the next 
 clause. 
 
 7 For Bacon's views as to the influence of the moon on the spring and 
 neap tides, see my note on the following passage in Aph. 45 : ' Rursus, si 
 sit aliqua vis inagnetica, quae operUur per Cunsensum * * * inter 
 
 ii h 2
 
 468 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 Necesse prorsus est ut iste motus efficiatur, vel ab aquarum 
 progressu et regressu, in modum aquae in pelvi agitatae 78 , quae, 
 quando latus unum pelvis alluit, deserit alterum ; vel a sub- 
 latione et subsidentia aquarum e profundo, in modum aquae 
 ebullientis et rursus subsidentis 7i) . Utri vero causae fluxus 
 
 globum lunae et aquas maris (quae maxime credibilis videtur in fluxibus 
 et refluxibus semi-menstruis).' The semi-menstrual and semi-diurnal 
 phenomena of the tides were at this time frequently explained on 
 distinct principles. 
 
 78 This view was maintained by Galileo. See Dialogi dei Massimi 
 Sistemi, Giornata iv. He refers the alternate ebb and flow of the waters 
 to the composition of the annual and diurnal motions of the earth. 'It 
 being therefore presupposed that there are such contrarieties of motions in 
 the parts of the terrestrial surface, whilst it turneth round upon its own 
 centre, it is necessary that, in conjoyning this diurnal motion with the 
 other annual, there do result an absolute motion for the parts of the said 
 terrestrial superficies, one while very accelerate, and another while as slow 
 again. ******* We will conclude, therefore, that like as it 
 is true the motion of the whole globe, and of each of its parts, would be 
 equal and uniforme, in case they did move with one single motion, 
 whether it were the meer annual or the single diurnal revolution, so it is 
 requisite that, mixing those two motions together, there do result thence 
 for the parts of the said globe irregular motions, one while accelerated, and 
 another while retarded, by means of the additions or subtractions of the 
 diurnal conversion from the annual circulation. So that, if it be true 
 (and most true it is, as experience proves) that the acceleration and re- 
 tardation of the motion of the vessel makes water contained therein 
 to run to and again the long wayes of it, and to rise and fall in its 
 extreames, who will make scruple of granting that the said effect may, 
 nay ought to succeed in the sea-waters, contained within their vessels, 
 subject to such like alterations, and especially in those that distend them- 
 selves long-wayes from West to East, which is the course that the motion 
 of those same vessels steereth ? Now this is the most potent and primary 
 cause of the ebbing and flowing, without the which no such effect would 
 ensue.' Sir Thomas Salisbury's Translation, pp. 389-390. See Florence 
 Ed. of 1842, vol. i. pp. 462-4. The idea that the tides are due to the 
 influence of the moon is alluded to and ridiculed by Galileo a few pages 
 above. See p. 455 (Sir Thomas Salisbury's Translation, p. 383). It is 
 noticed by Mr. Ellis (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 44) that Galileo's theory was 
 first propounded in a letter to Cardinal Orsino, dated 1616. This letter 
 is to be found in the Florence Edition of Galileo's Works, vol. ii. pp. 
 387-406. 
 
 79 From what follows, it is plain that Bacon, had he adopted this alterna- 
 tive, would have explained it by a magnetic force, attracting the waters. 
 But, as Mr. Ellis says (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 41), 'One theory, that of
 
 LIB. II. 36. 469 
 
 et refluxus ille assignari debeat, oritur dubitatio. Quod si 
 recipiatur prior assertio, necesse est ut cum sit fluxus in mari 
 ex una parte, fiat sub idem tempus alicubi in mari refluxus 
 ex alia. Itaque ad hoc reducitur inquisitio. Atqui observavit 
 Acosta, cum aliis nonnullis (diligenti facta inquisitione), quod 
 ad litora Floridae et ad litora adversa Hispaniae et Africae 
 fiant fluxus maris ad eadem tempora, et refluxus itidem ad 
 eadem tempora ; non contra, quod cum fluxus fit ad littora 
 Floridae, fiat refluxus ad littora Hispaniae et Africae 8 ". 
 Attamen adhuc diligentius attendenti, non per hoc evincitur 
 motus attollens, et abnegatur motus in progressu. Fieri enim 
 potest, quod sit motus aquarum in progressu, et nihilominus 
 inundet adversa littora ejusdem alvei simul ; si aquae scilicet 
 illae contrudantur et compellantur aliunde. quemadmodum 
 fit in fluviis, qui fluunt et refluunt ad utrumque littus horis 
 iisdem, cum tamen iste motus liquido sit motus in progressu, 
 nempe aquarum ingredientium ostia fluminum ex mari. Itaque 
 simili modo fieri potest, ut aquae venientes magna mole ab 
 
 Telesius and Patricius, compares the sea to the water in a caldron ; that is 
 to say, it rises and tends to boil over when its natural heat is called forth 
 under the influence of the sun, moon, and stars, and then after a while 
 subsides.' On this, and the other curious theories by which the action of 
 the tides was explained by Bacon's predecessors and contemporaries, see 
 the very interesting preface, prefixed by Mr. Ellis to the Tract De Fluxu 
 et Refluxu Maris, Bacon's Works, vol. iii. pp. 39-46. 
 
 To this Preface and to some good account of the theory and phe- 
 nomena of the tides, such as may be found in the Encyclopaedia Bri- 
 tannica, the student must be, once for all, referred for further information 
 on this subject. It would be a waste of labour to attempt here to criticise 
 or correct Bacon's remarks in detail. It may be sufficient to state gener- 
 ally that he confounds throughout currents and derivative tides with tides 
 proper. 
 
 With what Bacon says on the tides in this Aphorism, we should compare 
 the passage in Aph. 35, and also that on the phenomena of spring and 
 neap tides in Aph. 45, referred to in note 77 above. See also my notes on 
 both these passages. 
 
 * Mr. Ellis says : 'I have not been able to find this statement in Acosta, 
 who speaks of the synchronism of the tides on the opposite sides of South 
 America, as shewn by the meeting of the tidal waves in the Straits of 
 Magellan (iii. 14).' For further information on the observations and 
 theories of Acosta, see Mr. Ellis' Preface to the Ue Fluxu et Refluxu 
 Mans, vol. iii. pp. 45-6.
 
 470 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 Oceano Oriental! Indico compellantur et trudantur in alveum 
 Maris Atlantic!, et propterea inundent utrumque latus simul. 
 Ouaerendum itaque est, an sit alius alveus per quern aquae 
 possint iisdcm temporibus minui et refluere. Atque praesto 
 est Mare Australe 81 , Mari Atlantico neutiquam minus, sed 
 potius magis latum et extensum, quod ad hoc sufficere possit. 
 
 Itaque jam tandem perventum est ad instantiam crncis circa 
 hoc subjectum. Ea talis est : si pro certo inveniatur, quod 
 cum fit fluxus ad littora adversa tam Floridae quam Hispaniae 
 in Mari Atlantico, fiat simul fluxus ad littora Peruviae et 
 juxta dorsum Chinae in Mari Australi ; turn certe per hanc 
 instantiam dccisoriam abjudicanda est assertio quod fluxus 
 et refluxus maris, dc quo inquiritur, fiat per motum progres- 
 sivum 82 : neque enim relinquitur aliud mare aut locus, ubi 
 possit ad eadem tempora fieri regressus aut refluxus. Com- 
 modissime autem hoc sciri possit, si inquiratur ab incolis 
 Panamae et Limae (ubi uterque Oceanus, Atlanticus et 
 Australis, per parvum Isthmum separantur), utrum ad con- 
 trarias Isthmi partcs fiat simul fluxus et refluxus maris, an 
 e contra. Verum haec decisio sive abjudicatio certa videtur, 
 posito quod terra stct immobilis. Quod si terra rotet 83 , fieri 
 fortasse potcst ut ex inaequali rotatione (quatenus ad cele- 
 ritatem sive incitationem) terrae et aquarum maris, sequatur 
 compulsio violenta aquarum in cumulum sursum, quae sit 
 fluxus : ct relaxatio earundem (postquam amplius cumulari 
 non sustinuerint) in deorsum, quae sit refluxus 8 ' 1 . Verum de 
 hoc facienda est inquisitio separatim. Attamen etiam hoc 
 supposito, illud acque manet fixum, quod necesse sit fieri 
 alicubi refluxum maris ad cadem tempora quibus fiunt fluxus 
 in aliis partibus. 
 
 Similiter, sit natura inquisita posterior ille motus ex duobus 
 CHIOS suppcsuimus. videlicet motus maris se attollens et rursus 
 
 "* Including what we now call the Southern and Pacific Oceans. 
 
 - These facts, if established, would certainly have disproved the theory 
 in question. 
 
 3 On the disputed question of the rotation of the earth or the heavens, 
 see the next section of this Aphorism, and cp. Introduction, pp. 33-36. 
 
 '' Compare the theory of Galileo, noticed above, connecting the phe- 
 nomenon of the tides with the rotation of the earth.
 
 LIB. If. 36. 471 
 
 subsidens ; si forte ita accident ut (diligenti facto examine) 
 rejiciatur motus alter, de quo diximus, progressivus. Turn 
 vero erit trivium circa hanc naturam tale. Necesse est ut 
 motus iste, per quern aquae in fluxibus et refluxibus se 
 attollunt et rursus relabuntur. absque aliqua accessionc aquarum 
 aliarum quae advolvuntur, fiat per unum ex his tribus modis : 
 vel quod ista aquarum copia emanet ex interioribus terrae 
 et rursus in ilia se recipiat s5 ; vel quod non sit aliqua amplior 
 moles aquarum, sed quod eaedem aquae (non aucto quanto 
 suo) extendantur sive rarefiant, ita ut majorem locum et 
 dimensionem occupent, et rursus se contrahant 8G ; vel quod 
 nee copia accedat major nee extensio amplior, sed eaedem 
 aquae (prout sunt tam copia quam densitate aut raritate) 
 per vim aliquam magneticam 87 desuper eas attrahentem et 
 
 t5 ' Dubitatur etiamnum quibus ex causis intumescat Oceanus, vel qua- 
 tenus, cum superfluus sibi fuerit, rursus in se residat. Nee in obscuro est, 
 plura pro ingeniis differentium, potius quam pro veritatis fide expressa. Sed 
 omisso ancipiti concurrentium quaestionum has opiniones probatissimas in- 
 venimus. Physiciaiunt,mundum animal esse,eumque, ex variiselementorum 
 corporibus conglobatum, moveri spiritu, regi mente : quae utraque diffusa 
 per membra omnia aeternae molis vigorem exerceant. Sicut ergo in cor- 
 poribus nostris commercia sunt spiritalia,ita in profundisOceaninaresquas- 
 dam mundi constitutas, per quas emissi anhelitus, vel reducti, modo inflent 
 maria, modo revocent. At hi,quisiderumsequunturdiscipnnam,contendunt 
 meatus istos commoveri lunae cursibus : adeo utvicissitudines inter maciem 
 aquarum et plenitudinem respiciant adauctus ejus vel eliquia : neque eodem 
 semper tempore, sed prout ilia aut mir.uatur, aut crescat, variari alternan- 
 tes recursus.' Solini Polyhistor. cap. xxiii. ad fin. Cp. with the latter 
 opinion (which is to be found in the Pseudo-Aristotelian treatise, lie/.t 
 Kou-juou, ch. 4. p. 396 a. 25-7), Pliny, Nat. Hist. ii. 97 (99), sect. 212, &c., 
 who refers the tides to the joint action of the Sun and Moon. 
 
 ss This would be the opinion of Telesius and Patricius, referred to above 
 in note 79. The same theory is maintained by Campanella. 
 
 * 7 See Gilbert, De Magnetc, lib. ii. cap. 16 ad fin. From him Bacon 
 may have taken the idea, which, if we compare the passage on attraction 
 in Aph. 45, he evidently seems inclined to adopt in reference to the phe- 
 nomena of spring and neap tides. 
 
 In Kepler's Epitome Astronomiae Copernicanae, published in 1618, we 
 find the following passage : ' Ouemadmodum igitur, ut Magnes Magnetem 
 aut ferrum trahat, cognatio corporum efficit : sic etiam de Luna non est 
 incredibile, ut ilia moveatur a Terrae cognato corpore : licet nee hie nee 
 illic intercedat aliquis contactus corporum. Adeoque quid mirum, Lunam 
 a terra moveri, cum videamus vicissim et Lunam transitu suo super
 
 473 NOVVM ORGANUM. 
 
 evocantem, et per consensum, se attollant et deinde se re- 
 mittant. Itaque reducatur (si placet) jam inquisitio (missis 
 duobus illis motibus prioribus) ad hunc ultimum ; et inquiratur 
 si fiat aliqua talis sublatio per consensum sive vim magneticam. 
 Atqui primo manifestum est universas aquas, prout ponuntur 
 in fossa sive cavo maris, non posse simul attolli, quia defuerit 
 quod succedat in fundo ; adeo ut si foret in aquis aliquis 
 hujusmodi appetitus se attollendi, ille ipse tamen a nexu 
 rerum, sive (ut vulgo loquuntur) ne detur vacuum 88 , fractus 
 foret et cohibitus. Relinquitur, ut attollantur aquae ex aliqua 
 parte, et per hoc minuantur et cedant ex alia. Enimvero 
 rursus necessario sequetur ut vis ilia magnetica, cum super 
 totum operari non possit, circa medium operetur intensissime ; 
 ita ut aquas in medio attollat, illae vero sublatae latera per 
 successionem deserant et destituant. 
 
 Itaque jam tandem perventum est ad instantiam crucis 
 circa hoc subjcctum. Ea talis est : si inveniatur quod in 
 refluxibus maris aquarum superficies in mari sit arcuata magis 
 et rotunda, attollentibus se scilicet aquis in medio maris et 
 deficientibus circa latera, quae sunt litora ; et in fluxibus 
 eadem superficies sit magis plana et aequa, redeuntibus 
 scilicet aquis ad priorem suam positionem 8J ; turn certe per 
 hanc instantiam dccisoriam potest recipi sublatio per vim 
 
 vertices locorum causare fluxum Oceani reciprocum in Tellure ? Nonne 
 satis evidens hoc est documentum communicationis motuum inter haec 
 duo corpora ? ' 
 
 Gassendi, in his account of the various opinions on the causes of the 
 tides (Physicae, Sectio iii. Membrum Prius, lib. i. cap. 4), says : ' Plurimi 
 recurrunt ad Magneticam, seu tractoriam vim, qua nimirum Luna, supra 
 mare transiens, ipsius aquas ad se alliciat, post transitum retro relaxet ; 
 sicque mare cogens intumescere detumescereque, Affluxum et Refluxum 
 erect.' 
 
 ^ We have seen already (ii. 8 ad init.) that Bacon denies the possibility 
 of a vacuum. See also Aph. 48, Motus Secundus, and the conclusion of 
 the same Aphorism. As remarked by Mr. Ellis in his Preface to the 
 Historia Densi et Rari (E. and S., vol. ii. p. 238), Bacon's opinions on this 
 subject must have undergone a decided change after the time of his 
 writing the Cogitationes de Rerum Natura and the Fable of Cupid. 
 
 '' This is the case, though we know it to be so rather as a deduction 
 from the theory of the tides than an induction from the observation of facts. 
 The curvature is greatest when the tide is high, and least when it is low.
 
 LIB. IL 36. 473 
 
 magneticam, aliter prorsus abjudicanda cst. Hoc vero in 
 fretis per lineas nauticas non difficile est experiri * ; videlicet 
 utrum in refluxibus versus medium maris, mare non sit magis 
 altum sive profundum quam in fluxibus. Notandum autem 
 est, si hoc ita sit, fieri (contra ac creditur) ut attollant se 
 aquae in refluxibus, demittant se tantum in fluxibus, ita ut 
 littora vestiant et inundent. 
 
 (2) Similiter, sit natura inquisita Motus Rotationis spon- 
 taneus yl ; et speciatim, utrum Motus Diurnus, per quern sol 
 et stellae ad conspectum nostrum oriuntur et occidunt, sit 
 motus rotationis verus in coelestibus, aut motus apparens in 
 coelestibus, verus in terra. Poterit esse instantia cruets super 
 hoc subjectum talis. Si inveniatur motus aliquis in oceano 
 ab oriente in occidentem, licet admodum languidus et ener- 
 vatus ; si idem motus reperiatur paulo incitatior in acre, 
 praesertim intra tropicos, ubi propter majorcs circulos est 
 magis perceptibilis ; si idem motus reperiatur in humilioribus 
 cometis, jam factus vivus etvalidus; si idem motus reperiatur 
 in planetis, ita tamen dispensatus et graduatus ut quo propius 
 absit a terra sit tardior, quo longius celerior, atque in coelo 
 demum stellate sit velocissimus : turn certe recipi debet motus 
 diurnus pro vero in coelis, et abnegandus est motus terrae ; 
 quia manifestum erit, motum ab oriente in occidentem esse 
 plane co micum et ex consensu universi, qui in summitatibus 
 coeli maxima rapidus gradatim labascat, et tandem desinat 
 et extinguatur in immobili, videlicet terra 92 . 
 
 ?0 ' In fretis ' the tides are derivative, and, consequently, the experiment 
 would not be conclusive. 
 
 81 Of this ' motus rotationis spontaneus ; we shall hear more in Aph. 48, 
 Motus xvii. See also Aph. 5, ad fin. These passages show how far Bacon 
 was from having formed any true conception of the nature of Motion. 
 
 12 If the heavens revolved with an uniform motion round the earth, it is 
 plain that the more remote a point is from the earth, the more rapid would 
 be its motion. But, suppose the earth to revolve en its axis, we should 
 have exactly the same set of appearances as on the former supposition, 
 and, if we were ignorant of the fact of the earth's rotation, we should 
 imagine a distant point to move with much greater rapidity than a point 
 which is near. Hence the conditions of this so-called Crucial Instance, 
 even if satisfied, would equally well suit either hypothesis. But they are
 
 474 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 Similiter, sit natura inquisita Motus Rotationis ille alter 
 apud astronomos decantatus, renitens et contrarius Motui 
 Diurno, videlicet ab occidente in orientem 93 ; quem veteres 
 
 evidently complicated by the consideration of the proper motions of the 
 planets and comets. 
 
 Dr. Whewell, who comments at some length on this example (History 
 of the Inductive Sciences, 3rd Ed., Additions, vol. i. pp. 388-390), adduces 
 it as showing that Bacon, at least in his later years, was not so much 
 opposed, as is commonly thought, to the Copernican theory. ' With 
 regard to the diurnal motion of the earth,' he says, ' it would seem as 
 if Bacon himself had a leaning to believe it when he wrote this passage ; 
 for neither is he himself, nor are any of the Anti-Copernicans, accustomed 
 to assert that the immensely rapid motion of the sphere of the Fixed Stars 
 graduates by a slower and slower motion of Planets, Comets, Air and 
 Ocean, into the immobility of the Earth. So that the conditions are not 
 satisfied on which he hypothetically says, " turn abnegandus est mot us 
 terrae.'" I must confess, however, that I cannot take so favourable a 
 view. See Aph. 46, where, speaking of the enormous velocity implied by 
 the diurnal motion of the heavens, he says, 'quae etiam viros graves ita 
 obstupefecit, ut mallent credere motum terrae,' evidently regarded as an 
 extreme supposition. Cp. also the end of the next paragraph of that 
 Aphorism, and Aph. 35, where, in discussing rest and motion, he says, 
 ' statio, sive quies, videtur competere globo ipsi terrae.' 
 
 In the Introduction, Section 6, Bacon's attitude to the Copernican 
 theory is discussed at some length. We must, of course, distinguish the 
 passages in which he speaks of the diurnal from those in which he speaks 
 of the annual motion of the earth. But that WhewelPs argument, as 
 derived from the passage in the text, is delusive, is plain from comparing 
 a corresponding passage in the De Fluxu et Refluxu Maris (E. and S., 
 vol. iii. p. 53), where Bacon states dogmatically that it is an invariable 
 rule that, the nearer a body approaches the earth, the slower is its motion 
 of rotation. 
 
 It may be worth noticing that Telesius (De Rerum Natura, i. 3) insists 
 on the motion of the air, resting the position partly on authority and 
 partly on the sound produced by putting the hand or a horn to the ear. 
 Bacon recurs to the motion of the air and water in ii. 48 (17), where he 
 seems to entertain no doubt on the subject. 
 
 ' 3 ' The astronomers,' Bacon often says, ' insist on explaining the retarda- 
 tion of the inferior orbs by giving them a proper motion of their own, 
 opposite to that which they derive from the starry heaven : surely it would 
 be simpler to say that all the orbs move in the same direction with unequal 
 velocities ; the inequality depending on their remoteness from the prime 
 mover.' Mr. Eilis' 1'reface to the Dcscriptio Globi Intellectualis, E. and S., 
 vol. iii. p. 720. To this Preface, to the Descriptio Globi Intellectualis 
 and Thema Cocli themselves, to the De Augmentis, iii. 4, to the De Fluxu 
 et Refluxu Maris, and to the De Principiis atque Originibus, I must, once
 
 LIB. II. 36. 475 
 
 astronomi attribuunt planetis, etiam coelo stcllato 94 , at 
 Copernicus et ejus sectatores terrac quoque 95 ; et quaeratur 
 utrum inveniatur in rcrum natura aliquis talis motus, an 
 potius res conficta sit et supposita, ad compendia et com- 
 moditates calculationum, et ad pulchrum illud, scilicet de 
 expediendis motibus coelestibus per circulos perfectos. Neuti- 
 quam enim evincitur iste motus esse in supernis verus et 
 realis, nee per defectum restitutionis planetae in motu diurno 
 ad idem punctum coeli stellati, nee per diversam politatem 
 zodiaci, habito respectu ad polos mundi ; quae duo nobis 
 hunc motum pep'ercrunt. Primum cnim phaenomenon per 
 anteversionem et derelictionem optime salvatur ; secundum 
 per lineas spirales ; adeo ut inaequalitas restitutionis et 
 declinatio ad tropicos possint esse potius modificationes motus 
 unici illius diurni, quam motus renitentes aut circa diversos 
 polos. Et certissimum est, si paulisper pro plebeiis nos gera- 
 mus (missis astronomorum et scholae commentis, quibus 
 illud in more est ut sensui in multis immerito vim faciant, 
 et obscuriora malint), talem esse motum istum ad sensum OG , 
 
 for all, refer the reader who is interested in ascertaining the peculiar astro- 
 nomical theories to which Bacon inclined. Any elaborate examination of 
 his views, or even of the present passage, would carry me far beyond the 
 objects of this edition. Towards the end of the Thema Coeli (E. and S., 
 vol. iii. p. 779) he distinctly denies the reality of the motion fromW. to E., 
 and refers the phenomena of planetary motion to differences of speed. 
 
 94 He is probably referring to those systems (cp. note 6 on Bk. I. Aph. 60) 
 which made the coelum stellatum distinct from the primum mobile. See 
 Gassendi, Physicae Sectio II. lib. iii. cap. 2 ad fin. Speaking of Fraca- 
 storius, who proposed the most complicated of ail the systems of Con- 
 centrics, Gassendi says: 'At sphaerae Aplane, Stellarum Inerrantium 
 istis omnibus ' (i. e. the planetary spheres) ' superior! super extruxisse 
 motibus ipsius variandis quinque alias, quibus adhuc fuerit Mobile Primum 
 superponendum, adeo proinde, ut sphaeras statuerit septuaginta duas, 
 aut saltern septuaginta.' 
 
 115 For the old notion that the heavens revolve from E. to W., Copernicus 
 substituted the hypothesis that the earth itself revolves from W. to E. 
 
 16 ' On his assertion,' says Dr.Whewell (in the passage referred to above), 
 ' that the motion of each separate planet is, to sense, a spiral, we may remark 
 that it is certainly true : but that the business of science, here, as elsewhere, 
 consists in resolving the complex phenomenon into simple phenomena ; 
 the complex spiral motion into simple circular motions.' Bacon, both here 
 and elsewhere, when he has occasion to treat of astronomical questions
 
 476 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 qualem diximus ; cujus imaginem per fila ferrea (veluti in 
 machina) aliquando repraesentari fecimus. 
 
 Verum instantia crucis super hoc subjectum poterit esse 
 talis. Si inveniatur in aliqua historia fide digna, fuisse 
 cometam aliquem, vel sublimiorem vel humiliorem 97 , qui non 
 rotaverit cum consensu manifesto (licet admodum irregula- 
 riter) motus diurni, sed potius rotaverit in contrarium coeli 8 ; 
 turn certe hucusque judicandum est posse esse in natura 
 aliquem talem motum. Sin nihil hujusmodi inveniatur, 
 habendus est pro suspecto, et ad alias instantias crucis circa 
 hoc confucricndum. 
 
 (see, for instance, De Augmentis, iii. 4), depreciates the importance of 
 mathematical calculations as applied to the motions of the heavenly bodies. 
 And yet, without the aid of mathematics, where would have been the 
 modern science of Astronomy ? The simultaneous discovery of the planet 
 Neptune by Adams and Le Verrier, as a result of the most elaborate 
 mathematical investigations (to say nothing of the more familiar case of 
 the prediction of eclipses), is alone a sufficient refutation of Bacon's view. 
 Formal Astronomy, or the consideration of the apparent motions of the 
 heavenly bodies in Space and Time, was an essential prelude to Physical 
 Astronomy, or the reference of these motions to their causes in Force 
 and Matter. But, though Bacon went too far in depreciating Formal 
 Astronomy, we must not forget that he was one of the first to point out 
 the importance of Physical Astronomy, as well as of establishing a closer 
 union between both branches of the science : ' Quamobrem hanc partem 
 Astronomiae, quae Physica est, desiderari statuimus. Earn Astronomiam 
 Vivam nominabimus, ad differentiam bovis illius Promethei suffarcinati, 
 et solummodo figura tenus bovis.' De Augm. iii. 4. Cp. Descriptio Globi 
 Intellectuals, cap. 5. See also Introduction, pp. 38, 39. 
 
 u ' The distinction of higher and lower comets may be found in Seneca, 
 Nat. Ouaest. vii. 6, 7, and is there referred to Epigenes. Bacon, in the 
 De Fluxu et Refluxu Maris (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 53), speaks of the ' lower 
 comets ' as being lower than the orb of the moon. By many ancient philo- 
 sophers, all comets were regarded as sublunar. It is needless to remark 
 that, on the other hand, all true comets belong to the solar, and not to the 
 terrestrial system. In reading ancient authors, however, it must always 
 be borne in mind that they often designated mere atmospheric meteors 
 by the name of comets. 
 
 '" Whereas the planets and their satellites, with the sole known excep- 
 tion of the satellites of Uranus, revolve with what is called a direct motion, 
 that is, from \V. to E., the comets seem to be almost equally divided 
 between those which have a direct motion, from W. to E., and those which 
 have a retrograde motion, from E. toW. But what Bacon desiderated was 
 a comet whose proper motion from W. to E. more than compensated for
 
 LIB. II. 36. 477 
 
 (3) Similitcr, sit natura inquisita Pondus sive Grave 
 Bivium circa hanc naturam tale est. Nccesse est ut gravia 
 et ponderosa vel tendant ex natura sua ad centrum terrae, 
 per proprium schematismum ; vel ut a massa corporea ipsius 
 terrae, tanquam a congregatione corporum connaturalium, 
 attrahantur et rapiantur, et ad earn per consensum ferantur. 
 At posterius hoc si in causa sit, sequitur ut quo propius gravia 
 appropinquant ad terram, eo fortius et majore cum impetu 
 ferantur ad earn- ; quo longius ab ea absint, debilius et tardius 
 (ut fit in attractionibus magneticis) ; idquc fieri intra spatium 
 certum ; adeo ut si elongata fuerint a terra tali distantia ut 
 virtus terrae in ea agere non possit, pensilia mansura sint, ut 
 et ipsa terra, nee omnino decasura. 
 
 Itaque talis circa hanc rem poterit esse instantia crncis. 
 Sumatur horologium 1 ex iis quae moventur per pondera plum- 
 bea, et aliud ex iis quae moventur per compressionem laminae 
 ferreae ; atque vere probentur, ne alterum altero velocius sit 
 aut tardius ; deinde ponatur horologium illud movens per pon- 
 dera super fastigium alicujus templi altissimi, altero illo infra 
 
 the apparent diurnal motion of the heavens from E. to W., so that it might 
 visibly move in the opposite direction to the heavens. This discovery, it 
 appears, would have convinced him that there is a motion of rotation from 
 W. to E., and that this motion, which he regarded as feigned simply for 
 the purpose of facilitating the calculations of astronomers (' res conficta et 
 supposita,' &c.), is not merely a modification of the diurnal motion. If no 
 such instance can be found, then, he says, we must continue to suspect 
 the theory, till we can find some other crucial instance to settle the 
 question. 
 
 19 This paragraph does great credit to Bacon's sagacity, and is one of 
 those which give him a claim to be regarded as a pioneer of science as well 
 as a reformer of method. 'Voltaire,' says Mr. Ellis, 'cites the passage in 
 the text in support of his remark that " le plus grand service, peut-etre, que 
 F. Bacon ait rendu a la philosophic a ete de deviner 1'attraction." But in 
 reality the notion of attraction in one form or other (e. g. the attraction of 
 the sea by the moon) sprang up in the infancy of physical speculation ; 
 and it cannot be affirmed that Bacon's ideas on the subject were as clear 
 as those of his predecessor William Gilbert.' This criticism, I think, does 
 Bacon scant justice. Even if the idea was suggested to him by the work 
 of Gilbert, he ought, at least, to obtain the credit of having detached the 
 conception of attraction from that of magnetism. Cp., however, p. 488, n. 31. 
 
 1 By this 'horologium' he must have meant a fly-clock, pendulum clocks 
 not being yet known.
 
 47 8 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 detento ; et notetur diligenter si horologium in alto situm 
 tardius moveatur quam solebat, propter diminutam virtutem 
 ponderum. Idem fiat experimentum in profundis minerarum 
 alte sub terra depressarum, utrum horologium hujusmodi non 
 moveatur velocius quam solebat, propter auctam virtutem pon- 
 derum. Quod si inveniatur virtus ponderum minui in sublimi, 
 aggravari in subterraneis 2 , recipiatur pro causa ponderis at- 
 tractio a massa corporea terrae. 
 
 (4) Similiter, sit natura inquisita Verticitas Acus Ferreae, 
 tactae magnete. Circa hanc naturam tale erit bivium. Ne- 
 cesse est ut tactus magnetis vel ex se indat ferro verticitatem 
 ad septentriones et austrum ; vel ut excitet ferrum tantummodo 
 et habilitet, motus autem ipse indatur ex praesentia terrae ; 
 ut Gilbertus opinatur, et tanto conatu probare nititur 3 . Itaque 
 hue spectant ea, quae ille perspicaci industria conquisivit. 
 Nimirum quod clavus ferreus, qui diu duravit in situ versus 
 septentriones et austrum, colligat mora diutina verticitatem, 
 absque tactu magnetis 4 : ac si terra ipsa, quae ob distantiam 
 
 2 Ingenious as the proposed experiment is, it shews an ignorance of 
 what, indeed, Bacon could not be expected to know the difference in the 
 law of attraction above, on, and below the earth's surface. For, while the 
 attraction of a homogeneous sphere on a particle external to it varies 
 inversely as the square of the distance from the centre, the attraction of 
 the same sphere on a particle upon or below its surface varies directly as 
 the distance from the centre. Hence, the force of attraction reaches a 
 maximum on the surface, and diminishes as we descend a mine, or as we 
 ascend upwards from the surface of the earth. In other words, a clock 
 moved by weights ought to go slower and slower, both the higher we 
 ascend a mountain and the lower we descend a mine. In the former part 
 of his supposition, therefore (which, taken by itself, furnishes a sufficient 
 Crucial Instance), Bacon is right, in the latter wrong. 
 
 On the whole of this passage, the student should refer to Herschel's 
 Discourse on the Study of Natural Philosophy, 196. I have also noticed 
 it in my Introduction, pp. 39, 40. 
 
 3 See Gilbert, De Magnete, throughout, and especially lib. vi. cap. i. 
 There can now be no doubt of the truth of the latter alternative. The 
 earth may be regarded as a vast magnet, whose poles are at some dis- 
 tance from the terrestrial poles, the angle which the magnetic makes with 
 the geographical meridian being known as the declination or variation of 
 the magnetic needle. 
 
 4 De Magnete, iii. 12. The same chapter also contains an account of 
 the next observation.
 
 LIB. IL 36. 479 
 
 dcbiliter operatur (namque superficies aut extima incrustatio 
 terrae virtutis magneticae, ut ille vult, expers est), per moram 
 tamen longam magnetis tactum suppleret, et ferrum exciret, 
 deinde excitum conformaret et verteret. Rursus, quod ferrum 
 ignitum et cadens, si in extinctione sua exporrigatur inter sep- 
 tentriones et austrum, colligat quoque verticitatem absque tactu 
 magnetis : sc si partes ferri in motu positae per ignitionem, et 
 postea se recipientes, in ipso articulo extinctionis suae magis 
 essent susceptivae et quasi sensitivae virtutis manantis a terra 
 quam alias, et inde fierent tanquam excitae. Verum haec, licet 
 bene observata, tamen non evincunt prorsus quod ille asserit. 
 
 Instantia crucis autem circa hoc subjectum poterit esse talis. 
 Capiatur terrella ex magnete, et notentur poli ejus ; et po- 
 nantur poli terrellae versus orientem et occasum, non versus 
 septentriones et austrum, atque ita jaceant ; deinde super- 
 ponatur acus ferrea intacta, et permittatur ita manere ad dies 
 sex aut septem. Acus vero (nam de hoc non dubitatur) dum 
 manet super magnetem, relictis polis mundi, se vertet ad polos 
 magnetis ; itaque quamdiu ita manet, vertitur scilicet ad ori- 
 entem et occidentem mundi. Quod si inveniatur acus ilia, 
 remota a magnete et posita super versorium, statim se appli- 
 care ad septentriones et austrum, vel etiam paulatim se eo 
 recipere ; turn recipienda est pro causa praesentia terrae : sin 
 aut vertatur (ut prius) in orientem et occidentem, aut perdat 
 verticitatem, habenda est ilia causa pro suspecta, et ulterius 
 inquirendum est 5 . 
 
 (5) Similiter, sit natura inquisita Corporea Substantia 
 Lunae 6 : an sit tenuis, flammea, sive ae'rea, ut plurimi ex 
 priscis philosophis opinati sunt ; an solida et densa, ut Gil- 
 bertus 7 et multi moderni, cum nonnullis ex antiquis, tenent. 
 
 5 The former alternative, of course, represents the facts. A needle, 
 however magnetised, will, when allowed to turn freely, and removed from 
 the influence of any other magnet, direct itself north and south. 
 
 6 The nature of the substance of the heavenly bodies generally is con- 
 sidered in the Descriptio Globi Intellectualis, cap. 7, and in the Thema 
 Coeli. 
 
 7 This must be an allusion to Gilbert's known opinions, not to his 
 writings. For the posthumous book De Alundo nostro Sublunari, which 
 contains his speculations on this subject, was not published till 1651. It
 
 480 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 Rationes posterioris istius opinionis fundantur in hoc maxima, 
 quod luna radios solis reflectat ; neque videtur fieri reflexio 
 lucis nisi a solidis 8 . 
 
 Itaque instantiae crucis circa hoc subjectum eae esse poterint 
 (si modo aliquae sint) quae demonstrent reflexionem a corpora 
 tenui, qualis est flamma, modo sit crassitiei sufficients 9 . Certe 
 causa crepusculi, inter alias, est reflexio 10 radiorum solis a 
 superiore parte aeris. Etiam quandoque reflect! videmus 
 radios solis temporibus vespertinis serenis a fimbriis nubium 
 roscidarum, non minori splendore, sed potius illustriori et 
 magis glorioso, quam qui redditur a corpore lunae 11 ; neque 
 
 may, however, have been read by Bacon in manuscript (see note on the 
 words ' eosque particulares ' in Aph. 48 (8) ). In this work, lib. ii. capp. 
 13-16, Gilbert passes in review the various opinions of the ancients, and 
 himself arrives at the following conclusion : ' Luna, diversa natura a Sole, 
 est solida absque lumine substantia, diversa in eminentiis ; non provenit 
 unquam ab inspissatione imaginatae quintae essentiae, adeo ut densior 
 pars sit sphaerae nugatoriae : sed astrum est, sicut tellus, suis spatiis 
 inotum habens. Tellus vero etiam sicut altera Luna est, quae etiam a 
 Sole accepto lumine versus Lunam relucet, sicut Luna conceptum a Sole 
 lumen in tellurem remittit ; omne enim solidum lumen remittit.' For 
 Aristotle's fifth element (quintessence), or aether, which he regarded as 
 having a circular motion, and as extending fa> Kai /xe'xP 1 <reA 171/77?, see, 
 amongst other places, Meteorologica, i. 3, De Coelo, i. 3, De Animalium 
 Generatione, ii. 3, and the spurious treatise De Mundo, ch. 2. In the 
 last passage, which represents the doctrines of the Peripatetic school, the 
 writer says : ovpavov Se Kai ao-rpav ovcriav /iff aWepa KaXoC/zei/, . . . crroi^flov 
 ovcrav erepoj/ ru>i> TfTrdpccv, HKTjpaTov re /cat dflov. In the De Animalium 
 Generatione, iii. II (p. 761 b. 21, 22), Aristotle speaks of the moon as 
 composed of fire : aXXa Set TO roioCroi/ yevos (sc. TO TOV irvpos) frrelv eVi rrjs 
 crf\T]vr]s' avrr] yap <f)a'ii>(T(ii KOtvcovov&a rrjs TTapTr)s arrocrTacrtcos. 
 
 8 This is certainly not Gilbert's argument, as it appears in his book. 
 He argues quite rightly (lib. ii. cap. 13) to the opacity and solidity of the 
 moon from the fact that, in a Solar Eclipse, it does not transmit any of the 
 light of the Sun: 'Videmus enim in deliquiis solaribus, tanquam opacissima 
 mole, Solis lumen sisti et averti.' So far from stating that light is reflected 
 only from solid bodies, he refers, in the course of his discussion, to the very 
 familiar fact of the reflexion of light from water. 
 
 9 All bodies, which are not absolutely black or absolutely transparent, 
 reflect light, though, of course, in the most varying degrees. A flame is 
 simply an ignited gas. 
 
 10 Refraction, as well as Reflexion, enters into the explanation of this 
 and similar phenomena. 
 
 11 Mr. Ellis remarks that the comparison of the brightness of the moon
 
 LIB. II. 36. 481 
 
 tamcn constat eas nubcs coaluisse in corpus densum aquae. 
 Etiam videmus aerem tenebrosum pone fenestras noctu re- 
 flectere lucem candelae, non minus quam corpus densum 12 - 
 Tentandum etiam foret experimentum immissionis radiorum 
 solis per foramen super flammam aliquam subfuscam et cae- 
 ruleam. Sane radii aperti solis, incidentes in flammas obscu- 
 riores, videntur eas quasi mortificare, ut conspiciantur magis 
 instar fumi albi quam flammae. Atque haec impraesentiarum 
 occurrunt, quae sint ex natura instantiarum crucis circa hanc 
 rem 13 ; et meliora fortasse reperiri possunt. Sed notandum 
 semper est, reflexionem a flamma non esse expectandam, nisi 
 a flamma alicujus profunditatis ; nam aliter vergit ad dia- 
 phanum. Hoc autem pro certo ponendum, lucem semper in 
 corpore aequali 14 aut excipi et transmitti, aut resilire. 
 
 (6) Similiter, sit natura inquisita Motus Missilium, veluti 
 spiculorum, sagittarum. globulorum, per aerem. Hunc motum 
 Schola (more suo) valde negligenter expedit : satis habens, si 
 eum nomine motus violenti a naturali I5 (quern vocant) distin- 
 guat ; et, quod ad primam percussionem sive impulsionem at- 
 
 in the daytime with that of a cloud was ingeniously applied by Bouguer to 
 determine the ratio of the moon's light to the sun's. 
 
 12 ' Bacon's reason for this phenomenon is wrong. It is really the 
 polished surface of the glass which reflects the rays : and this is always 
 the case, but is only visible to us when there is neither light nor object 
 on the other side to destroy the image created.' Dr. Kitchin's note. 
 
 13 All that these Instances prove is that other than solid bodies reflect 
 light, and hence it follows that, because the moon reflects light, we cannot 
 infer that it is a solid body. But, though they dispose of the argument, 
 they do not dispose of the conclusion. How little Bacon anticipated that 
 the time would come, when we should be able to weigh the moon, to 
 know something of its chemical constituents, and to map out its surface 
 with perfect accuracy ! 
 
 The question whether other than solid bodies reflect light is a good 
 example of an unilateral test (see the end of the first note on this Aphor- 
 ism). If decided one way, it proves that the moon is a solid body; if 
 decided the other way, it proves nothing. 
 
 11 Cp. Aph. 23. There, he says, ' corpora omnino aequalia (secundum 
 portiones opticas) dare diaphanum.' The optical generalisation that every 
 ray of light incident on a surface is either reflected, or transmitted, or 
 absorbed, or disposed of in all or some of these ways, was, of course, 
 unknown to Bacon. 
 
 16 See notes on i. 66, ii. 35. 
 
 t I i
 
 482 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 tinet, per illud, quod duo corpora non possint esse in uno loco, 
 ne fiat pcnctratio dimensionum^ sibi satisfaciat ; et de processu 
 continuato istius motus nihil curet. At circa hanc naturam 
 bivium est tale : aut iste motus fit ab aere vehente et pone 
 corpus emissum se colligente, instar fluvii erga scapham aut 
 venti erga paleas ; aut a partibus ipsius corporis non sustinen- 
 tibus impressionem, sed ad eandem laxandam per successionem 
 se promoventibus. Atque priorem ilium recipit Fracastorius 16 , 
 et fere omnes qui de hoc motu paulo subtil ius inquisiverunt : 
 neque dubium est, quin sint aeris partes in hac re nonnullae ; 
 sed alter motus proculdubio verus est, ut ex infinitis constat 
 experimentis 17 . Sed inter caeteras, poterit esse circa hoc sub- 
 
 16 De Sympathia et Antipathia, cap. 4 : ' Projecta quoque per eandem 
 rarefactionem et condensationem portantur per aerem, partibus quidem, 
 quae ante sunt 5 viam quodammodo aperientibus, et propellentibus unda- 
 tionem, iis vero, quae circa et a tergo, successive addensatis et rarefactis 
 una post aliam, et projectum vehentibus non aliter ac per undam,' &c. 
 He then attempts to account for the motion being slow at first, quicker 
 afterwards, and ultimately ceasing altogether. 
 
 Mr. Ellis refers, for similar explanations, to Plato's Timaeus, p. 80 
 (Add. p. 79), and to Plutarch, Ouaest. Platon. (Reiske's Plutarch, vol. x. 
 p. 177, &c.). Of projectiles the latter, developing the Platonic doctrine, 
 says : TO. 8e pnvrov^eva ftapr] TOV depa (r^f'^et pera Tr\Jjyjjs eKirecrovTa, KOI 
 SucrTrjcriv. 6 de Trepippeuiv OTTiVw, r<u (pvcriv *X flv " 6 ' T *l v cp t ]f*' ov P*V r }V ^copaf 
 ftiaiKfiv KOI di>a7T\r]povv i crvverreTm T< d<pie/j.eva>, Trjv K.ivi]<riv (TweTriTa.'xyvuiv. 
 He gives a similar account of lightning, cupping glasses, sounds, swallow- 
 ing, and several other phenomena. 
 
 Aristotle also regards the motion of a projectile as maintained by the 
 air. See Physics, iv. 8 (p. 215 a), viii. 10 (pp. 266 b, 267 a). In the 
 former passage, he says : eri vvv p.ev Kivelrai TO. pmrovfJieva rou uxravros ov^ 
 iiTTTo/jifvov, rj 81 avTijrepi<TTacnv, uxnrep evioi (pacriv, rj 8ia TO wde'iv TOV wcr^ei/ra 
 aepn ddrra) Kivrjffiv rf]? TOU w<jQtvTos fpopas, fjv (peperai els TOV olndov TOTTOV. 
 The latter passage, which is far the more elaborate, is too long to quote. 
 On the former, Mr. Lewes comments in his work on Aristotle, pp. 132, 
 
 J33- 
 
 To criticise this and similar theories of motion would be unduly to tax 
 the patience of the reader. These very dark places of the ancient and 
 mediaeval physics are at once illuminated by the simplicity of the First 
 Law of Motion. 
 
 17 Bacon did not see that the two cases which he had put were by 
 no means exhaustive. Nor had he stated the problem rightly. The 
 difficulty, as we now know, is not to account for the continued motion 
 of a projectile, but for the cessation of its motion.
 
 LIB. II. 36. 483 
 
 jectum instantia cruets tails; quod lamina, aut filum ferri 
 paulo contumacius, vel etiam calamus sive penna in medio 
 divisa, adducta et curvata inter pollicem et digitum, exiliant. 
 Manifestum enim est, hoc non posse imputari aeri se pone 
 corpus colligenti, quia fons motus est in medio laminae vcl 
 calami, non in extremis 18 . 
 
 (7) Similiter sit natura inquisita motus ille rapidus ct 
 potens Expansionis Pulveris Pyrii in flammam 19 ; unde tantae 
 moles subvertuntur, tanta pondera emittuntur, quanta in cuni- 
 culis majoribus et bombardis videmus. Bivium circa hanc 
 naturam tale est. Aut excitatur iste motus a mero corporis 
 appetitu se dilatandi, postquam fuerit inflammatum ; aut ab 
 appetitu mixto spiritus crudi, qui rapide fugit ignem, et ex eo 
 circumfuso, tanquam ex carcere, violenter erumpit. Schola 
 autem et vulgaris opinio tantum versatur circa priorem ilium 
 appetitum. Putant enim homines se pulchre philosophari, si 
 asserant flammam ex forma element! necessitate quadam 
 
 8 He seems here, notwithstanding having drawn the distinction above, 
 to mistake the question at issue, which was not as to the origin of the 
 motion of a projectile, but as to its continuance. And even if his instance 
 were to the point, it would only be decisive against the one theory, not 
 in favour of the other. 
 
 In the Cogitationes De Natura Rerum, cap. 8 (E. and S., vol. iii. pp. 
 28-31), he treats this subject at greater length and adds other experiments, 
 which are, however, no more decisive than the one given here. 
 
 111 This question is also treated in the Cogitationes De Xatura Rerum. 
 See cap. 9. Bacon's solution of the difficulty by referring the explosion to 
 the 'conflict of two bodies,' and his language about the 'crude spirit which 
 is in nitre,' are thoroughly characteristic both of his own chemical views 
 and, generally, of those of his time. Chemistry, we must recollect, had 
 hardly as yet put on a scientific form, and, moreover, it was peculiarly 
 encumbered by the use of a fanciful and metaphorical language. 
 
 As to the true explanation of the great explosive power of gunpowder, it 
 'is due to the sudden development of a large volume of gaseous bodies, 
 chiefly consisting of nitrogen and carbonic anhydride, which, at the ordinary 
 temperature of the air, would occupy a space equal to about 300 times the 
 bulk of the powder used ; but, from the intense heat developed at the 
 moment of the explosion, the dilation amounts to at least 500 times 
 the volume of the gunpowder employed.' Miller's Elements of Chemistry, 
 Part ii. pp. 399-400. The principle of this explanation was first demon- 
 strated by Jean Bernoulli. See Hoefer, Histoire de la Chimic, tome ii. 
 pp. 264-265. 
 
 I i 2
 
 484 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 donari locum ampliorcm occupandi quam idem corpus ex- 
 pleverat cum subiret formam pulvcris, atque inde sequi motum 
 istum. Interim minime advertunt, licet hoc verum sit. posito 
 quod flamma gcneretur, tamen posse impediri flammae gene- 
 rationem a tanta mole, quae illam comprimere et suffocare 
 queat ; ut non deducatur res ad istam necessitatem de qua 
 loquuntur. Nam quod necesse sit fieri expansionem, atque 
 inde sequi emissionem aut remotionem corporis quod obstat, 
 si gcneretur flamma, recte putant. Sed ista necessitas plane 
 evitatur, si moles ilia solida flammam supprimat antequam 
 generetur. Atque videmus flammam, praesertim in prima 
 generatione, mollem esse et lenem, et requirere cavum in quo 
 cxperiri et ludere possit. Itaque tanta violentia huic rei per 
 se assignari non potest. Sed illud verum : generationcm hu- 
 jusmodi flammarum flatulentarum, et veluti ventorum igneo- 
 rum, fieri ex conflictu duorum corporum, eorumque naturae 
 inter sc plane contrariae ; alterius admodum inflammabilis, 
 quac natura viget in sulphure ; alterius flammam exhorrentis, 
 qualis cst spiritus crudus qui est in nitro ; adeo ut fiat con- 
 flictus mirabilis, inflammante se sulphure quantum potest 
 (nam tertium corpus, nimirum carbo salicis, nil aliud fere 
 pracstat, quam ut ilia cluo corpora incorporet et commode 
 uniat), et erumpente spiritu nitri quantum potest, et una se 
 clilatante (nam hoc faciunt et aer, et omnia cruda, et aqua, 
 ut a calore dilatentur), et per istam fugam et eruptionem in- 
 terim flammam sulphuris, tanquam follibus occultis, undc- 
 quaque exufflante. 
 
 Potcrant autern esse instantiae crncis^ circa hoc subjcctum 
 duorum generum. Alterum eorum corporum quae maxime 
 sunt inflammabilia, qualia sunt sulphur, caphura, naphtha, et 
 hujusmodi. cum eorum misturis : quae citius et facilius conci- 
 piunt flammam quam pulvis pyrius. si non impediantur : ex 
 quo liquet appctitum inflammandi per se effectum ilium stu- 
 pendum non operari. Alterum eorum quae flammam fugiuut 
 
 : " These ' crucial instances ' dispose of the rival hypothesis, but they do 
 not establish Bacon's own. To state exhaustively the various possible ex- 
 planations in an example of this kind implies a far more scientific conception 
 of the subject, than either Bacon or his contemporaries had yet attained.
 
 LIB. II. 36. 485 
 
 et exhorrent, qualia sunt sales omnes. Videmus enim, si 
 jaciantur in ignem, spiritum aqueum crumpere cum fragore 
 antequam flamma concipiatur ; quod etiam leniter fit in foliis 
 paulo contumacioribus, parte aquea erumpente antequam ole- 
 osa concipiat flammam. Sed maxime cernitur hoc in argento 
 vivo, quod non male dicitur aqua mineralis. Hoc enim, absque 
 inflammatione, per eruptionem et expansioncm simplicem vires 
 pulveris pyrii fere adaequat : quod etiam admixtum pulveri 
 pyrio ejus vires multiplicare dicitur. 
 
 (8) Similiter, sit natura inquisita Transitoria Natura Flam- 
 mae, et Extinctio ejus Momentanea. Non enim videtur natura 
 flammea hie apud nos figi et consistere, sed singulis quasi 
 momentis generari, et statim extingui. Manifestum enim est 
 in flammis, quae hie continuantur et durant, istam durationem 
 non esse ejusdem flammae in individuo, sed fieri per succes- 
 sionem novae flammae seriatim generatae, minime autem 
 manere eandem flammam numero ; id quod facile perspicitur 
 ex hoc, quod, subtract alimento sive fomite flammae, flamma 
 statim pereat. Bivium autem circa hanc naturam tale est. 
 Momentanea ista natura aut fit remittente se causa quae earn 
 primo genuit, ut in lumine, sonis, et motibus (quos vocant) 
 violentis ; aut quod flamma in natura sua possit hie apud nos 
 manere, sed a contrariis naturis circumfusis vim patiatur et 
 destruatur 21 . 
 
 Itaque poterit esse circa hoc subjectum instantia erne is talis. 
 Videmus flammas in incendiis majoribus, quam alte in stirsurn 
 ascendant. Quanto enim basis flammae est latior, tanto vertex 
 sublimior. Itaque videtur principium extinctionis fieri circa 
 latera, ubi ab acre flamma comprimitur et male habctur. At 
 
 - 1 The extinction of a flame is, of course, due to the supply of one or 
 other of the gases, by the combination of which it is produced, being 
 cut off. So far is atmospheric air from being inimical to flame that, in by 
 very far the great majority of cases, the oxygen which is contained in air 
 is one of the gases by the combination of which flame is generated. At the 
 same time, when oxygen is carried to the very heart of a flame, it instantly 
 consumes the other gas, and so may extinguish the flame by destroying one 
 of its constituents. 
 
 On the nature of flame (of which Bacon was quite ignorant), see 
 Tyndall's Heat a Mode of Motion, 3rd Ed., 49, &c., or Watts' Uictionary 
 of Chemistry, article ' Combustion.'
 
 486 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 meditullia flammae, quae aer non contingit sed alia flamma 
 undique circumdat, eadem numero manent, neque extinguuntur 
 donee paulatim angustientur ab acre per latera circumfuso. 
 Itaque omnis flamma pyramidalis est basi circa fomitem lar- 
 gior, vertice autem (inimicante acre, nee suppeditante fomite) 
 acutior. At fumus angustior circa basin ascendendo dilatatur, 
 et fit tanquam pyramis inversa ; quia scilicet aer fumum re- 
 cipit, flammam (neque enim quispiam somniet aerem esse 
 flammam accensam, cum sint corpora plane heterogenea 22 ) 
 comprimit 23 . 
 
 Accuratior autem poterit esse instantia crucis ad hanc rem 
 accommodata, si res forte manifestari possit per flammas 
 bicolores. Capiatur igitur situla parva ex metallo, et in ea 
 figatur parva candela cerea accensa ; ponatur situla in patera, 
 ct circumfundatur spiritus vini in modica quantitate, quae ad 
 labra situlae non attingat ; turn accende spiritum vini. At 
 spiritus ille vini exhibebit flammam magis scilicet caeruleam, 
 lychnus candelae autem magis flavam. Notetur itaque utrum 
 flamma lychni (quam facile est per colorem a flamma spiritus 
 vini distinguere ; neque enim flammae, ut liquores, statim com- 
 miscentur) maneat pyramidalis, an potius magis tendat ad 
 formam globosam, cum nihil inveniatur quod earn destruat 
 aut comprimat 24 . At hoc posterius si fiat, manere flammam 
 
 - Here we may observe the influence of the old doctrine of the four 
 elements, of which air and fire were two. 
 
 3 The pyramidal form of flame is due to the fact that, while one of its 
 constituents (oxygen) is equally diffused, the other has a definite source. 
 The nearer this latter (which, in its pure condition, constitutes the 
 ' unburnt core') is to its source, the larger is its volume ; for the further 
 it recedes from its source, the larger is the amount of it which is consumed. 
 Smoke, on the other hand, not entering into combination or conflict with 
 any other body, is able to diffuse itself freely, and, hence, assumes the 
 form described in the text. In a certain sense, therefore, Bacon is right 
 in ascribing the form of flame to its contact with the surrounding air. 
 
 24 A full account of this experiment is given in Sylva Sylyarum, Exp. 31. 
 Mr. Ellis there remarks : ' The explanation of this experiment is simply 
 that in impure air flames increase in size because the heated vapour of 
 which they are composed diffuses itself before it meets with sufficient 
 oxygen for complete combustion.' 
 
 Bacon may, perhaps, be credited with having seen, in a dim sort of way, 
 that air had some connection with flame, but the whole of this speculation, 
 like the two preceding ones, is wide of the mark.
 
 LTB. II. 37. 487 
 
 eandem numero, quamdiu intra aliam flammam concludatur 
 nee vim inimicam aeris experiatur, pro certo poncndum cst. 
 
 Atque de instantiis crucis haec dicta sint. Longiores autem 
 in iis tractandis ad hunc finem fuimus, ut homines paulatim 
 discant et assuefiant de natura judicare per instantias crucis 
 et experimenta lucifera, et non per rationes probabilcs 2 \ 
 
 XXXVIT. 
 
 Inter praerogatiiias instantiarum ponemus loco decimo 
 quinto Instantias Divortii ; quae indicant separationes natu- 
 rarum earum quae ut plurimum occurrunt 2G . Differunt autem 
 ab instantiis quae sub)ungunturiHsta?itiisc0mifatus 27 ; quia iilae 
 indicant separationes naturae alicujus ab aliquo concrete cum 
 quo ilia familiariter consuescit, hae vero separationes naturae 
 alicujus ab altera natura 28 . Differunt etiam ab instantiis 
 crucis ; quia nihil determinant, sed monent tantum de separa- 
 bilitate unius naturae ab altera. Usus autem earum est ad 
 prodendas falsas formas, et dissipandas leves contemplationes 
 ex rebus obviis orientes ; adeo ut veluti plumbum et pondcra 
 intellectui addant 29 . 
 
 - 5 Bacon, then, regarded these Instances as affording certainty, and, 
 supposing the various alternatives to be stated exhaustively and the 
 observations or experiments to be properly selected and rightly conducted, 
 they would do so. 
 
 26 I think these words must mean : ' which for the most part occur 
 together? 
 
 "' The reference is probably not to the Instantiae Subjunctivae of Aph. 
 34, but to the Instantiae Hostiles of Aph. 33. 
 
 2j These instances seem to differ from the ' Instantiae Hostiles ' of 
 Aph. 33 only in form. There a 'nature' is adduced as 'hostile' to or 
 dissociated from some particular kind of concrete body ; here one 'nature' 
 is adduced as dissociated in certain cases, or in certain kinds of bodies, 
 from some other nature. But the difference seems to consist solely in the 
 mode of stating the propositions, abstract terms or 'natures' bein; em- 
 ployed both in subject and predicate in the one case, and, in the other, an 
 abstract term or ' nature ' being denied of some concrete body. 
 
 It might be said, by way of suggesting a difference, that the ' Instantiae 
 Divortii' are exceptions to general rules, but then the ' Instantiae Hostiles.' 
 so far as we can make out from the examples, seem to have this character 
 as well. 
 
 * 9 Cp. i. 104.
 
 488 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 Exempli gratia : sint naturae inquisitae quatuor naturae 
 illae, quas Contubernales vult esse Telesius 30 , et tanquam ex 
 eadem camera \ viz. calidum, lucidum, tenue, mobile sive 
 promptum ad motum. At plurimae inveniuntur instantiae 
 divortii inter ipsas. Ae'r enim tenuis est et habilis ad motum, 
 non calidus aut lucidus ; lima lucida, absque calore ; aqua 
 fervens calida, absque lumine ; motus acus ferreae super ver- 
 sorium pernix et agilis, et tamen in corpore frigido, denso. 
 opaco ; ct complura id genus. 
 
 Similiter sint naturae inquisitae Natura Corporea et Actio 
 Naturalis. Videtur enim non inveniri actio naturalis, nisi 
 subsistens in aliquo corpore. Attamen possit fortasse esse 
 circa hanc rem instantia nonnulla divortii. Ea est actio 
 magnetica, per quam ferrum fertur ad magnetem, gravia ad 
 globum terrae r;i . Addi etiam possint aliae nonnullae opera- 
 
 n " See Telesius, De Rerum Natura, passim ; especially lib. i. capp. i, 2. 
 Thus, of the Sun, he says : ' omnino calidus, tenuis, candidus, mobilisque 
 est Sol : Terra contra, frigida, crassa, immobilis, tenebricosaque.' 
 
 :!1 Cp. last Aphorism, Example (3), where, on the other hand, he appears 
 undoubtedly to distinguish between magnetic attraction and the attraction 
 exercised by the earth. Possibly, in the present place, he may be using 
 the word 'magnetic' only in a vague and general sense, as = attractive. 
 Notice the words 'sive coitiva' below. 
 
 Bacon's idea appears to have been that magnetism and terrestrial attrac- 
 tion (which he here seems, at least, to speak of as if they were the same) 
 act without affecting the intermediate bodies (air, ether, or whatever they 
 may be) ; that they act in time ; and, hence, that ' the natural action ' or 
 'virtue' is, as it were, for a while suspended between the acting body and 
 the body acted upon. From these circumstances he infers that ' natural 
 action' may be detached from any 'corporeal nature.' 
 
 The manner in which gravitation acts is still unknown. We know the 
 fact and the law, but all the rest is mere matter of speculation. Whether 
 the force docs or does not require a material medium for its propagation, 
 and whether it is or is not transmitted in time, are questions which have 
 not yet been resolved and which, perhaps, admit of no solution. It was 
 calculated by Laplace that, if its velocity be measurable at all, it must be, 
 at least, fifty millions of times greater than the velocity of light. As to the 
 medium, though there are grounds for believing in the existence of a subtle 
 and elastic ether pervading all space, there is no positive evidence for 
 connecting with this medium the phenomena of gravitation. 
 
 Similarly, there is no evidence to shew whether magnetic and electrical 
 attraction require time for their transmission, and a medium in which to act. 
 The velocity of conducted electricity has been calculated, for various media,
 
 LIB. IL 37 . 489 
 
 tiones ad distans. Actio siquidem hujusmodi et in tcmpore 
 fit, per momenta non in puncto temporis, et in loco, per 
 gradus et spati'a. Est itaque aliquod momentum temporis, 
 et aliquod intervallum loci, in quibus ista virtus sive actio 
 haeret in medio inter duo ilia corpora quae motum cient. 
 Reducitur itaque contemplatio ad hoc ; utrum ilia corpora 
 quae sunt termini motus disponant vel alterent corpora media, 
 ut per successionem et tactum verum Jabatur virtus a termino 
 ad terminum, et interim subsistat in corpore medio ; an horum 
 nihil sit, praeter corpora et virtutem et spatia? Atque in 
 radiis opticis et sonis et calore et aliis nonnullis operantibus 
 ad distans, probabile est media corpora disponi et alterari 2 : 
 eo magis, quod requiratur medium qualificatum ad deferen- 
 dam operationem talem. At magnetica ilia sive coitiva virtus 
 admittit media tanquam adiaphora, nee impeditur virtus in 
 omnigeno medio. Quod si nil rei habeat virtus ilia aut 
 actio cum corpore medio, scquitur quod sit virtus aut actio 
 naturalis ad tempus nonnullum et in loco nonnullo subsistens 
 sine corpore; cum neque subsistat in corporibus terminanti- 
 bus. nee in mediis. Quare actio magnetica poterit esse in- 
 stantia dii'ortii circa naturam corpoream et actionem natu- 
 ralem. Cui hoc adjici potest tanquam corollarium aut lucrum 
 non practermittendum : viz. quod etiam secundum sensum 
 philosophanti 33 sumi possit probatio quod sint entia et sub- 
 stantiae separatae et incorporeae p ' 4 . Si enim virtus et actio 
 
 by \Yheatstone and others. See Ganot's Physics, 1 2th Ed. of Transl., 
 796. 
 
 ''- Bacon ought, perhaps, to have some credit for having so far divined 
 the conditions of the action of heat, light, and sound. 
 
 3 That is, even to the Natural Philosopher. The same expression 
 occurs, and I think in the same sense, in De Augm. iv. 3 ad init. (E. 
 and S., vol. i. p. 605). 
 
 :u The reasoning by which Bacon arrives at this conclusion is, it must 
 be confessed, of a very fanciful character, and, in fact, the whole of this 
 discussion is marked by an excess of subtlety with which we do not often 
 meet in Bacon's writings. As to the conclusion itself, it is of some import- 
 ance as bearing on the quaestio vcxata of Bacon's theological views. Cp. 
 Locke's Essay, bk. iv. ch. 10. 19: 'We cannot conceive how anything 
 but Impulse of Body can move body; and yet that is not a reason suffi- 
 cient to make us deny it possible, against the constant experience we have
 
 490 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 naturalis, emanans a corpore, subsistere possit aliquo tempore 
 et aliquo loco omnino sine corpore ; prope est ut possit etiam 
 emanare in origine sua a substantia incorporea. Videtur enim 
 non minus requiri natura corporea ad actionem naturalem 
 sustentandam et devehendam, quam ad excitandam aut gene- 
 randam. 
 
 XXXVIII. 
 
 Sequuntur quinque ordines instantiarum, quas uno voca- 
 bulo generali Instantias Lampadis^ sive Informationis Primac 
 appellare consuevimus. Eae sunt quae auxiliantur sensui. 
 Cum enim omnis interpretatio naturae incipiat a sensu 3G , atque 
 a sensuum perceptionibus recta, constant!, et munita via ducat 
 ad perceptiones intellectus, quae sunt notiones verae et axio- 
 mata ; necesse est ut. quanto magis copiosae et exactae 
 fuerint repraesentationes sive praebitiones ipsius sensus, tanto 
 omnia cedant facilius et foelicius. 
 
 Harum autem quinque instantiarum lampadis, primae ro- 
 borant, ampliant, et rectificant actiones sensus immediatas ; 
 secundae deducunt non-sensibile ad sensibile ; tertiae indicant 
 
 of it in ourselves in all our voluntary motions, which are produced in us 
 only by the free action or Thought of our own minds, and are not nor can 
 be the e fleets of Impulse or Determination of the motion of blind matter 
 in or upon our bodies * * * 'Tis an over-valuing ourselves to reduce all to 
 the narrow measure of our capacities ; and to conclude all things impos- 
 sible to be done, whose manner of doing exceeds our comprehension. 
 This is to make our Comprehension infinite or God finite, when what he 
 can do is limited to what we can conceive of it.' In bk. ii. ch. 23. 32, 
 and elsewhere, he maintains that it is ' no more a contradiction, that 
 Thinking should exist separate and independent from Solidity, than it is 
 a contradiction, that Solidity should exist separate and independent from 
 Thinking * * * and, having as clear and distinct ideas in us of Thinking as 
 of Solidity, I know not why we may not as well allow a thinking thing 
 without Solidity, i. e. immaterial, to exist, as a solid thing without Think- 
 ing, i. e. matter, to exist.' Hobbes, on the other hand, regarded the expres- 
 sions 'incorporeal spirit,' 'incorporeal substance,' &c., as contradictions 
 in terms, and seems to have thought that they had no meaning, even when 
 applied to God. See Leviathan, Part i. ch. 12, Part iii. ch. 34, and other 
 places. 
 
 5 The ' Instances ' thus far described have for their office to assist the 
 Understanding; the next five, called generically ' Instances of the Lamp,' 
 serve to inform or supply the defects of the Senses. 
 
 ' M Cp. i. i, 19, 69, &c.
 
 LIB. II. 38-39. 491 
 
 processus continuatos sivc scries earum rcrum ct motuum 
 quae (ut plurimum) non notantur nisi in exitu aut periodis ; 
 quartae aliquid substituunt sensui in meris destitutionibus ; 
 quintae excitant attentionem sensus et advertentiam, atque 
 una limitant subtilitatem rerum. De his autem singulis jam 
 dicendum est. 
 
 XXXIX. 
 
 Inter pracrogativas instantiarum poncmus loco decimo 
 sexto Instantias Januae sive Portae : co enim nomine eas 
 appellamus quae juvant actiones sensus immediatas. Inter 
 sensus autem manifestum est partes primas tenere Visum, 
 quoad informationem ; quare huic sensui praecipue auxilia 
 conquirenda. Auxilia autem triplicia esse posse videntur : 
 vel ut percipiat non visa ; vel ut majore intervallo ; vel ut 
 exactius et distinctius. 
 
 Primi generis sunt (missis bis-oculis 37 et hujusmodi, quae 
 valent tantum ad corrigendam et levandam infirmitatem visus 
 non bene dispositi, atque ideo nihil amplius informant) ea 
 quae nuper inventa sunt perspicilla :>>s ; quae latcntes et invi- 
 sibiles corporum minutias, et occultos schematismos et motus 
 (aucta insigniter specierum magnitudine) demonstrant ; quo- 
 rum vi, in pulice, musca, vermiculis, accurata corporis figura 
 ct lineamenta, necnon colores ct motus prius non conspicui, 
 non sine admiratione cernuntur. Ouinctiam aiunt lincam 
 
 37 Spectacles. Their invention, like that of the Microscope and Tele- 
 scope, has been ascribed to Roger Bacon. But, however this may be (and 
 there are many other claimants), the invention of what are ordinarily 
 called ' spectacles ' may be traced back at least as far as the end of the 
 thirteenth century. See Encyclopaedia Britannica (Qth Ed.), arts, on 
 Spectacles and the Microscope (Simple). 
 
 38 Microscopes. It seems plain from the context that Bacon had not 
 seen one. He speaks of them as lately invented. Supposing Roger Bacon 
 to have described rather what he thought might be than what actually was 
 constructed, we may, perhaps, refer the actual invention of compound 
 microscopes to Zacharias Jansen of Middelburg, about 1590. 'Jansen 
 gave one of his microscopes to the Archduke, who gave it to Cornelius 
 Drebbel, a salaried mathematician at the court of our James I.' See life 
 of Galileo, ch. 6, in Library of Useful Knowledge. See also Enc. Br., art. 
 on the Microscope; Montucla, Histoire des Mathematiques, Part iv. 
 liv. iv.
 
 493 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 rectam calamo vel penecillo descriptam. per hujusmodi per- 
 spicilla inaequalem admodum et tortuosam cerni : quia sci- 
 licet nee motus manus, licet per regulam adjutae, nee im- 
 pressio atramenti aut coloris revera aequalia existant ; licet 
 illae inaequalitates tarn minutae stnt ut sine adjumento hujus- 
 modi perspicillorum conspici nequeant Etiam superstitiosam 
 quandam observationem in hac re (ut fit in rebus novis et 
 miris) addiderunt homines: viz quod hujusmodi perspicilla 
 opera naturae illustrent, artis dehonestent. Illud vero nihil 
 aliud est quam quod texturae naturales multo subtiliores sint 
 quam artificiosae. Perspicillum enim illud ad minuta tantum 
 valet : quale perspicillum si vidisset Democritus, exiluisset 
 forte, et modum videndi atomum (quern ille invisibilem 3J 
 omnino affirmavit) inventum fuisse putasset. Verum incom- 
 petentia hujusmodi perspicillorum, praeterquam ad minutias 
 tantum (neque ad ipsas quoque, si fuerint in corpore majus- 
 culo), usum rei destruit. Si enim inventum extendi posset 
 ad corpora majora 40 , aut corporum majorum minutias, adeo 
 ut textura panni lintei conspici posset tanquam rete, atque 
 hoc modo minutiae latentes et inaequalitates gemmarum, 
 liquorum, urinarum, sanguinis, vulnerum, et multarum aliarum 
 rerum. cerni possent 41 , magnae proculdubio ex eo invento 
 commoditates capi possent. 
 
 Secundi generis sunt ilia altera perspicilla 42 quae memo- 
 rabili conatu adinvenit Galilaeus ; quorum ope, tanquam per 
 
 39 Aristotle (De Generatione et Corruptione, i. 8), speaking of Leucippus, 
 says : dXX' eivai TO TOIOVTOV ov% ev, d\\' ajrflpa TO TrXr/dos Kal uopara Sta 
 
 (TflLKpOTTJTa TWV OJKUIV. 
 
 40 This object is effected by means of the solar microscope. 
 
 41 Cp. New Atlantis (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 162). It is needless to say 
 that, with modern microscopes of high magnifying power, this is the 
 case. 
 
 "' Telescopes. The merit of the invention of these instruments has 
 been more hotly disputed than even that of single lenses and microscopes. 
 A very interesting popular account of the controversy is given in the Life 
 of Galileo above referred to, and the student may also consult Montucla, 
 Histoire des Mathematiques, Pt. iv. liv. iv. Delambre disposes of the claims 
 of Fracastorius, Astronomic du Moyen Age, tome i. pp. 388-9. An exhaus- 
 tive account of the construction, and a very full account of the history, of 
 the Telescope, is to be found in the article on ' Telescope ' recently con- 
 tributed to the Encyclopaedia Britannica (9th Ed.), where the palm of
 
 LIB. II. 39. 493 
 
 scaphas aut naviculas. aperiri et exerceri possint propiora cum 
 coelestibus commercia 43 . Hinc enim constat, galaxiam essc 
 nodum sive coacervationem stellarum parvarum, plane nu- 
 meratarum et distinctarum ; de qua re apud antiques tantum 
 suspicio fuit 44 . Hinc demonstrari videtur, quod spatia orbium 
 
 invention is awarded to Hans Lippershey, Spectacle-maker of Middelburg, 
 in 1608. 
 
 Though Galileo was not the actual inventor of the Telescope, he seems 
 to have been the first who turned it to scientific uses, and it was, un- 
 doubtedly, through his discoveries by means of it that it first became 
 celebrated. For a long time, also, the best telescopes were only to be 
 procured from Galileo or his scholars. The first telescope constructed by 
 him was presented to the Doge of Venice in 1609. 
 
 43 ' Compare this passage with that in the Descriptio Globi Intellectualis 
 (c. v.), where Bacon speaks of Galileo's invention and discoveries (the first- 
 fruits of which had just been announced) in a strain of more sanguine 
 expectation : " Atque hoc inceptum et fine et aggressu nobile quoddam et 
 humano genere dignum esse existimamus : eo magis quod hujusmodi ho- 
 mines et ausu laudandi sint et fide ; quod ingenue et perspicue propo- 
 suerunt, quomodo singula illis constiterint. Superest tantum constantia, 
 cum magna judicii severitate, ut et instrumenta mutent, et testium nume- 
 rum augeant, et singula et saepe experiantur, et varie ; denique ut et sibi 
 ipsi objiciant et aliis patefaciant quid in contrarium objici possit, et tenuis- 
 simum quemque scrupulum non spernant ; ne forte illis eveniat, quod 
 Democrito et aniculae suae evenit circa ficus mellitas, ut vetula esset philo- 
 sopho prudentior, et magnae et admirabilis speculationis causae subesset 
 error quispiam tenuis et ridiculus." From this passage, written eight years 
 before, we may learn (I think) why it was that Bacon had now begun to 
 doubt how far these observations could be trusted. Believing, as he did, 
 that all the received theories of the heavens were full of error, as soon ;is 
 he heard that by means of the telescope men could really see so much 
 further into the heavens than before, he was prepared to hear of a great 
 number of new and unexpected phenomena ; and his only fear was that 
 the observers, instead of following out their observations patiently and 
 carefully, would begin to form new theories. But now that nine years had 
 passed since the discovery of Jupiter's satellites, the spots in the sun. &c., 
 and no new discovery of importance had been announced, he wondered 
 how it could be that men seeing so much further should be able to see so 
 little more than they did, and began to suspect that it was owing to some 
 defect either in the instrument or in the methods of observation.' This 
 note I have borrowed from Air. Spedding. 
 
 ** See Mullach, Democriti Fragmenta, p. 391. Amongst other authors 
 he quotes Stobaeus, Eel. Phys. p. 576 : A^/uo^piro? (TO yd\a e^ fivai) TroXXw^ 
 
 Cp. Arist. Meteor, i. 8 (p. 345 a), where the same opinion
 
 494 NOVUM O RCA NUM. 
 
 (quos vocant) planctarum non sint plane vacua aliis stcllis, 
 sed quod coelum incipiat stellescere antequam ad coelum 
 ipsum stellatum ventum sit ; licet stellis minoribus quam ut 
 sine perspicillis istis conspici possint. Hinc choreas illas 
 stellarum parvarum circa planetam Jovis (unde conjici possit 
 esse in motibus stellarum plura centra) intueri licet. Hinc 
 inaequalitates luminosi et opaci in luna distinctius cernuntur 
 et locantur ; adeo ut fieri possit quaedam scleno-graphia. 
 Hinc maculae in sole, et id genus 45 : omnia certe inventa 
 nobilia, quatenus fides hujusmodi demonstrationibus tuto 
 adhiberi possit 46 . Ouae nobis ob hoc maxime suspectae 
 sunt, quod in istis paucis sistatur experimentum, neque alia 
 complura investigatu aeque digna eadem ratione inventa sint. 
 
 Tertii generis sunt bacilla ilia ad terras mensurandas, astro- 
 labia 47 , et similia ; quae sensum videndi non ampliant, sed 
 
 is also attributed to Anaxagoras and his followers. See also Manilius, i. 
 725-32; Ovid, Met. i. 168, &c. 
 
 Democritus also maintained that the moon is a solid body, and that the 
 marks on its face represent mountains and valleys. 
 
 40 On these various discoveries, the last of which was also claimed by the 
 monk Scheiner, see Delambre, Histoire de I'Astronomie Moderne, tome i. 
 liv. vi, and Mr. Drinkwater's Life of Galileo, printed in the Library of 
 Useful Knowledge, above referred to; but specially the Syclereus Nuncius 
 of Galileo himself. 
 
 4B Galileo's discoveries were often represented as mere optical delusions. 
 The following amusing story is told of Scheiner (Baden Powell's History 
 of Natural Philosophy, p. 171) : 'Scheiner was a monk ; and, on communi- 
 cating to the superior of his order the account of the spots, received in 
 reply from that learned father a solemn admonition against such heretical 
 notions: "I have searched through Aristotle," he said, "and can find 
 nothing of the kind mentioned : be assured, therefore, that it is a decep- 
 tion of your senses, or of your glasses." ' One Lodovico delle Colombe 
 maintained that the apparently hollow parts of the moon were filled 
 with pure transparent crystal, to which Galileo replied that he would 
 gladly admit the theory, provided that, with equal courtesy, he was 
 allowed to raise on the smooth surface crystal mountains ten times higher 
 than those which he had ever seen and measured. 
 
 47 'lliesc were astronomical instruments, used for the purpose of 'taking' 
 or observing the stars. ' The ancient astrolabe consisted of two or more 
 circles, having a common centre, and so inclined to each other as to enable 
 the astronomer to observe in the planes of different circles of the sphere at 
 the same time. For example, if the circles were at right angles, the 
 instrument would give both longitude and latitude, or the right ascension
 
 LIB. II. 40. 495 
 
 rectificant et dirigunt. Quod si sint aliae instantiae quae 
 reliquos sensus juvent in ipsorum actionibus immediatis et 
 individuis, tamen si ejusmodi sint quae informationi ipsi nihil 
 addant plus quam jam habetur, ad id quod nunc agitur non 
 faciunt. Itaque earum mentionem non fecimus. 
 
 XL. 
 
 Inter pracrogativas instantiarum ponemus loco dccimo 
 septimo Instantias Citantes^, sumpto vocabulo a foris civi- 
 libus, quia citant ea ut compareant quae prius non comparu- 
 erunt; quas etiam Instantias Evocantes appellare consuevimus. 
 Eae deducunt non-sensibile ad sensibile. 
 
 Sensum autem fugiunt res, vel propter distantiam objecti 
 locati 40 ; vel propter interceptionem sensus per corpora media ; 
 vel quia objectum non est habile ad impressionem in sensu 
 facienclam; vel quia deficit quantum in objecto pro feriendo 
 sensu ; vel quia tempus non est proportionatum ad actuandum 
 sensuin ; vel quia objecti percussio non toleratur a sensu ; vel 
 
 and declination of a star. The equatorial, the altitude and azimuth in- 
 strument, and the theodolite, are instruments which answer the same 
 purpose as the ancient astrolabe.' Brande and Cox's Dictionary of 
 Science, &c. The term astrolabe is also employed to denote a plani- 
 sphere. 
 
 48 ' The instantiae citantes enable us to perceive things which are in 
 themselves insensible, or not at all the objects of perception. They cite or 
 place things, as it were, before the bar of the senses, and from this analogy 
 to judicial proceedings is derived the name of instantiae citantes. Such, to 
 employ examples which the progress of science has unfolded since the time 
 of Bacon, are the air-pump and the barometer for manifesting the weight 
 and elasticity of air ; the measurement of the velocity of light, by means 
 of the eclipses of the satellites of Jupiter, and the aberration of the fixed 
 stars ; the experiments in electricity and galvanism, and in the greater part 
 of pneumatic chemistry. In all these instances things are made known 
 which before had entirely escaped the senses.' Playfair's Preliminary 
 Dissertation. 
 
 49 The first and fourth of these cases are, at first sight, hardly distinguish- 
 able from the ' Instantiae Januae.' But, when we come to the examples, 
 we find that Bacon has in mind objects which cannot be known in them- 
 selves but can be known only by means of indications, whereas in the 
 ' Instantiae Januae' the objects themselves can be detected, provided we 
 have sufficiently powerful instruments.
 
 496 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 quia objectum ante implevit et possedit sensum, ut novo motui 
 non sit locus. Atque haec praecipue ad visum pertinent, et 
 deinde ad tactum. Nam hi duo sensus sunt informativi ad 
 largurn, atque de communibus objectis 50 ; ubi reliqui tres non 
 informant fere, nisi immediate et de propriis objectis. 
 
 (1) In prime genere non fit deductio ad sensibile, nisi rei, 
 quae cerni non possit propter distantiam, adjiciatur aut 
 substituatur alia res quae sensum magis e longinquo provocare 
 et ferire possit : veluti in significatione rerum per ignes, 
 campanas, et similia 51 . 
 
 (2) In secundo genere fit deductio, cum ea quae interius 
 propter interpositionem corporum latent, nee commode aperiri 
 possunt, per ea quae sunt in superficie, aut ab interioribus 
 effluunt, perducuntur ad sensum : ut status humanorurri 
 corporum per pulsus, et urinas, et similia 52 . 
 
 (3, 4) At tertii et quarti generis 53 deductiones ad plurima 
 
 The impressions of sight and touch are so intimately associated, that, 
 in most cases, one is an index of the other. The student will not fail to 
 recall, in connexion with this subject, Berkeley's New Theory of Vision 
 as applied to the acquired perceptions of Sight and the numerous kindred 
 theories, doubtless suggested by it, which have been applied in recent times 
 to the elucidation of some of the more obscure problems of psychology. 
 ' La vue et le toucher ' (says Ribot, La Psychologic Allemande Contem- 
 poraine,Ecole Experimental, p. 1 12) 'sont deuxlangues que nous employons 
 simultanement des notre naissance et qui se melent si bien qu'elles 
 semblent n'en faire qu'une. De plus les donnees cle la vue, par leur su- 
 pe"riorite et leur richesse d'information, out une tendance h. effacer les 
 autres.' 
 
 51 A 'glaring instance' will, of course, suggest itself in the Electric 
 Telegraph. 
 
 '- Dr. Kitchin instances the Stethoscope. 
 
 'An excellent instance of the "deductio non-sensibilis ad sensibile" 
 occurs in the experiments recently made by Messrs. Hopkins and Joule 
 for determining the melting-point of substances subjected to great pres- 
 sure. The substance acted on is enclosed in a tube out of reach and sight. 
 But a bit of magnetised steel has previously been introduced into it, and is 
 supported by it as long as it remains solid. A magnetic needle is placed 
 beside the apparatus, a certain amount of deviation being, of course, pro- 
 duced by the steel within the tube. The moment the temperature reaches 
 the melting-point, the steel sinks ; and its doing so is indicated by the 
 motion of the needle.' Mr. Ellis' note. 
 
 53 Of the third kind Dr. Kitchin gives good instances in the chemical
 
 LIB. II. 40. 497 
 
 spectant, atque undique in rerum inquisitione sunt conqui- 
 rendae. Hujus rei exempla sunt. Patct quod aer, et spiritus, 
 et hujusmodi res quae sunt toto corporc tenucs et subfiles, 
 nee cerni nee tangi possint. Ouare in inquisitione circa 
 hujusmodi corpora deductionibus omnino est opus. 
 
 Sit itaque natura inquisita Actio et Motus Spiritus qui 
 includitur in corporibus tangibilibus r> *. Omne cnim tangibile 
 apud nos continet spiritum invisibilcm et intactilem, cique ob- 
 ducitur atque eum quasi vestit. Hinc fons triplex potens ille 
 et mirabilis processus spiritus in corpore tangibili. Spiritus 
 enim in re tangibili, emissus, corpora contrahit ct desiccat ; 
 detentus, corpora intencrat et colliquat ; ncc prorsus cmissus 
 nee prorsus detentus, informat, mcmbrificat, assimilat, cgcrit, 
 organizat, et similia. Atque haec omnia declucuntur ad 
 sensibile per effectus conspicuos. 
 
 Etenim in omni corpore tangibili inanimate, spiritus inclusus 
 primo multiplicat se, et tanquam depascit partes tangibiles eas 
 quae sunt maxime ad hoc faciles et praeparatae, casque digerit 
 et conficit et vertit in spiritum, et deinde una evolant. Atque 
 haec confcctio et multiplicatio spiritus deducitur ad sensum per 
 
 detection of gases, and the discovery of Actinism in rays of the sun by 
 exposure of a plate of silver to them. The microscope (see note 49 
 above) is not an appropriate instance of the fourth kind. But we might 
 find a good instance in the thermometer (which Bacon himself gives), or a 
 still better one in the thermo-electric pile, as indicating small accessions of 
 temperature, inappreciable to the senses. Tests of all kinds, as Bacon 
 observes, fall under one or other of these heads. 
 
 51 Cp. i. 50, ii. 7, 13 (Inst. 38), 27, 50 (modus tertius). Bacon con- 
 stantly recurs also in his other works to the idea of ' Spirit,' its various 
 kinds, its operations, its effects, &c. See especiallySylva Sylvarum, Exp. 98 
 (E. and S., vol. ii. pp. 380-82) ; Historia Vitae ct Mortis (E. and S., vol. ii. 
 pp. 213-21) ; Historia Dcnsi et Rari (E. and S., vol. ii. pp. 254-6). In a 
 note on i. 50, I have commented at some length on Bacon's conception of 
 Spirit. See also the notes on ii. 13 (Inst. 38) and 27. This antiquated 
 piece of Physics or Metaphysics, it would be superfluous to annotate in 
 detail. The reader will easily be able to notice for himself the more 
 curious parts of the disquisition which follows. 
 
 It may be remarked that, though Bacon's account of 'Spirit' does not 
 seem to be taken directly, at least without considerable modifications, from 
 Paracelsus, there is much in common between the speculations of the two 
 writers on this subject. I have not, however, thought it worth while to 
 point out this fact in detail. 
 
 K k
 
 498 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 diminutionem ponderis. In omni enim desiccatione, aliquid 
 defluit de quanto ; neque id ipsum ex spiritu tantum prae- 
 inexistente, sed ex corpore quod prius fuit tangibile et noviter 
 versum est : spiritus enim non ponderat. Egressus autem 
 sive emissio spiritus deducitur ad sensibile in rubigine 55 me- 
 tallorum, et aliis putrefactionibus ejus generis quae sistunt 
 se antequam pervenerint ad rudimenta vitae ; nam illae 56 ad 
 tertium genus processus pertinent. Etenim in corporibus 
 magis compactis spiritus non invenit poros et meatus per 
 quos evolet : itaque cogitur partes ipsas tangibiles protrudere 
 et ante se agere, ita ut illae simul exeant ; atque inde fit 
 rubigo, et similia. At contractio partium tangibilium, post- 
 quam aliquid de spiritu fuerit emissum (unde sequitur ilia 
 desiccatio), deducitur ad sensibile turn per ipsam duritiem 
 rei auctam, turn multo magis per scissuras, angustiationes, cor- 
 rugationes, et complicationes corporum, quae inde sequuntur. 
 Etenim partes ligni desiliunt et angustiantur ; pclles corru- 
 gantur ; neque id solum, sed (si subita fuerit emissio spiritus 
 per calorem ignis) tantum properant ad contractionem ut se 
 complicent et convolvant. 
 
 At contra, ubi spiritus detinetur, et tamen dilatatur et 
 excitatur per calorem aut ejus analoga (id quod fit in cor- 
 poribus magis solid is aut tenacibus), turn vero corpora 
 emolliuntur, ut ferrum candens ; fluunt, ut metalla ; liquefiunt, 
 ut gummi, ccra, et similia. Itaque contrariae illae opera- 
 tiones caloris (ut ex eo alia durescant 57 , alia liquescant) facile 
 
 5j Rust proper is due to the combination of iron with oxygen. Iron, as 
 well as many other metals, becomes oxidised by exposure to moist air. 
 00 This word, as Mr. Ellis suggests, should be ilia. 
 57 The hardening produced by heat is due to the escape of moisture or 
 to some chemical change in the substance. 
 Cp. Lucretius, vi. 959, &c. : 
 
 ' Hue accedit uti non omnia, quae jaciuntur 
 Corpora cumque ab rebus, eodem praedita sensu 
 Atque eodem pacto rebus sint omnibus apta. 
 Principio terrain sol excoquit et facit are, 
 At glaciem dissolvit et altis montibus altas 
 Extrnctasque nives radiis tabescere cogit. 
 Denique cera liquefit in ejus posta vapore. 
 Ignis item liquidum facit aes aurumque resolvit,
 
 LIB. II. 40. 499 
 
 reconciliantur ; quia in illis spiritus emittitur, in his agitatur 
 et detinetur : quorum posterius est actio propria caloris ct 
 spiritus ; prius, actio partium tangibilium tantum per occa- 
 sionem spiritus emissi. 
 
 Ast ubi spiritus nee detinetur prorsus nee prorsus emittitur, 
 sed tantum inter claustra sua tcntat et experitur, atque nacta 
 est partes tangibiles obedientes ct sequaces in promptu, ita ut 
 quo spiritus agit eac simul sequantur ; turn vero sequitur 
 efformatio in corpus organicum, et membrificatio, et reliquae 
 actiones vitales, tarn in vegctabilibus quam in animalibus. 
 Atque haec maxime deducuntur ad sensum per notationes 
 diligentes primorum incoeptuum et rudimentorum sive tenta- 
 mentorum vitae in animalculis ex putrefactione natis : ut in 
 ovis formicarum, vermibus, muscis, ranis post imbrcm, &c. 
 Requiritur autcm ad vivificationem et lenitas caloris et lentor 
 corporis ; ut spiritus nee per festinationem erumpat, nee per 
 contumaciam partium coerceatur, quin potius ad cerae modum 
 illas plicare et effingere possit. 
 
 Rursus, differentia ilia spiritus, maxime nobilis et ad plurima 
 pertinens (viz. spiritus abscissi, ramosi simplicitcr, ramosi 
 simul et cellulati ; ex quibus prior est spiritus omnium 
 corporum inanimatorum, secundus vegetabilium, tertius ani- 
 malium), per plurimas instantias deductorias tanquam sub 
 oculos ponitur. 
 
 Similiter patet, quod subtiliores texturae et schematismi 
 rerum (licet toto corpora visibilium aut tangibilium) ncc cer- 
 nantur nee tangantur. Quare in his quoque per deductionem 
 procedit informatio. At differentia schematismorum maxime 
 radicalis et primaria sumitur ex copia vcl paucitate materiae 
 quae subit idem spatium sivc dimensum. Reliqui enim 
 schematismi (qui refcruntur ad dissimilaritates partium, quae 
 in eodcm corpore continentur, et collocationes ac posituras 
 earundcm) prae illo altcro sunt secundarii. 
 
 At coria ct carncm trahit et conducit in unum. 
 Umor aquae porro fcvrum condurat ab igni, 
 At coria et carncm mollit durata calore.' 
 Virg. Eel. viii. So : 
 
 ' Limus ut hie durcscit, et haec ut cera liquescit 
 Uno eodemque igni, sic nostro Daphnis amore.' 
 K k 2
 
 -oo NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 Sit itaque natura inquisita Expansio sive Coitio Materiae in 
 corporibus respective : viz. quantum materiae impleat quantum 
 dimensum in singulis. Etenim nil verius in natura quam 
 propositio ilia gemella, ex niJiilo mhil fieri, neque qnicquavi in 
 niJiiht m rcdigi ' : verum quantum ipsum materiae sivc summam 
 totalem constare, ncc augeri aut minui 58 . Nee illud minus 
 
 58 This principle is now known as that of the Indestructibility of Matter. 
 Parallel to it, if not identical with it, is the principle of the Conservation of 
 Energy. These laws arc at once amongst the highest generalisations and 
 the most illuminating principles of Science. Mr. Bain gives an excellent 
 summary of the various aspects and consequences of the Principle of 
 Conservation of Energy in his Inductive Logic, 1st Ed., p. 20. &c. (cp. 
 p. 225, &.c.) ; but the student who wishes to see a precise and, at the same 
 time, a concise explanation of the principle in its relation to the recent 
 treatment of Physics (of which, indeed, it is the very foundation) should 
 consult Professor Balfour Stewart's Elementary Treatise on Heat, 
 'Remarks on Energy Historical and Preliminary,' bk. iii. ch. i, 5th 
 Ed. pp. 314-328, or the Article on Energy in the last (9th) Edition of the 
 Encyclopaedia Britannica. By Professor Clerk Maxwell the principle 
 has been stated as follows : ' The total energy of any body or system of 
 bodies is a quantity which can neither be increased nor diminished by 
 any mutual action of those bodies, though it may be transformed into any 
 one of the forms of which energy is susceptible.' The work of Sir W. R. 
 Grove (to which I referred in my First Edition) on the ' Correlation of 
 Physical Forces ' supplies some most interesting and instructive exemplifi- 
 cations of the transformation of the various forms of energy, one into 
 another. 
 
 These maxims in the vaguer and more general forms in which they 
 appear in the Novum Organum arc of venerable antiquity. Thus Diogenes 
 Laertius (ix. 44), recounting the opinions of Democritus, says : [iifiev re IK 
 TOV fjn] OVTOS yii'tirdat, ju?]0e els TO p.t] ov (bdetpecrdai. (cp. Plutarch, Adversus 
 Colotem, Ed. Rciske, vol. x. p. 569). The same dictum is ascribed to 
 Diogenes of Apollonia (Diog. Laert. ix. 57). Aristotle and others repeat it. 
 el yap TTIIV p.(v TO yivi'ifievov ardyKr) yivfcrQai ij e OVTUIV TJ ex fj.!j uvrtav, TOITO>I> 8e 
 TO /j.ei> e'/c IJLI] UVTU.V yiyeaQai adi'Varov (uepi yiip rav-i^s o/J.oyvai/jLOi'ovo-i rrjs 5o?;? 
 iiTravres 01 T:(fi\ c/n (recoj), TO \aurov >j8rj, K.T.\. Anst. Phys. 5. 4 (p. 187 a. 
 
 32-35)- 
 
 ' Principium cujus' (sc. naturae) ' hinc nobis exordia sumet, 
 Nullam rem c nilo gigni divinitus unquam. 
 
 Quas ob res ubi viderimus nil posse crcari 
 De nilo. turn quod sequimur jam rcctius inde 
 Perspicicmus, ct unde queat res quacquc crcari 
 Et quo quacque modo fiant opera sine divom.' 
 
 Lucretius, i. 149- 158.
 
 LIB. II. 40. 50 j 
 
 verum, ex quanto illo materiae sub iisdcm spatiis sive dimcn- 
 sionibus, pro diver sitate corporum, plus et minus contincri r> * : 
 ut in aqua plus, in acre minus ; adeo ut si quis asserat aliquod 
 contentum aquae in par contentum aeris vcrti posse, idem sit 
 ac si dicat aliquid posse redigi in nihilum ; contra, si quis 
 asserat aliquod contentum aeris in par contentum aquae verti 
 posse, idem sit ac si dicat aliquid posse fieri ex nihilo. At- 
 que ex copia ista et paucitate materiae notiones iliac densi et 
 rari) quae varie et promiscue accipiuntur, proprie abstra- 
 huntur. Assumenda est et assertio ilia tertia, etiam satis 
 certa: quod hoc de quo loquimur plus et minus materiae in 
 corpore hoc vel illo ad calculos (facta collatione) ct propor- 
 tiones exactas aut exactis propinquas reduci possit G() . Veluti 
 si quis dicat inesse in dato contento auri talem coacervationem 
 materiae, ut opus habeat spiritus vini, ad tale quantum 
 materiae aequandum, spatio vicies et scmel majore quam 
 implet aurum, non erraverit G1 . 
 
 'Gigni 
 De nihilo nihilum, in nihilum nil posse reverti.' 
 
 Persius, Sat. iii. 83-4. 
 
 ovftev yap CK rov fjLrjSevbs ep^frai, cocnrfp /^' els TO OVK ov drrfp^fTcii. 
 
 Marcus Antoninus, iv. 4. 
 
 Telesius, De Rerum Natura, i. 5 (referred to by Mr. Ellis) says : 'Nihil 
 tamen ejus' (sc. materiae) 'moles, itaque nee mundi magnitude imminui 
 augerive apparet unquam.' 
 
 59 Both on this and the last proposition, cp. Historia Dcnsi ct Rari, 
 Aditus (E. and S., vol. ii. pp. 243-4). The maxim ' Ex nihilo nihil fieri, 
 neque quicquam in nihilum redigi' is there stated somewhat differently : 
 'Non scilicet fieri in aliqua transmutatione corp.orum transactionem aut a 
 nihilo, aut ad nihilum ; sed opera esse ejusdem omnipotentiae, creare ex 
 nihilo. et redigere in nihilum ; ex cursu naturae vero hoc nunquam fieri. 
 Itaque summa materiae totalis semper conscai ; nil additur, nil minuitur.' 
 It will be noticed that this statement guards the maxim from any theological 
 objection. 
 
 On the relation of Bacon's doctrine of density and rarity to that of 
 Aristotle and the Peripatetics, see Mr. Ellis' Preface to the Hisioria Dcnsi 
 et Rari, pp. 234-7. 
 
 fi He makes an attempt to effect this calculation in the Table given in 
 the Historia Densi et Rari (E. and S., vol. ii. pp. 245-6). 
 
 01 In the Historia Densi et Rari (E. and S.. vol. ii. pp. 245 6) he makes 
 the ratio as 20 Den. o Gr. : o Den. 22 Gr. The true ratio of the Specific 
 Gravity of Stamped Gold to Absolute Alcohol is 19.362 : 0.803 or about 
 24.2 : I, while that of Cast Gold is 19.258 : 0.803 or about 24.07 : I.
 
 502 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 Coacervatio autem materiae et rationes ejus deducuntur ad 
 sensibile per pondus. Pondus enim respondet copiae materiae, 
 quoad partes rei tangibilis : spiritus autem, et ejus quantum 
 ex materia, non venit in computationem per pondus; levat 
 enim pondus potius quam gravat 02 . At nos hujus rei tabulam 
 fecimus 3 satis accuratam ; in qua pondera et spatia singu- 
 lorum metallorum, lapidum praecipuorum, lignorum, liquorum, 
 oleorum, et plurimorum aliorum corporum tarn naturalium 
 quam artificialium, excepimus : rem polychrestam, tarn ad 
 lucem informationis quam ad normam operationis ; et quae 
 multas res revelet omnino praeter expectatum. Neque illud 
 pro minimo habendum est, quod demonstret omnem varie- 
 tatem quae in corporibus tangibilibus nobis notis versatur 
 (intelligimus autem corpora bene unita, nee plane spongiosa 
 et cava et magna ex parte acre impleta) non ultra rationes 
 partium 21 excedere 04 : tarn fmita scilicet est natura, aut 
 saltern ilia pars ejus cujus usus ad nos maxime pertinet. 
 
 Etiam diligentiae nostrae esse putavimus, experiri si forte 
 capi possint rationes corporum non-tangibilium sive pneu- 
 maticorum, respectu corporum tangibilium. Id quod tali 
 molitione aggressi sumus. Phialam vitream 65 accepimus, 
 
 62 This remark must apply to the ' spiritus vivi,' which are peculiar 
 to living creatures, and not to the ' spiritus crudi,' which are present in 
 every tangible substance ; for in the Historia Densi et Rari (E. and S., 
 vol. ii. p. 256), and elsewhere, he speaks of the ' spiritus crudi ' as denser 
 than air, which he regarded as having neither weight nor levity ('diligenter 
 experti sumus, aerem ad minuendum aut sublevandum pondus nihil con- 
 ferre'), whereas the 'spiritus vivi' are 'acre ipso aiiquanto rariores,' and 
 are, therefore, endowed with positive levity. ' Videtur aer pondus non 
 minuere ; spiritus autem vivus hoc facere. Atque cum pondus densitates 
 dijudicet, etiam levatio ponderis raritates dijudicare debet.' The whole 
 passage is exceedingly curious. On the notion that air has no weight, cp. 
 Sylva Sylvarum, Exp. 29 (E. and S., vol. ii. pp. 350-1). 
 
 63 The Table referred to above in note 60. 
 
 04 The bodies arranged after 'spiritus vini' in the Table are probably 
 regarded by him as 'spongiosa et cava,' &c. Platinum is heavier than 
 Gold, and Ether lighter than Alcohol. The ratio of the Specific Gravity 
 of rolled Platinum to that of Ether is 22.069 : -7 2 3 or about 30.5 : i. 
 
 05 Cp. Historia Densi et Rari, p. 257. The result of the experiment 
 given there is that the vapour occupied more than 320 times as much 
 space as the spirits themselves. The difference between the results of the 
 two experiments is to be accounted for from the different temperatures of
 
 LIB. If. 40. 503 
 
 quae unciam fortasse imam capere possit ; parvitate vasis 
 usi, ut minori cum calore posset fieri evaporatio sequens. 
 Hanc phialam spiritu vini implevimus fere ad collum ; eligcntcs 
 spiritum vini, quod per tabulam priorem eum esse ex corpo- 
 ribus tangibilibus (quae bene unita, nee cava sunt) rarissimum, 
 ct minimum continens materiae sub suo dimcnso, observa- 
 vimus. Deinde pondus aquae GG cum phiala ipsa exacte 
 notavimus. Postea vesicam accepimus, quae circa duas pintas 
 contineret Ex ea aerem omnem, quoad fieri potuit, ex- 
 pressimus eo usque ut vesicae ambo latera essent contigua : 
 etiam prius vesicam oleo oblevimus cum fricatione leni, quo 
 vesica esset clausior : ejus, si qua erat, porositate oleo obturata. 
 Hanc vesicam circa os phialae, ore phialae intra os vesicae 
 recepto, fortiter ligavimus ; filo parum cerato, ut mclius 
 adhaeresceret et arctius ligaret. Turn demum phialam supra 
 carbones ardentes in foculo collocavimus. At paulo post vapor 
 sive aura spiritus vini, per calorem dilatati et in pneumaticum 
 versi, vesicam paulatim sufflavit, eamque universam veli 
 instar undequaque extendit. Id postquam factum fuit. conti- 
 nue vitrum ab igne removimus, et super tapetem posuimus ne 
 frigore clisrumperetur ; statim quoque in summitate vesicae 
 foramen fecimus, ne vapor, cessante calore, in liquorem resti- 
 tutus resideret, et rationes confunderet. Turn vero vesicam 
 ipsam sustulimus, et rursus pondus excepimus spiritus vini 
 qui rcmanebat. Inde quantum consumptum fuisset in vaporem 
 seu pneumaticum computavimus : et facta collatione quantum 
 locum sive spatium illud corpus implesset quando esset 
 spiritus vini in phiala, et rursus quantum spatium impleverit 
 postquam factum fuisset pneumaticum in vesica, rationes 
 subduximus : ex quibus manifeste liquebat, corpus istud ita 
 
 the vapours, the tension of a vapour increasing rapidly with the tem- 
 perature, and, at the higher temperatures, in much larger ratios than the 
 temperature itself. 
 
 In the Phaenomena Uni versi (E. and S., vol. iii. pp. 705-7) \ve have an 
 account of the same experiment tried with water, and a comparison of the 
 result with the result obtained from spirits of wine (p. 710). 
 
 06 Unless 'aquae' be taken here in a very general sense, it must be a 
 mistake for 'spiritus,' which word, I find, is substituted in the Oxford 
 Edition of 1813.
 
 504 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 versum et mutatum expansionem centuplo majorem quam 
 antea habuisset acquisivisse. 
 
 Similiter sit natura inquisita Calor aut Frigus ; ejus nempe 
 gradus, ut a sensu non percipiantur ob debilitatem. Haec de- 
 ducuntur ad sensum per vitrum calendare, quale superius 
 descripsimus 7 . Calor enim et frigus, ipsa non percipiuntur 
 ad tactum ; at calor aerem expandit, frigus contrahit. Neque 
 rursus ilia expansio et contractio aeris percipitur ad visum : at 
 ae'r ille expansus aquam deprimit, contractus attollit ; ac turn 
 demum fit deductio ad visum, non ante, aut alias. 
 
 Similiter sit natura inquisita Mistura Corporum : viz. quid 
 habcant ex aqueo, quid ex oleoso, quid ex spiritu, quid ex 
 cinere et salibus, et hujusmodi ; vel etiam (in particulari) quid 
 habeat lac butyri, quid coaguli, quid seri, ct hujusmodi. Haec 
 deducuntur ad sensum per artificiosas et peritas separationes, 
 quatenus ad tangibilia. At natura spiritus in ipsis, licet im- 
 mediate non percipiatur, tamen deprehenditur per varies motus 
 et nixus corporum tangibilium in ipso actu et processu sepa- 
 rationis suae ; atque etiam per acrimonias, corrosiones, et 
 diversos colores, odores, et sapores eorundem corporum post 
 separationem. Atque in hac parte, per distillationes atque 
 artificiosas separationes, strenue sane ab hominibus elaboratum 
 est ; scd non multo foelicius quam in caeteris experimentis, 
 quac adhuc in usu sunt : modis nimirum prorsus palpatoriis, et 
 viis caecis, et magis operose quam intelligenter ; et (quod pes- 
 simum est) nulla cum imitatione aut acmulatione naturae 6S , 
 sed cum destructione (per calores vehcmentes aut virtutes 
 nimis validas) omnis subtilioris schematism!, in quo occultae 
 rerum virtutes et consensus praecipue sitae sunt. Neque illud 
 etiam, quod alias monuimus 9 , hominibus in mentem aut 
 
 17 ii- 13 (38). 
 
 08 Cp. the interesting passage in De Augmcntis, v. 2 (E. and S., vol. i. 
 pp. 627-8). The passage concludes with the sentence : ' Uebuerant 
 autem homines, si illis utilia inquircre vacaret, naturalia opificia et opera- 
 tiones singulas attcnte et minutim et ex composite intueri ; et secum 
 perpetuo ct acriter cogitare, quacnam ex ipsis ad artes transferri possint. 
 Speculum enim artis natura.' 
 
 69 ii. 7. This remark shews that Bacon was fully aware of one of the 
 principal sources of deception in experimentation ; namely, that the em-
 
 LID. II. 40. 505 
 
 observationem venire solet in hujusmodi separationibus : hoc 
 est, plurimas qualitates, in corporum vcxationibus tarn per 
 ignem quam alios modos, indi ab ipso igne iisque corporibus 
 qifoe ad separationem adhibentur, quae in composito prius non 
 fuerunt ; unde mirae fallaciae. Neque enim scilicet vapor 
 universus, qui ex aqua emittitur per ignem, vapor aut aer 
 antea fuit in corpore aquae; sed factus est maxima ex parte 
 per diJatationem aquae ex calore ignis. 
 
 Similiter in genere omnes exquisitae probationes corporum 
 sive naturalium sive artificialium, per quas vera dignoscuntur 
 ab adulterinis, meliora a vilioribus, hue referri debent : dc- 
 ducunt enim non-sensibile ad sensibile. Sunt itaque diligenti 
 cura undique conquirendae. 
 
 (5) Ouintum vero genus latitantiae quod attinet. manifestum 
 est actionem sensus transigi in motu, motum in tcmpore. Si 
 igitur motus alicujus corporis sit vel tarn tardus, vel tarn velox. 
 ut non sit proportionatus ad momenta in quibus transigitur 
 actio sensus, objectum omnino non percipitur ; ut in motu in- 
 dicis horologii, et rursus in motu pilae sclopeti. Atque motus 
 qui ob tarditatem non percipitur, facile ct ordinario deducitur 
 ad sensum per summas motus 70 : qui vero ob velocitatem. 
 adhuc non bene mensurari consuevit ; sed tamen postulat in- 
 quisitio naturae ut hoc fiat in aliquibus 71 . 
 
 (6) Sextum autem genus, ubi impeditur sensus propter 
 nobilitatem objecti, recipit deductionem, vel per elongationem 
 majorem objecti a scnsu ; vel per hebetationem objecti per 
 interpositionem medii talis, quod objectum debilitet, non 
 
 ployment of an abnormal process often itself introduces new conditions in 
 the object under investigation. 
 
 70 A good instance of this device is the one given by Bacon, the hands 
 of a clock. Still slower motions, which may be measured with tolerable 
 accuracy, are the elevation or subsidence of continents, the advance or 
 retreat of the sea, the gradual retreat of waterfalls, &c, 
 
 T] This requirement has now been fulfilled in the case of light, sound, 
 the motion of projectiles, electricity, c. Perhaps the most magnificent 
 example of the calculation of large velocities is to be found in the case of 
 the velocity of light, which was computed on observations of the eclipses 
 of Jupiter's satellites and confirmed by Bradley's discovery of the aberra- 
 tion of light. In recent times, Fizeau and Foucault have measured it by 
 direct experiments.
 
 506 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 annihilet 72 ; vel per admissionem ct exceptionem object! re- 
 flexi, ubi percussio directa sit nimis fortis, ut solis in pelvi 
 aquae. 
 
 (7) Septimum autem genus latitantiae, ubi sensus ita onera- 
 tur objecto ut novae admission! non sit locus, non habet fere 
 locum nisi in olfactu et odoribus 73 ; nee ad id quod agitur 
 multum pertinet. Quare de deductionibus non-sensibilis ad 
 scnsibile, haec dicta sint. 
 
 Ouandoque tamen deductio fit non ad sensum hominis, sed 
 ad sensum alicujus alterius animalis cujus sensus in aliquibus 
 humanum excellit : ut nonnullorum odorum, ad sensum canis ; 
 lucis, quae in acre non extrinsecus illuminato latenter existit, 
 ad sensum felis, noctuae, et hujusmodi animalium quae cernunt 
 noctu. Recte enim notavit Telesius 74 , etiam in acre ipso 
 inesse lucem quandam originalem, licet exilem et tcnuem, et 
 
 72 The use of ground or coloured glass would afford an instance of what 
 Bacon means. 
 
 73 Surely this is a defect common to all the senses. See Aph. 43 ad fin. 
 We often cannot clearly distinguish objects in the glare of the sun ; nor hear 
 sounds, while being whirled along in a coach or a railway carriage ; nor feel 
 slight sensations of touch, while suffering great pain ; nor discriminate deli- 
 cate flavours, while tasting something very pungent, acrid, or luscious. It 
 is a well-known fact that the nicer and more delicate sensations are over- 
 powered by those which are stronger or coarser in the same class. 
 
 74 The passage referred to is the following : ' Nullum porro nee infima 
 nee suprema cocli portio ad nos calorem, nullamque emittere videtur 
 lucem : quod in longe utraque tcnuissima perexilis incst calor, et qui 
 nee proprias vires nee propriam speciem valenter manifcstare queat. At 
 ab ipsis lucem quandam emanare, et quae, si non nobis, quibusdam certe 
 animalium generibus pcrcipiatur, quae longissima noctu conficiunt itinera 
 declarant.' De Rerum Natura, i. 3. It seems plain to me, though Mr. 
 Ellis thinks it doubtful, that ' infima coeli portio' in this passage includes 
 the air. Moreover, I think that in the exceedingly tedious discussion on 
 Light in lib. iv, and elsewhere, it is implied that air is self-luminous ; for 
 air always contains some heat, and light is the concomitant of heat, 'cui 
 iuhaeret et cujus facies cst.' 
 
 In the ' De Principiis atque Originibus,' Bacon gives an elaborate 
 account of the opinions of Telesius, mentioning this doctrine amongst 
 others. See E. and S., vol. iii. p. 106. 
 
 The curious idea that the air is self-luminous might have seemed to 
 derive support not only from the habits of nocturnal and crepuscular 
 animals, but also from the fact that it is hardly ever so dark in the open 
 air but that some small amount of light is perceptible.
 
 LIB. II. 47. 507 
 
 maxima ex parte oculis hominum aut plurimorum animalium 
 non inservicntcm ; quia ilia animalia, ad quorum sensum hujus- 
 modi lux est proportionata, ccrnant noctu ; id quod vel sine 
 luce fieri, vel per lucem internam, minus credibile est. 
 
 Atque illud utique notandum est, dc destitutionibus sen- 
 suum eorumque remediis hie nos tractare. Nam fallaciae 
 sensuum ad proprias inquisitiones de sensu et sensibili 75 
 remittendae sunt : excepta ilia magna fallacia sensuum, nimi- 
 rum quod constituant lineas 7C rerum ex analogia hominis, et 
 non ex analogia universi 7T ; quae non corrigitur nisi per rationem 
 et philosophiam universalem. 
 
 XLI. 
 
 Inter praerogativas instantiarum ponemus loco decimo 
 octavo Instantias Viac'*, quas etiam Instantias Itincrantes et 
 Instantias Articulatas appellate consuevimus. Eae sunt quae 
 indicant naturae motus gradatim continuatos 7;) . Hoc autem 
 genus instantiarum potius fugit observationern quam sensum. 
 Mira enim est hominum circa hanc rem indiligentia. Con- 
 templantur siquidem naturam tantummodo desultorie et per 
 periodos, et postquam corpora fuerint absoluta ac complcta, et 
 non in operatione sua so . Quod si artificis alicujus ingenia ct 
 
 ''' Cp. De Augmentis, iv. 3 (E. and S., vol. i. pp. 610-13). 
 
 70 Cp. i. 59: 'Verba autem plerunque ex captu vulgi induntur, atque 
 per lineas, vulgar! intellectui maxime conspicuas, res secant.' 
 
 " 7 Cp. i. 41. 
 
 78 It is difficult to distinguish between this class of instances and the 
 * Instantiae Migrantes ' of ii. 23. We may, perhaps, say that the ' Instan- 
 tiae viae ' are propounded with reference to the preliminary process of 
 observation, while the 'Instantiae migrantes ' are propounded with refer- 
 ence to the subsequent processes of reasoning. 
 
 Ty It is, perhaps, needless to remind the reader of the Law of Continuity, 
 with the many marvellous exemplifications of it afforded by recent observa- 
 tions and discoveries in Physics, Geology, Biology, &LC., as well as in the 
 sciences more immediately relating to the history and condition of man. 
 As bearing on certain aspects of it, the student may read with advantage 
 the Essay on Continuity, appended to Sir W. R. Grove's Correlation of 
 Physical Forces, already referred to. 
 
 80 Cp. the Aphorism on Latent Process, ii. 6: 'Cum cnim omnis actio 
 naturalis per minima transigatur, aut saltern per ilia quae sunt minora 
 quam ut sensum feriant, nemo se naturam regere aut verterc posse speret 
 nisi ilia debito modo comprehenderit et notaverit.'
 
 508 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 industriam cxplorare et contemplari quls cuperet, is non tan- 
 turn materias rudcs artis atque deinde opera perfecta conspicere 
 desideraret, sed potius pracscns csse cum artifex operatur et 
 opus suum promovet. Atque simile quiddam circa naturam 
 faciendum est. Exempli gratia ; si quis de vegetatione plan- 
 tarum 81 inquirat, ei inspiciendum est ab ipsa satione seminis 
 alicujus (id quod per extractionem, quasi singulis diebus, semi- 
 num quae per biduum, triduum, quatriduum, et sic deinceps, in 
 terra manserunt, eorumque diligentem intuitum, facile fieri 
 potest), quomodo et quando semen intumescere et turgere in- 
 cipiat et veluti spiritu implcri ; deinde quomodo corticulam 
 rumpcrc et emittere fibras, cum latione nonnulla sui interim 
 sursum, nisi terra fuerit admodum contumax ; quomodo etiam 
 emittat fibras, partim radicales deorsum, partim cauliculares 
 sursum, aliqtiando serpendo per latcra, si ex ea parte inveniat 
 tcrram apertam et magis facilem ; et complura id genus. 
 Similitcr facere oportet circa cxclusionem ovorum ; ubi facile 
 conspici clabitur processus vivificandi ct organizandi, et quid 
 et quae partes riant ex vitello, quid ex albumine ovi, et alia. 
 Similis est ratio circa animalia ex putrefactione 82 . Nam circa 
 
 ?1 For the interest which Bacon took in Gardens and Gardening, see the 
 Essay 'Of Gardens,' and the numerous 'experiments' in the Sylva Sylvarum 
 bearing on these subjects. 
 
 ~ a The epithet perfecta is generally given to those animals which cannot 
 result from putrefaction. Caesalpinus, in the Ouaestiones Peripat. v. i, 
 maintains that all animals may result from putrefaction, and that this was 
 the doctrine of Aristotle. The same opinion had, I believe, been advanced 
 by Avcrrocs. That mice may be produced by equivocal generation is 
 asserted, as a matter not admitting of dispute, by Cardan, De Rerum 
 Varietate. Caesalpinus refers to the same instance, but less confidently 
 than Cardan. It is worth remarking that Aristotle, though he speaks of 
 the great fecundity of mice, and even of their being impregnated by licking 
 salt, docs not mention the possibility of their being produced by putrefac- 
 tion. (De Hist. Animal, vi. 37, Problem, x. 64.) Paracelsus, De Rerum 
 Generationc, affirms that all animals produced from putrefaction are more 
 or less venomous. Telesius' opinion is that the more perfect animals 
 cannot result from putrefaction, because the conditions of temperature 
 necessary to their production cannot be fulfilled except by means of animal 
 heat.' Mr. Ellis' note. 
 
 A brief summary of Aristotle's opinions as to the origin of animal life is 
 given in the Ilistoria Animalium, v. I (p. 539 a. 21-25) : OVTO> KUL ruv UKJV 
 rii fj.(i> IITTO &>coj> yiveTai Kara avyyevfiav rr/s p'/ ;r / ) ']S') T'* ^' nvro/xara KOL OVK unit
 
 LIB. IT. 41. 509 
 
 animalia perfecta ct terrestria, per cxectiones foetuum ex 
 utero, minus humanum essct ista inquirere 83 ; nisi forte per 
 
 (Tvyyevutv, KO.I rovrcav TO. jj.ei> fK yrjs (rr]TTOfj.evr)s Kiii (pVT>i>, (arrnep TroXXa <TV^JL- 
 ftaivei TUIV fvroftcaVf ra d fv rols u>ois avrols ex TO>V tv rols fiopiois 7T(piTTu>fj.<i- 
 Ttav. The subject of spontaneous generation frequently recurs both in the 
 Historia Animalium and in the De Generatione Animalium (see especially 
 i. 1 6 and iii. 1 1 of the latter treatise). Amongst the most interesting points 
 of Aristotle's doctrine are the theory that spontaneous generation is due to 
 the moisture which is found in putrefying matter (De Gen. An. iii. 11), and 
 the statement that eels are the only animals, possessing blood, which do not 
 arise either from congress or from eggs (Hist. An. vi. i6j. Mr. Lewes has 
 some good remarks on Aristotle's doctrine in his ' Aristotle,' pp. 364-6. 
 
 Bacon does not seem to have entertained any doubt as to the generation 
 of animals from putrefaction. Cp. Sylva Sylvarum, Exps. 328, 900; His- 
 toria Densi et Ran (E. and S., vol. ii. p. 264). Sir Thomas Browne in his 
 Enquiries into Vulgar and Common Errors (first published in 1646) appears 
 to receive the doctrine with as little questioning. See, for instance, bk. ii. 
 ch. 6 : ' So when the ox corrupteth into bees, or the ho.rse into hornets, 
 they come not forth in the image of their originals. So the corrupt and 
 excrementitious humours in men are animated into lice,' and more to the 
 same effect. He even seems to believe in the equivocal generation of 
 mice (bk. iii. ch. 28). These theories were all but finally disposed of by 
 Harvey in his great Treatise, De Generatione Animalium, first published in 
 1651. There he maintains the thesis 'Ovum esse primordium commune 
 omnibus animalibus.' 
 
 s3 And yet it is plain that Bacon did not object to vivisection. See the 
 passage in the New Atlantis (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 159), beginning with 
 the following remarkable sentences : 'We have also parks and inclosures 
 of all sortsof beasts and birds, which we use not only for view or rareness, 
 but likewise for dissections and trials ; that thereby we may take light 
 what may be wrought upon the body of man. Wherein we find many 
 strange effects : as continuing life in them, though divers parts, which you 
 account vital, be perished and taken forth; resuscitating of some that seem 
 dead in appearance ; and the like. We try also all poisons, and other 
 medicines upon them, as well of chirurgery as physic.' And, in the De 
 Augmentis (iv. 2, E. and S., vol. i. pp. 593-4', there is, perhaps, a still more 
 remarkable passage, in which, while accepting the condemnation passed by 
 Celsus on vivisection of the human subject, he thinks that considerations 
 both of 'utility and humanity' may be reconciled by substituting the vivi- 
 section of brutes. ' De illo vero altero defectu circa Anatomiam (nempe 
 quod non fieri consueverit in corporibus -vims) quid attinet dicerc ? Res 
 enim haec ocliosa et barbara, et a Celso rccte damnata. Ncque tamcn illud 
 minus vcrum cst (quod annotatum fuit a priscis) poros complures et meatus 
 et pertusiones, quae sunt ex subtilioribus. in anatomicis dissectionibus non 
 comparere ; quippe quae in cadavcribus occluduntur et latent ; cum in 
 viventibus dilutcmur, ct possint esse conspicui. Itaq ; .ie ut ct usui consula-
 
 510 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 occasiones abortuum, et venationum, et similium. Omnino 
 igitur vigilia quaedam servanda est circa naturam, ut quae 
 melius se conspiciendam praebeat noctu quam interdiu." Istae 
 enim contemplationes tanquam nocturnae censeri possint, ob 
 lucernae parvitatem et perpetuationem. 
 
 Ouin et in inanimatis idem tentandum est; id quod nos 
 fecimus in inquirendis aperturis liquorum per ignem 84 . Alius 
 enim est modus aperturae in aqua, alius in vino, alius in aceto, 
 alius in omphacio 85 ; longe alius in lacte, et oleo, et caeteris 86 . 
 Id quod facile cernere erat per ebullitionem super ignem lenem, 
 et in vase vitreo, ubi omnia cerni perspicue possint. Verum 
 haec brevius perstringimus ; fusius et exactius de iis sermones 
 habituri, cum ad inventionem latentis r&rumproccssns*' 1 ventum 
 erit. Semper enim memoria tenendum est, nos hoc loco non 
 res ipsas tractare, sed exempla tantum adducere. 
 
 XLII. 
 
 Inter praerogativas instantiarum ponemus loco decimo nono 
 Instantias Stipplementi, sive Stibstitutionis ; quas etiam In- 
 
 tur simul et humanitati, non est omnino rejicienda Anatomia Vivorum, 
 neque ad fortuitas chirurgicorum inspectiones (quod Celsus fecit) remit- 
 tenda ; cum hoc ipsum bene expediri possit per dissectionem brutorum 
 vivorum quae, non obstante suarum partium dissimilitudine ab humanis, 
 huic inquisitioni adhibito judicio satisfacere possint.' In the light of recent 
 controversies, it is curious to notice that, in writing these passages, it never 
 seems to have crossed Bacon's mind that there might be objections, on 
 moral and 'humanitarian' grounds, to the vivisection even of brute animals. 
 On the moral aspect of this subject, and of the treatment of the lower 
 animals generally, I have spoken briefly in my 'Progressive Morality,' 
 pp. 193-198. 
 
 ' 4 See notes on last Aphorism and the passages in the Historia Densi et 
 Rari, &c., there referred to. ' Apertura,' as Mr. Ellis remarks, means the 
 same thing as ' Expansio.' It was a general term, used by the chemists of 
 that period, to signify the modification which a substance undergoes, when 
 it receives another, as it were, into its bosom. 
 
 H5 o/u0u/uov, ' succus ex olea aut uva expressus, priusquam cibo aut vino 
 maturae sint.' Facciolati. See Pliny, Nat. Hist. xii. 27 (60), sects. 130-31, 
 xxiii. ad init., and other passages. 
 
 * See Historia Densi et Rari, E. and S., vol. ii. pp. 268-9. 
 
 ' 7 Cp. ii. 52 ad fin. This part of the Novum Organum was never 
 written.
 
 LIB. II. 42. 511 
 
 stantias Pcrfitgii appellarc consuevimus. Eac sunt, quae 
 supplent informationem ubi sensus plane destituitur ; atque 
 idcirco ad cas confugimus cum instantiac propriae haberi non 
 possint. Dupliciter autem fit substitutio ; aut per Gradua- 
 tionem 88 , aut per Analoga. Exempli gratia: non invcnitur 
 medium quod inhibeat prorsus operationem magnetis in mo- 
 vendo ferrum ; non aurum interpositum, non argentum, non 
 lapis, non vitrum, lignum, aqua, oleum, pannus aut corpora 
 fibrosa, aer, flamma, et caetera. Attamen per probationem 
 exactam fortassc inveniri possit aliquod medium, quod hebetet 
 virtutem ipsius plus quam aliquod aliud, comparative et in 
 aliquo gradu : veluti quod non trahat magnes ferrum per tan- 
 tarn crassitiem auri quam per par spatium aeris ; aut per 
 tantum argentum ignitum quam per frigidum ; et sic de simi- 
 libus. Nam de his nos experimentum non fecimus ; sed suffi- 
 cit tamen ut proponantur loco exempli 80 . Similiter non 
 invenitur hie apud nos corpus quod non suscipiat calidum igni 
 approximatum. Attamen longe citius suscipit calorem aer 90 
 quam lapis. Atque tails est substitutio quae fit per Gradus. 
 
 Substitutio autem per Analoga, utilis sane, sed minus cert a 
 est ; atque idcirco cum judicio quodam adhibenda. Ea fit, 
 cum deducitur non-sensibile ad sensum, non per operationes 
 sensibiles ipsius corporis insensibilis, sed per contemplationem 
 corporis alicujus cognati sensibilis 91 . Exempli gratia: si in- 
 
 ss As Dr. Kitchin remarks, one would have thought this was the office 
 of the Tabula Graduum in Aph. 13. 
 
 I am informed that the question put by Bacon has not even yet been 
 answered, the experiment being, on account of the various influences at 
 work, of the most delicate description. It is possible, however, that the 
 interposition of bismuth, and the so-called 'diamagnetic' substances gene- 
 rally, might, if we had sufficiently powerful instruments and sufficient 
 means of measurement, be found to produce a perceptible influence in 
 modifying the effect of a magnet on iron at a distance. Gold and silver 
 are both included among the diamagnetic substances. 
 
 '"' The nature of Bacon's error with regard to air as a conductor of heat 
 has already been pointed out. See notes on ii. 12 (18), (20) ; 13 (38). It 
 will be noticed how loosely Bacon speaks of ' stone,' without distinguishing 
 the different kinds of ' stones.' 
 
 81 An excellent instance in modern science would be the analogy of 
 vibrations or wave-motions as appHed to the phenomena of Heat, Light,
 
 512 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 quiratur de Mistura Spirituum, qui sunt corpora non-visibilia, 
 videtur esse cognatio quaedam inter corpora et fomites sive 
 alimenta sua. Fomes autem flammae videtur esse oleum et 
 pinguia ; aeris, aqua et aquea : flammae enim multiplicant se 
 super halitus olei, aer super vapores aquae 92 . Videndum itaque 
 de mistura aquae ct olei. quae se manifestat ad sensum ; quan- 
 doquidem mistura aeris et flammei generis fugiat sensum. At 
 oleum et aqua inter se per compositionem aut agitationem 
 imperfecte admodum miscentur: eadem in herbis. et sanguine, 
 et partibus animalium. accurate et delicate miscentur. Itaque 
 simile quiddam fieri possit circa misturam flammei et aerei 
 generis in spiritalibus 1 ' 3 : quae per confusionem simplicem non 
 bene sustincnt misturam, eadem tamen in spiritibus plantarum 
 ct animalium misceri videntur ; praesertim cum omnis spiritus 
 animatus depascat humida utraque, aquea et pinguia, tanquam 
 fomites suos. 
 
 Similiter si non de perfectioribus misturis spiritaliurn, sed de 
 compositione tantum inquiratur ; nempe, utrum facile inter se 
 incorporentur, an potius (exempli gratia) sint aliqui venti et 
 exhalationes, aut alia corpora spiritalia, quae non miscentur 
 cum acre communi, sed tantum haerent et natant in eo, in 
 globulis et guttis, et potius franguntur ac comminuuntur ab 
 aere quam in ipsum recipiuntur et incorporantur : hoc in aere 
 communi et aliis spiritalibus, ob subtilitatem corporum. percipi 
 ad sensum non potest ; attamen imago quaedam hujus rei, 
 quatenus fiat, concipi possit in liquoribus argent! vivi, olei, 
 
 and Sound. Mr. Ellis says : ' Du Bois Raymond's Researches in Animal 
 Electricity give a good example of this substitution. He constructed what 
 may be called an electrical model of a muscle, and succeeded in obtaining 
 an illustration not only of his fundamental result, namely that any transverse 
 section is negative with respect to any longitudinal one, but also of the 
 more complicated relations between two different portions of the same 
 section.' 
 
 The former of Bacon's illustrations, it is needless to say, is purely 
 fanciful. The analogy, in the second case, corresponds pretty closely 
 with facts. 
 
 " 2 See Aph 48 (ii), and the note upon the parallel passage in that 
 place. 
 
 93 The 'spiritus vitalis.' it will be recollected, was regarded by Bacon as 
 composed of air and flaine.
 
 LIB. II. 43- 513 
 
 aquae ; atque etiam in acre, et fractione ejus, quando dissipatur 
 et ascendit in parvis portiunculis per aquam ; atque etiam in 
 fumis crassioribus ; denique in pulvere excitato et haerente in 
 ae're ; in quibus omnibus non fit incorporatio. Atque reprae- 
 sentatio praedicta in hoc subjecto non mala est, si illud primo 
 diligenter inquisitum fuerit, utrum possit esse talis heterogenia 
 inter spiritalia qualis invenitur inter liquida ; nam turn demum 
 haec simulacra per Analogiam non incommode substituentur. 
 
 Atque de instantiis istis supplementi> quod diximus infor- 
 mationem ab iis hauriendam esse, quando desint instantiae 
 propriae, loco perfitgii ; nihilominus intelligi volumus, quod 
 illae etiam magni sint usus etiam cum propriae instantiae ad- 
 sint ; ad roborandam scilicet informationem una cum propriis. 
 Verum de his exactius dicemus quando ad Adudnicida Indue- 
 tionis tractanda sermo ordine dilabetur. 
 
 XLIII. 
 
 Inter praerogativas instantiarum ponemus loco vicesimo 
 Instantias Pcrsecantes ; quas etiam Instantias Vcllicantes ap- 
 pellare consuevimus, sed diversa ratione. Vcllicantes enim eas 
 appellamus, quia vellicant intellectum, pcrsccantes, quia per- 
 secant naturam 94 : undc etiam illas quandoque Instantias 
 Democriti^ nominamus. Eae sunt, quae de admirabili et 
 exquisita subtilitate naturae intellectum submonent, ut ex- 
 citetur et expergiscatur ad attentionem et observationem et 
 inquisitionem debitam. Exempli gratia : quod parum gut- 
 tulae atramenti ad tot literas vcl lineas extendatur ; quod 
 argentum. exterius tantum inauratum, ad tantam longitudinem 
 fili inaurati continuetur ' )G ; quod pusillus vermiculus'' 7 , qualis 
 
 94 'The instantiae persecantes, or vellicantesj says Professor Playfair, 
 ' are those which force us to attend to things which, from their subtilty and 
 minuteness, escape common observation. 
 
 ' Some of Bacon's remarks on this subtilty are such as would do credit 
 to the most advanced state of science, and shew how much his mind was 
 fitted for distinguishing and observing the great and admirable in the 
 works of nature.' 
 
 95 Cp. i. 51. 
 
 9ti ' Dr. Woolaston's [Wollaston's] method for obtaining wires of extreme 
 fineness was perhaps suggested by the circumstance mentioned in the text. 
 
 Ll
 
 514 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 in cute invenitur, habeat in se spiritum simul et figuram dis- 
 similarem partium 98 ; quod parum croci etiam dolium aquae 
 colore inficiat ; quod parum zibethi aut aromatis longe majus 
 contentum aeris odore ; quod exiguo suffitu tanta excitetur 
 nubes fumi ; quod sonorum tarn accuratae differentiae, quales 
 sint voces articulatae, per aerem undequaque vehantur, atque 
 per foramina et poros etiam ligni et aquae (licet admodum 
 extenuatae) penetrent, quin etiam repercutiantur, idque tarn 
 distincte et velociter ; quod lux et color, etiam tanto ambitu 
 et tarn perniciter, per corpora solida vitri, aquae, et cum tanta 
 et tarn exquisita varictate imaginum permeent, etiam re- 
 fringantur et reflectantur ; quod magnes per corpora omnigena, 
 etiam maxime compacta, operetur : scd (quod magis mirum 
 cst) quod in his omnibus, in medio adiaphoro (quale est aer) 
 unius actio aliam non magnopere impediat ; nempe quod 
 eodem tempore per spatia aeris devehantur et visibilium tot 
 imagines", et vocis articulatae tot percussiones, et tot odorcs 
 specificati, ut violae, rosae ; etiam calor et frigus et virtutes 
 magneticae ; omnia (inquam) simul, uno alterum non im- 
 pediente, ac si singula haberent vias et meatus suos proprios 
 separates, neque unum in alterum impingeret aut incurreret. 
 
 Solemus tamen utiliter hujusmodi instantiis pcrsccantibus 
 subjungere instantias, quas Mctas Pcrsecationis appellare con- 
 suevimus ; veluti quod in iis, quae diximus, una actio in diverse* 
 genere aliam non perturbet aut impediat, cum tamcn in eodem 
 genere l una aliam clomet et extinguat : veluti, lux solis, lucem 
 
 He enclosed a gold wire in a cylinder of silver, drew them out together, 
 and then dissolved away the silver by means of warm nitrous acid.' Mr. 
 Ellis' note. 
 
 97 See note 45 on ii. 34. 
 
 38 'The form of its parts dissimilar,' i.e. a varied organisation. 
 
 99 This language bears traces of the old doctrine, according to which 
 airoppotai, emanations or images, were thrown off from outward objects 
 and conveyed to the eyes. The student, who is interested in the history 
 of this doctrine, will find it curious to compare the language employed by 
 Bacon in the Sylva Sylvarum, Exps. 255-77 (E. and S., vol. ii. pp. 429-33), 
 and to note there the intrusion of the newer optical theories on the old 
 physical doctrine of emanations, as inherited from Empedocles and Demo- 
 critus. 
 
 1 This phenomenon is, of course, due to the fact that, when a sense is
 
 LIB. II. 44. 
 
 cicindelae ; sonitus bombardae, vocem ; fortior odor, dcli- 
 catiorem ; intensior calor, remissiorem ; lamina ferri intcrposita 
 inter magnetem et aliud ferrum, operationem magnetis 2 . 
 Verum de his quoque inter Adminicula Inductionis erit pro- 
 prius dicendi locus. 
 
 XLIV. 
 
 Atque de instantiis quae juvant sensum, jam dictum est; 
 quae praecipui usus sunt ad Partem Informativam. Informatio 
 enim incipit a sensu. At imiversum negotium desinit in 
 Opera ; atque quemadmodum illud principium, ita hoc finis 
 rei est 3 . Sequentur itaque instantiae praecipui usus ad par tern 
 operativain, Eae genere duae sunt, numero septem ; quas 
 universas, general! nomine, Instantias Practicas appellare con- 
 suevimus. Opcrativae autem partis, vitia duo ; totidemque 
 dignitates 4 instantiarum in genere. Aut enim fall it operatic, 
 aut onerat nimis. Fallit operatio maxime (praesertim post 
 diligentem naturarum inquisitionem) propter male deter- 
 
 minatas et mensuratas corporum vires et actiones. Vires 
 
 % 
 autem et actiones corporum circumscribuntur et mensurantur, 
 
 aut per spatia loci, aut per momenta temporis, aut per unionem 
 
 highly stimulated, stimuli of a low power have no effect upon it. See note 
 73 on Aph. 40. 
 
 2 This example is only true with some qualification. A magnet de- 
 velopes magnetism in iron (this is called magnetic induction], and hence the 
 piece of iron itself becomes a magnet, often supporting in turn another 
 piece of iron, and so on, according to the power of the magnet, and the 
 minuteness of the pieces. The way in which iron filings become attached 
 to the poles of magnets is a familiar illustration of this principle. But, of 
 course, there are limits to magnetic induction, and the last piece of iron in 
 the series, being itself so feebly magnetised as to be unable to support 
 another, would furnish an example of what Bacon means. What, however, 
 he more probably has in view is the still more common case, where the 
 first piece of iron in contact with the magnet is unable to sustain any 
 weight, either from being itself of some size, or from the feeble power of 
 the magnet, or from a combination of both these circumstances. 
 
 3 Cp. i. 73, Si, ii. 3 ad fin., and the numerous other passages in which 
 this idea occurs. 
 
 * This word was used in the old Logic both for axioms (properly so 
 called) and for propositions. See Hamilton on Reid, p. 766. But, in this 
 place, there is no doubt that the word 'prerogatives,' adopted in Ellis and 
 Spedding's Translation, is the true equivalent. Cp. end of this Aphorism. 
 
 Ll 2
 
 5i6 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 quanti, aut per praedominantiam virtutis 5 ; quae quatuor nisi 
 fuerint probe et diligenter pensitata, erunt fortasse scientiae 
 speculatione quidem pulchrae, sed opere inactivae. Instantias 
 vero quatuor itidem, quae hue referuntur, uno nomine Instantias 
 Mathematicas vocamus, et Instantias Mensnrae. 
 
 Onerosa autem fit praxis, vel propter misturam rerum in- 
 utilium, vel propter multiplicationem instrumentorum, vel 
 propter molcm materiae et corporum quae ad aliquod opus 
 requiri contigerint. Itaque eae instantiae in pretio esse de- 
 bent, quae aut dirigunt operativam ad ea quae maxime 
 hominum intersunt ; aut quae parcunt instrumentis ; aut quae 
 parcunt materiae sive supellectili. Eas autem tres instantias 
 quae hue pertinent, uno nomine Instantias Propitias sive Bcne- 
 volas vocamus. Itaque de his septem instantiis jam sigillatim 
 dicemus ; atque cum iis partem illam de Praerogativis sive 
 Dignitatibus Instantiarum claudemus. 
 
 XLV. 
 
 Inter pracrogatii'as instantiarum pon.emus loco vicesimo 
 primo Instantias Virgae. sive Radii 1 ^ ; quas etiam Instantias 
 
 The meaning of this and the last phrase will be clear, when we come 
 to Aphs. 47, 48. 
 
 6 Examples of these 'instances' are not far to seek. We may notice the 
 thermometer, the barometer, the hygrometer, the goniometer, the micro- 
 meter, the quadrant, scales, the photometer, the electrometer, the thermo- 
 electric pile. &c. Besides instruments, we may also include methods of 
 measurement, such as that of double-weighing or that of coincidences or 
 interferences. The student will find many good examples both of instru- 
 ments and methods amongst those given by Dr. Whewell in the Novum 
 Organum Renovatum, bk. iii. ch. 2, or by Professor Jevons in the Prin- 
 ciples of Science, bk. iii. Some interesting remarks on the subject of 
 exact measurement, interspersed with illustrations, are made by Sir John 
 Herschel, Discourse, &.C., $$ 115-25, 226-30, 387-9. 
 
 These instances, it must be remembered, ' measure nature ' ' per gradus 
 spatii,' as the 'instantiae curriculi' 'per momenta temporis.' (See Aph. 46 
 ad init.) 
 
 In speaking of the defects of Bacon's method, Professor Playfair says : 
 ' Another remark I must make on Bacon's method is, that it does not give 
 sufficient importance to the institntiac radii, or those which furnish us with 
 accurate measures of physical quantities. The experiments of this class 
 are introduced as only subservient to practice ; they are, however, of 
 infinite value in the theoretical part of induction, or for ascertaining the
 
 LIB. II. 45. 517 
 
 Perlationis, vcl de Non Ultra appcllare consuevimus. Virtute.s 
 cnim rerum ct motus opcrantur et expediuntur per spatia non 
 indefinita aut fortuita, sed finita et certa ; quac ut in singulis 
 naturis inquisitis teneantur et notentur plurimum interest 
 practicae, non solum ad hoc, ut non fallat, sed etiam ut magis 
 sit aucta et potens. Etenim interdum datur virtutes producere, 
 ct distantias tanquam retrahere in propius ; ut in perspecillis. 
 
 Atquc plurimae virtutes operantur et afficiunt tantum per 
 tactum manifestum ; ut fit in percussione corporum, ubi 
 alterum non summovet alterum, nisi impellens impulsum 
 tangat. Etiam medicinae quae exterius applicantur, ut 
 unguenta, emplastra, non excrcent vires suas nisi per tactum 
 corporis. Denique objecta sensuum tactus et gustus non 
 feriunt nisi contigua organis. 
 
 Sunt et aliae virtutes quae operantur ad distantiam, verum 
 valde exiguam, quarum paucae adhuc notatae sunt, cum tamen 
 plures sint quam homines suspicentur : ut (capiendo exempla 
 ex vulgatis) cum succinum aut gagates 7 trahunt paleas ; 
 
 causes and essences of the things inquired into. We have an instance of 
 this in the discovery of that important truth in physical astronomy, that 
 the moon is retained in her orbit by the force of gravity, or the same 
 which, at the earth's surface, makes a stone fall to the ground. This pro- 
 position, however it might have been suspected to be true, could never 
 have been demonstrated but by such observations and experiments as 
 assigned accurate geometrical measures to the quantities compared. The 
 semidiameter of the earth ; the velocity of falling bodies at the earth's 
 surface; the distance of the moon, and her velocity in her orbit: all these 
 four elements must have been determined with great precision, and after- 
 wards compared together by certain theorems deduced from the laws of 
 motion, before the relation between the force which retains the moon in 
 her orbit, and that which draws a stone to the ground, could possibly be 
 discovered. The discovery also, when made, carried with it the evidence 
 of demonstration ; so that here, as in many other cases, the instantiae radii 
 are of the utmost importance in the theoretical part of Physics.' 
 
 Again, after speaking, in a passage which is well worth the attention of the 
 student, of the generalisations accomplished by the methods of geometry, 
 he adds: 'This can only happen when the experiments afford accurate 
 measures of the quantities concerned, like the instantiae radii, curricuri, 
 &c. ; and this advantage of admitting generalisation with so much certainty 
 is one of their properties, of which it docs not appear that even Bacon 
 himself was aware.' 
 
 7 ' Amber or jet.'
 
 51 8 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 bullae approximatae solvunt bullas 8 ; medicinae nonnullae 
 purgativae eliciunt humores ex alto 9 , et hujusmodi. At 
 virtus ilia magnetica per quam ferrum et magnes, vel magnetes 
 invicem ln , coeunt, operatur intra orbem virtutis certum, sed 
 parvum ; ubi contra, si sit aliqua virtus magnetica emanans 
 ab ipsa terra (paulo nimirum interiore n ) super acum ferream, 
 quatenus ad verticitatem, operatio fiat ad distantiam magnam. 
 Rursus, si sit aliqua vis magnetica quae operetur per con- 
 sensum inter globum terrae et ponderosa 12 , aut inter globum 
 lunae et aquas maris 13 (quae maxime credibilis videtur in 
 fluxibus et refluxibus semi-menstruis), aut inter coelum stel- 
 
 8 See note 67 on Aph. 25. 
 
 9 ' Bacon here speaks in accordance with the medical theory in which 
 the brain is the origin and seat of the rheum, which descends from thence 
 and produces disease in other organs a theory preserved in the word 
 catarrh. Certain purgatives were supposed to draw the rheum down.' 
 Mr. Ellis' note. 
 
 10 On the mutual attraction of magnets for one another, see Gilbert, De 
 Magnete, lib. i. cap. 5. 
 
 11 'A little below the surface.' Cp. Gilbert, De Magnete, lib. i. cap. 17 : 
 ' Talis igitur nobis est tellus in interioribus partibus, magneticam homo- 
 genicam naturam habens,' &c. 
 
 The earth may be compared with an immense magnet, whose poles, 
 though variable, approach more or less nearly to the terrestrial poles, and 
 whose neutral line cuts the equator at very acute angles. 
 
 12 Cp. ii. 36 (3) and 37, with notes. 
 
 1?> See ii. 35 and 36 (i), with notes. In both these places, he is speaking 
 of the ebb and flow which takes place twice a day. Here, he speaks of 
 the spring and neap tides, each of which occurs twice a month, namely at 
 new and full moon and at the first and last quarters, respectively. 
 
 It is curious to note Bacon's change of opinion with regard to the cause 
 of these semi-menstrual phenomena ; for in the De Fluxu et Refluxu 
 Maris, written before or not long after 1616, he rejects the hypothesis 
 of the influence of the moon, using, as his main argument, the fact that, 
 when the moon is in opposite conditions, namely new and full moon, the 
 same tidal phenomena take place. 'Et multaalia,' he adds, 'adduci possint 
 quae hujusmodi dominationum phantasias destruant, et eo potius rem 
 deducant, ut ex materiae passionibus catholicis et primis rerum coagmen- 
 tationibus consensus illi oriantur, non quasi alterum ab altero regatur, sed 
 quod utrumque ab iisdem originibus et concausis emanet.' E. and S., 
 vol. iii. p. 52. 
 
 On the semi-diurnal ebb and flow, it will be remembered, Bacon was 
 probably inclined to adopt an entirely different theory. See note 57 on 
 Aph. 35.
 
 LIB. II. 45. 519 
 
 latum et planetas, per quam evocentur et attollantur ad sua 
 apogaea 14 ; haec omnia operantur ad distantias admodum 
 longinquas. Inveniuntur et quaedam inflammationes sive 
 conceptiones flammae, quae fiunt ad distantias bene magnas, 
 in aliquibus materiis ; ut referunt de naphtha Babylonica 1 "'. 
 Galores etiam insinuant se per distantias amplas, quod etiam 
 faciunt frigora ; adeo ut habitantibus circa Canadam moles 
 sive massae glaciales, quae abrumpuntur et natant per 
 oceanum septentrionalem et deferuntur per Atlanticum versus 
 illas oras, percipiantur ct incutiant frigora e longinquo. Odores 
 quoque (licet in his videatur semper esse quaedam emissio 
 corporea 1G ) operantur ad distantias notabiles ; ut evenire solet 
 navigantibus juxta litora Floridae, aut etiam nonnulla His- 
 paniae, ubi sunt sylvae totae ex arboribus limonum, aran- 
 tiorum n , et hujusmodi plantarum odoratarum, aut frutices 
 rorismarini, majoranae, et similium 1S . Postremo radiationes 
 lucis et impressiones sonorum operantur scilicet ad distantias 
 spatiosas. 
 
 Verum haec omnia, utcunque operentur ad distantias parvas 
 sive magnas, operantur certe ad finitas et naturae notas, ut 
 sit quiddam Non Ultra: idque pro rationibus, aut molis seu 
 
 14 Note this curious suggestion, that the motions of the planets are due 
 to the magnetic attraction of the coelum stellatum. Cp. Thema Coeli 
 (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 779) : ' Affirmant motum magneticum sive congregati- 
 vum vigere in astris, ex quo ignis ignem evocat et attollit.' 
 
 15 See Herodotus, i.,179 ; Strabo, xvi. i (Ed. Casaubon, p. 743) ; Pliny, 
 ii. 105 (109), sect. 235, xxiv. 17 (101), sect. 158 ; Plutarch's Life of Alex- 
 ander, ch. 35. 
 
 16 This supposition is, of course, right. Cp. Cogitationes De Natura 
 Rerum, E. and S., vol. iii. pp. 15, 16 ; Sylva Sylvarum, Exp. 834. In the 
 latter passage, he says : ' It is true that some woods of oranges, and heaths 
 of rosemary, will smell a great way into the sea, perhaps twenty miles.' 
 
 17 This is probably a misprint for aurantiorum, oranges. 
 
 J< Mr. Ellis refers to Paradise Lost, iv. 99 (it should be 159, &c.) : 
 
 ' As when to those who sail 
 Beyond the Cape of Hope, and now are past 
 Mozambic, off at sea North-East winds blow 
 Sabean Odours from the spicy shore 
 Of Arabic the blest, with such delay 
 
 Well pleas'd they slack their course, and many a League 
 Cheer'd with the grateful smell old Ocean smiles.'
 
 520 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 quanti corporum ; aut vigoris et debilitatis virtutum ; aut 
 favoribus et impedimentis mediorum ; quae omnia in com- 
 putationem venire et notari debent. Quinetiam mensurae 
 motuum violentorum (quos vocant), ut missilium, tormentorum, 
 rotarum, et similium, cum hae quoque manifesto suos habeant 
 limites certos, notandae sunt. 
 
 Inveniuntur etiam quidam motus et virtutes contrariae illis, 
 quae operantur per tactum et non ad distans ; quae operantur 
 scilicet ad distans et non ad tactum ; et rursus, quae operantur 
 remissius ad distantiam minorem et fortius ad distantiam 
 majorem. Etenim visio non bene transigitur ad tactum, sed 
 indiget medio et distantia 1!) . Licet meminerim me audisse 
 ex relatione cujusdam fide digni, quod ipse in curandis 
 oculorum suorum cataractis (erat autem cura tails, ut im- 
 mitteretur festuca 20 quaedam parva argentea intra primam 
 oculi tunicam, quae pelliculam illam cataractae removeret 
 et truderet in angulum oculi) clarissime vidisset festucam 
 illam supra ipsam pupillam moventem. Quod utcunque 
 verum esse possit, manifestum est majora corpora non bene 
 aut distincte cerni nisi in cuspide coni, coeuntibus radii's 
 objecti ad nonnullam distantiam 21 . Quin etiam in senibus 
 oculus melius cernit remoto objecto paulo longius, quam 
 propius 22 . In missilibus autem certum est percussionem non 
 
 19 Cp. Sylva Sylvarum, Exp. 272, where the same story about the 
 operation for cataract is told. There is, I am informed, no intrinsic 
 improbability in it. 
 
 On the power of accommodation by which the eye adapts itself to 
 variations in the distances of objects, the student, who is not already 
 acquainted with the structure of the eye and the phenomena of the sense 
 of vision, may consult Ganot's Physics, I2th Ed., 601-603, or Carpenter's 
 Human Physiology, Qth Ed., 567-9. It generally requires a great effort 
 to see very near objects, and at a certain distance from the eye, varying 
 with different persons and with the size and colour of the objects, the image 
 on the retina becomes blurred. 
 
 Ul A needle. 
 
 21 Sc. from the object itself, not from the retina of the eye, which would 
 be absurd. 
 
 ' This statement is true, as a general rule. 'We commonly meet with 
 myopia (short-sightedness) in young persons, and with presbyopia (long- 
 sightedness) in old : but this is by no means the invariable rule ; for even 
 aged persons are sometimes "short-sighted," and "long-sightedness" is
 
 LIB. 71. 45. 521 
 
 fieri tarn fortem ad distantiam nimis parvarri, quam paulo 
 post 23 . Haec itaque et similia in mensuris motuum quoad 
 distantias notanda sunt. 
 
 Est ct aliud genus mcnsurae localis motuum, quod non 
 practermittendum est. Illud vero pertinet ad motus non 
 progressives, sed sphaericos ; hoc est. ad expansionem cor- 
 porum in majorem sphaeram, aut contractionem in minorem. 
 Inquirendum enim est inter mensuras istas motuum, quantam 
 compressionem aut extensionem corpora (pro natura ipsorum) 
 facile et libenter patiantur, et ad quem tcrminum reluctari 
 incipiant, adeo ut ad extremum Non Ultra ferant ; ut cum 
 vesica inflata comprimitur, sustinet ilia compressionem non- 
 nullam ae'ris, sed si major fuerit, non patitur ae'r, sed rumpitur 
 vesica. 
 
 At nos hoc ipsum subtiliore experimento magis exacte pro- 
 bavimus. Accepimus enim campanulam ex metallo, leviorem 
 scilicet et tenuiorem, quali ad excipiendum salem utimur ; 
 eamque in pelvim aquae immisimus, ita ut deportaret secum 
 aerem qui continebatur in concavo usque ad fundum pelvis. 
 Locaveramus autem prius globulum in fundo pelvis, super 
 quem campanula imponenda esset. Ouare illud eveniebat, 
 ut si globulus ille esset minusculus (pro ratione concavi), 
 reciperet se ae'r in locum minorem, et contruderetur solum. 
 non extruderetur. Quod si grandioris esset magnitudinis 
 quam ut ae'r libenter cederet, turn ae'r majoris pressurae 
 impatiens campanulam ex aliqua parte elevabat, et in bullis 
 ascendebat. 
 
 Etiam ad probandum qualem extensionem 24 (non minus quam 
 
 occasionally met with amongst the young.' Dr. Carpenter, Human Physi- 
 ology, 4th Ed., 879. [I do not find this passage, which was quoted in 
 my First Edition, reprinted in the later editions of Dr. Carpenter's work.] 
 
 - 3 While the ball is travelling upwards, the velocity diminishes instead 
 of increasing, and so, contrary to what Bacon supposed, the initial velocity 
 is greater than the velocity at any other point on the upward path. A 
 projectile traces a parabola, and it may easily be shown that the velocity at 
 any point of the parabola is that which would be acquired in falling from 
 the directrix. 
 
 24 Thus, Bacon recognised the Elasticity of Air, but, as Dr. Whewell 
 remarks (History of the Inductive Sciences, bk. x. ch. 3. sect, i), the 
 broad facts which 'exhibit this phenomenon are tolerably evident. It
 
 522 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 compressionem) pateretur aer, tale quippiam practicavimus. 
 Ovum vitreum acccpimus, cum parvo foramine in uno extreme 
 ovi. Ae'rem per foramen exuctione forti attraximus, et statim 
 digito foramen illud obturavimus, et ovum in aquam immersi- 
 mus. et dein digitum removimus. Aer vero tensura ilia per 
 exuctionem facta tortus et magis quam pro natura sua dilata- 
 tus, ideoque se recipere et contrahere nitens (ita ut si ovum 
 illud in aquam non fuisset immersum, ae'rem ipsum traxisset 
 cum sibilo), aquam traxit ad tale quantum quale sufficere 
 posset ad hoc, ut aer antiquam recuperaret sphaeram sive di- 
 mensionem 25 . 
 
 Atque certum est corpora tenuiora (quale est aer) pati con- 
 tractionem nonnullam notabilem, ut dictum est ; at corpora 
 tangibilia (quale est aqua) multo aegrius et ad minus spatium 
 patiuntur compressionem. Oualem autem patiatur, tali 
 experimento inquisivimus. 
 
 Fieri fecimus globum ex plumbo cavum, qui duas circiter 
 pintas vinarias contineret ; eumque satis per latera crassum, 
 ut majorem vim sustineret. In ilium aquam immisimus, per 
 foramen alicubi factum ; atque foramen illud, postquam globus 
 aqua impletus fuisset, plumbo liquefacto obturavimus, ut 
 globus deveniret plane consolidatus. Dein globum forti 
 malleo ad duo latera adversa complanavimus ; ex quo necesse 
 fuit aquam in minus contrahi, cum sphaera figurarum sit 
 capacissima. Deinde, cum malleatio non amplius sufficeret, 
 aegrius se recipiente aqua, molendino 20 seu torculari usi 
 
 is the reduction of them to law and measurement which has constituted 
 the merit of the researches of Boyle and others. At the same time, 
 Bacon ought to have the credit of the curiosity which he felt on this 
 subject, and of the idea of instituting experiments on it. 
 
 - r> ' This explanation is wholly unsatisfactory. The principle upon 
 which the true explanation depends, namely the pressure of the atmo- 
 sphere, was, it seems tolerably certain, first suggested by Torricelii. 
 If the experiment were performed in vacuo, no water would enter the 
 egg, unless the egg were plunged to a considerable depth into the water, 
 or unless the vacuum within it were more perfect than could be produced 
 in the manner described.' Mr. Ellis' note. 
 
 The two preceding experiments, though rough, when compared with 
 more recent proofs, must be admitted as affording evidence of the com- 
 pressibility and elasticity of air. 
 
 2 ' ; A Low Latin word for a mill. See Du Cange, and cp. Historia
 
 LIB. II. 45- 523 
 
 sumus ; ut tandem aqua, impatiens prcssurae ulterioris, per 
 solida plumbi (instar roris delicati) exstillaret Postca, 
 quantum spatii per earn compressionem imminutum foret 
 computavimus ; atque tantam compressionem passam esse 
 aquam (sed violentia magna subactam) intelleximus 2 ~. 
 
 Ventorum, E. and S., vol. ii. pp. 64-5. It is here, as Mr. Ellis observes, 
 used for a press. 
 
 27 Cp. Aph. 50, Modus Secundus, and Historia Densi et Rari, E. and S., 
 vol. ii. pp. 299-300. From a comparison of these passages with that in 
 the text, it is plain that Bacon imagined the experiment to be successful, 
 and that he had thereby proved the compressibility of water. The fact 
 that the water exuded through the pores of the lead ought, however, to 
 have shown him that the experiment was one which could not be relied 
 upon. 
 
 ' This,' says Mr. Ellis, ' is perhaps the most remarkable of Bacon's 
 experiments ; and it is singular that it was so little spoken of by sub- 
 sequent writers. Nearly fifty years after the publication of the Novum 
 Organum, an account of a similar experiment was published by Megalotti, 
 who was secretary of the Accademia del Cimento at Florence ; and it has 
 since been familiarly known as the Florentine experiment. I quote his 
 account of it. ' Facemmo lavorar di getto una grande ma sottil palla 
 d' argento, e quella ripiena d' acqua raffreddata col ghiaccio serramo con 
 saldissime vite. Di poi cominciammo a martellaria leggiermente per ogni 
 verso, onde ammaccato 1' argento (il quale per la sua crudezza non com- 
 porta d' assottigliarsi e distendcrsi come farebbe 1'oro raffinato, o il piombo, 
 o altro metallo piu dolce) veniva a ristrignersi, e scemare la sua interna 
 capacita, senza che 1' acqua patisse una minima compressione, poiche ad 
 ogni colpo si videa trasudare per tutti : pori del metallo a guisa d' argento 
 vivo il quale da alcuna pelle premuto minutamente sprizzasse.' Saggi di 
 naturali Esperienze fatte nell' Accademia del Cimento, p.2O4,Firenze, 1667. 
 The writer goes on to remark that the absolute incompressibility of water 
 is not proved by this experiment, but merely that it is not to be com- 
 pressed in the manner described. But the experiment is on other grounds 
 inconclusive. 
 
 ' It is to be remarked that Leibnitz, Nouveaux Essais, in mentioning the 
 Florentine experiment, says that the globe was of gold (p. 229, Erdmanm, 
 whereas the Florentine academicians expressly say why they preferred 
 silver to either gold or lead.' 
 
 Notwithstanding the unsatisfactory character of these experiments, the 
 compressibility of liquids has been fully demonstrated by Canton, Oersted, 
 and others. For an account of the piezometer, the instrument which is 
 used for measuring the amount of compressibility of various liquids, see 
 Ganot's Physics, I2th Ed., 97. Ether is much more compressible than
 
 524 NOVUM ORGAN UAL 
 
 At solidiora, sicca, aut inagis compacta, qualia sunt lapides 
 et ligna, necnon metalla, multo adhuc minorem compressionem 
 aut extensionem, et fere imperceptibilem ferunt 2S ; sed vel 
 fractione, vel progressione, vel aliis pertentationibus se liberant : 
 ut in curvationibus ligni aut metalli, horologiis moventibus per 
 complicationcm laminae, missilibus, malleationibus, et innu- 
 meris aliis motibus apparet. Atque haec omnia cum mensuris 
 suis in indagatione naturae notanda et exploranda sunt, aut 
 in certitudine sua, aut per aestimativas, aut per comparativas, 
 prout dabitur copia. 
 
 XLVI. 
 
 Inter praerogativas instantiaruin ponemus loco vicesimo 
 secundo Instantias Curriculi^, quas etiam Instantias ad 
 Aqnam appellare consuevimus ; sumpto vocabulo a clepsydris 
 apud antiques, in quas infundebatur aqua, loco arenae. Eae 
 mensurant naturam per momenta temporis, quemadmodum 
 Instantiate Virgac per gradus spatii. Omnis enim motus sive 
 actio naturalis transigitur in tempore ; alius velocius, alius 
 tardius, sed utcunque momentis certis et naturae not is. Etiam 
 illae actiones quae subito videntur operari, et in ictu oculi (ut 
 
 water, and fresh water distinctly more so than sea water. In general, the 
 densest liquids are those least capable of compression. 
 
 28 Compressibility seems to be an universal property of matter, being at 
 once a consequence and a proof of porosity. The compressibility of solids, 
 though much less than that of gases, is greater, often much greater, than 
 that of liquids. ' It is found in all degrees. Cloths, paper, cork, woods 
 are amongst the most compressible of solid substances. Metals are so also 
 to a great extent, as is proved by the process of coining, in which the 
 metal receives the impression from the die. There is, in most cases, a 
 limit beyond which, when the pressure is increased, bodies are fractured or 
 reduced to powder.' Ganot's Physics, 1 2th Ed., 16. 
 
 29 Amongst the instruments which furnish examples of this ' Instance,' 
 we may adduce the dial, the pendulum, the clock, the watch, the chron- 
 ometer, the electric clock, the transit instrument, &c., and, amongst 
 methods, the various divisions of time, the personal equation as employed 
 in astronomical observatories, the modes of calculating the velocity of 
 sound, light, electricity, &c. Dr. Kitchin remarks very well that the 
 various applications of the Infinitesimal Calculus afford a good illustration 
 both of this and of the last Aphorism. 
 
 The works referred to in the first note to the last Aphorism, will also 
 serve for the illustration of this.
 
 LIB. II. 46. 525 
 
 loquimur), deprehenduntur reciperc majus et minus quoad 
 tern pus 30 . 
 
 Primo itaque videmus restitutioncs corporum coelestium 
 fieri per tempora numerata ; etiam fluxus ct refluxus maris. 
 Latio autem gravium versus terrain et levium versus ambitum 
 coeli fit per certa momenta, pro rationc corporis quod fertur, 
 et medii ;u . At velificationes navium, motus animalium, 
 perlationes missilium, omnes fiunt itidem per tempora (quan- 
 tum ad summas) numerabilia. Calorem vero quod attinct, 
 
 30 ' Glaring instances ' of this statement would be light and conducted 
 electricity. 
 
 31 <J?e/jercu Se ye Qarrov TO TrXetoi/ i'ii>u> irvp TOV fXarrovos, Kal Kara) Se TruXii/ 
 axravTuis 6 nXeiwv xpvcros Kal 6 /noAt/SSos' o/iot'cor fie Kal ru>v vih\(ov S'/<UOTOJ> ru>v 
 f'xovTcav ftdpos. Arist. De Coelo, iv. 2 (p. 309 b. 12-15). 
 
 Compare, in addition to the passage towards the end of the next Aphorism, 
 De Augmentis, v. 2 (E. and S., vol. i. p. 625) : 'Variatio Experiment! fit 
 tertio in Quanto ; circa quod diligens admodum est adhibenda cura, cum 
 hoc multi circumstent errores. Credunt enim homines, aucta aut multipli- 
 cata quantitate, pro rata augeri aut multiplicari virtutem. Et hoc fere 
 postulant et supponunt, tanquam res sit mathematicae cujusdam certitu- 
 dinis ; quod omnino falsissimum est. Globus plumbeus unius librae a turri 
 demissus (puta) decem pulsuum spatio ad terram dcscendit : num globus 
 duarum librarum (in quo impetus iste motus, quern vocant, naturalis dupli- 
 cari debet) spatio quinque pulsuum terram feriet ? At ille aequali fere 
 tempore descendet, neque accelerabitur juxta rationem Ouanti.' These 
 passages, though Bacon makes no reference to Galileo, shew plainly enough 
 that he had given up the old Peripatetic and Scholastic doctrine (for which 
 see my Inductive Logic, 4th Ed., p. 258), that heavy bodies fall to the earth 
 in times inversely proportional to their weights, or, in other words, that 
 their velocities are directly proportional to their weights. This doctrine, 
 though for a long time obstinately adhered to by his opponents, had been 
 exploded by Galileo by means of the experiments which he made from the 
 leaning tower of Pisa about 1590. He maintained (and rightly) that all 
 bodies, whatever their weight, would, if we could remove the resistance of 
 the air, fall through equal vertical spaces in equal times. See Dialogo dei 
 Massimi Sistemi, Giornata Seconda, Florentine Ed. of 1842, vol. i. pp. 245- 
 46 ; also Sermones de Motu Gravium, vol. xi. pp. 48-9. The doctrine, 
 which Galileo combated, pleaded for itself the authority of Aristotle. See 
 the passage above quoted, and, with reference to the proportion, De Coelo, 
 iii. 2 (p. 301 b. 1-17). 
 
 It is almost superfluous to add that Bacon is right in making the 'ratio 
 medii' an element in the enquiry. The differences in the velocities of 
 bodies falling through the same vertical spaces are, in fact, entirely 
 determined by the various media through which the bodies fall and the 
 different relations subsisting between the two.
 
 526 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 videmus pueros per hyemem manus in flamma lavare, nee 
 tamen uri ; et joculatores vasa plena vino vel aqua, per motus 
 agiles et aequales, vertere deorsum et sursum recuperare, non 
 effuso liquore; et multa hujusmodi. Nee minus ipsae com- 
 pressiones et dilatationes et eruptiones corporum fiunt, aliae 
 velocius, aliae tardius, pro natura corporis et motus, sed per 
 momenta certa. Quinetiam in explosione plurium bombard- 
 arum simul, quae exaudiuntur quandoque ad distantiam 
 triginta milliarium, percipitur sonus prius ab iis qui prope 
 absunt a loco ubi fit sonitus, quam ab iis qui longe 32 . At 
 in visu (cujus actio est pernicissima) liquet etiam requiri ad 
 eum actuandum momenta certa temporis : idque probatur ex 
 iis quae propter motus velocitatem non cernuntur ; ut ex 
 latione pilae ex sclopeto 33 . Velocior enim est praetervolatio 
 pilae quam impressio speciei ejus quae deferri poterat ad 
 visum. 
 
 Atque hoc, cum similibus, nobis quandoque dubitationem 
 peperit plane monstrosam 34 : videlicet, utrum coeli sereni 
 
 32 Cp. the very interesting passages on the motion and velocity of Sound 
 in Sylva Sylvarum, Exps. 207-11, where Bacon proposes an experiment for 
 the purpose of determining the rate at which sound moves. In principle, 
 the experiment, which consists in comparing the time of seeing a light with 
 that of hearing a sound, is the same as that from which the velocity of 
 sound has been actually ascertained. This in dry air and at o C. is about 
 1093 ft. in a second. 
 
 There are many stories of the distances at which sounds have been 
 heard. The firing at Waterloo is said to have been heard at Dover, and 
 sometimes the reports of cannon or volcanoes are said to have been carried 
 distances of 200, or even 300 miles. 
 
 13 This incapacity is due partly to the colour of the ball (for we do see a 
 rocket), partly to the fact that the eye cannot adjust itself with sufficient 
 rapidity to its constantly changing positions. 
 
 Note again, in the language of the next sentence, the traces of the old 
 theory of ' sensible species.' Cp. Aph. 43 and note 99. 
 
 34 It is almost needless to say that this 'dubitatio plane monstrosa' has 
 been amply justified. ' The measurement of the Velocity of light,' says 
 Professor Playfair, 'and the wonderful consequences arising from it, are 
 the best commentaries on this passage, and the highest eulogy on its 
 Author.' 
 
 Taking the velocity of light at 190,000 miles a second, it requires 
 8 m 1 8 s to traverse a semi-diameter of the earth's orbit. From this datum 
 it is calculated that the light which the very nearest fixed stars send us
 
 LIB. II. 46. 527 
 
 et stellati facies ad idem tempus cernatur quando vere existit, 
 an potius aliquanto post ; et utrum non sit (quatenus ad 
 visum coelestium) non minus tempus verum et tempus visum, 
 quam locus verus et locus visus, qui notatur ab astronomis in 
 parallaxibus ;55 . Adeo incredibile nobis videbatur, species 
 sive radios corporum coelestium per tarn immensa spatia 
 milliarium subito deferri posse ad visum ; sed potius debere 
 eas in tempore aliquo notabili delabi. Verum ilia dubitatio 
 (quoad majus aliquod intervallum temporis inter tempus 
 verum et visum) postea plane evanuit 30 : reputantibus nobis 
 jacturam illam infinitam et diminutionem quanti, quatenus 
 ad apparentiam, inter corpus stellae verum et speciem visam, 
 quae causatur a distantia ; atque simul notantibus ad quantam 
 distantiam (sexaginta scilicet ad minimum milliariorum) 
 corpora, eaque tantum albicantia, subito hie apud nos cer- 
 nantur ; cum dubium non sit lucem coelestium, non tantum 
 albedinis vividum colorem, verum etiam omnis flammae (quae 
 apud nos nota est) lucem, quoad vigorem radiationis, multis 
 partibus excedere. Etiam immensa ilia velocitas in ipso 
 corpore, quae cernitur in motu diurno (quae etiam viros graves 
 ita obstupefecit ut mallent credere motum terrae 37 ). facit 
 motum ilium cjaculationis radiorum ab ipsis (licet celeritate, 
 ut diximus, mirabilem) magis credibilem. Maxitne vero 
 omnium nos movit, quod si interponeretur intervallum temporis 
 aliquod notabile inter veritatem et visum, foret ut species 
 per nubes interim orientes et similes medii perturbationes 
 
 must take at least 3} years to reach us, while the light of some of the stars 
 in the galaxy must have occupied more than 2000 years in travelling over 
 the distance which separates them from our own system. See, for more 
 detailed information, Herschel's Astronomy, loth Ed., 801-3. 
 
 30 On parallax and the corrections for it, see Herschel's Astronomy, 
 loth Ed., 338-45- 
 
 30 \Ve hardly know which to admire most, the felicity of Bacon's con- 
 jecture or the perverted ingenuity of the arguments by which he attempts 
 to explain it away. The first argument shews what a strangely inadequate 
 notion he had of the distance of the fixed stars from us. 
 
 37 This passage, even if it stood alone, would shew pretty plainly that 
 Bacon did not believe in the diurnal motion of the earth. Cp. Aph. 36 (2), 
 and note 92 ; also Introduction, pp. 34-7.
 
 528 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 interciperentur saepenumero, et confunderentur 3S . Atque de 
 mensuris temporum simplicibus haec dicta sint. 
 
 Verum non solum quaerenda est mensura motuum et actio- 
 num simpliciter, sed multo magis comparative : id enim eximii 
 est usus, et ad plurima spectat. Atque videmus flammam ali- 
 cujus tormenti ignei citius cerni, quam sonitus audiatur ; licet 
 necesse sit pilam prius aerem percutere, quam flamma quae 
 pone erat exire potuerit ; fieri hoc autem propter velociorem 
 transactionem motus lucis, quam soni. Videmus etiam species 
 visibiles a visu citius excipi quam dimitti 3!) ; unde fit quod 
 nervi fidium, digito impulsi, duplicentur aut triplicentur quoad 
 specicm, quia species nova recipitur, antequam prior demit- 
 tatur 40 ; ex quo etiam fit, ut annuli rotati videantur globosi, 
 et fax ardens, noctu velociter portata, conspiciatur caudata. 
 Etiam ex hoc fundamento inaequalitatis motuum quoad 
 velocitatem, excogitavit Galilaeus 41 causam fluxus et rcfluxus 
 
 is I think that Bacon must here have in mind cosmical clouds, in the 
 interstellar spaces, not ordinary or aerial clouds. The argument is that 
 the light of the stars, if it took a long time for its transmission, would be 
 frequently stopped by various obstacles in the sky, whereas, on a clear 
 night, we invariably see the stars where we expect to find them. At the 
 same time, it must be confessed that, if there were such obstacles as I am 
 supposing Bacon to contemplate, the light might sometimes be intercepted, 
 however instantaneous its transmission. There is, then, an undoubted 
 difficulty in the passage, though it does not appear to me so great as it 
 seems to appear to Mr. Spedding. 
 
 ;il The retention of images on the retina of the eye is a familiar pheno- 
 menon, of which the reader will easily supply himself with instances. The 
 duration of the persistence varies with the intensity of the light and the 
 sensitiveness of the organ. ' M. Plateau has investigated the duration of 
 the impression by numerous methods, and has found that it is on the 
 average half a second. * * * A great number of pieces of apparatus are 
 founded on the persistence of sensation on the retina. Such are the 
 thaumatrope, the phenakistoscope, Faraday's wheel, the kalcidophone, 
 and the zoetrope.' Ganot's Physics, I2th Ed., 625. 
 
 40 Mr. Ellis says that ' in the case of vibrating strings Bacon's explana- 
 tion is not altogether complete. The distinct or quasi-distinct images to 
 which he refers correspond to limiting positions of the vibrating string.' 
 
 11 ' This account of Galileo's theory of the tides is inaccurate. In this 
 theory the tides are caused by the varying velocity of different points of 
 the earth's surface, arising from the composition of the earth's two 
 motions, namely that about its axis, and that in its orbit. Bacon does not 
 seem to have perceived that both these motions are essential to the
 
 LIB. IL 46. 529 
 
 maris ; rotante terra velocius, aquis tardius ; ideoque accumu- 
 lantibus se aquis in sursum, et deinde per vices se remittentibus 
 in deorsum, ut demonstratur in vase aquae incitatius movente. 
 Sed hoc commentus est concesso non concessibili 42 (quod 
 terra nempe moveatur), ac etiam non bene informatus i:J de 
 oceani motu sexhorario. 
 
 At exemplum hujus rei de qua agitur, videlicet, de compa- 
 rativis mensuris motuum, neque solum rei ipsius, sed et usus 
 insignis ejus (de quo paulo ante loquuti sumus), eminet in 
 cuniculis subterraneis, in quibus collocatur pulvis pyrius ; ubi 
 immensae moles terrae, aedificiorum, et similium, subvertuntur, 
 et in altum jaciuntur, a pusilla quantitate pulveris pyrii 44 . 
 Cujus causa pro certo ilia est, quod motus dilatationis pulveris, 
 qui impellit, multis partibus sit pernicior, quam motus gravi- 
 tatis per quem fieri possit aliqua resistentia ; adeo ut primus 
 motus perfunctus sit, antequam motus adversus inceperit ; ut 
 in principiis nullitas quaedam sit resistentiae. Hinc etiam fit, 
 quod, in omni missili, ictus, non tam robustus quam acutus et 
 celer, ad perlationem potissimum valeat. Neque etiam fieri 
 potuisset, ut parva quantitas spiritus animalis 4 - 5 in animalibus, 
 
 explanation. That the earth's being in motion might be the cause of the 
 tides, had been suggested before the time of Galileo by Caesalpinus in the 
 Ouaestiones Peripateticae, iii. 5. It is odd that Patritius, in giving an 
 account of all the theories which had in his time been devised to explain 
 the cause of the tides (see his Pancosmia, 1. 28), does not mention 
 Caesalpinus', though it was published some years before his own work. 
 Galileo perhaps alludes to Caesalpinus in his letter to Cardinal Orsino, 
 dated 8th January, 1616. See, for remarks on Caesalpinus' doctrine, the 
 Problemata Marina of Casmann, published in 1596. Casmann's own 
 theory is that of expansion.' Mr. Ellis' note. See also my notes on 
 Aph. 36 (i). Galileo's Theory of the Tides will be found stated at length 
 in his Dialogo dei Massimi Sistemi, Giornata Ouarta. 
 
 4 - See note 37 above on this subject. In the present passage. Bacon 
 may mean nothing more than that Galileo assumed what required to be 
 proved. 
 
 43 See the passage on the Tides in Aph. 36 (i). 
 
 44 In describing Blasting, as Dr. Kitchin observes, Bacon confuses the 
 resistance of inertia with the force of gravity. There is in these cases no 
 'anticipation of motion,' 'anteversio motus,' as Bacon calls it here and in 
 Aph. 51. 
 
 45 On Bacon's curious conception of ' Spirit,' cp. Aph. 40 and the other 
 passages referred to in the notes on that Aphorism. 
 
 M m
 
 530 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 praesertim in tarn vastis corporibus qualia sunt balaenae aut 
 elephanti, tantam molem corpoream flecteret ct regeret, nisi 
 propter vclocitatcm motus spiritus, et hebetudinem corporeae 
 molis, quatenus ad expediendam suam resistentiam. 
 
 Denique, hoc unum ex praecipuis fundamentis est experi- 
 mentorum magicorum, de quibus mox dicemus 4G ; ubi scilicet 
 parva moles materiae longe majorem superat et in ordinem 
 redigit : hoc, inquam, si fieri possit anteversio motuum per 
 velocitatem unius, antequam alter se expediat. 
 
 Postremo, hoc ipsum Priiis et Posterius in omni actione 
 naturali notari debet : veluti quod in infusione rhabarbari 47 
 eliciatur purgativa vis prius, astrictiva post ; simile quiddam 
 etiam in infusione violarum 4S in acetum expert! sumus ; ubi 
 primo excipitur suavis et delicatus floris odor ; post, pars 
 floris magis tcrrca, quae odorem confundit. Itaque si in- 
 fundantur violae per diem integrum, odor multo languidius 
 excipitur: quod si infundantur per partem quartam horac 
 tantum, et extrahantur ; et (quia paucus est spiritus odoratus 
 qui subsistit in viola) injundantur post singulas quartas horae 
 violae novae et reccntes ad sexics ; turn demum nobilitatur 
 infusio, ita ut, licet non manserint violae, utcunque renovatae, 
 plus quam ad scsquihoram, tamen permanserit odor gratis- 
 simus, ct viola ipsa non inferior, ad annum integrum. 
 Notandum tamcn est, quod non se colligat odor ad vires 
 suas plenas, nisi post mensem ab infusione. In dtstillationibus 
 vero aromatum maceratorum in spiritu vini patct quod surgat 
 primo phlegma aqueum et inutile, deinde aqua plus habens 
 ex spiritu vini, deinde post aqua plus habens ex aromatc. 
 Atque hujus generis quamplurima inveniuntur in distillatio- 
 nibus notatu digna. Verum haec sufficiant ad excmpla. 
 
 XLVII. 
 
 Inter pracrogativas instantiarinn ponemus loco vicesimo 
 tcrtio Instanticts Qnanti, quas ctiam Doses Naturae (sumpto 
 
 40 See Aph. 51. 
 
 47 Rhubarb. Cp. Sylva Sylvarum, Exp. 19. 
 
 M Cp. Sylva Sylvarum, Exp. 17.
 
 LIB. II. 47- 531 
 
 vocabulo a Medicinis) vocare consuevimus 40 . Eae sunt quae 
 mcnsurant virtutcs per Quanta corporum, et indicant quid 
 Quantum Corporis faciat ad Modum Virtutis. Ac primo 
 sunt quaedam virtutes quae non subsistunt nisi in quanta 
 cosmico, hoc est, tali quanta quod habeat consensum cum con- 
 figuratione et fabrica universi. Terra enim stat ; partes ejus 
 cadunt. Aquae in maribus fluunt et refluunt; in fluviis minime, 
 nisi per ingressum maris. Deinde etiam omnes fere virtutes 
 particulares secundum inultum aut parnm 5n corporis operantur. 
 Aquae largae non facile corrumpuntur; exiguae cito. Mustum 
 et cervisia maturescunt longe citius, et fiunt potabilia, in utribus 
 parvis, quam in doliis magnis. Si herba ponatur in majore 
 portione liquoris, fit infusio, magis quam imbibitio 51 ; si in 
 minore, fit imbibitio, magis quam infusio. Aliud igitur erga 
 corpus humanum est balneum, aliud levis irroratio. Etiam 
 parvi rores in acre nunquam cadunt 52 , sed dissipantur et cum 
 acre incorporantur. Et videre est in anhelitu super gemmas, 
 parum illud humoris, quasi nubcculam vento dissipatam, con- 
 tinuo solvi. Etiam frustum ejusdem magnetis non trahit 
 
 49 These ' instantiae ' are peculiarly valuable in medicine. The whole 
 Pharmacopoeia, in fact, is an illustration of them. See some very in- 
 teresting remarks on the Doses of Medicinal Substances and the circum- 
 stances by which their effects are modified in Dr. Paris' Pharmacologia, 
 9th Ed., pp. 453-67, and cp. pp. 120-3. 
 
 The law of definite proportions in chemistry might be brought under 
 this head of instances, without doing much violence to them, though, of 
 course, Bacon had himself no conception of it. 
 
 In connexion with this Aphorism, the student may again consult 
 Herschei's Discourse, &c., 115-6. 
 
 80 Panun is here used in its later sense of ' little.' 
 
 51 By this word is meant the absorption of the liquor by the herb. 
 
 52 Bacon was, of course, ignorant of the true theory of Dew, for which 
 see Dr. Wells' remarkable Memoir on the Theory of Dew. reprinted by 
 Longmans and Co., in 1866. Some account of Dr. Wells' researches is given 
 in Herschei's Discourse on the Study of Natural Philosophy, 163-9, an d 
 in Mill's Logic, bk. iii. ch. 9. 3. 
 
 The following curious passage in the Historia Densi et Rari (E. and S., 
 vol. ii. p. 291) is, perhaps, worth transcribing : 'Rores matutini sunt pro- 
 culdubio vapores, qui in aerem purum non erant plene dissipati et versi, 
 sed haerebant imperfecte misti, donee per frigora noctis, praesertim in 
 regione media quam vocant aeris, fuerint repercussi, et in aquam conden- 
 sati.' For another interesting passage, see Sylva Sylvarum, Exp. Si. 
 
 M m 3
 
 532 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 tantum ferri, quantum magnes integer. Sunt etiam virtutes 
 in quibus parvitas quanti magis potest ; ut in penetrationibus, 
 stylus acutus citius penetrat, quam obtusus ; adamas punctu- 
 atus sculpit in vitro ; et similia. 
 
 Verum non hie morandum est in indefmitis, sed etiam de 
 rationibus quanti corporis erga modum virtutis inquirendum. 
 Proclive enim foret credere, quod rationes quanti rationes 
 virtutis adaequarent ; ut si pila plumbea unius unciae caderet 
 in tali tempore, pila unciarum duarum deberet cadere duplo 
 celerius, quod falsissimum est 33 . Nee eaedem rationes in 
 omni genere virtutum valent, sed longe diversae. Itaque hae 
 mensurae ex rebus ipsis petendae sunt, et non ex verisi- 
 militudine aut conjecturis -H . 
 
 Denique in omni inquisitione naturae Quantum corporis 
 requiratur ad aliquod effectum, tanquam dosis, notandum ; 
 et cautiones de Nimis et Paruui aspergendae. 
 
 XLVIII. 
 
 Inter praerogativas instantiarum ponemus loco vicesimo 
 quarto Instantias Luctae ; quas etiam Instantias Praedomi- 
 nantiae appellare consuevimus 55 . Eae indicant praedomi- 
 
 LS This passage, compared with De Augmentis, v. 2 (E. and S., vol. i. 
 p. 625), shews pretty conclusively that Bacon was acquainted with the 
 experiments on fulling bodies made by Galileo from the leaning tower of 
 Pisa, though he nowhere mentions Galileo's name in connexion with them. 
 Indeed, the passage at the beginning of the second paragraph in the last 
 Aphorism seems to shew that he was either imperfectly acquainted with 
 these experiments or that he did not altogether accept the conclusions 
 drawn from them. On the whole subject, see note 31 on the last 
 Aphorism. 
 
 1)4 The necessity of bearing in mind Bacon's caution is well illustrated in 
 the case of the expansion of water, as well as of bismuth and the casting- 
 metals generally, which are, at certain temperatures, an exception to the 
 general law that bodies expand with every increase in temperature. In 
 a case like this, mere analogy might easily deceive us. See my Inductive 
 Logic, 4th Ed., pp. 138-9. 
 
 S5 ' By an oversight,' as Dr. Kitchin remarks, ' Bacon gives the same 
 second name to these Instances that he does to the third class (Aph. 24), 
 namely, "instantiac ostensivae * * * quas etiam elucescentias, sive in- 
 stantias liberates ct praedominantes^ appellare consuevimus.'" By 
 comparing the two sets of instances, it will be seen, however, that the 
 word is used in totally different senses.
 
 LIB. II. 48. 
 
 nantiam et cessionem virtutum ad invicem ; ct quac ex illis 
 sit fortior et vincat, quae infirmior et succumbat. Sunt enim 
 motus et nixus corporum compositi, decompositi, et complicati. 
 non minus quam corpora ipsa. Proponemus igitur primum 
 species praecipuas motuum sive virtutum activarum ; ut 
 magis perspicua sit ipsarum comparatio in robore, et exinde 
 demonstratio atque designatio instantiarum luctae et prae- 
 dominantiae. 
 
 (i) Motus Primus sit Motus Antitypiae^ materiae, quac 
 inest in singulis portionibus ejus ; per quern plane annihilari 
 non vult ; ita ut nullurn incendium, nullum pondus aut 
 deprcssio, nulla violentia, nulla denique aetas aut diuturnitas 
 temporis possit redigere aliquam vel minimam portionem 
 materiae in nihilum ; quin ilia et sit aliquid, et loci aliquid 
 occupet, et se (in qualicunque necessitate ponatur), vel 
 formam mutando vel locum, liberet, vel (si non detur copia) 
 ut est subsistat ; neque unquam res eo deveniat, ut aut nihil 
 sit, aut nullibi 57 . Ouem motum Schola (quae semper fere 
 
 These 'Instantiae Luctae' or 'wrestling instances' (as they are best 
 called) comprise what Bacon conceived to be the various conflicting kinds 
 of motion. The discussion, as well as his use of the term ' Motion,' will 
 often be found to be vague and unsatisfactory. The indestructibility of 
 matter (' motus antitypiae materiae ') and even the property of inertia 
 itself (' motus decubitus, sive motus exhorrentiae motus ') are included 
 by him under this generic name. Motion, I need hardly say, ought, 
 strictly speaking, to be used in the sense of ' change of place,' though 
 it may legitimately be applied to changes in the relative positions of the 
 parts of a body (for instance, of the molecules) as well as to changes of 
 place of the entire body itself. The vague use of the term ' Motion ' dates 
 from Aristotle downwards. Aquinas, in the Summa, repeatedly says that 
 any operation whatever may ' secundum similitudinem ' be called motion. 
 
 This Aphorism was included in the little volume, entitled Historia 
 Xaturalis et Experimentalis, &c., published at Leyden in 1638. See In- 
 troduction, p. 146, note 76. 
 
 SCl Motion of reaction, resistance, or impenetrability. Cp. the use of the 
 verb avTirvntiv in Arist. Meteorologica, ii. 8 (p. 368 a. 3), iii. I (p. 370 b. 
 18, and 371 a. 25). In Sextus Empiricus, Pyrrh. Hypot. bk. iii. ch. 5, the 
 incomprehensibility of body is founded on the incomprehensibility of dvn- 
 rvrria, and that on the incomprehensibility of touch. 
 
 57 The ' Motus Antitypiae' or Indestructibility of matter is expressed in 
 the adage ' in nihilum nil posse reverti.' See ii. 40, pp. 500-1, with notes 
 58, 59-
 
 534 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 et denominat et definit res potius per effectus et incommoda 
 quam per causas interiores) vel denotat per illud axioma, 
 quod Dno corpora non possint essc in uno loco ; vel vocat 
 motum Ne fiat pcnctratio dimensionum 5S . Neque hujus 
 motus exempla proponi conscntancum est : inest enim omni 
 corpori. 
 
 (2) Sit Motus Secundus, Motus (quern appellamus) Nexus ; 
 per quern corpora non patiuntur se ulla ex parte sui dirimi a 
 contactu alterius corporis, ut quae mutuo nexu et contactu 
 gaudeant. Ouem motum Schola vocat Motum A> detur 
 vacuum 5l) : veluti cum aqua attrahitur sursum exuctione. aut 
 per fistulas; caro per ventosas 60 ; aut cum aqua sistitur nee 
 effluit in hydriis perforatis, nisi os hydriae ad immittendum 
 aerem aperiatur ; et innumera id genus. 
 
 (3) Sit Motus Tertius, Motus (quern appellamus) Libcr- 
 is^ ; per quern corpora se liberarc nituntur a pressura 
 
 :> * Cp. ii. 36 (6). If there could be two bodies in one place, one of them 
 would be annihilated, which is a contradiction in terms. Hence, both the 
 axioms here referred to imply the indestructibility of matter. 
 
 59 In the Phaenomena Universi (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 704) this is called 
 1 Motus successionis, quern motum ne detur vacuum appellant.' 
 
 On Bacon's rejection of a vacuum, and his notion of ' Nature : s abhor- 
 rence of a vacuum,' cp. i. 66 ad fin., ii. 8 ad init., with the notes on 
 those passages. Mr. Kllis, in his Preface to the Historia Densi et Rari 
 (E. and S., vol. ii. p. 2381, remarks on the change which Bacon's opinions 
 seem to have undergone on this subject between writing the Cogitationes 
 de Rerum Natura and the essay on the fable of Cupid on the one hand, 
 and the Historia Densi et Rari and the Xovum Organum on the other. 
 In the ' Canones ' appended to the former of these two last works 
 (E. and S., vol. ii. p. 303) he says: 'Xon est vacuum in natura, nee 
 congregatum nee intermistum.' But curiously enough, notwithstanding 
 other passages in the Xovum Organum to the contrary, he speaks doubt- 
 fully towards the end of this present Aphorism : ' Utrum vero motus 
 nexus sit invincibiiis, adhuc haeremus. Xeque enim pro certo affirina- 
 verimus, utrum detur vacuum, sive coacervatum, sive permistum.' See my 
 notes on this passage. 
 
 ; " Cupping-glasses. The process of cupping has been explained in 
 note 52 on Aph. 35. It may be remarked of all the phenomena referred 
 to in this section that their explanation depends on a knowledge of the 
 laws of atmospheric pressure. Of these laws, Bacon was ignorant. 
 
 ' L By the 'Motus Libertatis' Bacon means what in modern Physics 
 is called Elasticity, a property common to all matter. It is the property 
 in virtue of which bodies resume their original form or volume, when the
 
 LIB. II. 48. 535 
 
 aut tensura praeter-naturali, et restituere se in dirnensum 
 corpori suo conveniens. Cujus motus- ctiam innumcra sunt 
 exenipla : vcluti (quatenus ad liberationem a pressura) aquae 
 in natando, aeris in volando ; aquae in remigando, aeris in 
 undulationibus ventorum ; laminae in horologiis. Nee in- 
 eleganter se ostendit motus aeris compressi in sclopettis 
 ludicris puerorum, cum alnum aut simile quiddam excavant, 
 et infarciunt frusto alicujus radicis succulentae, vel similium, 
 ad utrosque fines ; deinde per embolum G2 trudunt radicem 
 vel hujusmodi farcimentum in foramen alterum ; unde emit- 
 titur et ejicitur radix cum sonitu ad foramen alterum, idque 
 antequam tangatur a radice aut farcimento citimo, aut 
 cmbolo m . Quatenus vero ad liberationem a tensura, ostendit 
 se hie motus in ae're post exuctionem in ovis vitreis rema- 
 nente (i4 , in chordis, in corio, et panno, resilientibus post 
 tensuras suas, nisi tensurae illae per moram invaluerint, etc. 
 Atque hunc motum Schola sub nomine Motus ex Forma Elc- 
 mcnti^ innuit : satis quidem inscite, cum hie motus non tantum 
 ad aerem, aquam, aut flammam pertineat, sed ad omnem diver- 
 sitatem consistentiae; ut ligni, ferri, plumbi, panni. membranae, 
 etc., in quibus singula corpora suae habent dimensionis modu- 
 lum, et ab eo aegre ad spatium aliquod notabile abripiuntur. 
 Verum quia motus istc libertatis omnium cst maxime obvius, 
 et ad infmita spectans, consultum fuerit cum bene et perspicue 
 distinguere. Quidam enim valde ncgligenter confundunt hunc 
 motum cum gemino illo motu antitypiae et nexus; libera- 
 tionem scilicet a pressura, cum motu antitypiae; a tensura, 
 cum motu nexus ; ac si ideo cederent aut sc dilatarent corpora 
 
 force which altered that form or volume ceases to act. It may be 
 developed in bodies by pressure, by traction or pulling (' tensura '), by 
 flexion or bending, and by torsion or twisting. 
 
 G - /i,3oXos, here used for a ramrod. 
 
 63 This example also illustrates the amount of pressure which may be 
 produced by the compression of air. Champagne bottles, soda-water 
 bottles, &c., are familiar illustrations of the same fact. 
 
 " He alludes here to the unsatisfactory experiment made with the glass 
 eggs, mentioned in Aph. 45. As I have said before, he was not aware that 
 the phenomena there described are due to the pressure of the atmosphere. 
 
 GJ By this expression is meant the tendency of each of the Elements to 
 preserve or recover the consistency which is proper to it.
 
 536 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 compressa, ne scqueretur penetratio dimensionum; ideo resili- 
 rent et contraherent se corpora tensa. ne sequeretur vacuum. 
 Atqui si aer compressus se vellet recipere in densitatem aquae, 
 aut lignum in densitatem lapidis, nil opus foret penctratione di- 
 mensionum; et nihilominus longe major posset esse compressio 
 illorum, quam ilia ullo modo patiuntur. Eodem modo si aqua 
 se dilatare vellet in raritatem aeris, aut lapis in raritatem ligni, 
 non opus forct vacno ; et tamen longe major posset fieri ex- 
 tensio eorum. quam ilia ullo modo patiuntur. Itaque non 
 reducitur res ad penetrationem dimensionnm et vacuum, nisi in 
 ultimitatibus condensations et rarefactionis ; cum tamen isti 
 motus longe citra eas sistant et versentur, neque aliud sint 
 quam desideria corporum conservandi se in consistentiis suis 
 (sive, si malint, in formis suis), nee ab iis recedendi subito, nisi 
 per modos suaves ac per consensum alterentur. At longe 
 magis necessarium cst (quia multa secum trahit), ut intimetur 
 hominibus, motum violentum (quern nos mcc/ianicum, Demo- 
 critus, qui in motibus suis primis expediendis etiam infra me- 
 diocres philosophos ponendus est, motum plagac GG vocavit) nil 
 aliud essc quam Motum Libertatis, scilicet a compressione ad 
 relaxationem. Etenim in omni sive simplici protrusione sive 
 volatu per aerem, non fit summotio aut latio localis, antequam 
 partes corporis praeter-naturaliter patiantur et comprimantur 
 ab impellente. Turn vero partibus aliis alias per successioncm 
 trudentibus, fertur totum 7 ; nee solum progredienclo, scd 
 etiam rotando simul : ut etiam hoc modo partes se liberare, 
 aut magis ex aequo tolcrarc possint. Atquc dc hoc motu 
 hactenus. 
 
 (4) Sit Motus Ouartus, motus cui no men dedimus Motus 
 Hyfcs^ A : qui motus antistrophus est quodammodo Motui. 
 de quo diximus, Libertatis. Etenim in Motu Libertatis, 
 
 3(1 See note 59 on Aph. 35. It is curious to find Bacon in the present 
 passage depreciating Democritus, whom he usually rates so highly. 
 
 " Cp. Aph. 36 (6), where he adopts the same explanation of the motion 
 of projectiles, ' motus missilium.' 
 
 ' 8 By this 'motus' is meant the tendency of matter to assume and retain 
 a nc\v form, by means of expansion or contraction, in contrast to its 
 tendency, us noticed in the last section,' to revert, after any temporary 
 change, to its original form.
 
 LIB. IT. 48. 537 
 
 corpora novum climensum sive novam sphaeram sive novam 
 dilatationem aut contractionem (haec enim vcrborum varietas 
 idem innuit) exhorrent, respuunt, fugiunt, et resilirc ac vcterem 
 consistentiam recuperare totis viribus contendunt. At contra 
 in hoc Motu Hyles, corpora novam sphaeram sive climensum 
 appetunt ; atque ad illud libenter et propere, et quandoque 
 valentissimo nixu (ut in pulvere pyrio) aspirant. Instrumenta 
 autem hujus motus, non sola certe, sed potentissima, aut 
 saltern frequentissima, sunt calor et frigus. Exempli gratia : 
 ae'r, si per tensuram (velut per exuctionem in ovis vitreis fi ') 
 dilatetur, magno laboret dcsiderio seipsum restituendi. At 
 admoto calore, e contra appetit dilatari, et concupiscet 7 " 
 novam sphaeram, et transit et migrat in illam libenter, 
 tanquam in novam formam (ut loquuntur); nee post dila- 
 tationem nonnullam de reditu curat, nisi per admotioncm 
 frigidi ad earn invitetur ; quae non reditus est, sed trans- 
 mutatio repetita. Eodem modo et aqua, si per compressionem 
 arctetur, recalcitrat 71 ; et vult fieri qualis fuit, scilicet latior. 
 At si interveniat frigus intensum ct continuatum, mutat se 
 sponte sua et libenter in condensationem glaciei ; atque si 
 plane continuctur frigus, nee a teporibus interrumpatur (ut 
 fit in speluncis et cavernis paulo profundioribus). vertitur in 
 crystallum 72 aut materiam similem, nee unquam restituitur. 
 
 39 On this example, cp. last section and see note 25 on Aph. 45. The 
 pressure of the atmosphere (with which Bacon was unacquainted) would 
 cause the air to rise within the egg, till the enclosed air assumed the same 
 density as that without it. 
 
 70 This, which is the reading of the First Edition, is altered in the 
 Second to concupiscit, obviously the right word. 
 
 71 Cp. Bacon's abortive experiment on the leaden globe, as described in 
 Aph. 45. 
 
 ''- See Pliny, Xat. Hist, xxxvii. 2 (9), sect. 23 (where he says 'glaciem 
 esse certum est, unde nomen Graeci dedere '), and Seneca, Nat. Ouacst. 
 iii. 25 ad fin. Solinus (Polyhistor, cap. 15 ad fin.) combats this opinion. 
 Mr. Ellis says : ' Though this account of the origin of crystals is of course 
 erroneous, yet there is a class of crystals which have been shown to occupy 
 the same volume which their water of crystallisation would occupy in the 
 state of ice ; so that their other constituents may in some sort be said to 
 take up no space. This curious analogy with ice was proved by Playfair and 
 Joule in a very considerable number of cases. See Phil. Mag. Dec. 1845.' 
 
 Bacon seems to be speaking of stalactites and stalagmites as well as ot 
 what are more commonly called crystals.
 
 53^ NOVUM ORGAN UAL 
 
 (5) Sit Motus Ouintus, Motus Continuationis' 1 *. Intelligimus 
 autem non continuationis simplicis et primariae, cum corpore 
 aliquo altero (nam ille est Motus Nexus] ; sed continuationis 
 sui, in corpore certo. Certissimum enim est, quod corpora 
 omnia solutionem continuitatis cxhorreant ; alia magis, alia 
 minus, sed omnia aliquatenus. Nam ut in corporibus duris 
 (vcluti chalybis, vitri) reluctatio contra discontinuationem est 
 maxime robusta et valida, ita etiam in liquoribus, ubi cessare 
 aut languere saltern videtur motus ejusmodi, tamen non 
 prorsus reperitur privatio ejus 74 ; sed plane inest ipsis in 
 gradu tanquam infimo, et prodit se in experimentis plurimis ; 
 sicut in bullis, in rotunditate guttarum 7 '"', in filis tenuioribus 
 stillicidiorum 70 , et in sequacitate corporum glutinosorum, et 
 ejusmodi. Sed maxime omnium se ostcnclit appetitus iste, 
 si discontinuatio tentetur usque ad fractiones minores. Nam 
 in mortariis, post contusionem ad certum gradum, non amplius 
 opcratur pistillum ; aqua non subintrat rimas minores ; quin 
 et ipsc ae'r, non obstante subtilitate corporis ipsius, poros 
 vasorum paulo solicliorum non pertransit subito, nee nisi per 
 diuturnam insinuationem. 
 
 (6) Sit Motus Sextus. motus quern nominamus Motum ad 
 
 73 This is Cohesion, or the force which unites molecules of the same 
 nature. ' The modern experiments on the strength of different substances, 
 by rinding what weights are necessary in order to tear them asunder, are 
 founded on this property. These experiments have been made with bars 
 of wood, metals, glass, &c., of given dimensions, and it has been found 
 that the cohesive strength of a body is in the joint proportion of its 
 elasticity, and toughness, and the area of its section.' Dr. rlippus in the 
 Account of the Novum Organum in the Library of Useful Knowledge. 
 
 74 The force of cohesion is much stronger in solids than in liquids, while 
 in gases it is overcome by that of repulsion. 
 
 7;> In large masses of liquids, the force of gravity overcomes that of 
 cohesion, and the liquid takes no special shape, but assumes that of the 
 vessel in which it is contained. But in smaller masses cohesion gets 
 the upper hand, and the liquid then presents the spheroidal form. In 
 the imaginary case of the particles being acted upon by the force of 
 cohesion alone, the form assumed would be that of a perfect sphere. 
 
 '" On the constitution of a jet of liquid issuing through a circular orifice, 
 sec Enc. Brit., last (9th) Ed., vol. v. p. 68, and, for a much more precise 
 and detailed account, Daguin, Tniite de Physique, 2nd Ed., tome i. 
 pp. 243-51.
 
 LIB. II. 4 S. 539 
 
 Lticnwi, sive Motum Indigentiae 77 . Is est, per quern corpora, 
 quando versantur inter plane heterogenea et quasi inimica, si 
 forte nanciscantur copiam aut commoditatem evitandi ilia he- 
 terogenea et se applicandi ad magis cognata, (licet ilia ipsa 
 cognata talia fuerint quae non habeant arctum consensum cum 
 ipsis) tamen statim ea amplectuntur, et tanquam potiora ma- 
 lunt : et lucri loco (unde vocabulum sumpsimus) hoc ponere 
 videntur, tanquam talium corporum indiga. Exempli gratia : 
 aurum, aut aliud metallum foliatum non delectatur acre cir- 
 cumfuso. Itaque si corpus aliquod tangibile et crassum 
 nanciscatur (ut digitum, papyrum, quidvis aliud), adhaeret 
 statim, nee facile divellitur 7S . Etiam papyrus, aut pannus, 
 et hujusmodi, non bene se habent cum aere qui inseritur et 
 commistus est in ipsorum poris. Itaque aquam aut liquorem 
 libenter imbibunt, et aerem exterminant. Etiam saccharum, 
 aut spongia infusa in aquam aut vinum, licet pars ipsorum 
 emineat et longe attollatur supra vinum aut aquam, tamen 
 aquam aut vinum paulatim ct per gradus attrahunt in 
 sursum 7;) . 
 
 Unde optimus canon sumitur apcrturac et solutionum corpo- 
 rum. Missis enim corrosivis et aquis fortibus, quae viam sibi 
 apcriunt, si possit inveniri corpus proportionatum et magis con- 
 sentiens et amicurn corpori alicui solido quam iliud cum quo 
 tanquam per nccessitatem commiscetur, statim se aperit et 
 relaxat corpus, et illud alterum intro recipit, priore excluso aut 
 summoto lS0 . Neque operatur aut potest iste uwtits ad liicriiiiL 
 
 77 Under this head Bacon seems to include cases of Adhesion, of 
 Capillary Attraction, and of Chemical Affinity. Dr. Hippus gives a good 
 instance of this 'motion of preference' in the case of mercury, 'the 
 surface of which in a glass bottle appears convex, while, in a metallic 
 vessel, it appears concave, in consequence of its tendency to adhere to 
 the sides of the vessel, as it has a greater attraction for metal than glass. 
 The mercury, in fact, moistens the metallic surface, but does not 
 moisten the glass surface. This example fa. Is under the head of capillary 
 phenomena. 
 
 " This is an ordinary case of adhesion. 
 
 79 These are capillary phenomena. The hostility to air, in all these 
 examples, is, of course, a mere fancy. 
 
 These are cases of what we should call Chemical Affinity. Any- 
 manual of chemistry will furnish abundant examples of what Bacon means.
 
 540 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 solummodo ad tactum. Nam electrica operatic (de qua Gil- 
 bertus et alii post eum tantas excitarunt fabulas) non alia 
 est quam corporis per fricationem levem excitati appetitus ; 
 qui aerem non bene tolerat. sed aliud tangibile mavult, si 
 reperiatur in propinquo 81 . 
 
 (7) Sit motus- Septimus, Motus (quem appellamus) Con- 
 grcgationis Majoris ; per quem corpora feruntur ad massas 
 connaturalium suorum : gravia, ad globum terrae ; levia, ad 
 ambitum coeli 82 . Hunc Schola nomine Motus Naturalis** 
 insignivit : levi contemplatione, quia scilicet nil spectabile 
 erat ab extra quod eum motum cieret (itaquc rebus ipsis 
 innatum atque insitum putavit) ; aut forte quia non cessat. 
 Nee minim : semper enim praesto sunt coelum et terra ; 
 cum e contra causae et origines plurimorum ex reliquis 
 motibus interdum absint, interdum adsint. Itaque hunc, quia 
 non intermittit sed caeteris intermittentibus statim occurrit. 
 perpetuum et proprium ; reliquos ascititios posuit. Est 
 autem iste motus revcra satis infirmus et hebcs, tanquam 
 is qui (nisi sit moles corporis major) caeteris motibus, quamdiu 
 operantur, cedat et succumbat. Atque cum hie motus ho- 
 minum cogitationes ita implcvcrit ut fere reliquos motus 
 occultaverit, tamen parum est quod homines de eo sciunt. 
 sed in multis circa ilium erroribus versantur. 
 
 (8) Sit Motus Octavus, Motus Congregationis Minoris ; 
 per quem partcs homogeneae in corpore aliquo separant se 
 ab hcterogeneis, et cocunt inter sese 84 ; per quem etiam 
 
 Thus, Chlorine decomposes bromide of silver, forming Chloride of silver, 
 and eliminating bromine. 
 
 81 This attack on Gilbert (whom, as we have seen before, Bacon treats 
 in so varying a manner) and the superficial attempt at explaining the 
 action of electricity are both worth noting. With regard to the cause 
 of the production of electricity by friction, nothing is known. Electricity 
 may also be produced by other means, as by chemical action, heat, &c. 
 
 " Cp. i. 66: ii. 55 ; 36 (3) ; 45 ; 46, with the notes on the various passages. 
 The concluding observations of this section are very remarkable, when 
 viewed in the light of the discoveries to be made towards the end of the 
 century by Newton. 
 
 " 3 On the distinction between Natural and Violent Motion, see i. 66 ; 
 ii. 36 (6), with note 53 on the former Aphorism. 
 
 M These phenomena may all be referred to chemical affinity, to capillary 
 attraction, or to the processes of mechanical distribution dependent on
 
 LIB. II. 48. 541 
 
 corpora Integra ex similitudine substantiae sc amplectuntur 
 et fovent, et quandoque ad distantiam aliquam congregantur, 
 attrahuntur, et conveniunt 8:> : veluti cum in lactc flos lactis 
 post moram aliquam supernatat ; in vino faeces et tartarum 
 subsidunt 86 . Neque enim haec fiunt per motum gravitatis 
 et levitatis tantum, ut aliae partes summitatem pctant, aliae 
 ad imum vergant ; sed multo magis per desiderium homo- 
 geneorum inter se coeundi et se uniendi 8T . Diffcrt autem 
 iste motus a motu indigentiae, in duobus. Uno, quod in 
 motu indigentiae sit stimulus major naturae malignae et 
 contrariae ; at in hoc motu (si modo impedimenta et vincula 
 absint) uniuntur partes per amicitiam, licet absit natura aliena 
 quae litem moveat : altero, quod arctior sit unio, et tanquam 
 majore cum delectu. In illo enim, modo evitetur corpus inimi- 
 
 variations in size, form, weight, or specific gravity. Sometimes it may be 
 a question to which of these causes a phenomenon may be due. 
 
 b5 A good instance would be that of two corks, both wet or both dry, 
 floating near each other on water. For an explanation of this phenomenon, 
 see Everett's Translation of Deschanel's Nat. Phil. Pt. i. p. 136, or Daguin, 
 Traite de Physique, Tome i. pp. 209-10, 2^ me Ed.). 
 
 " 6 In both cases, the phenomenon is due to differences of specific gravity, 
 the lighter particles rising to the top, and the heavier falling to the bottom. 
 
 87 An excellent illustration of Bacon's meaning may be found in the 
 commonly received opinion with regard to the formation of flint nodules. 
 See Phillips' Manual of Geology, pp. 358 9, or Page's Advanced Text Book 
 of Geology, 6th Ed., pp. 350-4. The latter author discusses the question 
 at some length, and concludes : ' From these facts it would seem that flints 
 are aggregations of silex round some organic nucleus, just like the ironstone 
 septaria of the coal-shales, the grains of the oolite, the ironstone nodules of 
 the gault all of which are aggregations round some organic centre, be it a 
 fragment of plant, a shell, a tooth, coprolite, or other organism. This is 
 now the generally received opinion ; and, when it is remembered that the 
 organisms must have been deposited when the chalk was in a flocculcnt 
 and pulpy state, there can be little difficulty in conceiving how the silex, 
 held in solution by the waters of deposit, would, by chemical affinity, 
 attach itself to the decaying organism.' Dr. Bowerbank applies a similar 
 theory even to beds of tabular flint, supposing that the sponges originating 
 the deposit had developed themselves laterally, and that, approaching and 
 touching each other, they united and thus formed extensive and continuous 
 beds. On the f< nnation of nodules generally, see also Lyeh's Student's 
 Elements of Geology, 2nd Ed., p. 40. 
 
 Since the appearance of the 1st Edition, this subject has been treated, 
 at considerable length, by Professor Prcstwich in his admirable treatise 
 on Geology, Part ii. ch. 20.
 
 542 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 cum 8S , corpora ctiam non admodum cognata concurrunt; at in 
 hoc cocunt substantiae. germana plane similitudine devinctae, 
 et conflantur tanquam in unum. Atque hie motus omnibus 
 corporibus compositis inest ; et se facile conspiciendum in 
 singulis daret. nisi ligaretur et fraenaretur per alios corporum 
 appetitus et necessitates, quae istam coitionem disturbant. 
 
 Ligatur autem motus iste plerumque tribus modis : torpore 
 corporum ; fraeno corporis dominantis ; et inotu externo. Ad 
 torporcm corporum quod attinet; certum est inesse corporibus 
 tangibilibus pigritiam quandam 89 secundum magis et minus, et 
 exhorrentiam motus localis ; ut, nisi excitentur, malint statu 
 suo (prout sunt) esse contenta quam in melius se expedire. 
 Discutitur autem iste torpor triplici auxilio : aut per calorem, 
 aut per virtutem alicujus cognati corporis eminentem 90 , aut per 
 motum vividum et potentem. Atque primo quoad auxilium 
 caloris ; hinc fit, quod calor pronuntietur esse illud quod 
 scparct lictcrogcnca, congrcget Jwmogcnca. Guam definitionem 
 Peripateticorum merito derisit Gilbertus ; dicens earn esse 
 perinde ac si quis diceret ac definiret hominem illud esse 
 quod serat triticum et plantct vineas : esse enim definitionem 
 tantum per cffectus, eosque particulares 91 . Scd adhuc magis 
 
 p ^ As we have seen under ' Motus Sextus,' this idea of the ' corpus inimi- 
 cum ' is, in many cases, fanciful. 
 
 9 This is the property of inertia, and it is worth noting that Bacon 
 refers to it ; but it must be remembered that this property, as we con- 
 ceive it, applies equally to moving bodies, which would go on moving for 
 ever, if there were nothing external to stop them. 
 
 !0 Taking this phrase as intended to include magnetism and, so far as 
 Bacon had any conception of it, Gravity, we ought to add Light, Elec- 
 tricity, and Chemical Action. 
 
 91 ' For the definition we may refer to the Margarita Philosophiae, xi. 3.' 
 [It should be ix. 3. The passage runs thus : ' Calidum est quod homogenia 
 id est cntia ejusdcm naturae congregat et heterogenia id est diversarum 
 naturarum cntia segregat.' The true title of the book is Margarita Philo- 
 sophica, to which, in later Editions, ' Nova' is added.] ' It is founded on 
 a passage in the De Gen. et Corr. ii. 2' [p. 329 b. 26-30]. 'Gilbert's 
 censure on it is to be found in .his posthumous work De Mundo nostro 
 sublunari Philosophia nova, which was published by Gruter in 1651, long 
 after the death of Bacon. It seems however, as Gruter remarks, that the 
 work, which he suggests may have been written before the treatise De 
 Magnetc, published in 1600, had been read in manuscript by " viri magni
 
 LIB. II. 4 S. 543 
 
 culpanda cst ilia definitio ; quia etiam effcctus illi (qualcs 
 quales sunt) non sunt ex proprietate caloris, sed tantum per 
 accidcns 112 (idem enim facit frigus, ut postea dicemus 9:3 ), ncmpc 
 ex dcsiderio partium homogenearum coeundi, adjuvantc tantum 
 calorc ad discutiendum torporcm, qui torpor desiderium illud 
 antea ligaverat. Quoad vero auxilitim virtutis inditae a corpore 
 cognato ; illud mirabiliter elucescit in magnete armato, qui 
 excitat in ferro virtutem detinendi fcrrum per similitudincm 
 substantiae, discusso torpore ferri per virtutem magnctis. 
 Quoad vero auxilium motus ; conspicitur illud in sagittis 
 ligneis, cuspide etiam lignea, quae altius penetrant in alia 
 ligna quam si fuissent armatae ferro, per similitudinem 
 substantiae, discusso torpore ligni per motum celerem : dc 
 quibus duobus experimentis etiam in aphorismo dc instantiis 
 clandcstinis diximus 9 *. 
 
 Ligatio vero motus congregationis minoris, quae fit per 
 fraenum corporis dominantis, conspicitur in solutione sanguinis 
 et urinarum 5 per frigus. Quamdiu enim repleta fuerint 
 
 et famae celeberrimae." " Illi pcrspicace in Physicis praesertim ingenio 
 baud poenitendae in evolvendo operae testimonium dederunt, quod inte- 
 grum excussisse censeantur, et aliqua a vulgaribus opinionibus abhorrentia 
 calculo suo comprobata bine sparsim citent ; " in which I do not doubt that 
 Gruter refers to Bacon. Bacon's quotation seems to have been made from 
 imperfect memory, as the words of the original are : " quid illud ostendit 
 aut quae ilia differentia ab effectu tantum in quibusdam corporibus, cojigre- 
 gans homogenea et disgregans heterogenea ? ac si diceres hominem animal 
 esse carduos et sentes evellens, et fruges serens, cum istud sit agricolae 
 studium." De Mundo, c., i. c. 26.' Mr. Ellis' note. 
 
 !l - That is to say ' are not peculiar to heat, but result only accidentally, 
 through the instrumentality of that agent ; the true cause being the desire 
 in the homogeneous parts of coming together.' To understand the reason 
 given by Bacon, ' idem enim facit frigus,' we must recollect that the defini- 
 tion of ' proprium,' in the Text-books of his time, was ' quod convenit omni, 
 soli, et semper.' 
 
 y ' See the next paragraph. It need hardly be repeated that Bacon had 
 no idea of the true relation of heat and cold, as different degrees of the 
 same phenomenon. The phrase ' change of temperature ' would include 
 both, and it might have supplied him with a key to his difficulties. 
 
 1J4 See ii. 25 ad fin., with notes. 
 
 95 With regard to urine, as affected by cold, see Dr. Watson's Lectures 
 on the Principles and Practice of Physic, 5th Ed., Lect. 70, vol. ii. p. 702. 
 
 As to blood, Bacon is in error. ' So far from coagulation being pro- 
 moted by cold,' says Dr. Carpenter (Principles of Human Physiology. 9th
 
 544 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 corpora ilia spiritu agili 9G , qui singulas eorum partes cujus- 
 cunque generis ipse ut dominus totius ordinal et cohibet, 
 tamdiu non coeunt heterogenea 97 propter fraenum ; sed 
 postquam ille spiritus evaporaverit, aut suffocatus fuerit per 
 frigus, turn solutae partes a fraeno coeunt secundum desiderium 
 suum naturale. Atque ideo fit, ut omnia corpora quae 
 continent spiritum acrem (ut sales, et hujusmodi) durent et 
 non solvantur, ob fraenum permanens et durabile spiritus 
 clominantis et imperiosi. 
 
 Ligatio vero motus congregationis minoris, quae fit per mo- 
 tum externum, maxime conspicitur in agitationibus corporum 
 per quas arcetur putrefactio. Omnis enim putrefactio fun- 
 datur in congregatione homogeneorum 8 ; unde paulatim fit 
 
 Ed., 187), 'it can be shown to be accelerated by moderate warmth, the 
 natural heat of the body from which the blood is taken appearing to be 
 most favourable to it ; but the coagulating power appears to be destroyed 
 by a temperature of about 150 F., blood heated to that point remaining 
 permanently fluid.' Bacon was, of course, deceived by seeing the blood 
 gradually coagulate after being taken from the body, the decreasing 
 temperature, which was only a concomitant of coagulation, occurring to 
 him as the cause. 
 
 1J6 It is needless to add anything to what I have already said on Bacon's 
 conception of ' spirit ' in the notes on i. 50, ii. 40, and elsewhere. 
 
 97 This word should, perhaps, be ' homogenea,' as Mr. Ellis suggests. 
 But 'heterogenea' seems intelligible enough, in the sense of 'different 
 parts.' Cp. the expression ' omnia solvuntur et redeunt in hetcrogeneas 
 suas, sive (si placet) elementa sua ;' in the passage referred to just below. 
 
 98 Cp. Historia Vitae et Mortis, E. and S., vol. ii. p. 214. This remark 
 shows how little Bacon was acquainted with organic chemistry. ' Putre- 
 faction ' (I quote from Dr. Ure's Dictionary of Arts, Manufactures, &c.) 
 ' is the spontaneous decomposition of albuminoid or protein and gelatine 
 compounds, when exposed to a limited amount of air. It is the decom- 
 position of bodies containing nitrogen, called by some persons azotised 
 bodies ; although such bodies are produced only by life, are the principa 
 means of producing life, and are more fitly called zoogens.' 
 
 'Thus bodies decompose at any temperature between 32 and 140 
 Fahrenheit (o 60 C.j. Their decomposition begins by the action of the 
 cxygen of the air, so that a partial oxidation and a gradual disruption are 
 simultaneous. The result of this is a number of liquid and gaseous com- 
 pounds : carbonic acid, hydrogen, nitrogen, ammonia, sulphuretted hydro- 
 gen, phosphuretted hydrogen, carburetted hydrogen, acetic acid, lactic 
 acid,' &c. 
 
 On 'Experiments touching the inducing and accelerating, the prohibiting 
 and pi eventing putrefaction,' see Sylva Sylvarum, Exps. 328-51.
 
 LIB, 77. 48. 545 
 
 corruptio prioris (quam vocant) formae, et gcneratio novae " 
 Nam putrcfactionem, quae stcrnit viam ad gcncrationcm 
 novae formae, praeccdit solutio veteris ; quae est ipsa coitio 
 ad homogeniam. Ea vero, si non impedita fuerit, fit solutio 
 simplex : sin occurrant varia quae obstant, scquuntur putre- 
 factioncs quae sunt rudimcnta generationis novae. Quod 
 si (id quod mine agitur) fiat agitatio frequens per motum 
 externum, turn vero motus iste coitionis (qui cst dclicatus 
 et mollis et indiget quiete ab externis) disturbatur et cessat ; 
 ut fieri videmus in innumeris : veluti cum quotidiana agitatio 
 aut profluentia aquae arceat putrefactionem ; vcnti arceant 
 pestilentiam ae'ris; grana in granariis versa et agitata maneant 
 pura ; omnia denique agitata exterius non facile putrefiant 
 interius. 
 
 Superest ut non omittatur coitio ilia partium corporum, unde 
 fit praecipue induratio et desiccatio. Postqtiam enim spiritus, 
 aut humidum in spiritum versum, evolaverit in aliquo corporc 
 porosiore (ut in ligno, osse, membrana, et hujusmodi), turn 
 partes crassiores majore nixu contrahuntur ct coeunt, unde 
 sequitur induratio aut desiccatio : : quod existimamus fieri, 
 non tam ob motum nexus, ne detur vacuum, quam per motum 
 istum amicitiae et unionis. 
 
 Ad coitionem vero ad distans quod attinet. ea infrequens est 
 et rara : et tamen in pluribus inest quam quibus observatur. 
 Hujus simulacra sunt, cum bulla solvat bullam - ; medica- 
 menta ex similitudine substantiae trahant humores ; ' ; chorda 
 in diversis fidibus ad unisonum moveat chordam 4 : et hujus- 
 
 99 On the theory of Spontaneous Generation,' see ii. 41 and note 82. 
 
 1 Cp. ii. 40 : ' Spiritus in re tangibili, emissus, corpora contrahit et 
 desiccat.' This position is expanded in the following paragraph, beginning 
 ' Etenim in omni corpore,' c. 
 
 - This is the case when two bubbles come into contact, and is due, 
 amongst other causes, to Capillary Attraction. See p. 427, note 67. 
 
 3 This is an example of the False Analogies of which ancient medicine 
 was so full, and is a special application of the maxim 'Similia similibus 
 curantur.' We find the opposite sentiment in Arist. Eth. ii. 2 (p. 1104 b. 
 17, iS): al df Inrpflat Siu ru>v fvavricav TrfffivKacri yiveadai. 
 
 4 The sympathetic vibrations of strings, tuning-forks, &c., in unison, 
 are well-known phenomena. See Tyndall's Lectures on Sound, Lect. 8 ad 
 fin. (ch. 9 in later editions), or, for a more detailed account, Helmholtz on 
 the Sensations of Tone, Translation by Mr. Ellis, Pt. i. ch. 3. 
 
 N n
 
 546 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 modi. Etiam in spiritibus animalium hunc motum vigere 
 existimamus 5 , sed plane incognitum. At eminet certe in 
 magnete, et ferro excito. Cum autem de motibus magnetis 
 loquimur, distinguendi plane sunt. Ouatuor enim virtutes 
 sive operationes sunt in magnete, quae non confundi, sed 
 separari debent ; licet admiratio hominum et stupor eas 
 commiscuerit. Una, coitionis magnetis ad magnetem, vel 
 ferri ad magnetem, vel ferri exciti ad ferrum. Secunda, 
 verticitatis ejus ad septentriones et austrum, atque simul 
 declinationis ejus G . Tertia, penetrationis ejus per aurum, 
 vitrum, lapidem, omnia ". Ouarta, communicationis virtutis 
 ejus de lapide in ferrum, et de ferro in ferrum, absque commu- 
 nicatione substantiae. Verum hoc loco de prima virtute ejus 
 tantum loquimur, videlicet coitionis. Insignis etiam est motus 
 coitionis argenti vivi et auri 8 : adeo ut aurum alliciat 
 argentum vivum, licet confectum in unguenta ; atque operarii 
 inter vapores argenti vivi soleant tenere in ore frustum auri, 
 ad colligendas emissiones argenti vivi, alias crania et ossa 
 corum invasuras ; unde etiam frustum illud paulo post 
 albescit. Atque de motu congregationis minoris haec dicta 
 sint. 
 
 (9) Sit Motus Nonus, Motns Magneticns : qui licet sit ex 
 genere motus congregationis minoris'\ tamen si operetur ad 
 distantias magnas et super massas rerum magnas, inqui- 
 sitionem merctur separatam ; praesertim si nee incipiat a 
 tactu, quemadmodum plurimi, nee perducat actionem ad 
 
 5 Sec Sylva Sylvarum, Exp. 1000 ; De Augmentis, lib. iv. cap. 3 (E. and 
 S., vol. i. pp. 608-9). Both these passages are well worth consulting. 
 
 These and the other phenomena which Bacon notices are fully de- 
 scribed by Gilbert, De Magnete. 
 
 7 See Aph. 42 ad init. 
 
 8 The phenomena which Bacon noticed are due to the facts that, even 
 at ordinary temperatures, Mercury is slightly volatile, and that the smallest 
 quantity of mercurial vapour coming in contact with gold is sufficient to 
 turn it white. It is, however, true that mercury combines very readily 
 v, ith gold, and hence it is used for the purpose of extracting that metal 
 from the ore. 
 
 " It is curious to observe that it never occurred to Bacon, as it did 
 afterwards to Newton, that the phenomena here described belong to the 
 same class as those included under the 'Motus Congregationis Majoris.'
 
 LIB. II. 48. 547 
 
 tactum, qucmadmodum omnes motus congregativi ; scd cor- 
 pora tantum elevet, aut ea intumescere faciat. ncc quicquam 
 ultra. Nam si luna attollat aquas lf ',, aut turgcscere aut 
 intumescere faciat humida u ; aut coelum stellatum attrahat 
 planetas versus sua apogaea ; aut sol alliget astra Veneris 
 et Mercurii 12 , ne longius absint a corpore ejus quam ad 
 distantiam certam ; videntur hi motus nee sub congregatione 
 majore nee sub congregatione minor e bene collocari, sed esse 
 tanquam congregativa media et imperfecta, ideoque speciem 
 debere constituere propriam. 
 
 (10) Sit Motus Decimus, Motus Fugae \ motus scilicet 
 
 10 Seeii. 45 and notes 13, 14, both for this passage and for the one below 
 on the attraction of the planets by the coelum stellatum. 
 
 11 Cp. Historia Densi et Rari (E. and S., vol. ii. p. 266) : ' Recepta est 
 opinio, humores et succos, non in animalibus tantum sed et in plantis, sub 
 pleniluniis magis turgescere, et cava implere.' Cp. Cicero, De Divinatione, 
 ii. 14; -Pliny, Nat. Hist. ii. 99, 101 (102, 104), sects. 201, &c. ; Horace 
 Sat. ii. 4, 1. 30 : 
 
 ' Lubrica nascentes implent conchylia Lunae.' 
 
 12 The two inferior planets, or those whose orbits are nearer to the sun 
 than that of the earth. Whether referred to the heliocentric or geocentric 
 system, the peculiarities of these planets early attracted attention. On the 
 geocentric hypothesis, it was doubted whether their orbits were superior 
 or inferior to that of the sun. Bacon starts various questions with re- 
 gard to them in the Descriptio Globi Intellectualis (E. and S., vol. iii. 
 pp. 746-7)- 
 
 As to the words ' ne longius absint' occ.. the best commentary on them 
 will be found in Herschel's Outlines of Astronomy, loth Ed., 467, &c. 
 Herschel begins his account of the motions of these planets almost in the 
 very words of Bacon : ' Two of the planets Mercury and Venus perform 
 their circuit evidently as attendants upon the sun, from whose vicinity 
 they never depart beyond a certain limit.' 
 
 13 The following excellent remarks on this section are made by Dr. 
 Hippus in his Account of the Novum Organum in the Library of Useful 
 Knowledge : ' Motus fugae, or the motion of avoidance, though very crudely 
 and almost ludicrously illustrated by Bacon, has its foundation in fact, and 
 is that property of matter which is now called repulsion. Newton found 
 that a convex lens, when put upon a flat glass, remained at the distance of 
 the j-Tj-th P art f an mcri j ar >d that a very considerable force was requisite 
 to diminish this distance. Again, though steel is so much heavier than its 
 bulk of water, yet if a dry needle be placed carefully upon the surface of a 
 basin of water, it will float ; the repulsion of the water preventing its 
 sinking. Also the particles of all ^wj seem to repel each other, as appears 
 
 N n 2
 
 548 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 motui congregationis minoris contrarius ; per quern corpora 
 ex antipathia fugiunt et fugant inimica, seque ab illis separant, 
 aut cum illis miscere se recusant. Ouamvis enim videri possit 
 in aliquibus hie motus esse motus tantum per accidens aut 
 per consequens, respectu motus congregationis minoris, quia 
 nequeunt coire homogenea, nisi heterogeneis exclusis et re- 
 motis ; tamen ponendus est motus iste per se, et in speciem 
 constituendus, quia in multis appetitus fitgac cernitur magis 
 principals quam appetitus coitionis. 
 
 Eminet autem hie motus insignitcr in excretionibus ani- 
 malium ; nee minus etiam in sensuum nonnullorum odiosis 
 objectis, praecipuc in olfactu et gustu. Odor enim foetidus 
 ita rejicitur ab olfactu, ut etiam inducat in os stomachi motum 
 expulsionis per consensum ; sapor amarus ct horridus ita rejici- 
 tur a palato aut gutture, ut inducat per consensum capitis con- 
 quassationem et horrorem. Veruntamen etiam in aliis locum 
 habet iste motus. Conspicitur enim in antiperistasibus 14 non- 
 nullis : ut in aeris media rcgione, cujus frigora vidcntur esse 
 rejectiones naturae frigiclae ex confiniis coelestium ; quemad- 
 
 from their elasticity. According to Boscovich, the atoms of which bodies 
 are composed are capable of acting on each other with a force, which 
 differs in intensity, and in kind, according to the distance. At sensible 
 distances the force is attractive, and diminishes inversely as the squares of 
 the distance. At the smallest distances the force is repulsive; it increases 
 as the distance diminishes ; and at last becomes infinite or insuperable. 
 Hence, if Boscovich's theory be correct, absolute contact, however para- 
 doxical this may appear, is impossible. Facts, at all events, prove, in many 
 cases, a repulsive power, whatever be its precise laws ; and to these facts 
 may be added, though somewhat differing from the former examples, the 
 repulsion of electrified pith balls ; also of the similar poles of two magnets. 
 In the latter case, all the force of a strong man has proved insufficient to 
 make the two north poles touch each other.' Other instances might be 
 found in the fact that some chemical elements, so far as we know at present, 
 will not combine with other elements (as, for instance, oxygen with fluorine), 
 while others only combine with great difficulty ; or, again, in certain pheno- 
 mena of repulsion partly due to capillarity, as, for example, in the fact, 
 analogous to that of the needle, that insects can often move on the surface 
 of water without sinking, or that a dry ball and a moistened ball, if placed 
 on a liquid in such a manner that the curved surfaces of the liquid in their 
 respective neighbourhoods intersect, will repel each other. 
 
 14 See ii. 12 (Inst. 24\ and 27, with note 96 on the latter Aphorism.
 
 LIB. II. 48. 549 
 
 modum ctiam videntur magni illi fcrvores et inflammationes, 
 quae inveniuntur in locis subterraneis, esse rcjectiones naturae 
 calidae ab interioribus terrae 15 . Calor enim et frigus, si fuerint in 
 quanto minore, se invicem perimunt ; sin fuerint in massis ma-- 
 joribus et tanquam justis exercitibus, turn vero per conflictum 
 se locis invicem summovent et ejiciunt. Etiam tradunt cina- 
 momum et odorifera, sita juxta latrinas et loca foetida, diutius 
 odorem retinere ; quia recusant cxire et commisceri cum foc- 
 tidis. Certe argcntum vivum, quod alias se reuniret in corpus 
 integrum, prohibetur per salivam hominis, aut axungiam 1 " 
 porci, aut terebinthinam, et hujusmodi, ne partes ejus coeant ; 
 proptcr malum consensum quern habent cum hujusmodi 
 corporibus ; a quibus undique circumfusis se retrahunt ; 
 adeo ut fortior sit earum fnga ab istis interjacentibus quam 
 desidcrium uniendi se cum partibus sui similibus ; id quod 
 vocant mortificationcm 17 argenti vivi. Etiam quod oleum 
 cum aqua non misceatur, non tantum in causa est differentia 
 levitatis, sed mains ipsorum consensus : ut videre est in 
 spiritu vini, qui cum levior sit oleo, tamen se bene miscet cum 
 aqua. At maxime omnium insignis est motus fngae in nitro, 
 et hujusmodi corporibus crudis, quae flammam exhorrent 18 ; 
 ut in pulvere pyrio, argento vivo, necnon in auro 1;) . Fitga 
 
 15 It is curious to find all this nonsense adopted by Bacon. It is 
 borrowed from Telesius (see De Principiis atque Originibus, E. and S., 
 vol. iii. pp. 109-10). Cp., for similar notions, Arist. Meteorologica, i. 12 
 
 (p. 348 b. 2, K.T.X.). 
 
 One of the Peripatetic doctrines (for which see Arist. De Gen. et Corr. 
 ii. 3) was that fire is hot and dry, air hot and moist, water cold and moist, 
 earth cold and dry. It required, therefore, to be explained why ' the 
 middle region of the air' is cold and why 'subterraneous places' are 
 warm, both phenomena being contrary to what might have been expected. 
 Telesius (whom Bacon so frequently follows) adopted so much of the 
 Peripatetic theory, as to make the heavens the principal seat of heat 
 and the earth of cold. See the account of Telesius' philosophy in the 
 De Principiis atque Originibus (p. 94, &c.), and cp. Telesius, De Rerum 
 Natura, lib. i. capp. 1-3. 
 
 10 Axle-tree grease, hog's lard. See Pliny, Nat. Hist, xxviii. 9 (37), 
 sects. 135, &c. 
 
 17 Cp. Historia Densi et Rari, E. and S., vol. ii. pp. 286-7. 
 
 lf) Cp. ii. 36 (7). 
 
 19 Cp. Historia Ventorum, E. and S., vol. ii. p. 74, and see Beckmann's
 
 550 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 vcro ferri 20 ab altero polo magnetis a Gilberto 21 bene notatur 
 non esse fiiga propria, sed conformitas, et coitio ad situm 
 magis accommodatum. 
 
 (u) Sit Motus Undecimus, Motus Assimilationis, sive 
 Multiplicationis srti, sive etiam Generationis Simplicis. Gene- 
 rationcm autem simplicem dicimus non corporum integralium, 
 ut in plantis, aut animalibus ; sed corporum similarium 22 . 
 Nempe per hunc motum corpora similaria vertunt corpora 
 alia affinia, aut saltern bcne disposita et praeparata, in sub- 
 stantiam et naturam suam : ut flamma, quae super halitus 
 et oleosa multiplicat se, et generat novam flammam 23 ; aer, 
 qui super aquam et aquea multiplicat se, et generat novum 
 aerem 24 ; spiritus vegetabilis et animalis, qui super tenuiores 
 
 History of Inventions, vol. iii. p. 128 (as quoted in E. and S.) for an 
 account of the discovery of fulminating gold. In the two-volume Edition, 
 the reference is vol. ii. p. 301, &c. The effects of detonating silver are 
 much more violent than those of detonating gold. 
 
 20 That is, magnetised iron ; for the law that ' Poles of the same name 
 repel, and poles of contrary name attract one another ' applies only to 
 substances both of which are magnets. 
 
 - 1 ' Ita coitio magnetica actus est magnetis et ferri, non actio unius, 
 utriusque eVreXe'^eta non epyoi/, crut'reXe^em et conactus potius quam sym- 
 pathia ; antipathia nulla est proprie magnetica. Nam fuga et declinatio 
 terminorum, sive conversio totius, utriusque actus est ad unitatem, a 
 conactu et crwevreXe'^eia [sic] amborum.' Gilbert, De Magnete, lib. ii. cap. 4. 
 But surely this is as much a case of repulsion as any of the others which 
 have been noticed. Faraday (Experimental Researches in Electricity) has 
 shewn that there are many substances (called by him diamagnetic sub- 
 stances) which are repelled by both poles of a magnet. 
 
 '- This is a curious limitation. The subject proposed for enquiry is not 
 the process by which the life of the whole animal or plant is sustained, but 
 the process by which and the materials out of which the separate parts (as 
 the bone, muscles, flesh, &c.) are repaired or augmented. Bacon's ignor- 
 ance of organic chemistry renders the discussion almost worthless. 
 
 23 On the physical constitution of flame, and the means by which it is 
 sustained or augmented (on which points Bacon was, of course, ignorant), 
 see Tyndall's Heat a Mode of Motion, 3rd Ed., 49, &c., or Watts' 
 Dictionary of Chemistry, article ' Combustion,' already referred to in one 
 of the notes on ii. 36 (8). Cp. also the whole of the passage on Flame in 
 ii. 36 (8), with the notes upon it. 
 
 24 The transmutability of the Elements was one of the leading doctrines 
 of the Peripatetic school. The student will find a clear and succinct
 
 LIB. IL 48. 551 
 
 partes tarn aquei quam olcosi in alimentis suis multiplicat se, 
 et generat novum spiritum 25 ; partes solidae plantarum et 
 animalium, veluti folium, flos, caro, os, et sic de caeteris, quae 
 singulae ex succis alimentorum assimilant et generant sub- 
 stantiam successivam et epiusiam 2G . Neque enim quenquam 
 
 statement of the theory in Arist. De Gen. et Corr. ii. 4 (p. 331). The 
 conversion of water into air requires only the change of one quality, 
 namely of ' cold ' into ' warm,' the ' moist ' being already common to the 
 two. The intimate relation between air and water is spoken of in a 
 variety of ways. Thus in Phys. iv. 5 (p. 213 a. 1-4), Aristotle says (in 
 a passage already quoted) : ovrco 8e K<U dfjp e'^et rrpos vdu>p' olov v\rf yap, TO 
 8e fi8os, TO p.ev v8<ap vXr] depos, 6 8e drjp OLOV fvepyeid TIS fKfivov' TO yap v8(ap 
 8vvdp.u drjp to~Tiv, 6 8 dfjp 8wdp.fi v8u>p $X\ov Tponov. See also a curious 
 discussion in Meteorologica, i. 3 (339 a-34i a). Seneca (Nat. Ouaest. 
 iii. 10) has a striking passage on the constant interchange of the elements. 
 
 Patricius, who attacks the doctrine of the transmutability of the elements 
 (Discuss. Peripatet. torn. iv. lib. 3. pp. 395-6), asks very pertinently, who 
 ever saw air converted into water, or water into air. ' Dicat mihi de 
 numero istorum philosophorum aliquis, an unquam viderint, observarint, 
 aerem in aquam converti ? Scio ego, vidi, concedam, ex aqua et terra 
 in aerem vaporcs ascendere, aerem eos fieri nemo unquam vidit. ****** 
 At dixit [Aristoteles] aerem in aquam transmutari. Scio eum dixisse, sed 
 experimentum cur non attulit ? Adferant sui pro eo.' 
 
 Bacon's idea seems to have been that air renews itself, and feeds, as 
 it were, on water, as flame renews itself and feeds on ' vapours and oily 
 matter.' 
 
 Air itself, on the other hand, while in the lower regions, he appears 
 to have regarded as a fixed body, which does not admit of resolution. 
 ' Aer autem corpus fixum est, nee solvitur : licet enim aer ex humido 
 aqueo novum aerem gignat, tamen vetus aer nihilominus manet ; unde 
 fit superoneratio ilia aeris, de quo diximus in titulo de Vends.' Hist. 
 Vitae et Mortis, as quoted in the next note. Cp. Historia Ventorum, 
 E. and S., vol. ii. pp. 42-3 ; 75. But, in the upper regions, it is resolved 
 again into water, this ' reciprocation ' being a necessary conclusion ' ex 
 conservatione rerum.' See Historia Densi et Rari, E. and S., vol. ii. 
 
 P- 293- 
 
 '-"' On this absurd notion, cp. Historia Vitae et Mortis, Canon 32, E. and 
 S., vol. ii. pp. 225-6. 
 
 '-'' emoto-iov, sufficient for the day, or proper for their sustenance. The 
 word is, of course, adopted from the Lord's Prayer (Matt. vi. ii ; Luke 
 xi. 3). On the various opinions as to the meaning and derivation of this 
 word, the two translations in the Vulgate (supersubstantialem quotidi- 
 anum), and the celebrated dispute thence arising between St. Bernard 
 and Abelard (see Morison's St. Bernard, ist Ed., p. 313, &c.), it would be 
 travelling beyond my present province to speak.
 
 552 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 cum Paracelso delirare juvet, qui (distillationibus suis scilicet 
 occaecatus) nutritionem per separationem tantum fieri voluit; 
 quodque in pane vel cibo lateat oculus, nasus, cerebrum, 
 jecur 27 ; in succo terrae radix, folium, flos. Etenim sicut 
 faber ex rucli massa lapidis vel ligni, per separationem et 
 rejectionem superflui, educit folium, florem, oculum, nasum, 
 manum, pedem, et similia ; ita Archacnm ilium Fabrum 28 
 internum ex alimento per separationem et rejectionem edu- 
 cere singula membra et partes asserit ille. Verum, missis 
 
 27 I borrow, with slight additions, the following note from Mr. Ellis : 
 ' I have not been able to find any passage in Paracelsus which altogether 
 corresponds to this remark ; and in his Modus Pharmacandi the process 
 of digestion is described without reference to the Archeus ; nor is it said 
 that each member " latet in pane vel cibo." "Hoc scimus, quod cujusque 
 membri nutrimentum latitet in pane, carne, et in aliis similiter." " Ouot 
 vero modis et quibus, necnon qua ratione membris corporis nutrimentum 
 dividatur, nos ignoramus ; hoc tantum scimus, rem ita se habere ut dixi- 
 mus." De Mod. Pharm. [Operum medico-chimicorum sive paradoxorum 
 tomi undecim genuini, torn.] v. p. 233. (I use the edition of 1603.) 
 
 ' Bacon has, however, correctly stated the general doctrine that alimen- 
 tation is by separation ; and again Paracelsus affirms that " officium vero 
 Archei est in microcosmopurum ab impuro separare " [rather sequestrare\. 
 De Morbis Tartareis, [torn.] iii. 195. The truth is that Paracelsus's views 
 are so often repeated and varied in the course of his writings, that it 
 is difficult to know how far his opinions are represented by any particular 
 passage. 
 
 ' It is well to remark that, to a certain extent, the theory here so de- 
 cidedly condemned has, by the recent progress of organic chemistry, been 
 shown to be true. Nothing seems better established than that the nitro- 
 geniscd components of animal bodies are derived from the corresponding 
 elements of their food. With respect to fat, it is, I believe, a prevailing 
 opinion at present, that animals have the power of converting into it the 
 starch or sugar of their food [see Miller's Organic Chemistry, Elements of 
 Chemistry, 4th Ed., vol. iii. 1718] ; and the production of butyric acid 
 by fermentation has been regarded as at least an illustration of the 
 transformation. One of the highest authorities on such a subject, however, 
 I mean M. Boussingault, was, at least a few years ago, of a different opinion. 
 He regarded animal fat as the representative of the fatty matters contained 
 in the food.' 
 
 '* Paracelsus is very fond of this analogy. Thus, in the De Morbis 
 Tartareis, cap. 3, he says: 'Ac insuper Archaeum loco et vice fabri praesto 
 esse debeat.' Hallam (History of Literature, part. i. ch. 7. 17-20) gives 
 a short account of the whimsical theories of Paracelsus. For a longer 
 account, see Sprengel, Geschichte der Arzneykunde, Th. iii. Kap. 10.
 
 LIB. IL 48. 553 
 
 nugis, certissimum est partes singulas, tarn similares quam 
 organicas, in vcgetabilibus et animalibus, succos alimentorum 
 suorum fere communes, aut non multum diversos, primo at- 
 trahcre cum nonnullo delectu, deindc assimilarc, et vertere in 
 naturam suam. Neque assimilatio ista, aut gencratio simplex, 
 fit solum in corporibus animatis, verum et inanimata ex hac re 
 participant ; veluti de flamma et ae'rc dictum est. Quinetiam 
 spiritus emortuus 2;) , qui in omni tangibili animate continetur, 
 id perpetuo agit, ut partes crassiores digcrat et vertat in 
 spiritum, qui dcinde exeat ; unde fit diminutio ponderis et 
 exsiccatio, ut alibi diximus 30 . Neque etiam respuenda est 
 in assimilatione accretio ilia, quam vulgo ab alimentatione 
 distinguunt ; veluti cum lutum :u inter lapillos concrescit, 
 et vertitur in materiam lapideam ; squammae circa dentes 
 vertuntur in substantiam non minus duram quam sunt dentes 
 ipsi, etc. Sumus enim in ca opinione, inesse corporibus 
 omnibus desiderium assimilandi, non minus quam coeundi 
 ad homogenea ; verum ligatur ista virtus, sicut et ilia, licet 
 non iisdem modis. Sed modos illos, necnon solutionem ab 
 iisdem, omni diligentia inquirere oportet, quia pertinent ad 
 senectutis refocillationem 32 . Postremo videtur notatu dig- 
 num, quod in novem 33 illis motibus, dc quibus diximus, 
 corpora tantum naturae suae conservationem appetere vidcn- 
 tur ; in hoc decimo autem propagationem. 
 
 ' :o On the distinction between the 'spiritus mortualis' and the 'spiritus 
 vitalis,' see Historia Vitae et Mortis, E. and S., vol. ii. pp. 214-7. In 
 Canons vii, viii, he makes the same remarks as in the present passage. 
 
 ' See ii. 40. 
 
 :51 He means clay mixed up with pebbles or gravel, as in conglomerate 
 strata. The induration would take place just as readily, if it were detached, 
 provided it were subjected to the same influences in other respects. 
 
 3 - To attain this end is the practical object of the ' Historia Vitae et 
 Mortis.' See also De Augmentis, lib. iv. cap. 2. 
 
 The word ' refocillatio,' which is not to be found in classical Latin, 
 though the verb refocillo is occasionally found in post-Augustan writers, 
 occurs in some of the old College graces, as, for instance, in that of 
 Lincoln College, Oxford : ' Agimus Tibi gratias pro * * * praesentique 
 refocillatione.' 
 
 3 Nine, that is to say, excluding the first so-called 'motus,' which is 
 common to all matter, and of which no examples are proposed ; ' inest 
 enim omni corpori.'
 
 554 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 (12) Sit Motus Duodecimus, Motns Excitationis 34 ; qui 
 motus videtur esse ex genere assimilationis, atque eo nomine 
 quandoque a nobis promiscue vocatur. Est enim motus diffu- 
 sivus, et communicativus, et transitivus, et multiplicativus, 
 sicut et ille ; atque effectu (ut plurimum) conscntiunt, licet 
 efficiendi modo et subjecto differant. Motus enim assimila- 
 tionis procedit tanquam cum imperio et potestate ; jubet enim 
 et cogit assimilatum in assimilantem verti et mutari. At 
 motus cxcitationis procedit tanquam arte et insinuatione et 
 furtim ; et invitat tantum, et disponit excitatum ad naturam 
 excitantis. Etiam motus assimilationis multiplicat et trans- 
 format corpora et substantias ; veluti, plus fit flammae, plus 
 aeris, plus spiritus, plus carnis. At in motu cxcitationis, mul- 
 tiplicantur et transeunt virtutes tantum ; et plus fit calidi. 
 plus magnetici, plus putridi 30 . Eminet autem iste motus 
 praecipue in calido et frigido. Neque enim calor diffundit 
 se in calefaciendo per communicationem primi caloris ; sed 
 tantum per excitationem partium corporis 3G ad motum ilium 
 qui est Forma Calidi ; de quo in vindemiatione priina dc 
 natura calidi diximus. Itaque longe tardius et difficilius 
 excitatur calor in lapide aut metallo quam in acre 37 , ob 
 inhabilitatem et impromptitudinem corporum illorum ad 
 motum ilium ; ita ut verisimilc sit posse esse interius versus 
 viscera terrae matcrias quae calefieri prorsus respuant ; quia 
 ob condensationem majorem spiritu illo destituuntur a quo 
 motus iste cxcitationis plcrunque incipit 38 . Similiter magncs 
 
 34 The last 'motus' is conceived of as multiplying substances by assimi- 
 lation, this as exciting or communicating qualities by means of diffusion. 
 The growth of the body and its various parts would be the typical instance 
 of the one, heat of the other. 
 
 r On the doubtful character of this last example, see note 39 below. 
 
 3G This view is, of course, the true one. 
 
 37 This mistake, as already pointed out, arises from confusing the radia- 
 tion with the conduction of heat. 
 
 13 This curious passage seems to imply the notions that heat is com- 
 municated by means of a ' spiritus ' and that, in very dense bodies, this 
 ' spiritus ' vanishes or is crushed out. 
 
 It is worth noting that Bacon regards the interior of the earth as much 
 denser than the surface. Cp. Historia Densi et Rari, E. and S., vol. ii. 
 pp. 248-9. '' Ue intcrioribus autem terrae nihil decernimus ; cum nee
 
 LIB. IT. 48. 
 
 induit ferrum nova partium dispositione et motu conformi ; 
 ipse autem nihil ex virtute pcrdit. Similiter fermentum panis, 
 et flos cervisiae 3 ' J , et coagulum lactis, et nonnulla ex vcnenis, 
 excitant et invitant motum in massa farinaria. aut ccrvisia, 
 aut caseo, aut corpore humano, successivum ct continuatum ; 
 non tarn ex vi excitantis quam ex praedispositione et facili 
 cessione excitati. 
 
 (13) Sit Motus Decimus Tertius, Motns Imprcssionis 40 ; 
 qui motus est etiam ex genere motus assimilationis, cstque 
 ex diffusivis motibus subtilissimus. Nobis autcm visum est 
 eum in speciem propriam constituere, propter difierentiam 
 
 sensui nee experimento subjiciantur. Ilia, cum a calore coelestium primo 
 longius, deinde penitus, semota sint, possint esse corporibus nobis notis 
 densiora.' ' Cum fons densitatis videatur csse in profundo tcrrae, adeo 
 ut versus superficiem ejus corpora eximie extenuentur ; illud notatu dig- 
 num est, quod aurum,' &c. He then proceeds to ask why gold, which is 
 so heavy, should be found on the surface of the earth. 
 
 ' J Yeast. ' The flower of beer.' For cervisia, see Pliny, lib. xxii. ad fin. 
 
 In consequence of the researches of Pasteur and others, the generally 
 received opinion as to the working of yeast and leaven is that it is due to 
 a chemical action set up by the life processes of minute organisms which 
 have an indefinite power of self-multiplication. (See Watts' Dictionary of 
 Chemistry, art. ' Fermentation,' both in vol. ii. and in the Supplement. ) 
 The opposed view, held by Liebig and others, attributing these changes 
 entirely to chemical and physical forces, seems to have been set aside by 
 recent experiments. Hence, these phenomena must be regarded as illus- 
 trating the last section rather than the present one. Putrefaction (see 
 note 98 above) is a particular case of fermentation. 
 
 The coagulation of milk, when spontaneous, is also probably due to 
 chemical action set up by minute living organisms. But, when produced 
 by artificial means, as by an acid, the phenomenon is purely chemical, and 
 may, therefore, be regarded as an example of the 'motus excitationis.' 
 
 As to poisons, we must distinguish three cases. Some poisons, like 
 vaccine virus, are due to the indefinite self-multiplication of low organisms 
 within the body. Others, like arsenic, act purely chemically. Lastly, a 
 third class, like chloroform or prussic acid, act, as it were, physiologically, 
 by destroying the dynamical activity of some tissue or organ. I am 
 indebted for this division to the late Dr. Rolleston. The student will find 
 some interesting remarks on the action of poisons in Dr. Carpenter's Human 
 Physiology, 8th Ed., 220-9 (ch. 7). [Omitted in the 9th Edition.] 
 
 40 This 'motus' is distinguished from the two last by the continuance of 
 the original impressions being necessary to the continuance of the effects. 
 Thus light or sound ceases, when the source of the impression is with- 
 drawn.
 
 556 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 insignem quam habet erga priores duos. Motus enim assi- 
 milationis simplex corpora ipsa transformat ; ita ut si tollas 
 primum movens nihil intersit ad ea quac sequuntur. Neque 
 enim prima accensio in flammam, aut prima versio in ae'rem, 
 aliquid facit ad flammam aut ae'rem in generatione succe- 
 dcntem. Similitcr, motus excitationis omnino manet, remoto 
 primo movente, ad tempora bene diuturna ; ut in corpore 
 calefacto, remoto primo calore ; in ferro excito, remoto mag- 
 nate ; in massa farinaria, remoto fermento. At Motus Im- 
 prcssioniS) licet sit diffusivus, et transitivus, tamen perpetuo 
 pendere vidctur ex primo movente ; adeo ut, sublato aut 
 ccssante illo, statim deficiat et pereat ; itaquc etiam momento, 
 aut saltern exiguo tcmpore 41 , transigitur. Ouare motus illos 
 assimilationis et excitationis, Motus gcncrationis Jovis, quia 
 generatio manct ; hunc autem motum JHotnin Gcnerationis 
 Saturni^-, quia natus statim devoratur et absorbetur, ap- 
 pellare consuevimus. Manifestat se vcro hie motus in tribus ; 
 in lucis radiis ; sonorum pcrcussionibus ; et magncticis, qua- 
 tenus ad communicationem 4S . Etenim amota luce, statim 
 pereunt colores ct reliquae imagines ejus ; amota percussione 
 prima et quassatione corporis inde facta, paulo post pcrit 
 sonus. Licet enim soni etiam in medio per ventos tanquam 
 per undas 44 agitentur ; tamcn diligentius notandum est, quod 
 sonus non tarn diu durat quam fit resonatio 45 . Etenim im- 
 pulsa campana, sonus ad bene magnum tempus continuari 
 
 41 This qualification allows for the time required for the propagation of 
 light or sound. Cp. Aph. 46, with notes upon it. 
 
 l ' 2 The Latin Saturnus was confounded with the Greek god K/JO'I/OS. For 
 the story, see Hesiod, Theogonia, 1. 453, &c. 
 
 4: '' That is, mere communication of motion, as distinguished from the 
 magnetic induction spoken of above and in the last section. The latter is 
 permanent ; the former disappears with the attracting body. 
 
 44 It would seem from this passage as if Bacon had a vague notion of 
 the undulatory motion of sound. 
 
 45 He is speaking of the reinforcement of sound caused by the continued 
 vibration of the object struck, even after the first effect of the percussion 
 has ceased. The case of stringed instruments, which have sounding 
 boards, is different from that of a bell. On the phenomena of Overtones 
 and Resonance, see Tyndall on Sound or Helmholtz on Sensations of 
 Tone.
 
 LIB. II. 48. 
 
 videtur : unde quis facile in errorem labatur, si existimet toto 
 illo tempore sonum tanquam natare et haerere in acre ; quod 
 falsissimum est. Etcnim ilia resonatio non est idem sonus 
 numero, sed renovatur. Hoc autem manifcstatur ex seda- 
 tione sive cohibitionc corporis percussi. Si enim sistatur et 
 detineatur campana fortiter et fiat immobilis, statim perit 
 sonus nee resonat amplius ; ut in chordis, si post primam 
 percussionem tangatur chorda, vel digito ut in lyra, vel calamo 
 ut in espinetis, statim desinit resonatio. Magnete autem 
 remoto, statim ferrum decidit. Luna autem a mari non potest 
 removeri; nee terra a ponderoso dum cadit 4G . Itaque de illis 
 nullum fieri potest experimentum ; sed ratio eadem est. 
 
 (14) Sit Motus Decimus Ouartus, Motus Configuration-is, 
 aut Situs* 1 ; per quem corpora appetere videntur, non coi- 
 tionem aut separationem aliquam, sed situm, et collocationem, 
 et configurationem cum aliis. Est autem iste motus valde 
 abstrusus, ncc bene inquisitus. Atque in quibusdam videtur 
 quasi incausabilis ; licet revera (ut existimamus) non ita sit. 
 Etenim si quaeratur cur potius coelum volvatur ab oriente in 
 occidentem quam ab occidente in orientem 4S ; aut cur vertatur 
 
 10 Note that here, as in ii. 45 and elsewhere, Bacon connects the fall of 
 heavy bodies to the earth and the phenomena of the spring and neap tides 
 with magnetic attraction. 
 
 47 This ' motus ' may be illustrated by the form of crystals, or the 
 cellular structure of animals and plants, or the tendency of each particular 
 species to assume a definite shape. I cannot agree with Dr. Hippus that 
 there is anything strange in referring to this head the directions of the 
 celestial motions or the polarity of the magnetic needle. 
 
 *' Or, as we should put it, why the earth rotates from west to east. 
 This direction of motion, whether orbital or axial, as we have already seen 
 (see ii. 36 (2) with note 98), is common to all the planets and their satel- 
 lites, with the sole known exception of the satellites of Uranus. Moreover, 
 the sun itself rotates on its axis in the same direction. For Laplace's cal- 
 culations, by which he showed the enormously preponderating probability 
 of some common cause for this uniformity of direction, see Jevons' Prin- 
 ciples of Science, vol. i. pp. 287-9, ar >d the works, on both sides of the 
 question, there referred to. This cause is, in all probability, connected 
 with the circumstances of the detachment of the planets or satellites from 
 the central mass of which they are supposed, according to the nebular 
 hypothesis, to have originally formed a part. For this ingenious theory 
 and for the earlier one of Buffon, which had for its object the explanation
 
 558 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 circa polos positos juxta Ursas potius quam circa Orionem, 
 aut ex alia aliqua parte coeli 49 : videtur ista quaestio tanquam 
 quaedam extasis 50 , cum ista potius ab experientia, et ut posi- 
 tiva 51 recipi dcbeant. At in natura profecto sunt quaedam 
 ultima et incausabilia ; verum hoc 52 ex illis non esse videtur. 
 Etenim hoc fieri existimamus ex quadam harmonia et con- 
 sensu mundi, qui adhuc non venit in observationem. Quod 
 si recipiatur motus terrae ab occidente in orientem, eaedem 
 manent quaestiones. Nam et ipsa super aliquos polos move- 
 tur. Atque cur tandem debeant isti poli collocari magis ubi 
 sunt quam alibi ? Item verticitas, et directio, et declinatio 
 magnetis ad hunc motum referuntur. Etiam inveniuntur in 
 corporibus tarn naturalibus quam artificialibus, praescrtim 
 consistentibus et non fluidis, collatio quaedam et positura 
 partium, et tanquam villi et fibrae, quae diligenter investi- 
 gandae sunt ; utpote sine quarum inventione corpora ilia 
 commode tractari aut regi non possunt. At circulationes 
 
 of the same phenomena, see Laplace, Exposition du Systeme du Monde, 
 note vii. (CEuvres, vol. vi. p. 470, &c.). 
 
 411 Mr. Ellis, commenting on the corresponding passage below, says : 
 ' This passage shows that Bacon was not aware that the poles are not fixed 
 (collocati) anywhere ; in other words, that he was not acquainted with the 
 precession of the equinoxes ; an additional proof how little of his attention 
 had been given to mathematical physics.' In the Historia Ventorum (E. 
 and S., vol. ii. p. 28). as Mr. Spedding (employing Mr. Ellis's notes) has 
 pointed out, he speaks of the north pole as being above, and the south 
 pole belou- us. See Mr. Spedcling's Preface to the De Interprctatione 
 Naturae Prooemium, vol. iii. p. 512. 
 
 5 " fKCTTCKns, a displacement, or a standing aside. We may construe 'out 
 of place.' The word is common in Aristotle. 
 
 11 'As ultimate facts.' Cp. i. 48, with note 73. However far we may 
 carry our speculations, there is always something beyond which is left 
 unexplained. And this difficulty the human mind, with its restless acti- 
 vity, attempts, and cannot but attempt, to resolve. There must always, 
 it is true, be some barrier to these efforts, but, unless they were constantly 
 being made, the mind would become atrophied, and human knowledge 
 would soon be at a standstill. 
 
 - This remark does credit to Paeon's sagacity. See note 48 above, on 
 Laplace's nebular hypothesis. Though, of course, Bacon had not the 
 slightest suspicion of such explanations as would now be given, still he 
 had the penetration to suspect that there must be some explanation 
 forthcoming.
 
 LIB. II. 48. 559 
 
 illas in liquidis, per quas ilia dum pressa sint, antequam sc 
 liberarc possunt, se invicem relevant, ut compressioncm illam 
 ex acquo tolerent, motui libertatis verius assignamus. 
 
 (15) Sit Motus Dccimus Quintus, Motus Pcrtraiisitionis, 
 sive Motus secundum Meatus ; per quern virtutes corporum 
 magis aut minus impediuntur aut provehuntur a mcdiis 
 ipsorum, pro natura corporum et virtutum opcrantium, atque 
 etiam medii. Aliud enim medium 6:3 luci convenit. aliud sono, 
 aliud calori et frigori, aliud virtutibus magncticis, necnon 
 aliis nonnullis respective. 
 
 (16) Sit Motus Decimus Sextus, UTotns Regius (ita enim 
 eum appellamus) sive Politicns 54: : per quern partes in corpore 
 aliquo praedominantes et imperantes reliquas partes fraenant, 
 
 53 On the medium of Light, cp. Topica Inquisitionis De Luce et 
 Lumine, x, xi (E. and S., vol. ii. p. 320), and Sylva Sylvarum, Exps. 761-2, 
 where he notices the phenomenon of Refraction ; on the medium of Sound, 
 the numerous 'Experiments' on Sound in Sylva Sylvarum, Centuries ii, iii ; 
 on the medium of Heat, the numerous remarks scattered throughout this 
 Book of the Novum Organum ; and on the medium through which the 
 Magnet acts, the Inquisitio De Magnete (E.andS., vol. ii. pp. 311-2), and 
 Nov. Org. ii. 42. His remarks on the transmission of Heat are vitiated 
 throughout by his not distinguishing between radiation and conduction. 
 
 One of the most important differences with respect to transmission 
 through media is that, while heat and light can be transmitted in vacuo, 
 sound cannot. Moreover, the denser the air in which a sound is gene- 
 rated, the more intense is it. A magnet will act in vacuo, but Faraday 
 has shown that a substance, which is paramagnetic in vacuo, may become 
 diamagnetic in air. As respects electricity, I may quote the following 
 passage from Ganot's Physics (i2th Ed. of Translation, 927): 'The 
 electrical discharge does not pass through a vacuum, as is shown by the 
 following experiment. A small tube containing caustic potash is fused to 
 a Geissiers tube connected with a Sprengel pump. By continual ex- 
 haustion while the caustic potash is being heated, as complete a vacuum 
 as possible is made of the tube sealed. The last minute trace of aqueous 
 vapour is absorbed by the caustic potash as it cools. In this complete 
 vacuum the discharge, however strong, no longer passes ; the vacuum 
 acts as a complete non-conductor.' 
 
 r ' 4 This somewhat fanciful notion, still more fancifully illustrated, re- 
 quires no comment. Better illustrations would have been, in respect of 
 determining functions, the place of the heart and brain in the animal 
 economy, or, in respect of relative importance, that of the seed-vessels 
 in plants. For the metaphor, cp. Arist. Pol. i. 5 (6) : ?? /V yap tyvx>] rov 
 tra>fj.aros <"px el SfanoTiKtjif ap-^v, 6 fie vovs TTJS ope'ecoy TroXiriKijv KCU @aai\iK>']i>, 
 K. T. X,
 
 560 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 domant, subigunt, ordinant, et cogunt eas adunari, separari, 
 consistere, moveri, collocari, non ex desideriis suis, sed prout 
 in ordine sit et conducat ad bene esse partis illius imperantis ; 
 adeo ut sit quasi Regimen et Politia quaedam, quam exercet 
 pars regens in partes subditas. Eminet autem hie motus 
 praecipue in spiritibus animalium, qui motus omnes partium 
 reliquarum, quamdiu ipse in vigore est, contempcrat. In- 
 venitur autem in aliis corporibus in gradu quodam inferiore ; 
 quemadmodum dictum est de sanguine et urinis, quae non 
 solvuntur donee spiritus, qui partes earum commiscebat et 
 cohibebat, emissus fuerit aut suffocatus. Neque iste motus 
 omnino spiritibus proprius est, licet in plerisque corporibus 
 spiritus dominentur ob motum celerem et penetrationem. 
 Veruntamen in corporibus magis condensatis, nee spiritu vivido 
 et vigente (qualis inest argento vivo et vitriolo) repletis, 
 dominantur potius partes crassiores ; adeo ut nisi fraenum et 
 jugum hoc arte aliqua excutiatur, de nova aliqua hujusmodi 
 corporum transformatione minime sperandum sit. Neque 
 vero quispiam nos oblitos esse existimet ejus quod nunc 
 agitur ; quia cum ista series et distributio motuum ad nil 
 aliud spectet, quam ut illorum praedominantia per instantias 
 Inctac melius inquiratur, jam inter motus ipsos praedomi- 
 nantiac mentionem faciamus. Non enim in descriptione motiis 
 istius rcgii, cle praedominantia motuum aut virtutum trac- 
 tamus, sed de praedominantia partium in corporibus. Haec 
 enim ea est praedominantia^ quae speciem istam motus 
 peculiarem constituit. 
 
 (17) Sit Motus Decirnus Septimus, JiTotns Rotationis Spon- 
 tancns 55 ; per quern corpora motu gaudentia, et bene collocata, 
 natura sua fruuntur, atque seipsa sequuntur, non aliud, et 
 tanquam proprios petunt amplexus. Etenim vidcntur cor- 
 pora aut moverc sine termino ; aut plane quiescere ; aut ferri 
 ad terminum, ubi pro natura sua aut rotent aut quiescant. 
 Atque quae bene collocata sunt, si motu gaudcant. movent 
 
 f>s Cp. ii. 5 ad fin., ii. 35, ii. 36 (2), and notes. There is little on this 
 subject to add to what has already been said on the above passages. The 
 reader will not fail to contrast Bacon's curious conceptions about motion 
 (derived from the Peripatetics) with the Laws of Motion, as known to us.
 
 LIB. 77. 48. 561 
 
 per circulum : motu scilicet aeterno et infinite. Quae bene 
 collocata sunt, et motum exhorrent, prorsus quiescunt. Quae 
 non bene collocata sunt, movent in linea recta (tanquam 
 tramite brevissimo) ad consortia suorum connaturalium 5G . 
 Recipit autem motus iste rotationis diffcrentias novem 57 . 
 Primam, centri sui, circa quod corpora movent : sccundam, 
 polorum suorum, supra quos movent : tertiam, circumferentiae 
 sive ambitus sui, prout distant a centre : quartam, incitationis 
 suae, prout celerius aut tardius rotant : quintam, conse- 
 quutionis motus sui, veluti ab oriente in occidentem, aut ab 
 occidente in orientem : sextam, declinationis a circulo perfecto 
 per spiras longius aut propius distantes a centro suo : septi- 
 mam, declinationis a circulo perfecto per spiras longius aut 
 propius distantes a polis suis : octavam, distantiae propioris 
 aut longioris spirarum suarum ad invicem : nonam et ultimam, 
 variationis ipsorum polorum 58 , si sint mobiles ; quae ipsa ad 
 rotationem non pertinet, nisi fiat circulariter 5!) . Atque iste 
 
 56 ' This passage is wholly in accordance with the Peripatetic system of 
 physics. But the modifications which Bacon goes on to enumerate, to 
 which, as he conceives, the eternal circular motions of the heavenly bodies 
 may be subject, are sufficient to destroy the whole a priori argument in 
 favour of such a system of astronomy as that which we find in the twelfth 
 book of the Metaphysics. It has not been sufficiently observed that the 
 Ptolemaic system is no less at variance with the Peripatetic philosophy 
 than the heliocentrical. The attempts of Turrianus and Fracastorius to 
 construct what may be called an orthodox system of astronomy that is 
 one in which all the motions should take place in circles of which the earth 
 is the centre was suggested chiefly, as we learn from the Homocentrica 
 of the latter, by the wish to reconcile astronomy and philosophy. It had 
 no scientific value, since it left all the phenomena of variations of parallax 
 and apparent diameter unexplained, or, at any rate, gave an explanation of 
 them which no astronomer would accept. It was nevertheless favourably 
 received by the systematic Peripaticians. See, for instance, Flaminius, 
 De prima Philosoph. Paraph, p. 119. (I quote the Basle edition of 15 57.)' 
 Mr. Ellis' note. 
 
 67 That is, nine respects in which the motions may differ. 
 
 68 That is, libration. 
 
 The reader need hardly be again reminded that he will find a detailed 
 account of Bacon's astronomical views (written, however, about eight years 
 before the publication of the Novum Organum), in the Descriptio Globi 
 Intellcctualis and the appended tract Thema Coeii (E. and S., vol. iii. 
 pp. 713-80). 
 
 59 Mr. Ellis says : ' I believe the sense is that unless we restrict ourselves 
 
 Oo
 
 562 ^ NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 motus communi et inveterata opinione habetur pro proprio 
 coelestium. Attamen gravis de illo motu lis est inter non- 
 nullos tarn ex antiquis quam modernis, qui rotationcm terrae 
 attribuerunt. At multo fortasse justior 60 movetur controversia 
 (si modo res non sit omnino extra controversiam), an motus 
 videlicet iste (concesso quod terra stet) coeli fmibus conti- 
 neatur, an potius descendat, et communicetur aeri et aquis 61 . 
 Motum autem rotationis in missilibus, ut in spiculis, sagittis, 
 pilis sclopetorum, et similibus, omnino ad motum libcrtatis 
 rejicimus 2 . 
 
 (18) Sit Motus Decimus Octavus, Motus Trcpidationis, cui 
 (ut ab astronomis intelligitur) non multum fidei adhibemus 63 . 
 Nobis autem corporum naturalium appetitus ubique serio 
 perscrutantibus occurrit iste motus ; et constitui debere videtur 
 in speciem. Est autem hie motus veluti aeternae cujusdam 
 captivitatis. Videlicet ubi corpora non omnino pro natura 
 sua bene locata, et tamen non prorsus male se habentia, 
 
 to circular motion, that is, unless we reject the sixth and seventh species 
 of variation, it will not be necessary for us to suppose the poles themselves 
 to be movable : in other words, that the phenomena of which we could 
 by this hypothesis give an account maybe adequately represented without 
 it by means of spirals.' 
 
 " This language, the reader will perceive, exactly accords with what 
 we have so often elsewhere found to be Bacon's opinion not only as to the 
 annual, but also as to the diurnal motion of the earth. 
 
 61 Cp. Aph. 36 (2), and notes. 
 
 e2 See ' Motus tertius' above, and Aph. 36 (6). 
 
 c3 'The name of trepidation was given by the Alphonsine astronomers 
 to a motion by which they imagined the starry heaven to be affected, and 
 in virtue of which its equinoxes described small circles of nine degrees 
 radius about those of the ninth or next superior orb. To account for this 
 motion they introduced a tenth orb. The phenomenon, however, thus 
 accounted for was altogether imaginary, although it is true that the length 
 of the tropical year, by supposed variations of which the idea of trepi- 
 tion was suggested, is not rigorously constant. It may be questioned 
 whether Bacon's hesitation to accept the astronomical motion of trepi- 
 dation had any better foundation than his doubts whether the proper 
 motions of the planetary orbs were anything more than " res confictae et 
 suppositae." [See Aph. 36 (2).] The question of the existence 
 or non-existence of trepidation could only be decided by a person 
 conversant with the details of the received system of astronomy.' Mr. 
 Ellis' note.
 
 LIB. TI. 48. 563 
 
 perpetuo trepidant, et irrequiete se agant 04 , ncc statu suo 
 contenta, ncc ulterius ausa progredi. Talis invcnitur motus 
 in corde ct pulsibus animalium ; et necesse est ut sit in 
 omnibus corporibus, quae statu ancipiti ita dcgunt inter 
 commoda et incommoda, ut distracta liberare se tcntent, et 
 denuo repulsam patiantur. et tamen perpetuo experiantur r ' r \ 
 
 (19) Sit Motus Decimus Nonus et postremus, motus ille cui 
 vix nomen motus competit, et tamen est plane motus. Quern 
 motum, Motum Decubitns GG . sivc Mo turn Exhorrentiae Motus, 
 vocare licet. Per hunc motum terra stat mole sua" 7 , mo- 
 ventibus se extremis suis in medium ; non ad centrum 
 
 64 The word 'agant,' which occurs in the First Edition, should be 
 replaced by ' agunt,' as is done in the Second and Third Editions. 
 
 55 Cp. Historia Densi et Rari, E. and S., vol. ii. p. 263 : ' Pulsus cordis 
 et arteriarum in animalibus fit per irrequietam dilatationem spirituum, et 
 receptum ipsorum, per vices.' In reading vague and fanciful passages like 
 these, we must recollect that Harvey did not begin to teach his theory of 
 the circulation of the blood till 1619, and that it was not till 1628 that his 
 great treatise, the ' Exercitatio Anatomica de Motu Cordis et Sanguinis in 
 Animalibus,' was published. Bacon might, it is true, have derived more 
 precise views than those which he expresses from earlier writers, but there 
 was nothing specially to direct his attention to this subject. 
 
 The Tides and the astronomical phenomena of Nutation and Libration 
 might furnish appropriate instances of the 'Motus Trepidationis.' 
 
 66 Decubitus = lying away from, sc. motion. See Facciolati on decubo. 
 He quotes Fabius Pictor apud Aul. Cell. lib. x. cap. 15 : 'Pedes lecti, in 
 quo cubat [sc. Flamen Dialis], luto tenui circumlitos esse oportet : et de 
 eo lecto trinoctium continuum non decubat : neque in eo lecto cubare 
 alium fas est.' Decubitus might, however, simply mean 'lying down,' 
 ' reclining,' ' repose.' (Cp. decumbo.) 
 
 On Bacon's vague and improper use of the word ' motion,' see the first 
 note on this Aphorism. Here it cannot be rendered even by ' process ' or 
 ' operation,' but we must resort to some word of very wide meaning, such 
 as ' tendency ' or ' affection ' of matter. 
 
 ' Inertia,' the property of which Bacon here speaks, is simply the inca- 
 pacity of matter to change its own state of rest or motion. The obscure 
 notions of Bacon and his contemporaries about motion prevented them 
 from seeing that this property applies as much to the tendency of a body 
 in motion to go on moving as to that of a body at rest to remain at rest. 
 For a brief account of the establishment of the First Law of Motion (which 
 seems to have been first enunciated by Galileo in 1638), see Whewell's 
 History of the Inductive Sciences, vol. ii. bk. vi. ch. 2. 
 
 67 Bacon seems never weary of parading his belief in the immobility of 
 the earth. 
 
 O O 2
 
 564 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 imaginativum, sed ad unionem. Per hunc etiam appetitum 
 omnia majorem in modum condensata motum exhorrent, 
 atque illis pro omni appetitu est non moveri ; et licet infinitis 
 modis vellicentur et provocentur ad motum, tamen naturam 
 suam (quoad possunt) tuentur. Quod si ad motum com- 
 pellantur, tamen hoc agere semper videntur ut quietem et 
 statum suum recuperent, neque amplius moveant. Atque 
 circa hoc certe se agilia praebent, et satis perniciter et 
 rapide (ut pertaesa et impatientia omnis morae) contendunt. 
 Hujus autem appetitus imago ex parte tantum cerni potest ; 
 quia hie apud nos, ex subactione et concoctione coelestium GS , 
 omne tangibile non tantum non condensatum est ad ultimi- 
 tatem, sed etiam cum spiritu nonnullo miscetur. 
 
 Proposuimus itaque jam species sive elementa simplicia 
 motuum, appetituum, ct virtutum activarum, quae sunt in 
 natura maxime catholica. Neque parum scientiae naturalis sub 
 illis adumbratum est. Non ncgamus tamen et alias species 
 fortasse addi posse (i ', atque istas ipsas divisioncs secundum 
 veriores rerum vcnas transferri, dcnique in minorem numerum 
 posse redigi. Neque tamen hoc de divisionibus aliquibus ab- 
 stractis intelligimus : veluti si quis dicat corpora appetere vel 
 conservationem, vel exaltationem, vel propagationem, vel fru- 
 
 3>< Cp. what he says above, under ' Motus Duodecimus : ' ' ita ut veri- 
 simile sit posse esse,' &c. It was one of the leading doctrines of Telesius 
 that the sun, and the heavenly bodies generally, modify the surface of the 
 earth and the parts adjacent to the surface, rendering them rarer and 
 warmer than they are by their own nature ; while the interior parts of 
 the earth exhibit its peculiar characteristics of coldness, crassness, dark- 
 ness, and immobility. See Telesius, De Rerum Natura, lib. i. (especially 
 chs. 5, 10-14) j Bacon, De Principiis atque Originibus, E. and S., vol. iii. 
 pp. 98-9. 
 
 Towards the end of Aph. 20, Bacon uses the expression 'imbutum a 
 coelestibus,' on which see note. 
 
 i<J Dr. Hippus remarks very well that this class of facts or rather ten- 
 dencies might have been further illustrated by torsion or the effort made 
 by a thread, wire, or the like, when twisted, to untwist itself. 
 
 To attempt to classify, reduce, or complete this list of so-called ' motions,' 
 would be of no service to the student. I have already said enough to 
 enable him to estimate the value of Bacon's enumeration, as well as its 
 various errors and defects.
 
 LIB. II. 48. 565 
 
 itionem naturae suae ; aut si quis dicat motus rerum tcndcrc 
 ad conservationem et bonum, vel universi, ut antitypiam ct 
 ncxum; vel universitatum magnarum, ut motus congrcgatio- 
 nis mqfon's, rotationis, et cxhorrentiae motus ; vel formarum 
 specialium, ut reliquos. Licet enim haec vera sint, tamen 
 nisi terminentur 70 in materia et fabrica secundum veras lincas, 
 speculativa sunt, et minus utilia. Interim sufficient et boni 
 erunt usus ad pensitandas praedominantias virtutum et ex- 
 quirendas ins.tantias hictac ; id quod nunc agitur. 
 
 Etenim ex his quos proposuimus motibus alii prorsus sunt 
 invincibiles ; alii aliis sunt fortiores, et illos ligant, fraenant, 
 disponunt ; alii aliis longius jaculantur ; alii alios tempore et 
 celeritate praevertunt ; alii alios fovent, roborant, ampliant, 
 accelerant. 
 
 Motus antitypiac omnino est adamantinus et invincibilis. 
 Utrum vero Motus nexus sit invincibilis adhuc haeremus. 
 Neque enim pro ccrto affirmaverimus 71 utrum detur Vacuum, 
 sive coacervatum sive permistum 72 . At de illo nobis constat, 
 
 70 Be ' defined,' or ' limited.' 
 
 71 In ii.8, Bacon absolutely denies the existence of a vacuum. See note 
 on that passage and also note 59 on the ' Motus Secundus.' In the latter 
 note, I have referred to Bacon's change of opinion on the subject of 
 a vacuum, and have quoted a ' Canon' from the Historia Densi et Rari 
 (which work, or, at least, the latter part of it, was written during his 
 last ' quinquennium '), where he says : ' Non est vacuum in natura, nee 
 congregatum nee intermistum.' See E. and S., vol. ii. p. 303. Taking 
 that as his last utterance on the subject, and bearing in mind the positive 
 manner in which he speaks in ii. 8, as also the apparent bias of i. 66 and 
 ii. 48 (2), we must, I think, notwithstanding the expressions of doubt in 
 the present passage, regard him as having deliberately rejected the doctrine 
 of a vacuum. 
 
 72 I borrow the following note from Ellis and Spedding's Edition : 
 '"Vacuum permistum," KCVOV o^coptoroi', is vacuum diffused through the 
 interstices of any portion of matter. By "vacuum coacervatum," xevbv 
 Kexa)pia-fjLfvov, is meant clear empty space. See, for this distinction, 
 Aristotle, Phys. iv. 7 [p. 214]. Hero of Alexandria, whom Bacon mentions 
 more than once, approves of those who admit the former kind of vacuum 
 and reject the latter. See the Introduction to his Spiritalia. 
 
 ' [It is perhaps worth observing that in the fable entitled " Cupido sive 
 Atomus" (De Sap. Vet. xvii), where the theory of a vacuum is mentioned, 
 this distinction was not introduced till Bacon revised the work in his later 
 years. The passage which stands thus in the original edition (1609) 
 " Ouisquis autem atomum ponit et vacuum, necessario virtutem atomi ad
 
 566 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 rationcm illam 73 , propter quam introductum est Vacuum a 
 Leucippo et Democrito (videlicet quod absque eo non possent 
 eadem corpora complecti et implere majora et minora spatia) ) 
 falsam essc. Est enim plane plica materiae" 1 ^ complicantis 
 et replicantis se per spatia, inter certos fines, absque in- 
 terpositione vacui ; neque est in acre ex vacuo bis millies 
 (tantum enim esse oportet) plus quam in auro 75 . Id quod ex 
 potentissimis corporum pneumaticorum virtutibus (quae aliter 
 tanquam pulveres minuti natarent in vacuo), et multis aliis 
 demonstrationibus, nobis satis liquet. Reliqui vero Motus 
 
 distans introducit" is altered, in the edition published by Rawley after 
 Bacon's death, to " Ouisquis autem atomum asserit atque vacuum (licet 
 istud vacuum intermistum ponat, non segregatum) necessario," &c. 
 
 J.s.Y 
 
 Cp. the similar distinction of 'aer permistus' and 'aer coacervatus' in 
 Aph. 50 ad init. 
 
 73 For this and other reasons, see Arist. Phys. iv. 6 (p. 213 bj. 
 
 71 Cp. Historia Densi et Rari, E. and S., vol. ii. p. 303 : ' Inter terminos 
 densi et rari est plica materiae, per quam se coinplicat et replicat absque 
 vacuo.' 
 
 Bacon's own theory, therefore, was that the atoms, instead of being 
 separated by a vacuum, have the power of expanding and contracting 
 themselves, so as exactly to adjust themselves, one to another, without 
 leaving any intervening space. 
 
 Plica (from plico) is explained by Du Cange as ' plicatura vel involutio.' 
 
 75 ' Nor is there in air two thousand times more of vacuity than in gold.' 
 Bacon appears to regard this supposition as a red-net io ad absurdiun of the 
 theory of a vacuum. In ii. 40, he states the density of gold at 21 times 
 that of spirits of wine, and that of spirits of wine at loo times that of its 
 own vapour ; while, in the Historia Densi et Rari (E. and S., vol. ii. p. 255), 
 he says that all fumes are denser than air. This calculation would make 
 the density of gold more than 2100 times greater than that of air, or, 
 speaking roughly, 2000 times greater. Bacon, who was not much of a 
 mathematician, probably took for granted that the ratio of the amounts of 
 vacuity, supposing a vacuum possible, contained in equal weights of the 
 two bodies, would be inversely that of the densities. But this is plainly 
 not the case. 
 
 Proceeding on a calculation based on passages in the Historia Densi et 
 Rari only, Mr. Ellis makes the supposed density of gold 1900- fold that 
 of air. Supposing that nineteen-twentieths of the gold consisted of vacuity 
 (perhaps not an extravagant calculation, when we consider the supposed 
 density of the bodies in the interior of the earth), the ratio of the sup- 
 posed vacuity in the same weights of air and gold would = 1899 + ?,|j : ?,]} 
 = (approximately) li '- ( !," '- 3IJ : .^ = 2000 : I, the ratio given in the text.
 
 LIB. II. 48. 567 
 
 regunt et reguntur mvicem, pro rationibus vigoris, quanti, 
 incitationis, ejaculationis, necnon turn auxiliorum turn im- 
 pedimentorum quae occurrunt. 
 
 Exempli gratia : magncs armatus nonnullus detinet ct 
 suspendit ferrum, ad sexagecuplum pondus ipsius; eo usque 
 dominatur motus congregationis minoris super motum congrega- 
 tionis majoris ; quod si majus fuerit pondus, succumbit. Vectis 
 tanti roboris sublevabit tantum pondus ; eo usque dominatur 
 motus libertatis super motum congregationis majoris ; sin 
 majus fuerit pondus, succumbit. Corium tensum ad tensuram 
 talem non rumpitur ; eo usque dominatur motus continu- 
 ationis super motum tensurae ; quod si ulterior fuerit tensura, 
 rumpitur corium, et succumbit motus continuation's. Aqua 
 per rimam perforationis talis effluit ; eo usque dominatur motus 
 congregationis majoris super motum continuationis ; quod si 
 minor fuerit rima, succumbit, et vincit motus continuationis. 
 In pulvere sulphuris solius immissi 7G in sclopetum cum pila, et 
 admoto igne, non emittitur pila ; in eo motus congregationis 
 majoris vincit motum Jiyles. At in pulvere pyrio immisso 
 vincit motus hyles in sulphure, adjutus motibus hyles et 
 fngae in nitro. Et sic de caeteris. Etcnim instantiae luctae 
 (quae indicant praedominantiam virtutum, et sccundum quas 
 rationes et calculos praedominentur et succumbant) acri et 
 sedula cliligentia undique sunt conquirendae. 
 
 Etiam modi et rationes ipsius succumbentiae motuum dili- 
 genter sunt introspiciendae. Nempe, an omnino cessent, vel 
 potius usque nitantur, sed ligentur. Etenim in corporibus 
 hie apud nos, nulla vera est quies, nee in integris nee in 
 partibus ; sed tantum secundum apparentiam ". Ouies autem 
 
 76 Mr. Ellis proposes to read ' immisso.' 
 
 77 See note 68 above. The 'hie apud nos' is opposed to the interior 
 parts of the earth. The equilibrium of entire bodies, he supposes, is only 
 apparent, while, amongst the minute particles of bodies, there is a motion 
 constantly going on, a 'latens processus,' a 'latio per minima.' 
 
 This idea, I need hardly say, is in accordance with the views of the 
 most recent physicists, who regard the minute molecules of which matter 
 is or may be supposed to be composed as being in a constant state of 
 motion. See, for instance, Tyndall's Heat a Mode of Motion. 3rd ed., ch. 3 
 with the Appendix. M. Bouillet points out the coincidence between 
 Bacon's opinion and that of Leibnitz, as shewn, amongst other places, in
 
 568 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 ista apparens causatur aut per aeqmlibrinm, aut per abso- 
 lutam praedominantiam motuum. Per aequilibrium, ut in 
 bilancibus, quae stant si aequa sint pondera. Per praedo- 
 minantiam, ut in hydriis perforatis, ubi quiescit aqua et 
 detinetur a decasu 78 , per praedominantiam motus nexus. 
 Notandum tamcn est (ut diximus) quatenus nitantur motus 
 illi succumbentes, Etenim si quis per luctam detineatur 
 cxtensus in terra, brachiis et tibiis vinctis, aut aliter detentis ; 
 atque ille tamen totis viribus resurgere nitatur ; non est 
 minor nixus, licet non proficiat 79 . Hujus autem rei conditio 
 (scilicet utrum per praedominantiam motus succumbens quasi 
 annihiletur, an potius continuetur nixus, licet non conspiciatur), 
 quae latet in conflictibus, apparebit fortasse in concurrentiis. 
 Exempli gratia ; fiat experimentum in sclopetis, utrum sclo- 
 petus, pro tanto spatio quo emittat pilam in linea directa, 
 sive (ut vulgo loquimtur) in puncto bianco, debiliorem edat 
 percussionem ejaculando in supra, ubi Motus Ictus est 
 simplex, quam desuper, ubi Motus Gravitatis concurrit cum 
 Ictu 80 . 
 
 the following passage : ' Et hanc agendi virtutem omni substantiae inesse 
 aio, semperque aliquam ex eo actionem nasci ; adeoque nee ipsam sub- 
 stantiam corpoream (non magis quam spiritualem) ab agendo cessare 
 unquam ; quod illi non satis pcrcepisse videntur, qui essentiam ejus in sola 
 extensione, vel etiam impenetrabilitate collocaverunt, et corpus omnimode 
 quiesccns concipere sibi sunt visi.' De Primae Philosophiae Emendatione, 
 Acta Eruditorum, 1694. Ed. Erdmann. p. 122. 
 
 '* In ' Motus Secundus,' he adds the important words ' nisi os hydriae ad 
 immittendum aerem aperiatur.' These phenomena, when once observed, 
 ought to have led to the discovery of the pressure of the atmosphere. 
 
 79 This statement is, of course, true. A cause always operates to the 
 full extent of its efficiency, though its effects may not be apparent, owing 
 to the action of other causes, whether concurring or counteracting. Though 
 a truism, when once stated, this consideration is often lost sight of. 
 
 This passage is very curious, as shewing that Bacon had no suspicion 
 that, in both cases alike, the force of gravity is acting at every moment of 
 the projectile's path ; nor was he aware, of course, that the path of the 
 projectile, if we leave out of account the resistance of the atmosphere, is 
 in all cases a parabola. The experiment proposed is to ascertain how far 
 a gun will carry point-blank, and then, firing that distance, first upwards, 
 then downwards, to compare the force of the two shots. As the velocity 
 at any point of the parabola is that which would be acquired in falling 
 from the directrix, there can be no doubt that the downward shot would
 
 LIB. IL 49. 569 
 
 Etiam canones pracdominantiarum qui occurrunt colligendi 
 sunt. Veluti, quod quo communius est bonum quod appetitur, 
 eo motus est fortior 81 : ut motus nexus, qui respicit commu- 
 nionem universi, fortior est motu gravitatis, qui respicit com- 
 munionem densorum. Etiam quod appetitus qui sunt boni 
 privati, non praevalent plerunque contra appetitus boni magis 
 publici, nisi in parvis quantis. Quae utinam obtinerent in 
 civilibus. 
 
 XLIX. 
 
 Inter praerogativas instantiarum ponemus loco vicesimo 
 quinto Instantias Innuentes** ; eas scilicet, quae commoda ho- 
 minum innuunt aut designant. Etenim ipsum Posse et ipsum 
 Scire naturam humanam amplificant, non beant 83 . Itaque 
 
 make much the greater impression of the two. But, as it is almost need- 
 less to add, Bacon entirely mistook the conditions of the problem. 
 
 The true theory of the motion of projectiles was first distinctly enun- 
 ciated by Galileo in the fourth of his Dialogues on Motion, which were 
 published at Leyden in 1638 (Dialoghi delle Nuove Scienze, Giornata iv, 
 Florence Ed., vol. xiii. p. 222, c.). On the previous speculations of 
 Tartaglia, Digges, c., see Whewell's History of the Inductive Sciences, 
 vol. ii. bk. vi. ch. 2. sect. 3, and Drinkwater's Life of Galileo (Lib. Soc. 
 U. K.), ch. 16. It is curious that one of the books (the Pantometria, 
 published in 1591), in which Thomas Digges alludes to the compounded 
 motion of a projectile, was dedicated to Sir Nicholas Bacon, Bacon's 
 father. A series of very interesting remarks on this subject will be found 
 at the end of the Stratioticos, published by Digges in 1579. 
 
 81 Note this strange application of the doctrine of Final Causes, and the 
 very doubtful example by which it is supported. 
 
 On Public and Private Good, cp. the interesting passages in De Augm. 
 vii. i (E. and S., vol. i. p. 717, &c.), or Advancement of Learning, bk. ii. 
 (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 420, &c.). The application of this distinction to 
 'judge and determine the controversies wherein Moral Philosophy is 
 conversant ' has a peculiar interest in reference to subsequent ethical 
 speculation. 
 
 82 These are the first of the three ' Instantiae propitiae sive benevolae ' 
 (see Aph. 44). Their office is ' dirigere opcrativam ad ea quae maxime 
 hominum intersunt.' Hence, they are called ' Intimating Instances ; ' for 
 they suggest to us what are profitable, and what are unprofitable directions 
 for our experiments, energies, or speculations. 
 
 83 On the necessity of the union of Knowledge and Practice, Science 
 and Art, see i. Si, ii. 4, and the various other passages on the same subject 
 which abound in this treatise. In i. 3. the lesson is conveyed in a some- 
 what different form : ' Scientia et potentia humana in idem coincidunt.'
 
 570 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 decerpenda sunt ex universitate rerum ea quae ad usus vitae 
 maxime faciunt. Verum de iis erit magis proprius dicendi 
 locus, cum Deductiones ad Praxim 81 tractabimus. Quinetiam 
 in ipso opere Interpretationis circa singula subjecta, locum 
 semper Chartae Humanae, sive CJiartae Optativae^\ assigna- 
 mus. Etenim et quaerere et optare non inepte, pars scientiae 
 est 8G . 
 
 L. 
 
 Inter praerogativas instantiarum ponemus loco vicesimo 
 sexto Instantias PolycJirestas^ , Eae sunt, quae pertinent 
 ad varia et saepius occurrunt ; ideoque operae et novis pro- 
 bationibus hand parum parcunt. Atque de instrumentis ipsis 
 atque ingeniationibus S8 proprius crit dicendi locus, cum De- 
 ductiones ad Praxim et Experimentandi Modos tractabimus. 
 Quinetiam quae aclhuc cognita sunt et in usum venerunt, in 
 Historiis Particularibus singularum artium describentur 89 . In 
 praesenti autcm subjungcmus quaedam catholica circa ea pro 
 exemplis tantum polychresti. 
 
 Operatur igitur homo super corpora naturalia (praeter ipsam 
 
 ;4 See ii. 21. 
 
 if> Cp. the Tables, bearing these names, at the end of the Historia 
 Ventorum and Historia Densi et Rari. 
 
 80 As Dr. Kitchin observes, this maxim is but another form of the 
 famous dictum, ' Prudens quaestio est dimidium scientiae.' 
 
 87 Cp. De Gen. Anim. v. 8 ad fin. (p. 789 b. 9-12) : olov yap tvia 
 TroAtJ^pqcrrd e'crrt ra>v nepi ras re^vas, &<nrep fV 77; ^u\KevTLKrj i] o~<pvpa Kal 6 
 tiKfJLcov, ourcoy Kill TO Trvfipa ei> rols (foixrei crvvecrTuicnv. Galen (Ed. Kiihn, 
 torn. xiii. pp. 501, 763) speaks of cj)up/j.aKa 7ro\vxP'ia" rtl - This is the class 
 of instances ' quae parcunt instrumentis ' (see Aph. 44), and includes all 
 rules, processes, or instruments, which, being applicable to a great variety 
 of cases, shorten or facilitate our observations and experiments. They 
 cannot be accurately discriminated from the Instantiae Radii and the 
 Instantiae Curriculi. 
 
 " ' Ingenious contrivances.' Perhaps = ' engines.' The word does not 
 occur in classical Latin, though ingeniatus is found in Plautus and other 
 writers. Ducange has the verb ingeniare. 
 
 M Sec the Catalogus Historiarum Particularium, which was published 
 at the end of the First Edition of the Novum Organum. Bacon tells us, at 
 the end of the Parasceve, that it was his design, as soon as he was at 
 leisure, ' in singulis veluti interrogando docere, qualia sint circa unam- 
 quamque historiarum illarum potissimum inquircnda et conscribenda.'
 
 LIB. II. 50. 571 
 
 admotionem et amotionem corporum simpliccm) septcm 
 praecipue modis : nempe, vcl per exclusionem corum quae 
 impediunt et disturbant ; vel per compressiones, extensiones, 
 agitationes, et hujusmodi ; vcl per calorem et frigus; vel per 
 moram in loco convenient! ; vel per fracnum et regimen 
 motus ; vel per consensus speciales ; vel per alternationem 
 tempestivam et debitam, atque seriem et successionem horum 
 omnium aut saltern nonnullorum ex illis. 
 
 (i) Ad primum igitur quod attinet ; aer communis qui 
 undique praesto est et se ingerit, atque radii coelestium, 
 multum turbant. Ouae itaque ad illorum exclusionem <J1 
 faciunt, merito haberi possint pro polychrestis. Hue igitur 
 pertinent materies et crassities vasorum, in quibus corpora 
 ad operationem praeparata reponuntur. Similiter, modi 
 accurati obturationis vasorum, per consolidationem et lutum 
 sapientiae fy -, ut loquuntur chymici. Etiam clausura per 
 liquores in extimis, utilissima res est; ut cum infundunt 
 oleum super vinum aut succos herbarum, quod, expandendo 
 se in summitate instar operculi, optime ca conservat illaesa 
 ab acre. Ncque pulveres res malae sunt ; qui, licet contineant 
 aercm pcrmistum '- 13 , tamen vim aeris coacervati et circum- 
 fusi arcent : ut fit in conservationc uvarum ct fructuum intra 
 arenam. et farinam. Etiam cera, mel, pix, et hujusmodi tenacia, 
 recte obducuntur ad clausuram perfectiorem. et ad summoven- 
 dum aerem ct coelestia. Etiam nos experimentum quandoque 
 
 90 Cp. i. 4. 
 
 91 The Air-Pump, invented about 1654 by Otto von Guericke of 
 Magdeburg and subsequently so much improved by Boyle, would have 
 exactly met Bacon's requirements, so far as air is concerned. Light is 
 excluded with comparative ease. 
 
 9 " Lutum sapient iae or philosophoruni was a composition, employed for 
 the purpose of sealing hermetically the orifices of vessels. Pliny (Xat. Hist, 
 xxix. 3 (11), sect. 51) gives a short recipe for piecing together broken 
 fragments of glass : ' Et, ne quid desit ovorum gratiae, candidum ex his 
 admixtum calci vivae glutinat vitri fragmenta.' Albertus Magnus (referred 
 to by Hoefer, Histoire de la Chimic. tome i. p. 388) enumerates different 
 kinds of 'lutes,' varying their composition according to the difference of 
 temperature. 
 
 : ' 3 Here we have the same distinction as that between the 'vacuum 
 permistum ' and the ' vacuum coacervatum ' in the concluding remarks of 
 ii. 48. In the present passage, the meaning is obvious.
 
 572 NOVUM ORGAXUM. 
 
 fecimus,, ponendo vas, necnon aliqua alia corpora, intra argentum 
 vivum, quod omnium longe densissimum est ex iis quae circum- 
 fundi possunt. Quinetiam specus et cavernae subterraneae 
 magni usus sunt ad prohibendum insolationem 94 et aerem istum 
 apertum praedatorium ; qualibus utuntur Germani Septentrio- 
 nales pro granariis. Necnon repositio corporum in fundo aqua- 
 rum ad hoc special : ut memini me quippiam audisse de utribus 
 vini demissis in profundum puteum, ad infrigidationem scilicet, 
 sed casu et per neglectum ac oblivionem ibidem remanentibus 
 per multos annos. et deinde extractis ; unde vinum factum est 
 non solum non vapidum aut emortuum. sed multo magis nobile 
 ad gustum, per commixtionem partium suarum (ut videtur) 
 magis exquisitam. Quod si postulet res ut corpora demittantur 
 ad fundum aquarum, veluti intra fluvios aut mare, neque tamen 
 aquas tangant, nee in vasibus obturatis concludantur, sed aere 
 tantum circumdcntur ; bonus est usus vasis illius quod adhi- 
 bitum est nonnunquam ad operandum subter aquis super 
 navigia demersa, ut urinatorcs diutius manere possint sub 
 aquis, et per vices ad tempus respirare. Illud hujusmodi 
 erat. Conficiebalur dolium ex metallo concavum, quod 
 deinittebatur acquabiliter ad superficiem aquae, atque sic 
 deportabat totum aerem qui continebatur in dolio secum in 
 fundum maris. Stabat autem super pccles tres (instar tri- 
 podis), qui longitudinis erant aliquanto minoris statura homi- 
 nis ; ita ut urinator posset, cum anhelitus deficeret, immittere 
 caput in cavum dolii, et respirare, et cleindc opus continuare 9 ''. 
 
 04 Drying in the sun, or exposure to the sun. The word is used by 
 Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxi. 14 (49), sect. 84. 
 
 " 5 Cp. Historia Dcnsi et Rari, E. and S., vol. ii. p. 299. Beckmann 
 (History of Inventions) has a long article on the history of Diving and 
 Diving-Bells. ' The oldest information,' he says, ' that \ve have respecting 
 the use of the diving-bell in Europe is that of John Taisnier, quoted by 
 vSchott. The former, who was born at Hainault in 1509, had a place at 
 court under Charles V, whom he attended on his voyage to Africa. He 
 relates in what manner he saw at Toledo [in 1538], in the presence of the 
 emperor and several thousand spectators, two Greeks let themselves down 
 under water, in a large inverted kettle, with a burning light, and rise up 
 again without being wet.' The diving-bell was employed for the purpose 
 of trying to recover part of the spoil, after the wreck of the Spanish 
 Armada.
 
 LIB. IL 50. 573 
 
 Atque audivimus inventam esse jam machinam, aliquam 
 naviculae aut scaphae, quae homines subter aquis vchcrc 
 possit ad spatia nonnulla 9G . Verum sub tali vase, quale 
 modo diximus, corpora quaevis facile suspend! possint ; cujus 
 causa hoc experimentum adduximus. 
 
 Est et alius usus diligentis et perfectae clausurae corporum : 
 nempe, non solum ut prohibeatur aditus aeris per exterius (de 
 quo jam dictum est), verum etiam ut cohibcatur exitus spiri- 
 tus corporis, super quod fit operatio per interius. Necesse est 
 enim ut operanti circa corpora naturalia constet de summis 
 suis : viz. quod nihil expirarit aut effluxerit. Fiunt enim pro- 
 fundae alterationes in corporibus, quando, natura prohibente 
 annihilationem, ars prohibcat ctiam dcpcrditionem aut evola- 
 tionem alicujus partis 1 ' 7 . Atque hac de re invaluit opinio falsa 
 (quae si vcra esset, de ista conservatione summae certae absque 
 diminutione esset fere desperandum): viz. spiritus corporum. et 
 aerem majori gradu caloris attenuatum, nullis vasorum claustris 
 posse contineri, quin per poros vasorum subtiliores evolent 98 . 
 Atque in hanc opinionem adducti sunt homines per vulgata ilia 
 experimenta, poculi inversi super aquam cum candela aut chart a 
 inflammata, ex quo fit ut aqua sursum attrahatur ; atque si- 
 militer ventosarum, quae super flammam calcfactae trahunt 
 carnes. Existimant enim in utroque experimento acrcm at- 
 tenuatum emitti ;1 , et inde quantum- ipsius minui, ideoque 
 aquam aut carnes per nexum succedere. Quod falsissimum 
 est. Aer enim non quanta diminuitur, sed spatio contrahitur ; 
 neque incipit motus iste successionis aquae, antequam fiat 
 extinctio flammae aut refrigcratio aeris : adco ut medici, quo 
 
 9 ' ; Cp. New Atlantis, E. and S., vol. iii. p. 163 : ' We have ships and boats 
 for going under water, and brooking of seas.' Mr. Ellis, in a note on that 
 passage, says that a boat for going under water was one of Drebbel's 
 inventions exhibited in 1620. See also his note on De Augmentis, lib. v. 
 cap. 2 (E. and S., vol. i. p. 628). 
 
 a7 Cp. the remarks on ' Spiritus ' in ii. 40. 
 
 98 The porosity of even the harder metals has been demonstrated by 
 the Florentine and similar experiments. 
 
 90 The air does not escape through the pores of the vessel ; but, owing 
 to its rarefaction, a portion of it has already escaped, before its application 
 to the water or flesh.
 
 574 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 fortius attrahant ventosae, ponant spongias frigidas 1 aqua 
 madefactas super ventosas 2 . Itaque non est cur homines 
 multum sibi metuant de facili exitu aeris aut spirituum. 
 Licet enim verum sit etiam solidissima corpora habere suos 
 poros, tamen aegre patitur ae'r aut spiritus comminutionem 
 sui ad tantam subtilitatem ; quemadmodum et aqua exire 
 recusat per rimam minusculam. 
 
 (2) De secundo vero modo ex septem praedictis illud 
 imprimis notandum est, valere certe compressiones et hujus- 
 modi violentias ad motum localem, atque alia id genus, 
 potentissime ; ut in machinis et missilibus : etiam ad de- 
 structionem corporis organici, atque earum virtutum quae 
 consistunt plane in motu. Omnis enim vita, immo etiam 
 omnis flamma et ignitio 3 destruitur per compressiones ; ut 
 et omnis machina corrumpitur et confunditur per easdem. 
 Etiam ad destructionem virtutum quae consistunt in posituris, 
 et dissimilaritate partium paulo crassiore : ut in coloribus 
 (neque enim idem color floris integri et contusi, neque succini 
 integri et pulverizati) ; etiam in saporibus (neque enim idem 
 sapor pyri immaturi, et ejusdem compressi ac subacti ; nam 
 manifesto dulcedinem majorem concipit). Verum ad transfor- 
 mationes et alterationes nobiliores corporum similarium non 
 multum valent istae violentiae ; quia corpora per eas non acqui- 
 runt consistentiam aliquam novam constantem et quiescentem, 
 
 1 Mr. Ellis proposes to read frigida, which is undoubtedly the right 
 word. See the corresponding passage in the Historia Densi et Rari. 
 
 2 These experiments are also described in the Historia Densi et Rari, 
 E. and S., vol. ii. p. 267 ; in the Cogitationes De Natura Rerum, vol. iii. 
 pp. 24-5; and in the Phaenomena Universi, vol. iii. p. 711. Notwith- 
 standing what Dr. Kitchin says, I cannot see that Bacon's explanation in 
 the text, so far as it goes, is wrong ; though he certainly was not aware of 
 the pressure of the atmosphere, and in the Historia Densi et Rari he him- 
 self refers the rising of the flesh within the cupping-glass to attraction 
 ' per motum nexus.' Still, he is right in maintaining that the 'quantum ' 
 of the rarefied air within the cup is not diminished, but only the space 
 which it previously filled contracted by cooling. The water or flesh which 
 is covered by the vessel rises, as the heated air cools and contracts, this 
 rising being, as we now know, due to the pressure of the atmosphere on 
 the parts of the surface external to the vessel. 
 
 3 Compression acts, in this case, by stopping the supply of oxygen which 
 maintains the combustion.
 
 LIB. II. 50. 575 
 
 sed transitoriam, et nitentem semper ad restitutionem et libe- 
 rationem sui. Attamen non abs re foret hujus rei facere expc- 
 rimenta aliqua diligentiora ; ad hoc scilicet, utrum condensatio 
 corporis bene similaris (qualia sunt aer, aqua, oleum, et hujus- 
 modi), aut rarefactio similiter per violentiam indita. possint fieri 
 constantes et fixae et quasi mutatae in naturam 4 . Id quod 
 primo expericndum per moram simplicem ; deinde per auxilia 
 et consensus. Atque illud nobis in promptu fuisset (si modo in 
 mentem venisset), cum aquam (de qua alibi 5 ) per mallcationes 
 et pressoria condensavimus, antequam erumpcrct. Debueramus 
 enim sphaeram complanatam per aliquot dies sibi permisisse, et 
 turn demum aquam extraxisse ; ut fieret experimentum, utrum 
 statim impletura fuisset talem dimensionem, qualem habebat 
 ante condensationem. Quod si non fecisset aut statim, aut certe 
 paulo post, constans videlicet facta videri potuisset ista conden- 
 satio ; sin minus, apparuisset factam fuisse restitutionem, et 
 compressionem fuisse transitoriam. Etiam simile quiddam fa- 
 ciendum erat circa extensionem ae'ris in ovis vitreis G . Etenim 
 debuerat fieri, post exuctionem fortem, subita et firma obtu- 
 ratio ; deinde debuerant ova ilia manere ita obturata per non- 
 nullos dies ; et turn demum experiendum fuisset, utrum aperto 
 foramine attractus fuisset aer cum sibilo, aut etiam attracta 
 fuisset tanta quantitas aquae post immersionem, quanta fuisset 
 ab initio, si nulla adhibita fuisset mora. Probabile enim, aut 
 saltern dignum probatione est, haec fieri potuisse et posse ; 
 propterea quod in corporibus paulo magis dissimilaribus 
 similia efficiat mora temporis. Etenim baculum per com- 
 pressionem curvatum post aliquod tcmpus non resilit ; neque 
 id imputandum est alicui deperditioni ex quanto ligni per 
 moram ; nam idem fiet in lamina fcrri (si augeatur mora). 
 quae non est expirabilis. Quod si non succedat experimentum 
 per moram simplicem, tamen non desercndum est negotium, 
 sed auxilia alia adhibenda. Non enim parum lucri fit, si 
 
 4 Both gases and liquids are perfectly elastic ; that is to say, after 
 undergoing a change in volume, they regain exactly their original volume, 
 when the original pressure is restored. This fact has been established by 
 numerous experiments. 
 
 5 ii. 45 ad fin. 
 
 6 H. 45-
 
 576 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 per violentias indi possint corporibus naturae fixae et con- 
 stantes. Hac enim ratione aer possit verti in aquam per 
 condensationes 7 , et complura alia id genus. Dominus enim 
 est homo motuum violentorum, magis quam caeterorum. 
 
 (3) At tertius ex septem modis refertur ad magnum illud 
 organum, tarn naturae quam artis. quoad operandum ; videlicet 
 calidum et frigidum. Atque in hac parte claudicat plane 
 potentia humana, tanquam ex uno pede. Habemus enim ca- 
 lorem ignis, qui caloribus solis (prout ad nos deferuntur) et 
 caloribus animalium quasi infinitis partibus potentior est et 
 intension At deest frigus s , nisi quale per tempestates 
 hyemales, aut per cavernas, aut per circundationes nivis et 
 glaciei, haberi potest : quod in comparatione aequari potest 
 cum calore fortasse solis meridiano in regione aliqua ex 
 torridis, aucto insuper per revcrberationes montium et pa- 
 rietum ; nam hujusmodi utique tarn calores quam frigora 
 ab animalibus ad tempus exiguum tolerari possunt. Nihili 
 autem sunt fere prae calore fornacis ardentis, aut alicujus 
 frigoris quod huic gradui respondeat. Itaque omnia hie apud 
 nos 9 vergunt ad rarefactionem, et desiccationem, et con- 
 
 7 This remark has, no doubt, reference to Bacon's theory of the Trans- 
 mutability of the Elements. Sec Aph. 48 (11), with notes. But there is 
 a certain sense in which his anticipation has been verified. For we now 
 know that water might be produced, by means of cold and compression 
 alone, from its constituent gases, hydrogen and oxygen. In fact, as 
 already pointed out, all aeriform fluids are merely liquids kept in the state 
 of vapour by heat, and a sufficient amount of cold and pressure will reduce 
 them into the liquid state. See note 37 on Aph. 33. 
 
 s Bacon, it need hardly be repeated, regarded cold as a distinct quality 
 from heat, not merely as a lower degree of it. The expression 'variations 
 of temperature,' had it existed in his time, might, as I have already pointed 
 out, have preserved him from this error. 
 
 The greatest cold known is produced by the evaporation of liquefied 
 gases. ' By surrounding the gas under experiment by concentric tubes 
 containing liquid oxygen, which in turn is surrounded by liquid ethylene, 
 Olszewski obtained temperatures low enough to solidify nitrogen, carbonic 
 oxide, marsh gas, and nitric oxide. The evaporation of solid nitrogen 
 under a pressure of 4 inm produces a temperature of 225 (C.= 3/3 F.). 
 Ganot's Physics, Translation, I2th Ed., 382. 
 
 " Here again (cp. Aph. 48 (12), (19) ) he alludes to his theory of the 
 rapidly increasing density of bodies, as we approach the centre of the 
 earth.
 
 LIB. IL 50. 577 
 
 sumptionem : nihil fere ad condensationem et intenerationem 10 , 
 nisi per misturas et modos quasi spurios. Quare Instantiae 
 Frigoris omni diligentia sunt conquirendae : quales videntur 
 inveniri in expositione corporum super turres quando gelat 
 acriter ; in cavernis subterraneis ; circundationibus nivis et 
 glaciei in locis profundioribus, et ad hoc excavatis ; demis- 
 sione corporum in puteos ; sepulturis corporum in argento 
 vivo et metallis ; immersione corporum in aquis, quae vertunt 
 ligna in lapides ; defossione corporum in terra (qualis fertur 
 apud Chinenses esse confectio porcellanae ll , ubi massae ad hoc 
 factae dicuntur manere intra terram per quadraginta aut quin- 
 quaginta annos, et transmitti ad haeredes, tanquam minerae 
 
 10 This word is opposed to desiccationem. It is another of the numerous 
 words employed by Bacon, which are not found in classical Latin. Nor 
 is it recognised by Du Cange. 
 
 11 Cp. Historia Densi et Rari, E. and S., vol. ii. p. 295 ; New Atlantis, 
 E. and S., vol. iii. p. 157. .Mr. Ellis refers to Marco Polo, ii. 77. In 
 Marsden's Translation of Marco Polo (London, 1818), the passage runs as 
 follows : ' They collect a certain kind of earth, as it were from a mine, 
 and, laying it in a great heap, suffer it to be exposed to the wind, the rain, 
 and the sun, for thirty or forty years, during which time it is never dis- 
 turbed. By this it becomes refined and fit for being wrought into the 
 vessels above mentioned. Such colours as may be thought proper are 
 then laid on, and the ware is afterwards baked in ovens or furnaces. 
 Those persons therefore who cause the earth to be dug, collect it for their 
 children or grandchildren.' For the original, see Ramusio's Collection : 
 ' Navigation! et Viaggi,' vol. ii. p. 49. The chapter is there numbered 
 as 79. 
 
 From the general resemblance between what Bacon says and the pas- 
 sage in Marco Polo, I can entertain little doubt that he had read it, or 
 some account taken from it. But, on the main point, it will be seen, the 
 passages are discordant. 
 
 One of the numerous derivations of porcelain is the odd one ' pour cent 
 annees ; ' ' because it was believed by Europeans, that the materials of 
 porcelain were matured under ground one hundred years.' Dr. Johnson's 
 Dictionary. Cp. Sir Thomas Browne's Vulgar Errors, bk. ii. ch. 5 
 (Pickering's Ed., vol. ii. pp. 352-4). Several authorities are there cited 
 both for and against this ' common belief.' 
 
 In Col. Yule's Edition of Marco Polo, the passage given above is re- 
 jected as an interpolation of Ramusio. Commenting on it, Col. Yule says : 
 ' This story of the life-long period during which the porcelain clay was 
 exposed to temper long held its ground, and probably was only dispelled 
 by the publication of the details of the King-te-ching manufacture by Pere 
 d'EntrecolIes in the Lettres Edifiantes.' 
 
 Pp
 
 578 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 quaedam artificiales) ; et hujusmodi. Quinetiam quae inter- 
 veniunt in natura condensationes, factae per frigora, similiter 
 sunt investigandae ; ut, causis eorum cognitis, transferri pos- 
 sint in artes. Quales cernuntur in exudatione marmoris et 
 lapidum 12 ; in rorationibus super vitra per interius fenestrarum, 
 sub auroram, post gelu noctis ; in originibus et collectionibus 
 vaporum in aquas sub terra, unde saepe scaturiunt fontes 13 ; et 
 quaecunque sunt hujus generis. 
 
 Inveniuntur autem. praeter ilia quae sunt frigida ad tactum, 
 quaedam alia potestate frigida, quae etiam condensant ; verun- 
 tamen operari videntur super corpora animalium tantum, et vix 
 ultra. Hujus generis se ostendunt multa in medicinis et em- 
 plastris. Alia autem condensant carnes et partes tangibiles ; 
 qualia sunt medicamenta astringentia, atque etiam inspissantia : 
 alia condensant spiritus ; id quod maxime cernitur in sopo- 
 riferis 14 . Duplex autem est modus condensationis spirituum, 
 per medicamenta soporifera, sive provocantia somnum : alter 
 per sedationem motus ; alter per fugam spirituum. Etenim 
 viola, rosa sicca, lactuca, et hujusmodi benedicta sive benigna, 
 per vapores suos amicos et moderate refrigerantes, invitant 
 spiritus ut se uniant, et ipsorum acrem et inquietum motum 
 compescunt. Etiam aqua rosacea, apposita ad nares in 
 deliquiis animae. spiritus resolutos et nimium relaxatos se 
 recipere facit, et tanquam alit. At opiata et corum affinia 
 spiritus plane fugant, ex qualitate sua maligna et inimica. 
 Itaque si appliccntur parti cxteriori. statim aufugiunt spiritus 
 ab ilia parte, nee amplius libenter influunt : sin sumantur 
 interius, vapores eorum, ascendentes ad caput, spiritus in 
 
 12 This and the next phenomenon both fall under the general head of the 
 Deposition of Dew. For references on this subject, see notes on Aph. 47. 
 Cp. also Sylva Sylvarum, Exp. 81. 
 
 13 Bacon's meaning will be made plain by the following marvellous pas- 
 sage in the Historia Dcnsi et Rari (E. and S., vol. ii. p. 293) : ' Existimatur 
 origo fontium et aquarum dulcium, quae ex terra scaturiunt, fieri ex acre 
 concluso in cavis tcrrae (praescrtim montium) coagulate et condcnsato.' 
 Cp. Arist. Mcteorologica, i. 13 (p. 349 b. 19, &c.) ; Seneca, Nat. Ouaest. iii. 
 9, 10. Granted the doctrine of the transmutability of the elements ; this 
 absurd theory seems natural enough. 
 
 4 The reader will find some very curious remarks on these subjects in 
 the Historia Vitae et Mortis, E. and S., vol. ii. pp. 161-71.
 
 LIB. II. 50. 579 
 
 ventriculis cerebri contentos undequaque fugant ; cumquc sc 
 retrahant spiritus neque in aliam partem effugere possint, 
 per consequens coe'unt et condensantur ; et quandoque plane 
 extinguuntur et suffocantur ; licet rursus eadem opiata mode- 
 rate sumpta, per accidens sccundarium (videlicet conden- 
 sationem illam quae a coitione succedit), confortent spiritus, 
 eosque reddant magis robustos, et retundant eorum inutiles 
 et incensivos 15 motus, ex quo ad curas morborum et vitae 
 prolongationem haud parum conferant. 
 
 Etiam praeparationes corporum ad excipiendum frigus non 
 sunt omittendae ; veluti quod aqua parum tepida 1(i facilius 
 conglacietur quam omnino frigida, et hujusmodi. 
 
 Praeterea, quia natura frigus tarn parce suppeditat, facien- 
 dum est quemadmodum pharmacopolae solent ; qui, quando 
 simplex aliquod haberi non possit, capiunt succedaneum 1T 
 ejus, et quid pro quo, ut vocant : veluti lignum aloes pro 
 xylobalsamo 18 , cassiam pro cinamomo. Simili modo dili- 
 genter circumspiciendum est, si quae sint succedanea frigoris ; 
 videlicet quibus modis fieri possint condensationes in corpori- 
 bus, aliter quam per frigus, quod illas efricit ut opus suum 
 proprium. Illae autem condensationes videntur intra quater- 
 num numerum (quantum adhuc liquet) contineri. Ouarum 
 
 5 This word may mean ' inflammatory,' or it may simply be written for 
 ' incentives.' 
 
 16 This result occurs because the freezing is assisted by the evaporation. 
 It is also the case with water which has been previously boiled. The 
 reason of this latter phenomenon is that the air combined with the water 
 has been already discharged by the act of boiling, and hence the process of 
 congelation is facilitated. 
 
 For notices of these phenomena amongst classical authors, see Arist. 
 Meteorologica, i. 12 (p. 348 b. 30, K. T. A.); Galen's Commentary on the 
 'E7ri8r]fj.ia of Hippocrates, lib. vi. cornm. iv. (Kiihn's Ed., vol. xvii. pt. ii. 
 p. 155] ; Juvenal, Sat. v. 49-50 (' Frigidior Geticis petitur decocta pruinis'); 
 Pliny, xxxi. 3 (23*, sect. 40 (cp. with the last passage, Suetonius, Xero, 
 cap. 48). 
 
 17 Or succidanxun. The meaning of this word, in medical science, is 
 obvious. It is an epithet for medicines that may be substituted for others 
 possessing similar properties. There is a spurious work attributed to 
 Galen, entitled Utpl 'Avrff(/3aXAo^eVcov. 
 
 18 These are twigs of the tree called Balsomodcndron Gileadense. The 
 celebrated Balsam of Gilead is an exudation from this tree. 
 
 T p 2
 
 580 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 prima videtur fieri per contrusionem simplicem ; quae parum 
 potest ad densitatem constantem (resiliunt enim corpora) sed 
 nihilominus forte res auxiliaris esse queat. Secunda fit per 
 contractionem partium crassiorum in corpore aliquo, post evo- 
 lationem aut exitum partium tenuiorum, ut fit in induratio- 
 nibus per ignem, et repetitis extinctionibus metallorum, et 
 similibus. Tertia fit per coitionem partium homogenearum, 
 quae sunt maxime solidae in corpore aliquo. atque antea 
 fuerant distractae, et cum minus solidis commistae : veluti 
 in restitutione mercurii sublimati, qui in pulvere longe majus 
 occupat spatium quam mercurius simplex, et similiter in omni 
 repurgatione metallorum a scoriis suis. Ouarta fit per con- 
 sensus 1!) , admovendo quae ex vi corporum occulta condensant : 
 qui consensus adhuc raro se ostendunt ; quod mirum minime 
 est, quoniam antequam inventio succedat formarum et sche- 
 matismorum, de inquisitione consensuum non multum spe- 
 randum est. Certe quoad corpora animalium. dubium non 
 est quin sint complures medicinae, tarn interius quam exterius 
 sumptae, quae condensant tanquam per consensum, ut paulo 
 ante diximus. Sed in inanimatis rara est hujusmodi operatio. 
 Percrebuit sane, tarn scriptis quam fama, narratio de arbore 
 in una ex insulis sive Terceris 20 sive Canariis (neque enim 
 bene memini), quae perpetuo stillat ; adeo ut inhabitanti- 
 bus nonnullam commoditatem aquae praebcat - 1 . Paracelsus 
 
 111 That is, sympathies. 
 
 20 Xo\v called the Azores. 
 
 - 1 'This wonderful tree is described in Jonston'sDendrographia, published 
 at Frankfort in 1669. See book the tenth, c. 4. One of the authorities 
 he refers to is Cardan (De variet. rerum), from whom not improbably 
 Bucon derived the story. The tree is said to be found in the island of 
 Ferro. Cardan, with more than usual caution, remarks, at the close of 
 the account he gives of it : " Sed postquam hoc tot scriptores amrmant, 
 fieri potest ut tale aliquid contingat, sed modus nondum perspectusest." 
 De rerum variet. vi. c. 22.' Mr. Ellis' note. Mr. Ellis proceeds to refer 
 to Ramusio. His reference, however, is altogether misleading. The true 
 one is to ' Delia Historia Delle Indie, libro ii,' in Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 
 86 A. 
 
 Bacon's account of this tree is remarkably modest, as compared with 
 that which Cardan reports. He says : ' Circa arborern singulo mane densa 
 nebula colligitur, quae in aquam versa non solum hominibus, sed et ju- 
 mentis et pecoribus satisfacit.'
 
 LIB. II. 50. 581 
 
 autem ait, herbam vocatam Rorem Soils 22 meridic et fervente 
 sole rore impleri, cum aliae herbae undique sint siccae. At 
 nos utramque narrationem fabulosam esse cxistimamus. Om- 
 nino autem illae instantiae nobilissimi forent usus, et intro- 
 spectione dignissimae, si essent verae. Etiam rores illos 
 mellitos, et instar mannae, qui super foliis quercus inveniuntur 
 mense Maio, non existimamus fieri et densari a consensu 
 aliquo, sive a proprietate folii quercus ; sed, cum super aliis 
 foliis pariter cadant, contineri scilicet et durare in foliis quer- 
 cus, quia sunt bene unita, nee spongiosa, ut plurima ex aliis 2; \ 
 Calorem vero quod attinet, copia et potestas nimirum ho- 
 
 The story may have originated in the observation of some plant which 
 exudes moisture. Such plants are not uncommon, as, for instance, the 
 Pitcher Plant, some of the Musas, the Drosera, next mentioned, &c. Or 
 the plant may have been one on which dew is easily deposited and re- 
 tained. Or, lastly, the cause might be the constant exudations of small 
 insects. Mr. Andrew Johnson, who adopts this view, quotes Livingstone's 
 Travels in South Africa, p. 415 : 'I had an opportunity of observing a 
 curious insect which inhabits trees of the fig family (ficus). Seven or eight 
 of them cluster round a spot on one of the smaller branches, and there 
 keep up a constant distillation of a clear fluid, which dropping to the 
 ground forms a little puddle below. If a vessel is placed under them in 
 the evening, it contains four or five pints of fluid in the morning.' 
 Air. Johnson adds : 'A careless observer might easily suppose this fluid 
 to be the production of the tree itself.' 
 
 Lasalle has a long note on this passage. He quotes, in support of the 
 story of the cloud hanging over the tree, an English navigator, one Robert 
 Lade, and supplements the evidence by an observation of his own, in which 
 he saw detached masses of fog clinging to the tops of trees. But Cardan's 
 story seems to imply more than this rationalistic explanation of it. 
 
 22 The Urosera (fyxxrepd) or Sun-Dew. The glands of the leaves exude 
 drops of a clear glutinous fluid, glittering like dew-drops, whence the 
 name. 
 
 Mr. Ellis says : ' I have not been able to find this in Paracelsus. It 
 seems, however, to accord with his theory of dew, namely, that it is an 
 exudation from the sun and stars ; the suppression of which would lead to 
 the formation of additional suns.' 
 
 23 The honey-dew on the oak, lime, rose-tree, plum-tree, &c., is in all 
 probability due to a sugary exudation from the Aphis. For a description 
 of this insect, its devastations, and its exudations, see the Rev. J. G. Wood's 
 Insects at Home, p. 542, &c. 
 
 None of the three examples adduced by Bacon, it will be noticed, are 
 really instances of 'condensation.' The phenomena all arise from exuda- 
 tion, either of the plant itself or of an insect settling on the plant.
 
 582 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 mini abunde adest ; observatio autem et inquisitio deficit in 
 nonnullis, iisque maxime necessariis, utcunque spagyrici 24 se 
 venditent. Etenim caloris intensioris opificia exquiruntur et 
 conspiciuntur ; remissioris vero, quae maxime in vias naturae 
 intidunt, non tentantur, ideoque latent. Itaque videmus per 
 vulcanos 25 istos qui in pretio sunt, spiritus corporum magno- 
 pere exaltari, ut in aquis fortibus, et nonnullis aliis oleis 
 chymicis ; partes tangibiles indurari, et, emisso volatili, ali- 
 quando figi ; partes homogeneas separari ; etiam corpora 
 heterogenea grosso modo incorporari et commisceri ; maxime 
 autem compages corporum compositorum et subtiliores sche- 
 matismos destrui et confundi. Debuerant autem opificia 
 caloris lenioris tentari et exquiri : unde subtiliores misturae 
 et schematismi ordinati gigni possint et educi, ad exemplum 
 naturae et imitationem operum solis ; quemadmodum in apho- 
 rismo de instantiis foederis^ quaedam adumbravimus. Opi- 
 ficia enim naturae transiguntur per longe minores portiones, 
 et posituras magis exquisitas et varias, quam opificia ignis, 
 prout nunc adhibetur. Turn vero videatur homo revera 
 auctus potestate 27 , si per calores ct potentias artificiales opera 
 naturae possint specie repraesentari, virtute perfici, copia 
 variari ; quibus addere oportet accelerationem temporis. Nam 
 rubigo ferri longo tempore procedit, at versio in crocum 
 Martis 2S subito ; et similiter de aerugine et cerussa 29 . Chris- 
 
 24 This word does not occur in Du Cange, but in Calepinus I find : 
 ' spagtnes, alchymista,qui, metallacoquens, purum ab impuro separat. Unde 
 spagiricus, ad spagirum pertinens.' These and the allied words are of com- 
 mon occurrence in Paracelsus. In the De Natura Rerum, lib. viii. (Op. 
 Omn. Genev. 1658, vol. ii. p. 104), he elaborately praises the ' Medici 
 Spagyrici ' in comparison with the other Medici. 
 
 There is a long and interesting account of this word in Kopp's Bei- 
 trage zur Geschichte der Chimie, Braunschweig, 1^69, pp. 63-4, note. It 
 was usually derived from vnav KU\ dyeipav, to separate and combine. 
 
 25 ' Those fires,' as in Aen. vii. 77 : 'Ac totis Vulcanum spargere tectis.' 
 2li See ii. 35. 
 
 - 7 Cp. i. 3. 
 
 28 Sesqui-oxide of iron. ' Crocus ' was a term applied by the older 
 chemists to many metallic compounds, as Crocus Antimonii, Crocus Ve- 
 neris, &c. 
 
 " 'Verdigris and white-lead.' Both these are classical terms.
 
 LIB. II. 50. 583 
 
 tallum 30 longo tempore conficitur, vitrum subito conflatur. 
 Lapides longo tempore concrescunt, lateres subito coquuntur, 
 etc. Interim (quod nunc agitur) omnes diversitates caloris 
 cum cffectibus suis respective diligenter et Industrie undique 
 sunt colligcndae et exquirendac : coelestium, per radios suos 
 directos, reflexes, refractos, et unitos in speculis comburen- 
 tibus ; fulguris, flammae, ignis carbonum ; ignis ex diversis 
 materiis ; ignis aperti, conclusi, angustiati, et inundantis, deni- 
 que per diversas fabricas fornacium qualificati ; ignis flatu 
 exciti, quieti et non exciti ; ignis ad majorem aut minorem 
 distantiam remoti ; ignis per varia media permeantis ; calorum 
 humidorum, ut balnei Mariae 31 , firm, caloris animalium per 
 exterius. caloris animalium per interius, foeni conclusi ; calo- 
 rum aridorum, cineris, calcis, arenae tepidae ; denique calorum 
 cujusvis generis cum gradibus eorum. 
 
 Praecipue vero tentanda est inquisitio et inventio cffectuum 
 et opificiorum caloris accedentis et recedentis graduatim, et 
 ordinatim, et periodice, et per debita spatia et moras. Ista 
 enim inaequalitas ordinata revera filia coeli 32 cst, et genera- 
 tionis mater ; neque a calore aut vehement!, aut praccipiti, aut 
 subsultorio, aliquid magni expectandum est. Etenim et in 
 vegetabilibus hoc manifestissimum est ; atque etiam in uteris 
 animalium magna est caloris inaequalitas. ex motu, somno, 
 
 30 See ii. 48 (4) ad fin. with note. 
 
 31 ' This is properly " balneum maris ; " that is, a mode of communi- 
 cating heat to any substance by putting it into a vessel which is placed in 
 another containing water. The latter being put on the fire, the former 
 and its contents become gradually and moderately heated. The reason of 
 the name is obvious. From "balneum maris" the French made by a kind 
 of translation (the final s not being sounded) "bain marie; " and the form 
 in the text is, I think, merely a retranslation of the French phrase, the 
 meaning of the second word being mistaken. Balneum Mariae is however, 
 I believe, a common phrase with old writers on chemistry.' Mr. Ellis' 
 note. 
 
 The expression ' Balneum Maris' occurs in Paracelsus, as, for instance, 
 in the De Transmutatione Rerum, lib. vii. (Op. Omn. Genevae, 1658, 
 vol. ii. p. 99 b). In turning over several old Manuals of Chemistry, I 
 have found the expression 'Balneum Mariae' in Roflingius, Chimia, 
 Geneva, 1671, p. 117. The modern equivalent is ' water-bath.' 
 
 32 The heavenly bodies acting in this manner, as in the daily course of 
 the sun, the seasons, and the imagined influence of the moon and stars.
 
 584 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 alimentationibus et passionibus foemellarum quae uterum 
 gestant ; denique in ipsis matricibus terrae, iis nimirum in 
 quibus metalla et fossilia efformantur, locum habet et viget 
 ista inaequalitas. Quo magis notanda est inscitia aliquorum 
 alchymistarum ex reformatis :i3 , qui per calores aequabiles 
 lampadum et hujusmodi, perpetuo uno tenore ardentium, se 
 voti compotes fore existimarunt. Atque de opificiis et effec- 
 tibus caloris haec dicta sint. Neque vero tempestivum est 
 ilia penitus scrutari. antequam rerum formae et corporum 
 schematismi ulterius investigati fuerint, et in lucem prodierint. 
 Turn enim quaerenda et adoperanda 34 et aptanda sunt instru- 
 menta, quando de exemplaribus 35 constiterit. 
 
 (4) Quartus modus operandi est per moram, quae certe 
 et promus et condus 3G naturae est, et quaedam dispensatrix. 
 Moram appellamus, cum corpus aliquod sibi permittitur ad 
 tempus notabile, munitum interim et defensum ab aliqua vi 
 externa. Turn cnim motus intestini se produnt et perficiunt. 
 cum motus cxtranei et advcntitii cessant. Opera autem 
 
 33 ' Of the reformed school.' I suppose that Bacon alludes to Paracelsus 
 and his disciples. They are described as the 'reformed school,' I presume, 
 because they hoped to gain their ends by means of ' the lamp ' rather than 
 by the 'philosopher's stone.' But what Bacon complains of is that they 
 thought their ends might be achieved without sufficiently varying the heat 
 employed. It may be noticed that Paracelsus (who, however, still believed 
 in the efficacy of the philosopher's stone ; see, for instance, p. 100 a. of 
 the treatise quoted below) enumerates various 'gradus ignis Alchymistici,' 
 of which the ' jugis ignis candelae et lychni ' is only one. See De Trans- 
 mutatione Rerum, lib. vii. (Op. Omn., vol. ii. pp. 99, 100). 
 
 The student will find a good account of the reforms introduced into 
 chemistry in the sixteenth century at the beginning of the second volume 
 of Hoefer's Histoire de la Chimie. He enumerates three distinct schools : 
 the ecole che"miatrique of Paracelsus, the e"cole metallurgique of George 
 Agricola, and the e"cole technique of Bernard Palissy. It must be to the 
 first of these, or at least to this mainly, I think, that Bacon is here 
 alluding. 
 
 34 = adhibenda. See Du Cange, sub voce 'adoprarc.' 
 
 3;> He must mean the exemplars or models (' rerum formae et corporum 
 schematismi '), the operations of which the ' instrumenta' are to attempt to 
 imitate. 
 
 3 " ' Distributer and store-keeper.' Cp. Plautus, Pseud. Act. ii. Sc. 2. 1. 14 : 
 ' Condus promus sum.'
 
 LIB. II. 50. 585 
 
 aetatis sunt longe subtiliora quam ignis 37 . Ncquc cnim 
 possit fieri talis clarificatio vini per igncm, qualis fit per 
 moram ; neque etiam incincrationes per ignem tarn s unt 
 exquisitae, quam resolutiones et consumptiones per saecula. 
 Incorporationes etiam, et mistiones subitac et praccipitatae 
 per ignem, longe inferiores sunt illis, quae fiunt per moram. 
 At dissimilares et varii schematism!, quos corpora per moras 
 tentant (quales sunt putredines), per ignem aut calorem vehe- 
 mentiorem destruuntur. Illud interim non abs re fuerit 
 notare ; motus corporum penitus conclusorum habere nonnihil 
 ex violento. Incarceratio enim ilia impedit motus spontaneos 
 corporis. Itaque mora in vase aperto plus facit ad separa- 
 tiones ; in vase penitus clause ad commistiones ; in vase 
 nonnihil clauso, sed subintrante ae're, ad putrefactiones. Ut- 
 cunque de opificiis et effectibus morae undique sunt diligenter 
 conquirendae instantiae. 
 
 (5) At regimen motus (quod est quintus ex modis operand!) 
 non parum valet. Regimen autem motus vocamus, cum 
 corpus aliud occurrens corporis alterius motum spontaneum 
 impedit, repellit, admittit, dirigit. Hoc vero plerunque in 
 figuris et situ vasorum consistit. Etenim conus erectus juvat 
 ad condensationem vaporum in alembicis 3S ; at conus inversus 
 juvat ad defaecationem sacchari in vasis resupinatis 39 . Ali- 
 quando autem sinuatio requiritur, et angustiatio, et dilatatio 
 per vices, et hujusmodi 40 . Etiam omnis percolatio hue 
 spectat ; scilicet cum corpus occurrens uni parti corporis 
 alterius viam aperit, altcri obstruit. Neque semper percolatio 
 
 37 This comparison of time with fire is not uncommon. Cp. the end of 
 Ovid's Metamorphoses (xv. 871-2) : 
 
 ' Jamque opus exegi, quod nee Jovis ira, nee ignes, 
 
 Nee poterit ferrum, nee edax abolere vetustas.' 
 
 33 A description of the Alembic, illustrated by a figure, will be found in 
 Watts' Dictionary of Chemistry, sub voce. The instrument is now 
 superseded by the Retort. It is possible, however, that Bacon is not 
 speaking of the entire instrument, but only of the conical head. 
 
 39 The ordinary wine-strainer will give a sufficiently good idea of what 
 Bacon means. 
 
 40 As in the Retort, called by the French < cornue.' Old Books of 
 Chemistry, as, for instance, the Clavis of Gerardus Dorneus, Francf. 1583, 
 show this instrument to have been in common use in Bacon's time.
 
 586 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 aut aliud regimen motus fit per extra ; sed etiam per corpus 
 in corpora: ut cum lapilli immittuntur in aquas ad colligendam 
 limositatem ipsarum ; syrupi clarificantur cum albuminibus 
 ovorum, ut crassiores partes adhaerescant, et postea separari 
 possint. Etiam huic regimini motus satis leviter et inscite 
 attribuit Telesius 41 figuras animalium, ob rivulos scilicet et 
 loculos matricis. Debuerat autem notare similem efforma- 
 tioncm in testis ovorum, ubi non sunt rugae aut inaequalitas. 
 Atverum est regimen motus efformationes perficere in moduli's 
 et proplasticis 42 . 
 
 (6) Operationes vero per consensus aut fugas (qui sextus 
 modus est) latent sacpenumero in profundo. Istae enim 
 (quas vocant) proprietates occultae, et specificae 4:; , et sym- 
 pathiae, et antipathiae 44 , sunt magna ex parte corruptelae 
 philosophiae. Neque de consensibus rerum inveniendis multum 
 sperandum est, ante inventionem formarum et schematismorum 
 simplicium. Consensus enim nil aliud est quam symmetria 
 formarum et schematismorum ad invicem. 
 
 41 ' Telesius's doctrine of the formation of the embryo is essentially the 
 same as Galen's, namely that a system of arteries &c. must be first of all 
 formed in the germ, and that these, by applying themselves to cor- 
 responding parts on the surface of the matrix, determine the channels 
 through which nourishment is supplied, and therefore (mediately) the 
 development of the different members of the foetus. But it does not 
 seem that he would have admitted that the smoothness of the shells 
 of eggs was an objection to his theory. At any rate, he illustrates it 
 by reference to the appearances presented by an egg opened during in- 
 cubation. De rerum natura, vi. chs. 4 and 40.' Mr. Ellis' note. 
 
 4 - Mr. Ellis says: 'The proper word for what we call a model is 
 "proplasma," which is used in a Latin form by Pliny. I have not seen 
 any authority for such an adjective as "proplasticus." What Bacon means 
 is not exactly a model, but a mould for casting.' The reference to Pliny 
 is Nat. Hist. xxxv. 12 (45), sect. 155. In Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, 
 xii. 41, the word is written in Greek. 
 
 4:; Cp. i. 66, and note 49. 
 
 44 The remarks which Bacon presently proceeds to make are alone 
 sufficient to show how little right he had to complain of the fanciful views 
 entertained by others on this class of questions. On the same subject, cp. 
 Aditus ad Historian! Sympathiae et Antipathiae Rerum (E. and S., vol. ii. 
 p. 81) ; Cogitata et Visa (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 606) ; Sylva Sylvarum, Exps. 
 95-97 ! and, on the kindred subject of Natural Magic, Nov. Org. ii. 9 
 ad fin., and ii. 31 ad fin., with the note on the latter passage, and the other 
 places there referred to.
 
 LIB. II. 50. 587 
 
 Atqui majores et magis catholici rerum consensus non 
 prorsus obscuri sunt. Itaque ab iis ordicndum. Eorum prima 
 et summa diversitas ea est : ut quacdam corpora copia et rari- 
 tate materiae admodum discrepent, schematismis conscntiant ; 
 alia contra copia et raritate materiae consentiant, schematismis 
 discrepent. Nam non male notatum est a chymicis. in princi- 
 piorum suorum triade ^ sulphur et mercurium quasi per uni- 
 
 45 This doctrine, that all bodies are composed of sulphur, mercury, and 
 salt, seems to have been first introduced by Basilius Valentinus (whose 
 works cannot, perhaps, be dated before the end of the fifteenth century. 
 See the curious discussion on his personality, date, and writings in the Bio- 
 graphic Universelle), though it was largely developed by Paracelsus, and 
 was the foundation of many of his chemical and medical speculations. 
 See, especially, the Treatise ' De origine Morborum ex tribus primis 
 substantiis,' Op. Omn. vol. i. p. 31, &c. The following extracts taken 
 from lib. i. cap. 2 may be interesting and amusing to the reader : ' Nam 
 si lignum manibus teneas, tune oculorum judicio unum saltern corpus 
 habes. Et hoc scire tibi nullo usui est. Idem et rustici sciunt videntque. 
 Eo usque descendere et penetrare debes, ut scias, manibus te premere 
 Sulphur, Mercurium et Sal. Ouas tres res, si aspectu ipso, et tactu atque 
 palpatu, unamquamlibet ab alia separatam sentis : turn demum oculos cos 
 nactus es, quibus Medicus videre debet. Hi oculi in tribus his pervidendis 
 tarn perspicaces esse debent, quam certo lignum videt rusticus crudum. 
 Hoc cxemplum eo tibi faciat, ut ipsum hominem quoque in his tribus 
 cognoscas, non minus ac ipsum lignum : hoc est, ipsum hominem siniili 
 forma conditum habeas. ****** Id quod ardet, est sulphur. Praeter 
 sulphur, nihil fiagrat. Quod fumat, est Mercurius. Nihil sublimatur, 
 praeter unum Mercurium. Ouod in cinerem abit, Sal est. Nihil ciner- 
 escit, nisi sal sit.' The members of this triad, however, were not the 
 common, visible substances of sulphur, mercury, and salt, but certain pure 
 substances, analogous to these, and possessing in perfection the respective 
 properties of burning, of being volatile, and of being fixed. See, for a 
 further account, Kopp's Geschichte der Chemie, Braunschweig, 1843, 
 Th. i. pp. 88-9 5 96-7. 
 
 The earlier view of Geber (who lived in the eighth century), adopted 
 apparently from his predecessors, was that the metals were composed of 
 only two substances (these, as in the theory of Paracelsus, being pure, not 
 the common, visible, substances), namely, sulphur and mercury. See 
 Kopp, Th. i. pp. 44-6. To this earlier view Bacon recurs, applying it, 
 however, apparently, to bodies in general. 
 
 In the Cogitata et Visa (E. and S., vol. iii. p. 605), Bacon says : ' Ut- 
 cunque enim Principiorum Trias inventum non inutile fuerit, sed rebus 
 aliqua ex parte finitimum.' Cp. Temporis Partus Masculus (E. and S., 
 vol. iii. pp. 532-3) : ' Principiorum autem triadem, commentum haud ita 
 prorsus inutile et rebus aliqua ex parte finitimum, quam importune inculcat
 
 588 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 versitatem rerum permeare. (Nam de sale inepta ratio est, sed 
 introducta ut possit comprehendere corpora terrea, sicca, et 
 fixa 46 .) At ccrte in illis duobus vidctur consensus quidam 
 naturae ex maxime catholicis conspici. Etenim consentiunt 
 sulphur ; oleum, et exhalatio pinguis ; flamma ; et fortasse 
 corpus stellae 4T . Ex altera parte consentiunt mercurius ; 
 
 homo imposturae peritissimus ?' See also Sylva Sylvarum, Exp. 354, and 
 Aditus ad Historiam Sulphuris, Mercurii, et Salis (E. and S., ii. pp. 82-3). 
 
 46 As opposed to volatile. See last note. 
 
 47 The idea of ' quaternions ' is still further and more clearly developed 
 in the Aditus ad Historiam Sulphuris, &c., just referred to. There, he 
 regards sulphur and mercury, which properly belong to the subterranean 
 world, as taking the forms respectively of oil and water in the animal and 
 vegetable world, of flame and air respectively 'in pneumaticis inferioribus,' 
 and, lastly (though on this point he does not pronounce decisively), of starry 
 matter and pure aether respectively 'in coelestibus.' Salt he regards as 
 compounded of sulphur and mercury, by means of a strong spirit. The 
 reader should carefully compare this ' Aditus ' with the present passage, 
 and with what was said about the Triad in the last note but one. 
 
 I have not been able to find in the works of Paracelsus any single 
 passage or any combination of passages containing the precise theory 
 propounded in the text. But the following quotations, which are neces- 
 sarily very brief, will show that much of this nonsense was either derived 
 directly from Paracelsus, or indirectly suggested by his works : 
 
 ' Sulphurum multa sunt : Rcsina, Gummi, Botin [id est Terpentina], 
 Axungia, pinguedo, butyrum, oleum, vinum ardens, &c.' 
 
 ' Scitote ergo, salia multa esse. Ouaedam sunt calces : quaedam cineres: 
 quaedam Arscnicalia : quaedam Antimonicalia, c.' Op. Omn. vol. i. 
 p. 36 a. 
 
 'Sal albus est: et omnes in se colores habet. Sulphur ardet. Ideo 
 omnia olea continet. Mercurius diffluit. Ergo omnes in se humores 
 claudit. Et sic de caeteris quoque, quae ad philosophiam remittimus.' 
 i. p. 52 b. 
 
 ' Pinguedo autem quaevis nihil est aliud quam sulphur modis ac naturis 
 variis divisum. * * * Videtis nimirum per tempestates coelum fulgurare. 
 Isto autem loco sulphur nullum videri potest. Et tamen cum ardeat, id 
 necessario a solo sulphure fit.' i. 710 a. 
 
 Even these absurdities are outdone by the quaint theory of Paracelsus 
 about the stars (and here Bacon ceases to follow) : ' Sydera omnia Hyemis 
 vivunt in Mercuric, et sydera omnia aestatis in sulphure, et juxta se in- 
 vicem ita manent jugiter.' i. 824 b. 
 
 I cannot but think that Bacon, in his modifications of the doctrine of 
 Paracelsus, was influenced by the theory of Telesius, deriving all things 
 from heat and cold ; sulphur would answer to the former, mercury to the 
 latter. The manner in which Bacon constructs his ' Quaternions ' would 
 certainly support this hypothesis.
 
 LIB. II. 50. 589 
 
 aqua ct vapores aquei ; aer ; et fortasse aether purus et 
 interstellaris. Attamen istae quatcrnioncs geminae, sive magnae 
 rerum tribus (utraque intra ordines suos), copia materiae atque 
 densitate immensum differunt, sed schcmatismo valde con- 
 veniunt ; ut in plurimis se produnt. At contra mctalla 
 diversa copia et densitate multum conveniunt (praescrtim 
 respectu vegetabilium, &c.), sed schematismo multifariam 
 differunt ; et similiter vegetabilia et animalia diversa sche- 
 matismis quasi infinitis variantur, sed intra copiam materiae 
 sive densitatem paucorum graduum continentur. 
 
 Sequitur consensus maxime post priorem catholicus, videlicet 
 corporum principalium et fomitum suorum ; videlicet menstru- 
 orum 48 , et alimentorum. Itaque exquirendum, sub quibus 
 climatibus. et in qua tellure, et ad quam profunditatem metalla 
 singula generentur ; et similiter de gcmmis, sive ex rupibus, 
 sive inter mineras natis ; in qua gleba terrae, arbores singulae, 
 et frutices, et herbae potissimum proveniant, et tanquam gau- 
 deant ; et insimul quae impinguationes, sive per stercorationes 
 cujuscunque generis, sive per cretam, arenam maris, cineres, 
 &c., maxime juvent ; et quae sint ex his pro varietate glebarum 
 magis aptae et auxiliares. Etiam insitio et inoculatio arborum 
 et plantarum, earumque ratio, quae scilicet plantae super quas 
 foelicius inserantur, &c., multum pendet de consensu. In qua 
 parte non injucundum foret experimentum 4;) , quod noviter audi- 
 vimus esse tentatum, de insitione arborum sylvestriuni (quae 
 hucusque in arboribus hortensibus fieri consuevit), undc folia 
 
 48 ' By " menstrua " are meant the substances out of which any species 
 of mineral is generated, or, in other words, the causa materialis of its 
 existence. See, on the generation of metals and other minerals, the fourth 
 and fifth books of [Georgius] Agricola's work De ortu et causis Fos- 
 silium [? subterraneorum]. He gives an account of the opinions of 
 Aristotle, Theophrastus, c. In modern chemistry the word menstruum 
 is nearly equivalent to solvent. By the school of Paracelsus the word is 
 used so vaguely that it is difficult to determine what idea they attached to 
 it, or how they derived their sense of the word from its original significa- 
 tion. When the word is used as in the text, the metaphor seems to be 
 taken from the Aristotelian theory of generation, in which Kara TV> Trpwrrp 
 v\rjv early 17 rS>v Kara^iM (frvvis.' [Ue Gen. An. i. 2O ad fin. p. 729 a. 32.] 
 Mr. Ellis' note. 
 
 49 See Sylva Sylvarum, Exp. 475.
 
 59 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 et glandes majorem in modum amplificantur, et arbores fiunt 
 magis umbrosae. Similiter, alimenta animalium respective no- 
 tanda sunt in genere, et cum negativis. Neque enim carnivora 
 sustinent herbis nutriri; unde etiam Ordo Folitanorum 50 (licet 
 
 ' Bacon alludes to these monks on two other occasions, namely in the 
 Historia Vitae et Mortis (E. and S., vol. ii. p. 131), where he calls them 
 Foliatani, and in the Sylva Sylvarum, Exp. 45, where he calls them 
 Foliatanes. 
 
 I borrow the following note from Mr. Ellis : ' Bacon doubtless refers to 
 the austerities of the order of Feiiillans. Jean de la Barriere, after holding 
 the Cistercian abbey of Feiiillans in commendam for eleven years, re- 
 nounced the world in 1573, and in the course of a few years introduced 
 a most austere rule of life into the abbey of which he was the head. His 
 monks knelt on the floor during their refections, and some of them were 
 in the habit of drinking out of skulls. They abstained from eggs, fish, 
 butter, oil, and even salt, and confined themselves to pottage made of 
 herbs boiled in water, and bread so coarse and black that beasts refused to 
 eat of it. After a while they gave up wine also. Clement VIII permitted 
 the society to draw up constitutions for the establishment of their rule. 
 By these the excessive rigour of their way of life was checked, which was 
 done in obedience to the Pope, and in consequence of the deaths of 
 fourteen monks in a single week at Feiiillans. These constitutions were 
 ratified in 1595. Assuming, of which there seems no doubt, that the 
 Folitani of Bacon are the Feiiillans, I may remark that the Latinised form 
 of Feiiillans used is Fuliensis, as an adjective ; the proper style of the 
 society being " Congregatio Cistertiomonastica B. Mariae Fuliensis." I 
 have not seen the work of Morotius to which Helyot, from whom the pre- 
 ceding account is taken, refers ; but in that of C. Henrique, also mentioned 
 by Helyot, I do not find any authority for Folitani. It is probable that 
 Bacon's chief information on the subject was gathered orally during his 
 residence in France, before the Feiiillans had ceased from their first love. 
 The expression " ordo * * * fere evanuit " must be taken to mean that the 
 severe rule that they had at first was given up. See Helyot, Hist, des 
 Ordres Monastiques, iv me partie, c. 38. [Tome v.] Spondanus, An. 1586, 
 iv. For some particulars of the early history of the Abbey of Feiiillans, 
 and especially for the will of Jean de la Barriere, see Voyage Litteraire de 
 deux Benedictins, ii. p. 16.' 
 
 The Histoire des Ordres Monastiques was published anonymously at 
 Paris, in 8 vols., the first appearing in 1714. In the Voyage Litteraire, &c. 
 (which was written by Edm. Martene and Urs. Durand), there occurs a copy 
 of a Bull, in which the Latinised form of the Order is Congregatio Feuil- 
 lensis. I have looked through the book of Morotius (a copy of which is 
 in the Bibliotheque Nationale), entitled ' Cistercii Reflorescentis, sen Cong. 
 Cistercio-Monasticarum B. Mariae Fuliensis in Gallia et Reformatorum 
 S. Bernardi in Italia, Chronoiogica Historia,' Turin, 1690, and find that
 
 LIB. II. 50. 591 
 
 voluntas humana plus possit quam animantium caetcrorum 
 super corpus suum 51 ), post experientiam factam (ut aiunt), 
 tanquam ab humana natura non tolerabilis, fcrc cvanuit. 
 Etiam materiae diversae putrefactionum, unde animalcula 
 generantur, notandae sunt. 
 
 Atque consensus corporum principalium crga subordinata 
 sua 52 (tales enim ii possint censeri quos notavimus) satis in 
 aperto sunt. Quibus addi possunt sensuum consensus erga 
 objecta sua. Qui consensus, cum manifestissimi sint, bene 
 notati, et acriter excussi, etiam aliis consensibus qui latent 
 magnam praebere possint lucem. 
 
 At interiores corporum consensus et fugae, sive amicitiae et 
 lites (taedet enim nos fere vocabulorum sympathiae ct anti- 
 pathiae, propter superstitiones et inania), aut falso ascriptae, 
 aut fabulis conspersae, aut per neglectum 53 rarae admodum 
 sunt. Etenim si quis asserat inter vineam et brassicam 54 esse 
 
 these monks are there styled ' Fulienses,' and never, so far as my observa- 
 tion extends, Folitani. 
 
 61 On the reciprocal action of Mind and Body, see De Augm. iv. i (E. 
 and S., vol. i. pp. 583-6). 
 
 5 - These words are somewhat obscure, but what is meant, I think, is 
 the consent between the ' corpora principalia ' and their ' fomites,' the 
 latter being regarded as ' subordinate ' to the use of the former. The 
 sentence, therefore, is simply a reference back to the last paragraph. 
 
 53 That is, through negligence in observing them. Some of the later 
 editions have a comma after ' neglectum,' which makes the passage un- 
 intelligible. 
 
 54 The cabbage. For its medicinal properties, and its varieties, see 
 Cato de Re Rustica, 156-7. He says: 'Si voles in convivio multum 
 bibere, coenareque libenter, ante coenam esto crudam quantum voles ex 
 aceto. Et item ubi coenaveris, comesto aliqua. Ubi folia reddent te 
 quasi nihil ederis ; biberisque bibesque quantum voles.' Cp. Columella, 
 xii. 3. 
 
 Dr. Kitchin refers to Cicero, De Natura Dcorum, ii. 47 : ' Age ut a 
 caelestibus rebus ad terrestres veniamus ; quid est in his, in quo non 
 naturae ratio intelligentis appareat? * * * Jam vero vites sic claviculis 
 adminicula, tanquam manibus, apprehendunt, atque se ita erigunt. ut 
 animantes. Ouin etiam a caulibus brassicisque, si propter sati sint. ut 
 a pestiferis, et nocentibus, refugere dicuntur, nee eos ulla ex parte contin- 
 gere.' For the virtues of Brassica (K-pa^/3/,) as a remedy against the effects 
 of intoxication, Dr. Kitchin refers to Athenaeus, Deipn. i. p. 34 C-F (end 
 of bk. i). Athenaeus gives a number of authorities, and, as a proof of the
 
 592 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 dissidium, quia juxta sata minus laete proveniunt, praesto 
 ratio est : quod utraque planta succulenta sit et depraedatrix, 
 unde altera alteram defraudat. Si quis asserat esse consensual 
 et amicitiam inter segetes et cyaneum 55 , aut papaver sylvestre, 
 quia herbac illae fere non proveniunt nisi in arvis cultis : 
 debuit is potius asserere dissidium esse inter ea, quia papaver 
 et cyaneus emittuntur et creantur ex tali succo terrae qualem 
 segetes reliquerint et repudiaverint ; adeo ut satio segetum 
 terram praeparet ad eorum proventum. Atque hujusmodi 
 falsarum ascriptionum magnus est numerus. Quoad fabulas 
 vero, illae omnino sunt exterminandae. Restat tenuis certe 
 copia eorum consensuum, qui certo probati sunt experimento ; 
 quales sunt magnetis et ferri, atque auri et argenti vivi, et 
 similium. At in experimentis chymicis circa metalla inve- 
 niuntur et alii nonnulli observatione digni. Maxima vero 
 frequentia eorum (ut in tanta paucitate) invenitur in medicinis 
 nonnullis 5G ) quae, ex proprietatibus suis occultis (quas vocant) 
 
 addiction of the Egyptians to wine, says that they invariably commence 
 their chief meal (dfrnfov) by eating boiled cabbage. 
 
 Pliny frequently speaks of 'brassica.' See, for instance, Nat. Hist. xx. 
 9 (33-8), sect - 78, &.C., where he notices the opinion 'vino adversari ut 
 inimicum vitibus, antecedente in cibis caveri ebrietatem, postea sumpta 
 crapulam discuti.' Again, in xxiv. I. sect. I, he says : ' Pernicialia et bras- 
 sicae cum vite odia ; ipsum olus, quo vitis fugatur, adversum cyclamino et 
 origano arescit.' In the pseudo-Aristotelian treatise, the Problems, we 
 find the question put: Aui ri 17 Kpii^rj navel rf]v icpcuirdXyv ; Prob. iii. 17 
 
 (873 a. 37). 
 
 As to later writers, Mr. Ellis refers to Lemnius, De Occultis Naturae 
 Miraculis, ii. 17. I have no doubt that other authorities might easily be 
 found, but this note is already too long. 
 
 On similar ' discordiae atque concordiae,' as, for instance, the enmity 
 between the olive and the oak, see Pliny, xxiv. i. Mr. Ellis refers to 
 Lemnius, De Occultis, &c., iv. 10, to Cardan, De Rerum Varietate (see, for 
 instance, lib. i. cap. i), and to the Theatrum Sympatheticum. The last 
 book, which is very curious, and, amongst other things, treats of Digby's 
 Sympathetic Powder, was published at Nuremberg in 1660. 
 
 55 Properly cyanus, KVOVOS, the corn-flower. See Piiny, Nat. Hist. xxi. 
 8 (24), sect. 48 ; ii (39), sect. 68. 
 
 06 Ancient medicine is so full of these absurd analogies, that it is almost 
 superfluous to give any instances. See, for example, Paracelsus, passim, 
 and especially the treatises De Origine Morborum and De Morbis Tar- 
 tareis, as well as the works referred to at the end of the last note but one. 
 The ' Doctrine of Signatures ' was one of the most absurd forms under
 
 LIB. II. 50. 593 
 
 et specificis, respiciunt aut membra, aut humores, aut morbos, 
 aut quandoque naturas individuas f)7 . Nequc omittendi sunt 
 consensus inter motus et affectus lunae et passiones corporum 
 inferiorum, prout ex experimentis agriculturae 58 , nauticae 5 ', 
 
 which this conceit appeared. See Paracelsus, De Signatura Rerum (Op. 
 Omn., vol. ii. pp. 106-16), and, for a good modern account of the theory, 
 Dr. Paris' Pharmacologia, p. 47, c. From the latter work, I have ex- 
 tracted several sentences on this subject in the last chapter of my Induc- 
 tive Logic (see 4th Ed., pp. 348-50). Dr. Paris defines the doctrine as a 
 ' belief that every natural substance, -which possesses any medicinal virtues, 
 indicates, by an obvious and well-marked external character, the disease 
 for which it is a remedy, or the object for which it should be employed? 
 He instances mandrake as a cure for sterility, the lungs of a fox as a 
 specific for asthma, poppies for diseases of the head, turmerick for jaundice, 
 euphrasia (eye-bright) for complaints of the eye, blood-stone for bleeding 
 at the nose, c., &c. 
 
 57 Of this kind was the sympathetic powder, invented at a later period 
 by Sir Kenelm Digby. See last note on Aph. 31. The particular weapon 
 which had inflicted the wound was anointed for the purpose of curing the 
 particular person suffering. To the same head belong incantations prac- 
 tised on an effigy of the person whom it was intended to affect, or on his 
 clothes, or on his cut hair or nails, &c. 
 
 Of a similar character was the belief that particular cures could only be 
 performed by particular people, as in the case of the King's Evil. 
 
 5 " See Hesiod, Opera et Dies, 765-828 ; Virgil, Georgics, i. 276-86 ; 
 Pliny, Nat. Hist, xviii. 32 (75), 28 (68), and other passages ; Aulus Gellius, 
 xx. 8. Some of the directions given by Pliny are of a very odd character. 
 Thus, 'stercus nisi decrescente luna ne tangito * * * ova lima nova 
 subponito. scrobis luna plena noctu facito. arborum radices luna plena 
 operito,' &c. 
 
 Cp. Tylor's Primitive Culture, vol. i. p. 130 (2nd Ed.). He quotes 
 Tusser's Five Hundred Points of Husbandry : 
 
 ' Sowe peason and beans in the wane of the moone, 
 Who soweth them sooner, he soweth too soone : 
 That they, with the planet, may rest and rise, 
 And flourish with bearing, most plentiful wise.' 
 
 Cardan (De Rerum Varietate, lib. ii. cap. 13) has some curious remarks on 
 the same subject. 
 
 59 He here alludes to the supposed correspondence between the appear- 
 ances of the moon and the weather. See Virgil, Georgics, i. 4^4^37, and 
 the corresponding passage in Aratus, Aioo-^eia, p. 46, &c. ; Pliny, Nat. 
 Hist. ii. 47 (48) ; xviii. 28 (68), 35 (79), and other passages. The last 
 passage cited from Pliny contains an interesting extract from Varro. To 
 the same head belongs the influence of the moon on the Tides, so far as 
 that was recognised in the older systems of Physics. 
 
 Qq
 
 594 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 et medicinae co , aut alias 61 cum delectu severo et sincero 
 colligi et recipi possint. Verum instantiae universae con- 
 sensuum secretiorum, quo magis sunt infrequentes, eo majori 
 cum diligentia sunt inquirendae, per traditiones. et narrationes 
 fidas et probas ; modo hoc fiat absque ulla levitate, aut 
 credulitate, sed fide anxia et quasi dubitabunda. Restat 
 consensus corporum modo operandi tanquam inartificialis. 
 sed usu polychrestus, qui nullo modo omittendus est, scd 
 sedula observatione investigandus. Is est coitio sive unio 
 corporum, proclivis aut difficilis, per compositionem. sive 
 appositionem simplicem G2 . Etenim corpora nonnulla facile 
 
 ;o See, for instance, Pliny, Nat. Hist. ii. 99 (102), sect. 221 : 'Quo vera 
 conjectatio exsistit, baud frustra spirituus sidus Lunam existimari. Hoc 
 esse quod terras saturet, acccdensque corpora impleat, abscedens inaniat. 
 Ideo cum incremento ejus augeri conchylia ; et maxime spiritum sentire, 
 quibus sanguis non sit. Seel et sanguinem hominum etiam cum lumine 
 ejus augeri ac ininui : frondes quoque ac pabula (ut suo loco dicetur) 
 sentire, in omnia eadem penetrante vi.' Hence, the idea that blood should 
 be let or herbs gathered at certain phases of the moon, or that it was more 
 dangerous to be wounded under certain signs or at certain phases of the 
 moon than at others. Paracelsus combats the latter theories in his work 
 De Phlebotomia (Op. Omn., vol. i. p. 766, &c.) : ' Morbus spectandus est, 
 non coelum.' But he adheres to the old opinion as to the season for 
 gathering herbs. See the treatise De Philosophia (Op. Omn., vol. ii. pp. 
 502-3) : ' Ex Lunae facie, ipsum decrementum (sc. optimum esse). maxime 
 quod tribus ultimis diebus finitur, mane nimirum, sub diei auspicium. 
 Sicut enim homo diei decursu laborat, eoque labore confecto lassus et 
 enervis nocturna quiete sese reficit, et instaurat vires : sic etiam fructus 
 omnes ct nascentia terrae, radices, herbae,' &c., with much more to the 
 same purport. 
 
 On the beliefs that warts could be eradicated by exposing them to the 
 rays of the moon, and that the wounded should not be exposed to these 
 rays, ' ne livor succedat, et sanatio procrastinetur,' see the Theatrum 
 Sympatheticum, pp. 210-2, and cp. Sir Thomas Browne's Vulgar and 
 Common Errors, vol. iii. pp. 182-3. 
 
 Lunacy, the intervals and paroxysms of which were supposed to vary 
 with the phases of the moon, is another instance in point. The madness 
 was supposed to culminate with the Full Moon, and to receive a reinforce- 
 ment, as it were, with the New Moon. For a very curious account and 
 explanation of these theories, see Paracelsus, De Morbis Amentium, Op. 
 Omn. i. 573. 
 
 C1 See, for instances, Pliny, Nat. Hist, xxviii. 7 (23) ; xiv. 21 (27) ; ii. 9 
 (6), 101 (104). 
 
 62 That is, by chemical mixture or mechanical composition.
 
 LIB. IL 51. 595 
 
 et libenter commiscentur et incorporantur, alia autem aegre 
 et perverse : veluti pulveres mclius incorporantur cum aquis ; 
 calces et cineres, cum oleis ; et sic de similibus. Neque 
 tantum sunt colligendae instantiae propensionis aut avcrsionis 
 corporum erga misturam, sed etiam collocationis partium. 
 et distributionis, et digestionis, postquam commista sint ; 
 denique et praedominantiae post misturam transactam. 
 
 (7) Superest ultimo loco ex modis septem operandi septimus 
 et postremus : operatic scilicet per alternationem G3 et vicis- 
 situdines priorum sex ; de quo antequam in singulos illos 
 paulo altius fuerit inquisitum, tempestivum non foret exempla 
 proponere. Series autem sive catena hujusmodi alternationis, 
 prout ad singula efifecta accommodari possit, res est et cognitu 
 maxime difficilis, et ad opera maxime valida. Summa autem 
 detinet et occupat homines impatientia hujusmodi tarn in- 
 quisitionis, quam praxeos ; cum tamen sit instar fili labyrinthi G4 , 
 quoad opera majora. Atque haec sufficiant ad exemplum 
 Polychresti. 
 
 LI. 
 
 Inter praerogativas instantiarum, ponemus loco vicesimo 
 septimo atque ultimo Instantias Magicas 5 . Hoc nomine illas 
 appellamus, in quibus materia aut efficiens tenuis aut parva 
 est, pro magnitudine operis et effectus qui sequitur : adeo ut 
 etiamsi fuerint vulgares, tamen sint instar miraculi ; aliae primo 
 intuitu. aliae etiam attentius contemplanti. Has vero natura ex 
 sese subministrat parce ; quid vero factura sit sinu excusso, et 
 post inventionem formarum, et processuum. ct schematis- 
 morum, futuris temporibus apparebit. At ista effecta magica 
 
 6:5 ' That is, by bringing these six different methods to bear in judicious 
 order on each subject, and so shifting that order as to gather different results 
 as, e.g. using Heat before or after pressure,' &c. Dr. Kitchin's note. 
 
 64 This is the title of no less than three of Bacon's smaller works. 
 They will be found in the second and third volumes of Ellis and Spedding's 
 Edition. 
 
 65 These ' instances ' occur, where great effects are produced by means 
 apparently inadequate. Bacon hoped that, as we come to know more of 
 ' Forms,' of the inner constitution of bodies, and of the latent processes 
 by which changes in their constitution are brought about, these instances 
 will become far more numerous. 
 
 Qq2
 
 596 NOVUM RCA NUM. 
 
 (quantum adhuc conjicimus) fiunt tribus modi's : aut per 
 multiplicationem sui 6G , ut in igne, et venenis, quae vocant 
 specifica 07 ; necnon in motibus, qui transeunt et fortificantur 
 de rota in rotam G8 : aut per excitationem G9 sive invitationem 
 in altero, ut in magnete, qui excit acus innumeras, virtute 
 nullatenus deperdita aut diminuta ; aut in fermento, et hujus- 
 modi : aut per anteversionem motus ", ut dictum est de pulvere 
 pyrio, et bombardis, et cuniculis : quorum priores duo modi 
 indagationem consensuum requirunt ; tertius, mensurae mo- 
 tuum. Utrum vero sit aliquis modus mutandi corpora per 
 minima 71 (ut vocant), et transponendi 7 - subtiliores materiae 
 
 66 See Aph. 48 (11). 
 
 67 By a Specific Poison is properly meant a poison which is invariably 
 attended by the same group of sequelae, in opposition to a poison, the 
 effect of which is different under different circumstances and on different 
 constitutions. Most specific poisons, such as small-pox, measles, the 
 Morbus Gallicus, &c., possess the power of self-multiplication, but this is 
 not an invariable property of such poisons. Thus, in lucifer-match manu- 
 factories, phosphorus produces necrosis of the lower jaw, and may, there- 
 fore, be regarded as a specific poison, but it does not act by way of 
 self-multiplication. 
 
 In ii. 48 (12), Bacon refers the action of 'some poisons' to the 'motus 
 excitationis.' 
 
 68 This is the principle of the Wheel and Axle. But, as Dr. Kitchin 
 observes, the ' fortificatio motus ' takes place at the expense of speed. 
 
 69 See Aph. 48 (12). 
 
 70 See ii. 36 (7), 48 (10). The motion of the nitre, from its abhorrence 
 of flame, is supposed to 'anticipate' that of the sulphur. 
 
 71 In their smallest portions, or particles. Cp. the expression 'latio per 
 minima ' in i. 50. This is the second of the two modes of transformation, 
 spoken of at the beginning of ii. 5. 
 
 72 We have already seen that the transformation of bodies was a 
 cherished idea of Bacon. See especially my Introduction, 6, and the 
 Aphorisms at the beginning of this Book, with the notes. On the trans- 
 mutation of the metals, there are some very curious and interesting 
 remarks in the Historia Densi et Rari, E. and S., vol. ii. pp. 250-1. There 
 he gives it as his opinion that other bodies cannot be turned into Gold, on 
 account of its superior density, but that we may hope to effect the conver- 
 sion of lead or quicksilver into silver. Cp., on this subject, De Augmentis, 
 lib. iii. cap. 5 (E. and S., vol. i. p. 574). In the Sylva Sylvarum, Exps. 
 326-8, he seems to be more hopeful, and actually proposes a recipe for the 
 making of gold. 
 
 The last sentence of the Aphorism is an attack on the Alchemists, who
 
 LIB. II. 52. 597 
 
 schematismos (id quod ad omnimodas corporum transfor- 
 mationes pertinet, ut ars brevi tempore illud facere possit, 
 quod natura per multas ambages molitur), de co nulla hacte- 
 nus nobis constant indicia. Quemadmodum autem in solidis 
 et veris aspiramus ad ultima ct summa ; ita vana et tumida 
 perpetuo odimus, et quantum in nobis est profligamus. 
 
 LIT. 
 
 Atque de Dignitatibus sive Pracrogativis Instantiarum haec 
 dicta sint. Illud vero monendum 73 , nos in hoc nostro Organo 
 tractare logicam, non philosophiam. Sed cum logica nostra 
 doceat intellectum et erudiat ad hoc, ut non tenuibus mentis 
 quasi claviculis rerum abstracta captet et prenset (ut logica 
 vulgaris), sed naturam revera persecet " 4 , et corporum virtutes 
 et actus 75 eorumque leges in materia determinatas inveniat ; 
 ita ut non solum ex natura mentis, sed ex natura rerum ~ r< 
 quoque haec scientia emanet : mirum non est, si ubique 
 naturalibus contemplationibus et experimentis, ad exempla 
 artis nostrae, conspersa fuerit et illustrata "". Sunt autem (ut 
 ex iis quae dicta sunt patet) Pracrogativae Instantiaruui 
 numero 27; nominibus : Instantiae Solitariae : Instantiate 
 Migrantes : Instantiae Ostensivae : Instantiae Clandcstinac : 
 Instantiae Constitntivac : Instantiae Conformcs : Instantiae 
 Monodicae: Instantiae Deviantcs: Instantiae Limitaneac : 
 Instantiae Potestatis: Instantiae Comitatns ct Hostilcs : In- 
 
 hoped to obtain their ends by means of an Elixir or the Philosophers 
 Stone. 
 
 73 This is a good statement of the objects of the Baconian reform, 
 which was intended, in- the first instance, to bring about a change of 
 method rather than a change of doctrine ; but a change of doctrine, Bacon 
 felt assured, would soon follow the change of method. 
 
 74 Cp. i. 51, and i. 13. 
 
 7r> That is, 'actus puros,' manifestations. See i. 51, with the note on 
 this expression. 
 
 76 As every true system of logic ought to do. Logic, like any other 
 science, unless its generalisations are constantly brought to the bar of 
 experience, and submitted to the test of facts, external as well as internal, 
 must become abstract, barren, and worthless. Cp. notes on i. 127. 
 
 77 And yet we cannot but regret that Bacon has not also supplied us. in 
 pursuance of what he says in i. 127, with examples from the mental, moral, 
 and political sciences, in which his experience was so rich.
 
 598 NOVUM ORGANUM. 
 
 stantiae Subjunctivae : Instantiae Foederis : Instantiae Crucis : 
 Instantiae Divortii: Instantiae Jannae: Instantiae Citantes: 
 Instantiae Viae : Instantiae Supplements: Instantiae Perse- 
 cantes : Instantiae Virgae : Instantiae Cnrricnli : Doses 
 Naturae: Instantiae Lnctae : Instantiae I nnuentes : Instantiae 
 PolycJirestae : Instantiae Magicae. Usus autem harum instan- 
 tiarum. in quo instantias vulgares excellunt, versatur in genere 
 aut circa partem informativam ; aut circa operativam ; aut 
 circa utramque. Atque quoad informativam. juvant illae aut 
 sensum, aut intellectum. Sensum, ut quinque Instantiae 
 Lampadis^: intellectum, aut accelerando exclusivam formae, 
 ut Solitariae ; aut angustiando et propius indicando affirma- 
 tivam formae, ut Migrantes, Ostensivae, Comitatns, cum 
 Snbjnnctims ; aut erigendo intellectum, et ducendo ad genera 
 et naturas communes ; idque aut immediate, ut Claudes tinac, 
 Monodicae, Foederis ; aut gradu proximo, ut Constitntivac ; 
 aut gradu infimo, ut Conformes ; aut rectificando intellectum 
 a consuetis, ut Dcviantes ; aut ducendo ad Formam Magnam, 
 sive Fabricam Universi 79 , ut L imitaneae ; aut cavendo de 
 formis et causis falsis, ut Crucis et Divortii. Quod vero ad 
 Operativam attinet ; illae practicam aut designant, aut men- 
 surant, aut sublevant. Designant aut ostendendo a quibus 
 incipicndum, ne actum agamus, ut Instantiae Potcstatis ; aut 
 ad quid aspirandum, si detur facultas, ut Innncntes: men- 
 surant quatuor illae MatJiematicae 80 : sublevant PolycJirestae 
 et Magicae. 
 
 Rursus ex istis instantiis 27, nonnullarum (ut superius 
 diximus de aliquibus) facienda est collectio jam ab initio, nee 
 expectanda particularis inquisitio naturarum. Cujus generis 
 sunt instantiac confonncs, monodicae, dcviantcs, limitancae, 
 potcstatis, jannae, innncntcs. polycJircstac, magicac. Hae enim 
 aut auxiliantur et medentur intellectui ct sensui, aut instru- 
 unt praxin in genere. Rcliquac turn demum conquircndae 
 sunt. cum conficiemus tabnlas comparcntiae ad opus interprets 
 
 "* See Aphs. 38-43. 
 
 9 That is, the KOO-/XO?. Cp. Aph. 30 : 'optime enim indicant composi- 
 tionem et fabricam rerum.' 
 
 10 Namely, the Instantiae Virgae, Instantiae Curriculi, Instantiae Ouanti. 
 and Instantiae Luctae.
 
 LIB. 77. 52. 599 
 
 circa aliquam naturam particularcm. Stint enim instantiae 
 praerogativis istis insignitae et donatac animac instar, inter vul- 
 gares instantias comparentiac ; et, ut ab initio diximus 81 , paucae 
 illarum sunt vice multarum ; quocirca cum tabnlas conficimus, 
 illae omni studio sunt investigandae, et in tabnlas rcferendae. 
 Erit etiam earum mentio nccessaria in iis quae scquuntur. 
 Praeponendus itaque erat carum tractatus. Nunc vero ad 
 adminicula et rectificationes Inductionis, et dcinceps ad con- 
 crcta*-, ct latcntcs proccssns, et latcntcs scJicmatismos, et 
 reliqua quae Aphorismo 21. ordinc proposuimus. pcrgendum ; 
 ut tandem (tanquam curatores probi et fideles) tradamus 
 hominibus fortunas suas, emancipato intellectu, ct facto tan- 
 quam majorc : unde necesse est sequi emendationem status 
 hominis, et ampliationem potcstatis ejus super naturam 8:J . 
 Homo enim per lapsum 84 ct dc statu innocentiae dccidit, et 
 de regno in creaturas. Utraque autem res etiam in hac vita 
 nonnulla ex parte reparari potest ; prior per religioncm et 
 fidem, posterior per artes et scientias. Neque enim per 
 maledictionem facta est crcatura prorsus et acl extremum 
 rebellis. Sed in virtute illius diplomatis. /// sndorc vnltus 
 comcdcs paneni tmiin, per labores varies (non per disputationes 
 certe. aut per otiosas ceremonias magicas), tandem et aliqua 
 ex parte ad panem homini praebendum. id est, ad 
 usus vitae humanae subigitur. 
 
 Finis Libri Secundi Novi Organi. 
 
 n See Aph. 22. 
 
 s - As I have already observed in a note on Aph. 21, acl concreta ' seems 
 to answer to the 'Variatio Inquisitionis pro Xatura Subjecti ' of that 
 Aphorism, and, perhaps, ' Latentes Proccssus et Latentes Schematismi ' 
 to the ' Deductio ad Praxin.' 
 
 f3 These words are probably meant to correspond with the opening 
 words of the Preface to the Instauratio Magna : ' De statu scientiarum, 
 quod non sit foelix aut majorem in modum auctus ; quodquc alia omnino 
 quam prioribus cognita fuerit via aperienda sit intellectui humano, et alia 
 comparanda auxilia, ut mens suo jure in rerum naturam uti possit.' 
 
 *'' Cp. De Augm.. lib. i. (E. and S., vol. i. p. 465). Preface to Instauratio 
 Magna (p. 168), and Valerius Terminus (E.andS., vol. iii. pp. 217-8, 222;.
 
 [In the Original Edition, there here follow the PARASCEVE AD 
 HISTORIAM NATURALEM ET EXPERIMENTALEM, and the CATALOGUS 
 HISTORIARUM PARTICULARIUM, SECUNDUM CAPITA, referred to on 
 p. 303, and elsewhere. These pieces (which are reprinted in 
 the First Volume of Ellis and Spedding's Edition), though of 
 interest, are not more closely connected with the Novum Organum 
 than are many other of Bacon's tracts, and hence I have not thought 
 it desirable to reproduce them in this place.]
 
 INDICES.
 
 INDEX TO THE INTRODUCTION. 
 
 N.B. This Index does not extend to the Section on the Bibliography 
 of the Novum Organum. 
 
 Abbott, Dr., differences of opinion be- 
 tween him and myself, 47. Ste also 
 Preface, pp. xii-xx. 
 
 Academies, foreign, Bacon's influence 
 on the foundation of, 115, 116. 
 
 Acontio, 94. 
 
 Actus purus, 55-57. 
 
 Adams Tobias, 109. 
 
 Adaptation in nature, different explana- 
 tions of, 66, 67. 
 
 Aclitus to various ' Historiae,' 10. 
 
 Advancement of Learning, "j. 
 
 Agricola, Rodolphus, 77. 
 
 Agrippa, Henricus Cornelius, 77-78, 93. 
 
 Albert the Great, 89. 
 
 Analysis and Synthesis, Newton's use 
 of the words, 124. 
 
 Andrewes, Bishop, 14, 102. 
 
 Anticipations of Bacon's Method and 
 Teaching, 86-98. 
 
 Anti-Copernicans, 33, 34. 
 
 Archimedes, 24, 25. 
 
 Aristotle's division of motion, 28, 29. 
 
 four causes, 54. 
 
 distinction of 5vvafj,is and evepyeta, 
 58, 71. 
 
 doctrine of Definition. 59, 60. 
 
 failure in his physical researches, 
 causes of, 68-72. 
 
 authority, reaction against, 72-86. 
 
 Induction, 71, 87. 
 
 doctrine of the origin of Knowledge 
 in the perceptions of the senses, 87, 
 88.. 97. 
 
 Association, Bacon's theory of, 20. 
 Astrology, Bacon's belief in, 26. 
 Astronomy, physical and formal or 
 mathematical contrasted, 31, 32. 
 
 Bacon's suggestion of the necessity 
 of a closer union between formal and 
 physical, 38, 39. 
 
 views of Bacon on various questions 
 of, 23, 25, 26, 28, 29, 31-41. 
 
 Atheism, 45, 46, 49, 50. 51. 
 Atlantis, New, 9, u, 114. 
 Atmosphere, currents of the, 42. 
 Atomic theory, 15, 42. 
 Attraction, passages in Bacon's works 
 
 bearing on, 39, 40. 
 Aubrey's Lives, 135, 136. 
 Augmentis (De). See De Augmentis. 
 Authority, Bacon's attempt to free men 
 
 from subjection to, 127, 128. 
 Axiom, Newton's use of the word, 125. 
 Bacon, Roger, 73-75, 89-92. 
 Baillet's Life ot Descartes, 103. 
 Bain, Professor, referred to, 63. 
 1 Baker's Reflections upon Learning, i 20. 
 
 Baranzan, Father, 10^. 
 j Barrow, 121, 122. 
 Bayle, 53, 104, 105. 
 Beal, Dr., 116, 117, 119. 120. 
 Beyer, John, 1 12. 
 Bibliography of the Novum Organum, 
 
 MS- 1 55-. 
 
 Biot, M., his article on Galileo, 139. 
 Blood, Circulation of the, not men- 
 tioned by Bacon, 28. 
 Blount, Sir Thomas Pope, no. 
 Bodies, ultimate constitution of. 4:. 
 ultimate condition of their parts. 42. 
 Boclley, Sir Thoma?, 135. 
 Boerhaavc. in, 112. 
 Bouillet, M., referred to, 14. 31, 41, 42, 
 
 43- 
 
 Boyle, 27, 28, 116, 117. 
 
 Brahe. See Tycho Brahe. 
 
 Brewster, Sir David, 116, 121, 141. 14-'. 
 
 Britannia Baconica, 117, 118. 
 
 Browne, Sir Thomas, 30. 
 
 Bruno, Giordano, 33, 84. 
 
 Biichner, quoted with reference to Ba- 
 con's influence on the foundation of 
 Foreign Academies, 116. 
 
 Buddaeus, 112. 
 
 Butler, 99.
 
 604 
 
 INDEX TO THE INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Cabaeus, 85. 
 
 Caesalpinus, 75, 95. 
 
 Cambridge, University of, Bacon's in- 
 fluence on, 1 20, 121. 
 
 Campanella, 84. 85, 95, 96, 109, in. 
 
 Cardan, 75, 86. 
 
 Cartesian system, adhesion of English 
 Mathematicians to, 36. 
 
 Casaubon, Mr. Pattison's life of, 30. 
 
 Catalogus Historiarum Particularium, 9. 
 
 Cause, as the equivalent of Form, 57-59. 
 
 Causes, Aristotle's four, 54. 
 
 , Plurality of. 62, 63. 
 
 Chiklrey, Dr. Joshua, 117, 118. 
 
 Chillingworth, 49. 
 
 Christian Mysteries, 47. 
 
 Paradoxes, 45. 
 
 Religion, argument grounded on 
 moral considerations for its divine 
 origin, 21, 22. 
 
 Church, Bacon's submission to the, 47. 
 Clavius, 34. 
 
 Cogitata et Visa, 6, 7, 14, 146. 
 Cogitationes de Natura Rerum, II. 
 Colour, causes of, 41. 
 Comenius, 109, 110. 
 Comets, prediction of. 40. 
 Commentarius Solutus (Bacon's Diary), 
 
 8, 14. See also Preface, p. xviii. 
 Condillac, 106, 107. 
 Confession of Faith, Bacon's, 45. 
 Conscience, approximation by Bacon 
 
 to Butler's theory of, 19. 
 Contio, 94. 
 Copernican theory, Bacon's rejection of, 
 
 31-37- 
 
 Copemicans before Copernicus, 31. 
 Copernicus, 31-37. 
 Costar, 104. 
 Cowley's Ode to the Royal Society, 
 
 ^ 113, 114- 
 
 Creation, Bacon's doctrine on, 15. 
 Cuchvorth, 136, 137. 
 Cupid, Fable of, referred to, 60. 
 
 D'Alembert, 107. 
 
 Dates of the leading events in Bacon's 
 life, and of the first publication of his 
 principal writings, 3-5. 
 
 De Augmentis, 6, 7, 35, 65, and 
 passim. 
 
 Deductive Reasoning, Bacon's recogni- 
 tion of, 133. 
 
 Definitio vera, Form described as, 56, 
 
 r7- 
 Delambre, referred to, 33, and other 
 
 places. 
 
 De Maistre, 139, 140. 
 Democritus, 45, 46. 
 
 I )e M organ, Professor, referred 10,31-33. 
 De Remusat, referred to, passim. 
 
 Descartes, 36, 37, 68,99, 100, 102, 103, 
 
 125. 
 Descriptio Globi Intellectualis, 7, 29, 
 
 35. 3 6 - 
 Differentia vera, Form described as, 56, 
 
 57- 
 
 Digges, Thomas, 28, 33. 
 Distributio Operis, 9. 
 Diurnal Motion of the Earth, 33-36. 
 Du Hamel, 105. 
 Dutch testimonies to Bacon, 109-112. 
 
 Efficient Cause, 56. 
 
 Efficient Causes, Aristotle's, 54. 
 
 Elements, Transmutability of the, 26, 
 
 27- 
 
 Ellis and Spedding's Edition of Bacon s 
 works, referred to, passim. 
 
 Empirical school of philosophy influ- 
 enced by Bacon, 14, 15. 
 
 Encyclopaedists, 105, 106, 107, 139. 
 
 Epicurus, 46. 
 
 Equilibrium, Theory of, 25. 
 
 Essays, Bacon's, on religious subjects, 
 
 45- 
 Essence, as the equivalent of Form, 
 
 57-59- 
 
 Ethics, Bacon's theory of, 19-22. See 
 
 also Preface, pp. xiii-xiv. 
 Ethics, Bacon's practical maxims of, 
 
 xiv-xvi. 
 
 and Logic distinguished, 18, 20. 
 Evelyn, John, 117. 
 
 Evolution, theory of, 67. 
 Exclusions, Method of, 60-63. 
 Experience, origin of our knowledge in, 
 
 19. 
 Experiment, importance ascribed to by 
 
 Bacon, 127, 134. 
 
 Faculties, mental, as enumerated by 
 Bacon, 17, 18. 
 
 too sharply discriminated, 18. 
 Falling bodies, theory of the accelera- 
 tion of, 25. 
 
 Fancies, absurd, countenanced by Bacon, 
 
 30, 3i- 
 Filum Labyrinthi sive Inquisitio Legi- 
 
 tima de Motu, 7, n, 61. 
 Filum Labyrinthi sive Scala Intellectus, 
 
 ii. 
 Final Causes, 45, 64-68, 136, 137. 
 
 Aristotle's, 54. 
 Fischer, Kuno, 53. 
 Florentine experiment, 41, 42. 
 Fluxu et Refluxu Maris x De\ n, JoS. 
 Formal Cause, Aristotle's. 54. 
 Forms, 12, 54-60. 
 
 Fountains, theory of the origin of, 27. 
 France, influence of Bacon's writings in, 
 102-107.
 
 INDEX TO THE INTRODUCTION. 
 
 605 
 
 Fulgentio, Father, Bacon's letter to, 6, 
 108. 
 
 Galileo, 23, 25, 28, 32, 33, 35, 43, 75, 
 
 96, 108, 125, 126, 139. 
 Gassendi, 103, 104. 
 Germany, influence of Bacon's writings 
 
 in, 109-112. 
 Ghetaldus, 24, 25. 
 
 Gilbert, William, 33, 36, 39, 40, 96, 97. 
 Glanvill, Joseph, 30, 114, 115, 120. 
 Globi Intellectuals, Descriptio, 7, 29, 
 
 35, 36. 
 God, Bacon's belief in, 45, 46. 
 
 unworthy opinions of, denounced, 
 
 5, Si- 
 Gravities, specific, 24. 
 Gravity, 39, 40. 
 Grosseteste, Robert, 75. 
 Gruter, Isaac, his collection referred to, 
 
 passim. 
 
 his testimony to Bacon's reputation, 
 no. 
 
 Guldinus, 25. 
 
 Harvey, 28, 66, 132, 135, 136. 
 
 Heat, Bacon's enquiry into the nature 
 
 of, 42, 43. 
 
 Herbert, Lord, of Cherbury, 100. 
 Herschel, Sir John, referred to, 40, 71, 
 
 and other places. 
 
 Hilaire, Barthelemy St., referred to, 83. 
 Historia Naturalis et Experimentalis, 
 
 &c., 9, 10. 
 
 Densi et Rari, 9, 10. 
 
 Ventorum, 9, 10, 42. 
 
 Vitae et Mortis, 9, 10, 144. 
 Hobbes, referred to, 21, 53, 99, 100. 
 Holinshed the Chronicler, 138. 
 Hooke, Dr. Robert, 117, 129. 
 Hopefulness of Bacon, 130. 
 Humboldt, 42. 
 
 Hume, referred to, 53. 
 
 Hume's criticism of Bacon, 13, 34, 138, 
 
 139- 
 Hungary, Bacon s writings known in, 
 
 112. 
 
 Huyghens, I n. 
 Hypotheses, Bacon's protest against, 
 
 128, 133, 141. 
 
 Ideas, Plato's doctrine of, 55. 
 Idols, Bacon's, whether the same as 
 those of Roger Bacon, 91, 92. 
 
 importance of the doctrine of, 132, 
 
 134- 
 
 Imagination, its functions, 18. 
 Immortality of the Soul, 46, 47. 
 Impetus Philosophic!, n. 
 Indifference to religious controversies, 
 shown by Bacon, 47, 49, 50. 
 
 Induction, applied to the clearing up of 
 our conceptions, 61. 
 
 not discovered by Bacon, 86. 
 
 as used in ordinary life, 86. 
 
 of Socrates, I'lato, and Aristotle, 
 86-88. 
 
 most distinctive feature in Bacon's 
 conception of, 128, 129. 
 
 Bacon's contributions to the logic 
 of, 129. 
 
 Influence, Bacon's, on Philosophy and 
 Science, 98-131. 
 
 nature of Bacon's influence on the 
 progress of science, 126-131. 
 
 Inspiration, origin of a portion of our 
 
 knowledge in, 19, 20, 46. 
 Instauratio. when the name first occurs 
 
 in Bacon's letters, 6. 
 
 divisions of, 6-12. 
 
 Italy, influence of Bacon's writings in, 
 107-109. 
 
 Jonson, Ben, 101. 
 
 Jupiter, discovery of the satellites of, 
 32. 
 
 Kepler, 23, 32, 33, 37, 96, 102, 125, 
 
 126. 
 Knowledge, various sources of, 19, 20. 
 
 Lange, referred to, 72. 
 Lange's criticism of Bacon, 17. 
 Language, Bacon's felicitous use of, 130, 
 
 131- 
 
 Lasalle, referred to, 59. 
 Lasson's monograph on Bacon, 142, 
 
 144. 
 Latin, was the Novum Organum written 
 
 in, 12-14. 
 Law. used as an explanation of Form, 
 
 5 6 -59- 
 
 Leibnitz, 36, no, in. 
 
 Lever, principles of the, 25. 
 
 Levity, positive, Bacon's belief in, 28, 
 29.' 
 
 Lewes, Mr. G. H., referred to, 69, 70. 
 
 Libri, referred to, 92, 93, and else- 
 where. 
 
 Liebig's attack on Bacon, 10, 11, 12-14, 
 
 143, 144- 
 
 Light, Velocity of, 41. 
 Locke, anticipations of by Bacon, 20, 
 
 49, 53- 99- H - 
 
 character of his studies at Oxford, 
 119. 
 
 Logarithms, 23. 24. 
 
 Logic and Ethics distinguished. iS. 20. 
 
 Logic Reform of. most distinctive fea- 
 ture in Bacon's conception of the. 
 128, 129. 
 
 Logical Method, its fundamental cha-
 
 6o6 
 
 INDEX TO THE INTRODUCTION. 
 
 racteristics the same in all subjects, 
 
 98. 
 
 Lumen Naturae, 19. 
 Luther, Bacon compared with, 127, 128. 
 Lydiat, Thomas, 34. 
 
 Macaulay, referred to, 47, 131. 
 
 Maclaurin, 117, 122, 123. 
 
 Maestlin, 33. 
 
 Magnetism, Bacon's references to, 42. 
 
 Material Cause, 55, 56. 
 
 Material Causes, Aristotle's, 54. 
 
 Materialistic tendency of Bacon's writ- 
 ings, real or supposed, 17. 
 
 Mathematics, Bacon's defective know- 
 ledge of, 23, 24, 126. 
 
 Matthew, Toby, his letter to Bacon, 
 108. 
 
 Mersenne, 102. 
 
 Metaphysical questions, Bacon's atti- 
 tude to, 15, 16. 
 
 Metaphysics, according to his peculiar 
 employment of the term, 64-68. 
 
 (in the ordinary sense of the term"! 
 not recognised by Bacon as a distinct 
 branch of knowledge, 67. 
 
 Method of Exclusions, 60-63. 
 
 Mill, J. S., referred to, 62, and other 
 
 places. 
 Milton, 34. 
 
 Mirandola, Pico da, 81, 82. 
 Montucla, referred to, 105, and other 
 
 places. 
 
 Moral Philosophy. See Ethics. 
 Morhof, in. 
 Mosheim, 137. 
 Motion of Falling Bodies, 25. 
 
 of Projectiles, 28. 
 
 Peripatetic doctrine of, how far ac- 
 cepted by Bacon, 28, 29. 
 
 Napier's Logarithms, 23, 24. 
 
 Napier, Macvey, his essay on Bacon 
 
 referred to, 27, 101, and other places. 
 Natural Theology, 46, 66-68. 
 Nature, combined unity and variety in, 
 
 42. 
 
 necessity of studying, 5, and passim. 
 
 simplicity ascribed to by Bacon, 59. 
 
 divine plan in, 65-67. 
 
 Newton, 27, 32, 36, 39, 41, 106, 128, 
 
 I?,?,, 141- 
 
 question as to Bacon's influence 
 upon, 121-126. 
 
 Nizolius, 8 1, 82. 
 
 Novum Organum, bibliography of the, 
 
 HS-^S-. 
 
 date of its composition and publi- 
 cation, 9. 
 
 was it written in Latin, 12-14. 
 
 object of the, 5. 
 
 Novum Organum, its relation to the 
 more important of Bacon's other phi- 
 losophical works, 6-12. 
 
 Ogle, Dr. William, on Aristotle's habits 
 
 of observation, 70. 
 Oldenburg, 115, 116. 
 Ontological questions, Bacon's attitude 
 
 to, 15, 16. 
 
 Opponents of Bacon, 135-145. 
 Osborn, Francis, his Miscellany, 136. 
 Oxford, University of, its testimony to 
 
 Bacon's merits, 101, 102. 
 
 Bacon's influence on, 118-120. 
 
 evidence of scientific interest in, 
 A. D. 1671, 119, 120. 
 
 Palmer, Herbert, 45. 
 
 Paracelsus, 26. 29, 79, So, 93, 94. 
 
 Paradoxes, Christian, -15. 
 
 Parasceve ad Historian! Naturalem et 
 Experimentalem, 9. 
 
 Partis Secundae Delineatio, 6, 7, 8, 146. 
 
 Pascal, 53. 
 
 Patricius, 26, 27, 33, 84, 95. 
 
 Pattison's Casaubon, 30. 
 
 Peculiarities of Bacon's Method and 
 Teaching, 86. 
 
 Peiresc, 103. 104. 
 
 Pemberton, a witness to Bacon's influ- 
 ence on Newton, 122. 
 
 Perception and Sense, Bacon's distinc- 
 tion between, 18, 19. 
 
 Phaenomena Univcrsi, 9. 
 
 tract published by Grrtter with this 
 title, 10. 
 
 Philosophical opinions, Bacon's general, 
 
 14-22. 
 Philosophy, Bacon's influence on, 98- 
 
 101. 
 Physics, Bacon's rejection of Final 
 
 Causes in, 64-68. 
 Plato, 55, 86. 
 
 Playfair's Dissertation, referred to, 36. 
 Playfer, Dr., of Cambridge, 12-14. 
 Plurality of Causes, 62, 63. 
 Poetry, Bacon's tendency to, 140. 
 Pomponatius, 75. 
 Porta (Baptista\ 24. 
 Pouchet, referred to, 89. 
 Practical aims of Bacon, 129, 130. 
 Praerogativae Instantiarum, 61, 134. 
 Praise of Knowledge, quoted, 34. 
 Precession of the Equinoxes, 25. 
 Principiis atque Originibus (De\ n. 
 Prodromi give Anticipationes Philoso- 
 
 phiae Secundae, 1 1 . 
 Projectiles, motion of, 28. 
 Providence, Divine, 46, 65. 
 Psychology, Bacon's opinions on, 16- 
 
 20.
 
 LVD EX TO THE INTRODUCTION. 
 
 607 
 
 Ptolemaic System, 35. 
 Puffendorf, no. 
 
 Raleigh, accused of Atheism, 136. 
 
 Ramus, 33, 82-83. 
 
 Ravvley, Dr., his lives of Bacon, 9. 
 
 his edition of the Sylva Sylvarum, 
 jo, n, 30. 144. 
 
 referred to, 45, 107, 108, 145, and 
 other places. 
 
 Realism, 42. 
 
 Redargutio Philosophiarum, 8. 
 
 Reformers, their hostility to Aristotle, 
 
 73- 
 
 Refraction, 41. 
 Reinhold, 33. 
 Religious opinions, Bacon's, 44-53. 
 
 toleration. 47-49. 
 
 Remusat, De, referred to, 18, 43, and 
 passim. 
 
 Renaissance, character of the opposi- 
 tion at that time to the authority of 
 Aristotle, 75, 76. 
 
 Revisions, successive, of the Novum 
 Organum, 145, 146. 
 
 Rheticus. 31, 33. 
 
 Riccioli, 34. 
 
 Richard of St. Victor, 89. 
 
 Romanism, 49, 51. 
 
 Ross, Alexander, 136. 
 
 Rotation of the earth, 33-36, 40. 
 
 of the heavens, direction of the. 
 40. 
 
 Royal Society, foundation of, suggested 
 by Bacon's New Atlantis, u. 
 
 Bacon's influence on the earlier 
 members of, 112-118. 
 
 Saint-Hilaire. See Hilaire. 
 
 Salisbury, John of, 73. 88, 89. 
 
 Savans, Journal des, 104, 105. 
 
 Savile, Sir H., 144, 145. 
 
 Scala Intellectus five Filum Labyrinthi, 
 n. 
 
 Scholasticism, 51, 52, 59. 
 
 Science, Bacon's influence on, 101-131. 
 
 Science and Theology, separation be- 
 tween, advocated by Bacon, 44, 45, 
 
 51-53- 
 
 Scientia Activa, n. 12. 
 
 Scientific attainments and opinions, 
 Bacon's, 22-44. 
 
 Scripture, authority of, 52, 53. 
 
 Heneca, 40, 91. 
 
 Sen?e and Perception, Bacon's distinc- 
 tion between, 18, 19. 
 
 Sententiae duodecim de Interpretatione 
 Naturae, 7. 14. 
 
 Severinus, M. A., 85. 
 
 Shaftesbury, his ethical theory antici- 
 pated by Bacon. 20, 21. 
 
 Sigwart, referred to, 12, 143 
 
 Silence of authors in the seventeenth 
 century, with reference to the works 
 of contemporary or recent writers, 
 125, 126. 
 
 Socrates, his induction, 86. 
 
 Sorbiere, M., 104. 
 
 Soul, Faculties of the, 17, 18. 
 
 Immortality of the, 46. 
 
 Bacon asserts the duality of the, \(>. 
 
 7- 
 
 Sensible or Produced, composed of 
 air and flame, 17. 
 
 Rational, substance of, to be enquired 
 in Theology, 17. 
 
 Species, criticism of the doctrine of, 42. 
 Spedding's Letters and Life of Bacon. 
 
 referred to, passim. 
 Spinoza, 100, 101. 
 Spirit, proposed as the designation <>f 
 
 the Sensible Soul, 17. 
 
 Bacon's speculations on, 26, 29. 
 Sprat, Bishop, 113, 119. 
 Stevinus, 25, 34. 
 
 Stewart, Dugald, referred to, 68, and 
 other place-. 
 
 Stubbe, Dr. Henry, 137, 138. 
 
 Superstition, worse than Atheism, 50, 5 1 . 
 
 Superstitious fancies of Bacon in the 
 Sylva Sylvarum, 30, 31. 
 
 Syllogism. See Deductive Reasoning. 
 
 Sylva Sylvarum, 9, 10, n, 24, 30, 31. 
 113, 142, 144. 
 
 Sympathy and Antipathy, Bacon's no- 
 tions on, 30. 
 
 Synthesis and Analysis, Newton's use 
 of the words, 1 24. 
 
 Tables,' Bacon's, 61, 134. 
 Tartalea, 28. 
 Taylor, Jeremy, 49. 
 Tchihatchef, M. de, 144, 145. 
 Telesius, his doctrine on the Soul, 16. 
 
 referred to, 83, 94, 95. 
 Temporis Partus Masculus, 7, 8, 14. 34. 
 
 35- 
 
 Partus Maximus, 6. 
 
 Tenison, Abp., his testimony to Bacon 
 having written the Novum Organum 
 in Latin, 13. 
 
 his Baconiana. passim. 
 Testimonies to the Value of Bacon's 
 
 Method and to his influence on the 
 
 Progress of Science. 101-126. 
 Thema Coeli. 7, u, 35. 
 Theology, 47. 
 Theology and Science, the separation 
 
 between, advocated by Bacon, 44. 4 = . 
 
 51-53-
 
 6o8 
 
 INDEX TO THE INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Thermometer, invention of, 43. 
 
 Tides, influence of the moon on, 40, 41. 
 
 Toleration, 47-49. 
 
 Transformation. See Transmutability. 
 
 Transmutability of the Elements, 26, 
 
 27. 
 
 of metals, 27, 28. 
 of bodies in general, 27. 
 Triad of Paracelsus, 29, 30. 
 Tycho Brahe, 33. 
 Tyndall, Professor, referred to, 43. 
 
 Ueberweg, referred to, 87. 
 
 Unity in Religion, Bacon's sentiments 
 
 on, 47-49. 
 Universities, Bacon s influence on the, 
 
 IlS-131. 
 
 Valerius Terminus, 6, 7. 
 
 Valla, Laurentius, 76, 77- 
 
 Value, present, of Bacon's logical works, 
 
 Value, educational, of the Novum Or- 
 
 ganum, 131, 132. 
 Vauzelles, De, referred to, 43. 
 Venturi, J. B., his account of the MSS. 
 
 of Leonardo da Vinci, 92, 93. 
 Vico, 108, 109. 
 Vieta, 33, 34. 
 
 Vinci, Leonardo da, 92, 93. 
 Vives, Ludovicus, 78, 79, 93, 138. 
 Voltaire, 39, 105, 106, 139. 
 
 Wallis. Dr., 113, 114. 
 
 Walton, Izaak, 102. 
 
 Water, experiment on the compressi- 
 bility of, 41, 42. 
 
 Whewell, Dr., referred to, passim. 
 
 Windmills, experiment to ascertain the 
 cause of the motion of, 2-;. 
 
 Wood, Antony, referred to, passim. 
 
 Wordsworth's Scholae Academicae, 3 r >. 
 
 Wotton, Sir H.. 101, 102. 
 
 Wright, Edward, 34.
 
 INDEX TO THE TEXT AND NOTES. 
 
 Words which occur in the Text only, or both in the Text and 
 Notes, are printed in Roman type ; those which occur in the 
 Notes only, in Italics. 
 
 Abscissio infmiti, 430-1. 
 
 Abstracta, meaning of the word, 205. 
 
 perniciosa, 348. 
 Abstraction, work of, 228. 
 Academia Nova, 210-12, 254-6, 268. 
 Acatalepsia, 179, 185, 210, 211, 254-6, 
 
 268, 331. 
 
 Acetnm forte, 364, 381. 
 Acosta de fluxu et refluxu maris, 469. 
 Actinism, 497. 
 Actio naturalis, et natura corporea, 
 
 488-90. 
 
 unius aliam quomodo impedit, 514-5. 
 Acttis Purus, 228, 229, 242, 268, 346, 
 
 398, 597- 
 Acus nauticae inventio, 314, 336. 
 
 verticitas, 478-9. 
 Adamson, J\Ir., referred to, 311. 
 Adhesion, attraction of, 252, 539. 
 Adminicula Inductionis, 414, 513, 515- 
 Admiratio, proles raritatis, 448. 
 Advancement of Learning referred to, 
 
 passim. Bacon refers to it himself, 
 
 P- 334- 
 
 Aegyptii rcrum inventoribus divini- 
 tatem tribuerunt, 266. 
 
 sacerdotis vaticinium, 264. 
 Aequalitatem, intellectus humanus sup- 
 
 ponit majorem, quam invenit, 218-20, 
 229-30. 
 
 Aer non rarissimum omnium corporum, 
 227, 228. 
 
 su~cipit calorem, si concludatur, 363, 
 
 375- 
 
 de concluso inquirendum, 375. 
 
 attritns non generat scintillas, 377. 
 
 facillime excipit et remittit calorem, 
 
 393- 
 
 ejus dilatatio, 393-4, 401, 407. 
 
 ejus media rcgio frigidissima, 439. 
 
 Instantia consistent! hostilis, 453. 
 
 Aer rotatio ejus, 460. 
 
 subter aquam ascendit, 461. 
 
 non est flamma accensa, 486. 
 
 extensio ejus in ovis vitreis, 522. 
 
 non subito transit poros vasorum 
 solidiorum, 538. See also Air. 
 
 Aeriform fluids capable of liquefaction . 
 
 407, 426, 453, 576. 
 Aeschinis de Alexandra Mngno dictum, 
 
 302. 
 
 Aeschylus, referred to, 284. 
 Aeternitas, 223, 224. 
 
 quomodo defluxerit, 224. 
 Aeternum aut Incorruptibile, 453-4. 
 Aether, element of, 220. 
 Aethiopia, 265. 
 
 Aetna, 383. 
 
 Affectus intellectum tingunt, 226. 
 Affinity of bodies, 252, 253. 
 Affirmativa vulgo potiora quam nega- 
 tiva, 221, 222. 
 
 formae, angustatur per Instantias 
 migrantes, 418. 
 
 per Instantias comitatus, 452. 
 
 Africa, 265, 439, 469. 
 
 Agricoia, Georgius, 584, 589. 
 
 Air as a conductor of heat, 375-6, 393, 
 
 5 11 - 
 
 has no weight, according to Bacon, 
 501-2. 
 
 regarded as ?elf-luminous, 506-7. 
 
 elasticity of, 521-2, 575. 
 
 pressure of the atmosphere, 522, 
 
 534-7. r 68 > 574- 
 
 pump, 571. 
 Albedo quid sit, 419 21. 
 Albert us Magnus, 456, 571. 
 Alchymistae, 193, 286-8, 444, 596-7. 
 
 See also Chymici. 
 
 ex reformatis, 584. 
 Alembica, 585. 
 
 R r
 
 6io 
 
 INDEX TO THE TEXT AND NOTES. 
 
 Alexander Magnus, 288, 302, 304. 
 Alphabet of Nature, 324, 357-8. 
 Alphabetum nullum in regno Sinarum, 
 
 285. 
 
 Alteratio, 227, 228. 
 Amaclicius de Gallia, 288. 
 Ambitio, ejus genera, 337. 
 Analogia hominis, non analogia uni- 
 
 versi, 174, 215, 507. _ 
 
 veterum, nova intelligentur ex, 209. 
 
 meaning of the word, 215. 
 Analogy, False, 219, 263-4, 43^, 545- 
 
 discoveries originating in the bold 
 use of, 219, 239, 433 sqq. 
 
 Anatomia corporum et organicorum et 
 similarium, 354-5. 
 
 Anaxagoras, 236, 243. 
 
 Andes, 366. 
 
 Angelis fortasse competit formas im- 
 mediate nosse, 396. 
 
 Animae humanae, quale genus Aris- 
 toteles tribuerit, 241, 242. 
 
 Animalcula a putrefactione generata, 
 
 385, 499' 59 1 - 
 Animalia omnia interius calida, 364, 
 
 379: 385-6. 
 
 perfecta et imperfecta, 508-9. 
 Anticipations Naturae or Mentis, 169, 
 
 188, 206-209. 
 
 Antipathiae rerum, 286, 547-50, 586, 
 591-2. 
 
 Antiperistasis. 379, 440, 548-9. 
 
 Antipodes qui primi asseruerunt, im- 
 probi habebantur, 291-2. 
 
 Antiqui quam exiguam mundi partem 
 noverant, 264-5. 
 
 Antiquiores ex Graecis, 185. 
 
 Antiqtiis constat honos, 187, 209, 238. 
 
 Antiquitas, nimia ejus reverentia ho- 
 mines a progressuin scientiis detinuit, 
 282-4. 
 
 saeculi juventus mundi, quoted, 
 283. 
 
 opinio de ea, vix verbo ipsi congrua, 
 282-3. 
 
 Antiquitatis admiratio, 232, 233. 
 
 Antitypiae, motus, 533-4. 
 
 Antoninus, Marcus, quoted, 501. 
 
 Aperturae, 510, 539. 
 
 Aphis, the insect, 581. 
 
 Aphorismi quid sint, 287. 
 
 Apis et philosophiae similitudo, 300. 
 
 Apogaca et Perigaca, 388, 519. 
 
 'Airoppoiai, doctrine of, 514, 526. 
 
 Apotheosis errorum, 247. 
 
 Aqua salsa coruscat noctu, 372. 
 
 balneorum naturalium, 363, 374. 
 
 fords, 379, 380. 
 
 regis, 379, 380. 
 
 aegre patitur compressionem, 522-4, 
 575- 
 
 Aqua corruptio ejus, 531. 
 
 attractio sursum, 534, 573~4- 
 
 non intrat rimas minores, 538, 574. 
 
 parum tepida facilius conglaciatur 
 quam frigida, 579. 
 
 Aquae condensatio in glaciem et crys- 
 
 tallum, 537. 
 Aquinas, quoted, 533. 
 Arabes, quae addiderunt in scientiis non 
 
 magni sunt momenti, 261-2, 273. 
 Arbor stillans, in insulis Terceris, 
 
 580-1. _ 
 Arbores inflammabiles potissimum in 
 
 regionibus frigidis, 371. 
 Archaeus faber Paracelsi, 552. 
 Argenti vivi et auri pondera comparata, 
 
 4 2 3-4- 
 
 vivi comparatio cum pulvere pyrio, 
 485. 
 
 vivi cum auro coitio, 546. 
 
 vivi mortificatio, 549. 
 Argentum, ejus transformatio in aurum, 
 
 348. 
 
 Aristophanes, cited, 290-1. 
 
 Aristotcles naturalem philosophiam 
 
 logicae mancipavit, 230-31, 241-45, 
 
 300. 
 
 sophisticus, 241-45, 263. 
 
 magis realis, noil nominalis, 244. 
 245. 
 
 experientiam non rite consuluit, 245. 
 
 ejus De Aniinalibus libri, ib. 
 
 ejus Problemata, 245, 367, 592. 
 
 more Ottomanorum caeteras philo- 
 sophias trucidavit, 254. 
 
 levis et inutilis ejus philosophia, 
 263-4, 2 7- 
 
 consensus in philosophia ejus, 270-1. 
 
 Alexandri Magni opibus adjutus. 
 
 34- 
 
 causam generationibus altribuit, 457. 
 508-9. 
 
 arbiter naturae, 457. 
 
 Aristotelis commentum de cometis, 
 
 459-60. 
 Aristotle referred to in the notes, 
 
 passim. 
 
 his tendency to theorise, 243. 
 Aromata, 364, 380-1. 
 
 Ars non est naturae contraria, 289. 
 qualia beneficia hominibus contulit, 
 335-8- 
 
 miracula ejus, 444. 
 Artes liberales, 285. 
 
 mechanicae. See Mechanicae artes. 
 Arturus Britannus, 288. 
 
 Asia antiquis fere incognita, 265. 
 Assimilatio, 550-3. 
 Astrolabium, 494-5. 
 Astronomia, 276, 285, 295. 
 
 Physica et Formalis, 475-6.
 
 INDEX TO THE TEXT AND NOTES. 
 
 611 
 
 Atalantae pomum aureum, 176, 260, 
 
 321. 
 
 Athenae, artium mater, 335. 
 Athenaeus, referred to, 591-2. 
 Athos, 367. 
 Atlanticum mare, 298, 439, 460-1, 464, 
 
 47, 5'9- 
 
 Atlantis insula, 326. 
 Atlantis (A T ew), referred to, passim. 
 Atomi, 227-8, 243, 253, 357-8, 492. 
 Attractio, sive Coitio corporum, 426-8. 
 
 See also Gravitas. 
 Attraction, 252. 
 
 Attraction of Adhesion, 252, 539. 
 Attritione excitatur ignis, 363. 
 Augustine, referred to, 291, 366-7. 
 Auri proprietates, 35 1 . 
 
 productio. See Transformatio cor- 
 porum. 
 
 - et ferri dissolutiones comparatae, 
 411. 
 
 et argenti vivi pondera comparata, 
 
 4 2 3-4. 454- . 
 
 et argenti vivi coitio, 546. 
 Aurora Borealis, 370. 
 Australe mare, 470. 
 
 Author authorum est Tempus, 284. 
 Authoritatis nimia reverentia, 282-4. 
 
 non filia dicitur veritas, 284. 
 
 Aves per interiora maxime calidae, 
 
 386. 
 
 Avianus, Fables of, 464. 
 Axes rotarum flammam concipiunt, 
 
 363- 
 Axiomata. Note on meaning of the 
 
 word, 194, 195. Cp. 440-1. 
 Axiomata generalissima, quomodo et 
 
 qualia invenienda sunt, 173, 200-4, 
 
 2 53, 257-8, 307-8. 
 
 media, 198, 200-202, 253, 258, 
 307-8. 
 
 pauca adhuc et mala, 205, 206. 
 
 infima, 240, 307. 
 
 via ascendit ad, 307. 
 
 a melius inventis quid sperandum, 
 306-8. 
 
 suprema, notionalia et abstracta, 307. 
 
 ad axiomatum inventionem nova 
 Inductio applicanda est, 308-11. 
 
 eorum probatio facienda, 311. 
 
 catholica et primaria, 352, 35^~7- 
 See also Postulatum. 
 
 Axiomatum scala ascensoria et descen- 
 
 soria, 415. 
 Axioms, mathematical, their grounds, 
 
 258. 
 
 Babylonica Naphtha, 519. 
 Bacchi et Cereris facta, 285. 
 Bacon, Roger, his doctrine of ' offendi- 
 cula] 212, 213. 
 
 R r 
 
 Bacon, Roger, possible allusion to, 276. 
 
 his inventions, 491, 
 
 Bacon, Francis, judicium de eo futuris 
 temporibus, 302. 
 
 ipse spei causa, 316-7. 
 
 sectam non condit, 319-20. 
 
 non particularium est largitor, 320. 
 
 circumstances of his death, 381. 
 
 See also Mill. 
 
 Bain, Professor, referred to, 432, 500, 
 
 and elsewhere. 
 Balcense, 530. 
 
 Balnea calida naturalia, 363, 374, 383. 
 Balneum Mariae, 583. 
 Barbarorum inundatio imperii Romani 
 
 naufragium, 270. 
 Barentzs Expedition, 367. 
 Barometer, an example of an extensive 
 
 and a travelling instance, 422. 
 
 Pascal's experiment with, 466. 
 Basilius Valentimis, 587. 
 Beckmanns History of Inventions, re- 
 ferred to, 313, 572, and elsewhere. 
 
 Bentham, referred to, 283. 
 Berkeley's New Theory of Vision, 49^. 
 Bernoulli, Jean, referred to, 483. 
 Bibliothecae, vana librorum varietas in 
 
 iis, 284-6. 
 
 Bombycini fili invenlio, 313-4. 
 Bonum privatum et publicum, 569. 
 Borgiae de expeditione Gallorum in 
 
 Italiam dictum, 210. 
 Boscovich, 548. 
 
 Bouillet, M., referred to, passim. 
 Boyle, 522. 
 Brassica, 591-2. 
 Brmvne, Sir T., referred to, 193, 509, 
 
 577, 594- 
 Bruta multa inventa pepererunt, 266. 
 
 syllogizantia, 464-5. 
 Biitlcr, 257. 
 
 Cabbalists, 241, 248. 
 
 Cadentiae Declinatio, 440. 
 
 Caesalpinus, referred to, 508, 529. 
 
 Caesar, Julius, 288. 
 
 Cailletet' > 3 experiments. 453. 
 
 Caird, Professor, his u<ork on the Philo- 
 sophy of Kant, 224. 
 
 Calidi inquisitio de forma, 361 sqq., 
 422-3, 452-3, 455-8, 504, 554. 
 
 Calidum ad sensum, 406, 413, and else- 
 where. 
 
 et frigidum, tertius modus operand) 
 super corpora naturalia, 576 sqq. 
 
 Calor potentialis. 382-4. 
 
 coelestium. 386-8. 
 
 See also Heat. 
 
 Calorem solis et ignis toto genere 
 clifferre, opinio, 269, 289, 456.
 
 6l2 
 
 INDEX TO THE TEXT AND NOTES. 
 
 Caloric, 402. 
 
 Caloris soils et ignis differentiae 
 quatuor, 457-8. 
 
 contrariae operation es, 498-9. 
 
 definitio secundum Peripateticos, 
 
 542-3- 
 Calx viva, aqua aspersa, concipit 
 
 calorem, 363, 378-9, 383-4. 
 Camoens, quoted, 373. 
 Campanella, referred to, 203, 204-5, 
 
 254, 271, 291, 471. 
 Canada, 519. 
 Canicnla, 387. 
 
 Caniculares dies, 366, 386-8. 
 Caphura, 389. 
 Capillarity, phenomena of, 424-6, 427, 
 
 518, 538-41, 545, 547-8. 
 Cardan, referred to, 508, 580, 592-3. 
 Carmina facilius discuntur memoriter 
 
 quam prosa, 430. 
 Carneades, 263. 
 Carpenter's Mental Physiology, referred 
 
 to, 431. 
 
 Human Physiology, referred to, 520, 
 543-4, 555, and elsewhere. 
 
 Caryophylhim, 417. 
 Castor et Pollux, 373. 
 Cataractae caeli, 463-4. 
 
 oculorum, 520. 
 
 Categoriae Aristotelis, 241, 244, 245. 
 Cato, de re rnstica, referred to, 591. 
 Causabilia, nonnulla non sunt, 224, 
 
 225. 
 Causae finales scientias corrumpunt, 
 
 225, 247, 345- Cp. 569. 
 
 primae, 247. 
 
 quatuor, 345. 
 
 Causas, vere scire est per causas scire, 
 
 345- 
 
 Causationes, its meaning, 196. 
 
 Causes, concurring and counteracting, 
 
 568. 
 
 Causones, 385-6. 
 Celsus, 265-6. 
 Celtae, omnes occidentals nationes sic 
 
 appellatae, 265. 
 Certainty afforded by the Instantiae 
 
 Cruris, 487. 
 Cervisia, 285, 531. 
 
 ejus flos, 555. 
 Cete, 455. 
 Chasmata, 370. 
 
 Chaiivin, Lexicon PliilosopJiicum, 195. 
 Chemical Tests, 465. 
 
 affinity, 539-41, and elsewhere. 
 Chemistry, condition of in Bacon s time, 
 
 483- 
 Chemistry, Law of definite proportions 
 
 w, 531- 
 
 China, 470, 577. 
 
 Chorda movet chordam, 545. 
 
 Chrysippus, 263. 
 
 Chymici philosophiam constituerunt 
 phantasticam, 230, 231, 483. 
 
 eorum dogmata, 245, 246. 
 
 in auro operam collocant, 260. 
 
 eorum industria nonnulla peperit, 
 sed fortuito, 266. 
 
 eorum trias, 587-9. See also Al- 
 chymistae. 
 
 Cicero, referred to, 195, 217, 221, 255, 
 
 270, 2/5, and elsewhere. 
 Cicindela, 374. 
 Cinamomum, 549. 
 Circinus, 239, 327. 
 Circuli perfecti, 219, 475, 561. 
 
 rotationis, 460, 473-4. 
 Circumscriptio humanae potestatis 
 
 malitiosa, 289. 
 Civilibus, in rebus, mtitatio etiam in 
 
 melius suspecta, 296. 
 Civilis prudentia ex praescripto diffidit, 
 
 297. 
 
 Clarke, Dr. Samuel, 226. 
 Clepsydra, 524. 
 Coagulum lactis, 5^5. 
 Coelestium calor, 386-8. 
 Coelum stellatum, 475, 494, 518-9, 
 
 526-8, and elsewhere. 
 Coemeteria citius cadavera consumunt 
 
 qnam terra pura, 384. 
 Cogitata et Visa, referred to in notes, 
 
 passim. 
 Cogitaiiones de natura rent in, referred 
 
 fo in notes, 483. and elsewhere. 
 Cohesion, force of, 424-6, 461, 538. 
 Cold. See Frigidum. 
 Collegiorum instituta progressui sci- 
 
 entiarum adversa, 294-6. 
 Colombe, Lndovico delle, 494. 
 Color, per instantias solitarias inv^sti- 
 
 gatio tjus, 416-7. 
 
 modificatio imaginis lucis, 416-21. 
 
 instantia foederis de visibili, 465. 
 Columbus, 298, 317, 336. 
 Columnae lucidae, 37- 
 
 Cometae, an numerandi inter meteora, 
 369-70. 
 
 sublimiores vel humiliores, 476. 
 
 direction of the motion of comets, 
 476-7. 
 
 effectus eorum in augendis arcloribus, 
 369-70. 
 
 instantiae limitaneae inter Stellas et 
 meteora ignita, 445. 
 
 instantiae foederis in motn, 459. 
 
 instantiae crucis, 473, 476. 
 
 commentum Aristotelis de alliga- 
 
 tione cometae ad astrum, 459-60. 
 Comparentia ad intellectum, 360-1. 
 Compositio et Divisio, 333. 
 CompressioncSj 521-4, 534-6, 574-6.
 
 INDEX TO THE TEXT AND NOTES. 
 
 613 
 
 Comte, his undue limitation of the ends 
 
 of knowledge, 278. 
 Condillac, cited, 340. 
 Confutationum nullus est usus, ubi de 
 
 principiis dissentimus, 210. 
 Congelation, 579. 
 Consensus in Aristotele, 270-1. 
 
 scientias impedit, 163, 282. 
 
 verus, 270-1. 
 
 pessimum augurium ex consensu, 
 271. 
 
 rerum ad distans, 449-50. 
 
 corporum, 580, 586 sqq. 
 Conservation of Energy, Law of, 500-1. 
 Conservatories, date of the origin of, 456. 
 Consistentia corporum, 289-90, 535-6. 
 
 fluiditati opposita, 424-6, 453. 
 Constantius febribus correptus manum 
 
 admotam urebat, 385. 
 Contactus appetitnm inesse corporibus 
 
 ad invicem, 252. 
 Contemplationes particulares adamant 
 
 homines, 230, 231. 
 Contemplationum materia vitiosa in 
 
 philosophia naturali, 248-53. 
 Continuity, no breach of in nature, 199. 
 - Law of, 353, 417-8, 442, 507. 
 Controversiae saepe desinunt in verbis, 
 
 234- 
 
 Conus sive unio radiorum in speculis 
 comburentibus, 391. 
 
 erectus et inversus, 585. 
 Copernican theory, 201, 202. 428, 473~7- 
 Copernicus, 475. 
 
 Copiae opinio inter maximas causas 
 
 inopiae est, 161, 287. 
 Cor Leonis, 387. 
 Cordis animalinm motus, 563. 
 Corpora tangibilia attritione calescunt, 
 
 377- 
 
 caloris maxime sensitiva, 385 sqq. 
 
 pneumatica sive nontnngibilia, 502-4. 
 Corporea natura et actio naturalis, 
 
 488-90. 
 
 Corporum mistura, 504-5. 
 Coruscationes non urentes, 372-3. 
 Corvo, fabula de, 464-5. 
 Cosmical clouds, 528. 
 Crepusculi causa, 480. 
 Crocus Martis, 582. 
 Crystallography, discovery of laws of, 
 
 422-3. 
 
 Crystallum, 537, 582-3. 
 Cupping, 458, 534, 573-4. 
 Cyaneus, 592. 
 Cycles in human affairs, 297. 
 
 Daguin, referred to, 538, 541. 
 Daniel (xii. 4), ejus prophetia, 299. 
 Danvin, Jl/r., referred to, 249, 372-3, 
 444, 4 6 4- 
 
 De Augmentis, referred to, passim. 
 Declinatio magnctis, 478-9, 558, and 
 
 elsewhere. 
 Decupla proportio elemcntis imposita, 
 
 220. 
 
 Deductiones ad praxin, 414-5, 451. 
 Deductive and Inductive Methods, true 
 
 relation of, 205, 359-60. 
 their relation in different sciences, 
 
 234-5. 2 55-6, 300-1. 
 Definitiones verborum erroribus mederi 
 
 non possunt, 217, 234-5. 
 Definitiones, ad eas et divisiones pluri- 
 
 mum faciunt instantiae constitutivae, 
 
 433- 
 
 per accidens, 542-3. 
 
 Definitions of natural objects and quali- 
 ties ought to rest on previous in- 
 ductions, 199. 
 
 their different character and position 
 in different sciences, 234, 235. 
 
 Delambre, referred to, 492, 494, and 
 
 elsewhere. 
 Democritus, ejus schola, 228, 233. 
 
 de figuris atomorum doctrina ejus, 
 
 243, 2 53- 
 
 ejus peregrinationes, 265. 
 
 vacuum introduxit, 357, 566. 
 
 plaga ejus, 461, 53^. 
 
 perspicillis visis exsiluisset, 492. 
 
 instantiae Democriti, 513. 
 
 referred to in notes, 493-4, 500, 514, 
 536. 
 
 Demonstrationes potentia quadam phi- 
 losophiae ipsae sunt et scientiae, 
 256-7. 
 
 pravae, 256-8. 
 
 eirum redargutio, 318. 
 
 word employed in reference to Induc- 
 tions, 172, 310. 
 
 Demosthenes, referred to, 299, 328. 
 Densi et rari negotium. quomodo Aris- 
 toteles transegerit, 241-2. 
 
 historia, referred to in notes, passim. 
 Density and rarity, Bacon's doctrine of, 
 
 500-4. 
 
 Denies in animalibus terrestribus, 438. 
 Deo competit formas immediate nosse, 
 
 39<>. 
 
 Descartes, 207, 249, 257, 276, 301, 310. 
 Descriptio Globi Intellectualii. referred 
 
 to passim. 
 Desperatio progressions scientiarum 
 
 obstaculum, 296-8. 
 Destruens Novi Organ! pars, 318. 
 Deus, ab illo principium sumendum, 
 
 298-9. 
 
 Diagoras, the Atheist, 221. 
 Dialectica vulgaris. inutilis, 165, iS6, 
 
 196-8, 202-3, 280. 
 
 Aristotclis, 230, 2 11-5, 300.
 
 614 
 
 INDEX TO THE TEXT AND NOTES. 
 
 Dialectica vitia ejus, 256-8. 
 
 See also Logica. 
 Diaphaneitas, 348, 419-21, 481. 
 Differentiae citius a quibusdam notatae 
 
 quam similitudine?, 232, 438. 
 
 verae (seu Formae) rerum, 268, 
 
 343- 
 
 quatuor formam. caloris limitantes, 
 406-12. 
 
 Digby, Sir Kenelms Sympathetic 
 
 Powder, 450, 592-3. 
 Digges, Thomas, 569. 
 Dignitates, meaning of word, 515. 
 Diogenes of Apollonia, referred to, 500. 
 
 Laertius, referred to. passim. 
 Dionysii Syracusani dictum in Plato- 
 
 nem, 263. 
 
 Dionysius Cato, qiioted, 325. 
 Discurstis ingenii, 464-5. 
 Disputatio inquisition! veritatis adver- 
 
 sissima, 262. 
 Dissensio quanta inter philoscphos, 
 
 269. 
 Distantias, ad spatiosas, operantur 
 
 odores, soni, &c., 519. 
 Distillatio, 262, 285, 355, 504-5, 530. 
 
 per descensorium, 409. 
 Distribtitio Operis, 170-80. 
 
 Diurnus telluris motus, an verus sit ? 
 
 353, 473-7- 
 Divina mysteria et oracula, 167, 
 
 2 93-4' 
 
 Diving-bells, 572-3. 
 Doctrinae revolutiones tres, 272. 
 Doctrinarum duae emanationes, 187-8, 
 
 334- 
 Dogmatici (sive rationales), 300. 
 
 eos damnnndo Novum Organum 
 non ad acatalepsiam rem dedncit, 331. 
 
 Dogmatism of some previous schools, 
 
 185, 254-5, and elsewhere. 
 Dolor mimquam sine sensu caloris 
 
 reperitur, 381. 
 
 ejus genera, 435-6. 
 Doses Naturae, 530-1. 
 Dracones, 219, 220. 
 Dracunculus, 364. 
 Drebbel, 368, 491, 573. 
 Drinkivaters Life of Galileo, referred to, 
 
 491-4. 
 
 Efficiens (causa), 251, 345-7, 358-9, 
 
 418-9. 
 Elasticity, phenomena of, noticed, 252, 
 
 521-2, 534-6, 575. 
 
 of air, 521-2, 575. 
 Electrica operatic, 540. 
 Electricity, velocity of, 488-9. 
 
 communication of, 488-9, 559. 
 Elementa quatuor, 220, 244, 249, 486. 
 
 Elementares, qualitates primae, 249-50. 
 Elementaris natura, 400, 403, 412. 
 Elementi ex Forma, Motus, 535. 
 Elements, transmutability of, 550-1, 
 
 576, 578- 
 Elementum ignis, 220, 236. 
 
 quintum, 220, 412, 480. 
 Elephas, 443, 530. ^ 
 
 Ellis and Speddings Edition of Bacon s 
 
 works, referred to, passim. 
 Empedocles, 263, 514. 
 Empedoclis lis et amicitia, 243-4. 
 Empirical Laws, as opposed to Laws of 
 
 Causation, 206, 258-9, 311. 
 Empiricam, inter et rationalem facul- 
 
 tatem, conjugium verum, 167, 300. 
 Empiric! aut dogmatic! adhuc scientias 
 
 tractaverunt, 300. 
 Empiricum genus philosophantium, 
 
 240-1, 245-6. 
 (ffpyeta, 228-9, 242. 
 evTt\exfia, 228-9, 241-2. 
 Ephectici. See Sceptics. 
 Epicurus inter Sophistas numerandus, 
 
 263. 
 Epicycles and Eccentrics, Theories of, 
 
 206. 
 
 Epiusia substantia, 551. 
 Equus sudr.ns lucem emittit, 372. 
 Error, Possibility of Universal, 207-8, 
 
 214-5- . 
 
 Errores diversi communes aliquando 
 habent causas, 2 1 8. 
 
 apotheosis erroris res pessima, 247. 
 
 causae eorum, 272 sqq. 
 
 temporis praeteriti, spei argumenta 
 in futurum, 299. 
 
 Eructationes flammnrum, 363, 371. 
 Esdras, 2. xiv. 10 cited, 283. 
 Esmalta. 448. 
 Essays, Bacon* s, referred to, 508, and 
 
 elsewhere. 
 
 Essentia tangibilis, 356. 
 Ethica scientia secundum novam viam 
 
 tractanda, 331-4. 
 Eucatalepsia, 331. 
 Europa, inter earn et Novam Indiam 
 
 quantum intersit, 336. 
 Everett's Ed. of Deschanel, 541. 
 Ex nihilo fit nihil, 500-1. 
 Exceptiones, quomodo eas tractaverunt 
 
 antiqui, 331. 
 
 regularum generalium, 442, 452. 
 Exclusions, Method of, 222, 258,309-10, 
 
 324, 3 2 7> 355- 6 , 362-3, 39 6 -43, 4 J 3> 
 
 416, 418-19. 
 Excrementa in se nonnihil caloris 
 
 habent, 364, 380. 
 Exemplar verum mundi in intellectu 
 
 humano funclamus, 328. 
 Exemplum nostrum proprium, 316-7.
 
 INDEX TO THE TEXT AND NOTES. 
 
 615 
 
 Expansio secundum totum, 401-2, 
 406-7, 409. 
 
 sive coitio materiae in corporibus 
 respective, 500-4. 
 
 Expansion, its relation to temperature, 
 
 407,532. 
 
 Experientia, used as = /*7re(pz, 195. 
 Expericntia literata, 259-60, 306-7, 316. 
 
 optima demonstratio, 258. 
 
 mera et vulgaris, 280. 
 
 nova est adhibenda, 280-1. 
 
 fastidita, 281. 
 
 prava adhuc fundamenta habuit, 
 , 302-5. 
 
 Experientiam, nonnulli qui male secuti 
 
 sunt, 164, 165. 
 Experiment, advantage of over mere 
 
 observation, 177, 304. 
 Experimenta lucifera et fructifera, 165, 
 
 261, 305, 324, 487. 
 
 qualia excogitanda sunt, 174, 324. 
 Experimentalis historia. See Histon'a 
 
 Natural is. 
 
 Experimentation, five faults of, enu- 
 merated by Bacon, 258-61. 
 
 Experimentum ad corporum pneuma- 
 ticorum densitatem pensitandam, 
 502-4. _ 
 
 propositum, de mediis quae magnetis 
 virtutem hebetent, 511. 
 
 de aeris et aquae compressione, 
 521-4. 
 
 Eye, analogy of ivtth the telescope and 
 microscope, 433. 
 
 Fabricarum rerum contemplationes, 
 
 233- 
 Fallaciae sensuum, 226. 
 
 sensuum quo remittendae, 507. 
 Faraday, 550, 559. 
 
 Febres, 385, and elsewhere. 
 
 Feles noctu cernunt, 506. 
 
 Ferinae instantiae, 417. 
 
 Fermentum panis, 555. 
 
 Ferri et auri dissolutiones comparatae, 
 
 411. 
 
 Fili bombycini inventio, 313-4. 
 Filum Labyrinthi, 595. 
 Filum Labyrinthi, sive Formula Inqui- 
 
 sitionis, referred to, 193. 
 
 sive Inquisitio Legitima de Motu, 
 referred to, 330, and elsewhere. 
 
 Finales causae, earum incommoda, 
 
 225,246-7,345. Cp. 569. 
 Finis excellentia, 334-8. 
 Flamma innocua, 372-3. 
 
 circa capita puerorum et virginum, 
 
 37 2 - 
 
 circa equum sudantem, 372. 
 
 plurimi ejus gradus in calore. 389-91 . 
 
 non emicat nisi detur spatium, 392. 
 
 Flamma, per earn investigatnr natura 
 calidi, 452. 
 
 transiloria ejus natura, 485-7. 
 
 cur pyramidal is est, 486. 
 Flammae ferri igniti et spiritus vini 
 
 comparatae, 401. 
 
 bicolores, 486-7. 
 
 Florentine experiment, 523, 573, 575. 
 Floridae litora, 469-70. 
 
 ibi sylvae sunt odoratae, 519. 
 Flos lactis et vini faeces, 541. 
 
 cervisiae, 555. 
 
 Fludd, Dr. Robert, 247, 393. 
 Fluiditas et consistentia, 424-6, 453. 
 Fluor metallorum. 498. 
 Fluxa, sense in which the word is used, 
 
 197, 199, 228, 347, 357. 
 Fluxus et refluxus maris, 460-1, 467-73, 
 
 518, 528-9. 
 
 Bacon's tract on, referred to in notes 
 on Bk. ii, passim. 
 
 scientiarum, 297. 
 Focus S. Ermi, 373. 
 Folitani, 590-1. 
 
 Fons emanationis, 343-4. 
 
 essentiae, 349-50. 
 Fontium origo, 578. 
 
 Forma nulla adhuc inventa est, 447. 
 Formae, commenta animi human!, 
 229. 
 
 abstractae, 247, 311, 398. 
 
 rerum primariae, 249. 
 
 opinio, quod inventu impossibiles 
 sint, 268, 345. 
 
 revera sunt leges aclus puri, 229, 
 268, 346. 
 
 naturarum simplicium, 324. 
 
 natura naturans, sive fons emana- 
 tionis, 343-4. _ 
 
 verae rerum differentiae, 343, 349-50. 
 
 eas invenire, opus humanae scientiae, 
 
 343-4- . 
 
 error, in deferendo formis primas 
 essentiae, 346. 
 
 copulatae, 346, 397-8, 421. 
 
 eas scire fundamentum tarn ad 
 sciendum quam ad operandum, 346, 
 
 399- 
 
 ex earum inventione sequitur con- 
 templatio vera et operatic libera, 
 347-8. 
 
 si adsint, adsunt naturae datae, si 
 absint, absunt, et vice versa, 349. 
 
 earum inquisitio Metaphysicam con- 
 stituit, 358. 
 
 sunt ipsissimae res, 381-2. 
 
 limitationes naturae magis com- 
 munis, 396. 
 
 per negativas investigandae, 396-7. 
 
 Deo ct angelis immediate noscibiles, 
 39 6 -
 
 6i6 
 
 INDEX TO THE TEXT AND NOTES. 
 
 Formae, post exclusiones debitas mane- 
 bunt, 397. 
 
 quid sint verae, 398. 
 
 res heterogeneas conjungunt, 398-9. 
 
 in instantiis universis et singulis 
 insunt in quibus res est, 404. 
 
 de forma calidi vindemiatio prima, 
 404 sqq. 
 
 per instantias constitutivas inve- 
 niuntur particulares formae, 429. 
 
 magnae et minores, 429-31. 
 Forms, are they the same as the 
 
 ' divinae mentis ideae ' ? 204-5. 
 
 Bacon's doctrine of, in its relation 
 to the Plurality of Causes, 349-50, 
 
 365? 382, 396-9. 44- 
 Fortuna, nil nisi nomen, 236. See also 
 
 Occasio. 
 Fracastorii inventum de sartagine, 458. 
 
 ejus de motu missilium opinio, 482. 
 
 referred to, 475, 492, 561. 
 
 Frigid i et calidi actiones communes, 
 
 381, 402, 406, 408, 411. 
 Frigidum, regarded by Bacon as a 
 
 positive quality, 37=;, 381-2, 408, 543, 
 
 5/6. 
 
 greatest cold known, 576. 
 Frigora acria inducunt sensum ustionis, 
 
 365- 
 
 intensa in media aeris regione, 439, 
 548. 
 
 Frigus solvit sanguinem et urinam, 
 
 543-4- 
 
 valde intensum deest, 576. 
 Frontispiece of the Novum Organum, 
 
 264. 
 
 Fructibus, signum ex, 265-6. 
 Fulmina comburentia, 363, 3/1, 390. 
 
 raro eveniunt hyeme, 370. 
 Fumus se aperit in flammam, 407. 
 
 cur pyramis inversa, 486. 
 
 Galaxia fit ex astrorum conglome- 
 
 ratione, 493. 
 Galen, referred to, 269, 437, 570, 579, 
 
 586. 
 Galilaeus perspicilla quaedam adinvenit, 
 
 492-4. 
 
 ejus de fluxu et refluxu maris opinio, 
 468, 470, 528-9. 
 
 his experiments on falling bodies, 
 
 525o32- 
 
 referred to in the notes, passim. 
 Gallorum, in Italiam expeditio, 210. 
 Ganges, 265. 
 
 Ganof s Physics, referred to in notes on 
 Bk. ii, passim. 
 
 Garyophyllum, 417. 
 
 Gassendi, referred to, 472, 475, and else- 
 where. 
 
 Geber, 295, 587. 
 
 Gellius (Attlus), referred to, 195, 196, 
 
 284, 593. 
 Gelu. Per gelu acre, calor in focis 
 
 augetur, 393, 410. 
 Gemmae rupium, 436-7. 
 Generalissima principia notionalia et 
 
 prava. See Axiomata Generalissima. 
 Generare, corrumpere, &c., vagueness 
 
 of the words, 237. 
 Generatio, in ilia quid inquirendum, 
 
 353- 
 causae ejus et corruptions secundum 
 
 Aristotelem, 457. 
 
 Generation, spontaneous, 508-9, 544-5. 
 Geneseos primum capitulum, 248. 
 Geographical knowledge, great spread of 
 
 in Bacon s time, 264-5. 
 Geography, ignorance of among the 
 
 ancients, 2645, 
 Geology, did not exist in Bacon s time, 
 
 371- 
 
 phenomena of, 247-8, 422, 433-4, 
 
 439-4 1 - 455, 54 1 - 
 Germani Septentrionales, 572. 
 Gilbertus, de mignete, 231-2, 246, 260, 
 
 462-3, 471, 518, 546. 
 
 de magnetica vi terrae, 462-3, 477-8, 
 518. 
 
 arbitrabatur motum magnetis oriri 
 ex praesentia terrae, 478-9. 
 
 Lunam solidam esse tenuit, 479-80. 
 
 ejus de electrica operatione opinio, 
 
 54- 
 
 definitionem Peripateticorum de 
 calore derisit, 542-3. 
 
 fuga ferri ab altero polo magnetis ab 
 eo notata, 550. 
 
 his posthumous work, 479-80, 542-3. 
 Glanvill, Joseph, quoted, 449-50. 
 Gliscit intellectus humanus, 222. 
 Gorgias, 262. 
 
 Graeci inscii geographiae, 264-5. 
 
 sacerdotis Aegyptii in eos vatici- 
 nium, 264. 
 
 non mille annorum historiam habe- 
 bant, 264-5. 
 
 Graecis, antiquiores ex, 185, 243-4, 
 256, 263-4, 326. 
 
 eorum opera manserunt usque ad 
 tempora Ciceronis et saecula se- 
 quentia, 270. 
 
 Graecorum philosophia origo scientia- 
 rum, 261-4. 
 
 fructum nullum tulit, 162, 265-6. 
 
 in disputationes effusa, 262. 
 
 intra spatium duorum saeculorum 
 conclusa, 272. 
 
 Graecus ignis, 390. 
 Granaria Germanorum, 572. 
 Grant, Sir A., referred to, 229, 255.
 
 INDEX TO THE TEXT AND NOTES. 
 
 617 
 
 Gravitas corporam, 252, 459, 461-4, 
 
 477-8. 525. 532. 54. 546-7- 
 Gravitation, Theory of, 201-2. 
 its mode of action, 488. See also 
 
 Gravitas. 
 Greek and Roman religions, character of, 
 
 2 74-5. 
 
 Gremiale puellae coruscans, 372. 
 Groenlandia, 371. 
 Grole, George, referred to, 207, 215, 246, 
 
 254, 255, 262, 265, 310. 
 Grove, Sir W. R., referred to, 379, 442, 
 
 500, and elsewhere. 
 Gulf -sir earn, 461. 
 Gummi arborum, 436-7. 
 Gustus inquisitio, 432. 
 Guttae aquae rotundae, 425-6, 538. 
 
 Hallams Literature of Europe, referred 
 
 to, 193, 204, 288. 
 Halley's comet, return of, 370. 
 Hamilton, Sir W., referred to, passim. 
 Hampderfs Bampton Lectures, referred 
 
 to, 292. 
 
 Harvey, 434, 509, 563. 
 Haureaus Histoire de la Philosophic 
 
 Scolastique, 245. 
 Heat, conduction of, 375-6, 393, 395, 
 
 409, and elsewhere. 
 
 convection of, 403-9. 
 
 radiation of, 3/5-6, and elsewhere. 
 
 Undulatory Theory of, 410. 
 
 Heat and Light, relation of, 368-9, 
 392- 
 
 in different kinds of flame, 371. 
 Heat and Motion convertible, 377- 
 Helmholtz, referred to, 258, 545, 556. 
 Ileraclitus, referred to, 225. 
 Heraclitus dixit homines scientias quae- 
 
 rere in minoribus mundis, 216-7. 
 
 philosophia ejus, 244, 263. 
 Herbae conclusae generant calorem, et 
 
 flammam, 363, 378. 
 
 Hero of Alexandria, 565. 
 
 Herodotus, referred to, 519. 
 
 Herschcl, Sir J., referred to, passim . 
 
 Hesiod, referred to, 556, 590. 
 
 Hindoos, their tendency to speculation, 
 262. 
 
 Ilippias sophista, 255, 263. 
 
 Hippocrates, 287. 
 
 Hippus, Dr., referred to, 414, 466-7, 
 and elsewhere. 
 
 Hispaniae littora, 469-70, 519. 
 
 Historia, fines ejus angusti inter anti- 
 ques, 264-5. 
 
 Historia Naturalis, ejus adhuc nimis 
 angusta basis, 240. 
 
 non adhuc debitis modis exquisita, 
 160, 175-8, 302-5, 322. 
 
 opus regium, 160, 316. 
 
 Historia Naturalis, basis philosophiae 
 naturalis, 176, 304-5. 
 
 ejus duae rationes, 304. 
 
 sua non satis copiosa et verificata, 
 321-2, 395, 464. 
 
 res etiam viles amplectitur, 322-4 
 
 colligentla est, 360, 450-1. 
 
 ad notandas rerum similitudines con- 
 vertenda, 438. 
 
 Ilistoria Vitac et Mortis, referred to, 
 332, 553, and elsewhere. 
 
 Densi et A' art, referred to, passim . 
 
 Vcntortim, referred to, 551, 558, and 
 elsewhere. 
 
 Historical Method, 332-3. 
 
 Hobbes, referred to, 490. 
 
 Hoefers Histoire de la Chimie, referred 
 to, 483, 571,584. 
 
 Homer, referred to, 361-2, 387. 
 
 ' Homo homini Deus,' proverb of Cae- 
 cilius Statius, 336. 
 
 Homo naturae minister et interpres, 180, 
 191-2. 
 
 Homo est tanquam planta inversa, 438. 
 
 Homogenea, eomm congrcgatio, 540 
 sqq. 
 
 Homoiomera Anaxagorae, 243. 
 
 Honorem praefari, meaning of expres- 
 sion, 323. 
 
 Hooker, referred to, 336. 
 
 Horace, referred to, 387, 547. 
 
 Horologiorum confectio, 284-5, 524. 
 
 experimentum, horalogiis diversis 
 sumptis, 477-8. 
 
 Hot to the taste. Sac-oil's confusion of 
 chemical stimulants with things 
 actually hot, 364, 374, 383-4. 
 
 Humboldt, 285, 439. 
 
 Hume, 257. 
 
 Humidmn, 237. 
 
 Huyghens, 219. 
 
 Hypotheses, 200-2, 239, 258, 311, 327, 
 43-4- 
 
 Ideae mentis divinae, 204-5, 329. 
 
 Platonis, 205, 310. 
 
 abstractae, 398. 
 
 Ideas, used as the equivalent of Notions, 
 
 310. 
 
 Idola, the equivalent of spectra, 2 1 7. 
 Idola mentis humanae, 204, 21 2 sqq., 
 
 329- 
 
 tribus, 214-6, 218-30. 
 
 specus, 216-7, 230-3. 
 -fori, 217, 233-7. 
 
 theatri, 218, 238 sqq. 
 
 Idolorum divisiones, 174-5, 212-4, 238, 
 
 318. 
 Igne ab ipso plurimus qualitates in cor- 
 
 porum vexationibus indi, 505.
 
 6i8 
 
 INDEX TO THE TEXT AND NOTES. 
 
 Ignis hand idoneus ad separanda cor- 
 pora, 355. 
 
 excitandi mos apud Indos occiden- 
 tales, 363. 
 
 fatuus non urit, 371, 389. 
 
 Graecus, 390. 
 
 notio plebeia est, 406. 
 Ignita, 363, 374-5, 390-2. 
 Imagination, its functions in science, 
 
 200-2, 239, 308, 327, 339, 434. 
 Imbibitio, 531. 
 Immutability of the heavenly bodies, 
 
 dogma of, criticised, 453-4. 
 Impressiones sensus, 257. 
 Imprimendi artificium, 315, 336-7. 
 Incausabilia, 224-5, 558. 
 Incorporeae substantiae, 489-90. 
 Incorruptibile ant aeternum, 453-4. 
 Increments et progressions scientiarum, 
 
 signa ex, 266-8. 
 Incus per malleum calefit, 392. 
 Indestructibility of Matter, Law of, 
 
 5o-i, 533-4- 
 Indiae Novae status cum Europae statu 
 
 comparatur, 336. 
 Indicia, meaning of word, 209. 
 Indicis, non judicis, personam snsti- 
 
 nemus, 209. 
 Indicus Oceanus, 470. 
 Individua corpora in natura sola exist- 
 
 unt, 346. 
 Inductio spes nnica, 175, 198-9, 311. 
 
 cum logica vulgar! comparata, 
 172-3, 308-11, 332-3. 
 
 vulgaris, per enumerationem sim- 
 plicem, 173, 199, 257, 308-9. 
 
 nova adhibenda, 173, 308-11. 
 
 debitis rejectionibus et exclusivis 
 utitur, 309-10. 
 
 corporum separatio facienda est 
 per rationem et inductionem veram, 
 
 355- 
 
 clavis interpretationis, 360. 
 
 debet separare, rejicere, excludere, 
 396-7, 402-3. 
 
 non perfect a priusquam in affirma- 
 tiva rcquiescat, 402. 
 
 Induction, necessary to the constitution 
 of clear and adequate notions, as well 
 as to that of true propositions, 198-9, 
 214, 311, 403. 
 
 the logic of, admits of great elabora- 
 tion, 310. 
 
 scientific. 308-9. 
 
 applicable to all sciences, 331-4. 
 Inductive and Deductive Methods, true 
 
 relation of, 205, 359. 
 
 their relation in different sciences, 
 234~5> 256-7, 300-1. 
 
 Inertia, 529, 533, 542-3, 563-4. 
 Infimae species, 199, 237. 
 
 Infinite Divisibility of Line sand Matter, 
 
 223. 
 Infiniti abscissio ad memoriam adju- 
 
 vandam utilis, 430-1. 
 Infinities, Bacon's misconception of the 
 
 nature of, 224. 
 Infinitum a parte ante et a parte post, 
 
 224. 
 Infinity of Space, 223. 
 
 of Time, 223. 
 Infusiones, 530-1. 
 
 Ingenia, eorum diversitas, 232. 
 
 Ingeniationes, 570. 
 
 Ingenii viribus et excellentiae non 
 
 multum relinquitur, 166, 238-9, 
 
 327-8. 
 
 comparatio non inducitur, 187, 327. 
 
 discursus, 464-5. 
 
 Insitio arborum sylvestrium, 589-90. 
 
 Insolatio, 572. 
 
 Inspissandi, 250. 
 
 Instances and Tables, comparison of 
 
 with Mill's Experimental Methods, 
 
 36i-3, 3 6 5> 396, 4i5-8,'42i, 465-6. 
 Instantia, meaning of the word, 206, 
 
 414. 
 Instantiae mathematicae (sc. 21-24), 
 
 5*5 sqq. 
 Instantiae propitiae sive benevolae (sc. 
 
 25-27), 569-597- 
 Instantiae praerogativae, 413, 415 sqq. 
 
 (1) solitariae, 415 sqq., 467. 
 
 (2) rnigrantes, 417 sqq. 
 
 (3) ostensivae, 289-90, 405, 421, sqq. 
 
 (4) clandestinae, 289-90, 424 sqq. 
 
 (5) constitutivae, 428 sqq. 
 
 (6) conformes, 433 sqq. 
 
 (7) monodicae, 441 sqq. 
 
 (8) deviantes, 443 sqq. 
 
 (9) limitaneae, 445 sqq. 
 (10) potestatis, 446 sqq. 
 
 (n) comitatus et hostiles, 451 sqq. 
 
 (12) subjunctivae, 452, 454-5. 
 
 (13) foederis, 455 sqq. 
 
 (14) crucis, 465 sqq. 
 (i5> divortii, 487 sqq. 
 
 lampadis sive informations primae ; 
 (sc. Inst. 16-20), 490 sqq. 
 
 (16) januae, 491 sqq. 
 
 (17) citantes, 495 sqq. 
 
 (18) viae, 507 sqq. 
 
 (19) supplement!, 510 sqq. 
 
 (20) persecantes sive vellicantes, 513 
 
 sqq. 
 
 Instantiae practicae, &c. (sc. 21-27), 
 
 S^sqq. 
 
 (21) virgae sive radii, 516 sqq. 
 
 (22) cuiriculi, 524 sqq. 
 (23 i quanti, 530 sqq. 
 
 (24) luctae, 532 sqq. 
 
 (25) innuentes, 569-70.
 
 INDEX TO THE TEXT AND NOTES. 
 
 619 
 
 Instantiae. 
 
 (26) polychrestae, 570 sqq. 
 
 (27) magicae, 595 sqq. 
 
 synopsis earam, 597-9. 
 Instantiarum comparentia, 360-1. See 
 
 also Tabulae. 
 Instauratio magna, 158, 160, 168, 209, 
 
 297-8, 320-1. 
 Instaurationis Pars Prima, 170-1. 
 
 Pars Secunda, 171-5, 297> 321. 
 
 PnrsTertia, 175-8, 302-3, 321. 
 
 Pars Quarta, 1/8-9, 2 97~^> 37> 
 320-1. 
 
 Pars Quinta, 179, 320. 
 
 Pars Sexta, 180, 307, 320. 
 Instiumenta manus et mentis, 192. 
 Intellectus sibi permissus, 157, 165, 173, 
 
 186, 192, 202, 396. 
 
 humanus luminis sicci non est, 225. 
 
 ejus maximum impedimentum, 226. 
 
 ambitiosus, 246. 
 
 cohibendus, 308. 
 
 per novam viam exaequatus, 327-8. 
 
 non contemnitur sed regitur, 331. 
 
 permissio, 403-4, 412. 
 Intelligentiae et angeli, 396. 
 Inteneratio, 577. 
 
 Interpretatio naturae, 171, 188, 206-10, 
 259-60, 359-60. 
 
 quid sit, 320-1, 333-4. 
 Interpretatio naturae opus mentis verum 
 
 et naturale, 338. 
 
 inchoata, seu vindemiatio prima, 
 404 sqq. 
 
 a sensu incipit, 490, 515. 
 Inveniendi artem cum inventis ado- 
 
 lescere posse, 339-40. 
 Inventa quasi novae creationes, 335. 
 Inventio operum utilium desierit, cum 
 
 scientiae rationales inceperint, 285. 
 
 tormentorum igneoram, 313. 
 
 fili bombycini, 313-4. 
 
 acus nauticae, 314. 
 
 papyri, sacchari, imprimendi, atra- 
 menti, 315. 
 
 rerum a luce naturae petenda, 326. 
 Inventions for the relief of man's estate, 
 
 science to be applied to, 175, 277-9- 
 Inventoribus rerum et artium divini 
 
 honores dantur, 335. 
 Inventum Fracastorii de sartagine, 458. 
 
 scaphae, quae subter aquis homines 
 vehat, 573. 
 
 Ironia, 254-5. 
 Islandia, 371. 
 
 Jevons, Professor, referred to, 304, 516, 
 
 557- 
 Job, liber, 248. 
 
 xiii. 7, referred to, 293-4. 
 Jocularia, 449. 
 
 Joculatores, 526. 
 
 Jovis, satellites planetae, 428, 494, 505. 
 
 motus generationis, 556. 
 Juvenal, cited, 236, 579. 
 
 Kant, 215, 223, 224, 232. 
 
 Kepler, 403-4, 429, 471-2. 
 
 K.ivrjai'i, 228-9. ^ ee a ^ so Motus. 
 
 Kite hi its Edition of the Novmn Or' 
 
 ganitm, referred to, passim. 
 Kop/s Geschichte der Chimie, 582, 587. 
 
 Labour, Division of, 317. 
 Labyrinth! instar cst, aedificium hujus 
 universi, 165. 
 
 filum, 595. 
 
 Lactantins, referred to, 291. 
 Lactis flos, 541. 
 
 coagulum, 555. 
 
 Lampadis instantiae quinque, 490-1. 
 
 Laplace, 488, 557-8. 
 
 Lapsus hominis, 168, 599. 
 
 Lasalle, referred to, 581. 
 
 Latens processus, 228, 344-6, 353-4, 
 
 359- 
 
 schematismus, 227, 345, 354-9. 
 Leibnitz, referred to, 431, 523, 567-8. 
 Lemnius, 592. 
 
 Leucippi schola, 233, 263. 
 
 atomi, 243. 
 
 Leucippus vacuum introduxit. 566. 
 Levelling, Bacon s idea of the levelling 
 
 effect of his method, 238-9, 3:7-8. 
 Levitas corporum absoluta, 206, 252-3, 
 
 459. 5 2 , 5 2 5> 54- 
 Lewes, G. H., referred to, 241, 255, 262, 
 
 431, 482, 509. 
 Lex actus puri (seu forma\ 229, 268. 
 
 per illam reguntur artes, 346-8. 
 
 -- paragraph! ejus, 346. 
 Libration and Nutation, 563. 
 Liebig, referred to, 555. 
 
 Liebigs attack on Bacon, 303, 321, 344, 
 401-2. 
 
 Light, velocity of, 505, 526-7. and else- 
 where. 
 
 Light and Heat, relation of, 368-9, 
 
 39 2 - 
 
 in different kinds of flame, 371. 
 Lima, 470. 
 
 Lineae semper divisibiles, 223-4. 
 
 Lippershey, Hans, inventor of the Tele- 
 scope, 493. 
 
 Liquid and Fluid, the terms used by 
 Bacon interchangeably, 425. 
 
 Liquids, conversion of into solids and 
 gases, and vice versa, 407, 426, 453, 
 
 576. 
 
 compressibility of, 522-4. 
 Liquidum non sua natura calidum, 374. 
 Livingstone, referred to, 581.
 
 620 
 
 INDEX TO THE TEXT AND NOTES. 
 
 Livius de Alexandra Magno, 302. 
 
 de Hannibale, 337. 
 
 prodigia ab illo narrata non fide 
 digna, 444. 
 
 referred to, 372. 
 
 Locke, 191, 215, 217-8, 223-4, 2 49> 
 
 2 57>. 2 5 8 > 3 8l > 402, 489-90. 
 Logic itself rests on an inductive basis, 
 
 333, 597- 
 
 the word sometimes employed as in- 
 cluding psychology, 333. 
 
 natural and artificial, 338. 
 
 does the science advance ? 339-40. 
 Logica Aristotelis, 230-1, 241-5, 300. 
 
 secundum novam viam, sc. Inductio- 
 nem, tractanda, 331-4. 
 
 Novum Organum logica quaedam, 
 
 597- 
 
 See also Dialectica. 
 
 Logicae scientiae nil habent altitudinis 
 
 in profundo, 276. 
 Logicam, quantum intersit inter suam et 
 
 vulgarem, 171, 172, 173, 196-8, 280, 
 
 332-3. 597- 
 
 Lucidorum sine igne exempla, 369-373- 
 Lucifera non fructifera experimenta 
 
 exquirenda. See Experimenta. 
 Luciola, 374. 
 Lucretius Athenas laudat, 335. 
 
 referred to in notes, 498-500. 
 Lumen siccum, 225, 451. 
 
 et lux rejiciuntur a forma caloris, 401. 
 Luna humida turgescere facit, 547, 594. 
 Lunacy, 594. 
 
 Lunae radii an calorem habeant, 365, 
 368. 
 
 consensus inter globum ejus et aquas 
 maris, 467-8, 471-3, 547, 557, 593- 
 
 substantia utrum sit corporea an 
 tennis, 479-81. 
 
 superficies ejus inaequalis, 494. 
 
 in agriculturam, nauticam, et medi- 
 cinam, utilis observatio ejus, 593-4. 
 
 Lutum sapientiae, 571. 
 
 Lux propter seipsam praestantissima, 
 
 337; . 
 
 rejicitur a forma caloris, 401. 
 
 ejus communicatio comparata cum 
 communicatione caloris, 433. 
 
 instantia foederis de visibili, 465. 
 
 instantia divortii a colore, 488. 
 
 in acre latenter existit, 506-7. 
 
 ejus communicatio, 489, 514, 555~6, 
 
 559- 
 
 See also Light. 
 
 Macaulay, referred to, 238-9. 
 Mackintosh, ref cried to, 217. 
 Maculae in sole, 494. 
 Madness, possibility of universal, 207-8. 
 Magellanicum fretum, 439. 
 
 Ma gi> 193- 
 
 Magia naturalis, 193, 266, 286, 438, 
 444, 586. 
 
 superstitiosa, 193, 241, 286-7. 
 
 perpurgata,_286, 359. 
 
 inter instantias potestatis numeranda, 
 
 449- 
 
 Magica experimenta, 530. 
 Magicae instantiae, 595-7. 
 Magnes. See Gilbertus. 
 
 armatus, 427, 543. 
 
 instantia monodica, 442. 
 
 - virtutes ejus variae, 478-9. 
 
 terrella ejus, 479. 
 
 qualis est actio ejus, 488-9. 
 
 operatic ejus per nullam substantiam 
 impeditur, 511, 514. 
 
 quatuor virtutes ejus, 546. 
 
 fuga ferri ab altero ejus polo, 549-50. 
 
 suspendit ferrum ad sexagecuplum 
 pondus, 567. 
 
 Magnetic induction, 515. 
 Magnetica vis, an fluxum et refluxum 
 maris gignat, 467-8, 471-2, 518. 
 
 terrae, 462-3, 477-9, 518. 
 
 an operetur inter globum terrae et 
 ponderosa, 518, 557. 
 
 an operetur inter coelum stellatum 
 et planetas, 518-9. 
 
 ejus communicatio, 557-8, 559. 
 Magnets, mutual attraction of, 518. 
 Majestatem mentis humanae experi- 
 
 mentis minui, opinio, 281. 
 Malcbranche, 216, 283. 
 Manilius, referred to, 494. 
 Manna, 581. 
 
 Mansel, Dr., 224, 242, 310. 
 Marble, artificial production of, wider 
 
 pressure, 350, 444. 
 Marco Polo, referred to, 314, 577- 
 Margarita Philosophica, 542-3. 
 Mars, inter planetas calidissimus, 386. 
 Marshall, Rev. E., quotation due to, 
 
 284. 
 Mary, Queen, Veritas tempons Jiha, the 
 
 legend on the Groats in her time, 284. 
 Materia considerari debet, 228. 
 
 potentialis et informis, 253, 345-6. 
 Maleria non fluxa, meaning of the ex- 
 pression, 357. 
 
 Materiae annihilatio non datur, 500-1, 
 
 533-4- 
 
 Materialis causa, 251, 345~7> 359- 
 Mathematica, 276. 
 
 terminare physicam, non generare 
 debet, 300-1. 358. 
 
 Mathematicae instantiae, 516. 
 Mathematici, 193. 
 
 Mathematics, Bacon's ignorance of, 
 193, 224. 
 
 definitions in, 234-5.
 
 INDEX TO THE TEXT AND NOTES. 
 
 621 
 
 Mathematics, relation of to Natural 
 
 Philosophy, 300-1. 
 Matrices minerarum, fossilium, &c., 
 
 584. 
 
 Matrix et scrotum, analoga, 437. 
 Maundeville's Travels, referred to, 367. 
 Mechanicae artes, 162, 267-8, 276, 285, 
 
 304, 359. 447- 8 57-8. 
 Mechanical and chemical composition, 
 
 confusion of, 249. 
 Mechanici, 193, 305. 
 Mcdicamenta ex similitudine substantiae 
 
 trahunt humores, 545. 
 Medici, 193, 250, 269. 
 
 eorum ars adhuc superficialis, 276. 
 
 eorum emplastra, &c., 517. 
 Medicina, 276, 530-1. 
 Medicinae purgativae, 518. 
 
 soporificae, et aliae, 578-9. 
 Medicinarum consensus cum morbis, 
 
 humoribus, &c., 592-3. 
 Mellonis experiments, 365, 368, 369. 
 Membrificatio, 499. 
 Memoria, in ejus naturam inquisitio, 
 
 430-1. 
 
 Mens sibi permissa. See Intellectus. 
 Menstrua corporum, 589. 
 Mercurii astrum, 547. 
 Mersenne, referred to, ,-,69. 
 Meta scientiarum, qualis sit, 277-9. 
 Metae persecationis, 514. 
 Metnlla imperfecta, 390. 
 
 eorum generatio, 589. 
 Metallorum calor intensus, 390. 
 Metnphysica, 197, 223, 244, 250, 256, 
 
 358-9- 
 
 Metaschematismus, 228-9. 
 Meteora ignita, 363, 369-371. 
 Methods, ^Experimental. See Mill. 
 Mice, equivocal generation of, 508-9. 
 Microscopes, their invention, 491. 
 Mill,}. S., referred to, fassim. 
 
 his Experimental Methods, compared 
 with Bacons Instances and 7^ables, 
 
 36i-3, 365, 396, 4 J 5-7> 4 l8 > 4 2I > 
 
 465-6. 
 Miller s Elements of Chemistry, referred 
 
 to in notes on Bk. ii, passim. 
 Milton, 194-5. 236, 519. 
 Mineralogy, affords examples of instan- 
 
 tiae migrantes, 417-8. 
 Ministrationes tres ad educenda axio- 
 
 mata, 359-60. 
 
 Miracula naturae et artis, 443-4, 446-7- 
 Missilia, eorum motus, 481-3, 520-1, 
 
 529,536,568-9. 
 Mistura corporum, 504-5. 
 
 spirituum, 512. 
 
 Modi veritatem inveniendi duo, 200-2. 
 
 experiendi, 259-61. 
 
 inveniendi, 279-81. 
 
 Modi septem operandi super corpora 
 
 naturalia, 570 sqq. 
 
 Molecular motion of bodies, 354, 567-8. 
 Momisens History of Rome, referred to, 
 
 250. 
 Monodica, used for Monadica, 218, 441, 
 
 and elsewhere. 
 
 artis notanda, non minus quam 
 monodica naturae, 448. 
 
 Monstrorum historia facienda est, 444. 
 Montucla, referred to, 491-2, and else- 
 where. 
 Mora corporis calidi auget calorem, 392. 
 
 modus operandi super corpora natu- 
 ralia, 584-5. 
 
 Moral, mental, and political sciences, 
 method of, 208, 212, 267, 331-4. 
 
 Moralis philosophia ethnicis vice theo- 
 logiae erat, 274-5. 
 
 ingenia hominum a naturali avertit, 
 
 274-5- 
 
 adhuc non profunda, 276. 
 
 secundum novam viam, sc. inductio- 
 nem, tractnnda, 331-4. 
 
 Morisons Life of St. Bernard, referred 
 
 to, 551. 
 
 Morotizts, cited, 590-1. 
 Mortificatio argenti vivi, 549. 
 
 flammarum, 481. 
 
 Motion, convertible with Heat, 377- 
 
 molecular. See Molecular. 
 
 of Translation, Peripatetic account 
 of, 459. 
 
 circular and eternal of the heavenly 
 bodies, 459. 
 
 establishment of true nature and 
 laws of, 459, 462-3, 482. 
 
 vague and general use of the word, 
 
 533, 563- 
 
 Motus proprius et Motus alienus, 
 242-3. 
 
 vulgares differentiae contemnendae, 
 251. 
 
 violens et naturalis, 251-2, 481, 540. 
 
 rotationis spontaneus, 353, 458-61, 
 47> 473-7, 560-2. 
 
 auget calorem, 391. 
 
 est caloris genus, 405-6. 
 
 differentiae ad constituendam formam 
 caloris, 406 sqq. 
 
 multi mixti motus, 408. 
 
 et quies, 458-61, 560-1. 
 
 diurnus, 353, 473~7> 5 2 7~9, 561-2. 
 
 missilium, 481-3, 520-1, 529, 536, 
 568-9. 
 
 quando non mensurari qneat, 505. 
 
 terrestris a quibusdam creditus, 
 527-9, 561-2. 
 
 ejns genera, 532 sqq. 
 
 (1) antitypine, 533-4- 
 
 (2) nexus, 534.
 
 622 
 
 INDEX TO THE TEXT AND NOTES. 
 
 Motus. 
 
 (3) libertatis, 534-6. 
 
 (4) hyles, 536-7. 
 
 (5) continuationis, 538. 
 
 (6) ad lucrum sive indigentiae, 
 
 538-40. 
 
 (7) congregationis majoris, 540, 547. 
 
 (8) congregationis minoris, 540-6, 
 
 546-8. 
 
 (9) magneticus, 546-7. 
 (10) fugae, 547-50. 
 
 (u) assimilationis, sive multiplica- 
 tionis stii, 406, 550-3. 
 
 (12) excitationis, 554-5. 
 
 (13) impressionis,_555-7. 
 
 (14) configurationis aut situs, 557~9- 
 
 (15) pertransitionis sive secundum 
 
 meatus, 559. 
 
 (16) regius, 559-60. 
 
 (17) rotationis spontaneus, 560-2. 
 
 (18) trepidationis, 562-3. 
 
 (19) decubitns sive exhorrentiae 
 
 motus, 563-4. 
 
 eorum actio inter se, 564-9. 
 Mundi exemplar in intellectu humano 
 
 fundamus, 328. 
 
 Muscus inter putredinemetplantam,445. 
 Musica adhuc superficialis, 276. 
 
 declinatio cadentiae in ea, 440. 
 Mustum, 531. 
 
 Naphtha habet calorem potentialem, 
 
 383. 
 
 admodum calida, 390. 
 
 Babylonica, 519. 
 Nardi, quoted, 210. 
 
 Natura non nisi parendo vincitur, 180, 
 
 i9 2 > 337- 
 
 subtilitas ejus, 165, 196, 198, 205. 
 
 anticipationes et interpretatio ejus, 
 169, 171, 188, 206-9. 
 
 melius est secare quam abstrahere 
 earn, 228. 
 
 quae in natura fundata sunt, crescunt 
 et augentur, 266-7. 
 
 in sinu ejus multa et utilia con- 
 duntur, 314. 
 
 ' a fronte comata,' 325. 
 
 Naturae novae generatio, humanae po- 
 tentiae finis, 343. 
 
 de nova generatione praeceptum, 
 
 349-5-. 
 
 principiales, 402. 
 
 simplicium naturarum non habemus 
 veras notiones, 402-3. 
 
 quam finita sit, 502. 
 
 adhuc sine diligentia tractata, 504, 
 507-8. 
 
 Natura Naturans et Natura Naturata, 
 
 343-4- 
 
 Natura speculum artis, 504. 
 
 Naturae, Homo minister et interpres, 
 180, 191-2. 
 
 simplices, 324, 327, 346 7, 350-2, 
 
 353-8, 42-3>.4 I 4- 
 Naturalis Historia. See Historia. 
 Naturalis Philosophia minimam partem 
 
 humanae operae sortita est, 273-5. 
 
 pro magna scientiarum matre haberi 
 debet, 273, 276. 
 
 vacantem et integrum hominem vix 
 nacta est, 2756. 
 
 apparent ambiguity in Bacon's use 
 of the words, 273-7, 311-2, 331-2. 
 
 sense formerly attached to them, 
 277. 
 
 Professor of at Oxford, statutes re- 
 lating to, 277, 295. 
 
 certissimae superstitionis medicina, 
 294. 
 
 religioni donatur tanquam fidissima 
 ancilla, 294. 
 
 adhuc sincera non invenitur, sed 
 infecta et corrapta, 300. 
 
 its relation toMathematics, 300-1, 358. 
 Nature, central thought of the Baconian 
 
 philosophy that we should lay our- 
 selves alongside of, 215-6. 
 
 Naufragium doctrinae, 270. 
 
 Navigationes praesenti tempore totum 
 per orbem, 264-5, 283, 299. 
 
 Negativae instantiae major est vis, 221-2, 
 308-9. 
 
 Neo-Platonists, 241, 247, 300. 
 
 Neptune, discovery of, 222, 443, 476. 
 
 Newton, 195, 249-50, 322, 331-2, 357, 
 416, 417, 420, 455, 459, 540, 546, 547. 
 
 Nihil fieri de nihilo, et nihil in nihilum 
 redigi, 500-1, 533-4- 
 
 Nix, ejus natura, 426. 
 
 instantia foederis de visibili, 465. 
 Noctuae noctu cernunt, 506. 
 Nomina rerum, quae non sunt, 235-6. 
 Nominalists and Realists, 244-5, 2 47> 
 
 249, 346. 
 
 Nomine, sunt res quae carent, 236. 
 Non-sensibilis ad sensibile deductio, 
 
 495-506, 511-12. 
 
 ' Non ultra,' Instantiae ejus, 517, 519. 
 Notiones primae ab impressionibus sen- 
 
 suum male abstrahuntur, et vagae 
 
 sunt nee bene terminatae, 157, 173, 
 
 J 98-9 2 57, 403- 
 
 infimarum specierum non fallunt 
 mngnopere, 199. 
 
 falsae horninum mentes obsident, 
 212 sqq. 
 
 Notiora naturae, 203-4, 22 5> 35- 
 Nova Zembla, 367. 
 Novitatis studia, 232-3. 
 Novo Organo, lumen ipsum petendum 
 est a, 258-60. Cp. 280-1, 307.
 
 INDEX TO THE TEXT AND NOTES. 
 
 623 
 
 Novum Organum, temporis partus, 159, 
 
 27 2 -3, 328. 
 - liber primus describitur, 318-9. 
 
 logica quaedam, non philosophia, 
 
 597- . 
 
 why its composition was suspended, 
 
 303- 
 
 Summary of Bk. i, 190, of Bk. ii, 
 342. 
 
 attempt of M. Bouillet to supply its 
 
 missing parts, 414. 
 Numbers, fanciful application of, 219. 
 
 Obtnratio vasornm, 571. 
 
 Occasio ' Fronte capillata, post est 
 
 occasio calva,' 325. 
 Occultae et specificae proprietates, 249- 
 
 50, 586, 592-3. 
 Odores operantur ad distantias nota- 
 
 biles, 519, 
 
 Olea adurentia, 364, 374, 381-3. 
 Olfactus sensus, 506, 548. 
 Olympus, ejus vertex qualis, 366-7. 
 Omines, 221. 
 Omphacium, 510. 
 Opera, via descendit ad, 307. 
 
 universum negotium desinit in, 515. 
 
 their relation to formae, causae, et 
 axiomata, 320, 343-5, 352-3, 359-60, 
 398-9, 418-9. 
 
 Operarii inter vapores argenti vivi in 
 
 ore tenent frustum auri, 546. 
 Operativae partis vitia duo, 515. 
 Opiata spiritus fugant, 578-9. 
 
 per accidens secundarium confortare 
 possunt spiritus, 579. 
 
 Opinione, quae in opinione fundata sunt, 
 variantur, non augentur, 266. 
 
 Optica scientia adhuc superficialis, 
 276. 
 
 Orbes planetarum, 236, 493-4. 
 
 Orbis novus, 265, 298-9, 317, 326. 
 
 novus et vetus, 439. 
 
 virtutis magneticae, 463. 
 Ordo ad hominem, et Ordo ad uni- 
 versum, 382, 406. 
 
 memoriam adjuvat, 430-1. 
 Organa sensuum cum corporibus quae 
 
 pariunt reflexiones ad sensus compa- 
 
 rantur, 435. 
 Origani oleum, 364. 
 Ottomanorum erga fratres mos, 254. 
 Ovid, referred to, 494, 585. 
 Ovorum exclusio, 458, 508. 
 Ovum vitreum, ejus usus in experi- 
 
 mentis, 521-2, 535-7, 575. 
 Oxford, statutes of Sedleian Professor 
 
 at, 277, 295. 
 
 statutes of Savilian Professor of As- 
 tronomy at, 295. 
 
 Oxford, Bacon s letter to the Univer- 
 sity of, 295. 
 
 Oxygen not necessary to combustion, 
 39 1 - 
 
 Palpatio mera, 260, 280, 305-6. 
 Panamae isthmus, 470. 
 Papilionum resuscitatio, 458. 
 Papyrus, 315. 
 
 madefacta, excluso acre, minus alba, 
 421. 
 
 instantia monodica inter artes, 448. 
 irapa.@o\ri, Socratic, 310. 
 Paracelsus, his doctrine of Spirits, 227, 
 
 241. 
 
 doctrina ejus de nutritione, 552. 
 
 de rore solis opinio fabulosa, 580-1. 
 
 referred to, 231, 241, 288, 319, 497, 
 508, 552-9, 592-4. 
 
 Paragraph!, 346-7. 
 
 Parallaxes astronomorum, 527. 
 
 Parasceve, 301, 303, 415, 570, 600. 
 
 Paris, Dr., referred to, 259, 531, 593. 
 
 Parmenides, ejus philosophia, 243-4, 
 263. 
 
 Particulae minores corporis, as distin- 
 guished from the ultimate particles, 
 409, 411. 
 
 Particulae verae, 357. 
 
 Particulars ad instantias recurrendum, 
 
 235- 
 Particularum multitudinem nemo refor- 
 
 midet, 316. 
 Particularum rerum contemplationes, 
 
 233- 
 
 Partis Secundae Delineatio, referred to, 
 190, 212, 214, and other places. 
 
 Partitiones scientiarum, 171. 
 
 Partus temporis, Novum Organum est, 
 159, 272-3, 328. 
 
 Pascal, referred to, 283. 
 
 his crucial instance, 466. 
 Pasteur, referred to, 555. 
 Patricius, 319, 469, 471, 529, 551. 
 Penetratio dimensionum, 482, 534, 536. 
 Peregrinationes recentiorum, 265, 283. 
 Perigaea et Apogaea, 388. 
 
 Periodi tres doctrinarum, 272-3. 
 Peripatetici, eorum caloris defmitio, 
 
 54 2 -3_. 
 
 Permissio intellectus, 403-4, 412. 
 Persius, referred to, 501. 
 Personification of inanimate objects, 
 
 220. 
 Perspicilla, 491-4. 
 
 quaedam a Galileo inventa, 492-4. 
 Peruviana regio, 439, 470. 
 Petrelaeum, 383. 
 
 Phaedrus" Fables, quoted, 325. 
 Phaenomena coeli et philosophiae. 240. 
 
 artium et naturae, 316.
 
 624 
 
 INDEX TO THE TEXT AND NOTES. 
 
 Phaenomena Universi, 175-8. 
 
 Bacon s work so entitled, referred to, 
 503, and elsewhere. 
 
 Philippi Macedonis ad pauperculam 
 
 responsio, 325. 
 Philocratis de aquae et vim potoribtts 
 
 dictum, 328. 
 Philolaus, 263. 
 Philosophia prima, Bacon's apparent 
 
 confusion of with Natural Philosophy, 
 
 273-4, 31 1-2. 
 
 naturalis. See Naturalis Philoso- 
 phia. 
 
 Philosophorum multae sectae, 239-40. 
 Phocionis de plausu populi dictum, 
 
 271. 
 Phosphorescence, phenomena of, 3/1-4, 
 
 385. 
 
 Physica philosophia optime cedit quum 
 a Mathematica terminatur, 358. 
 
 ei subordinntur mechanica, 359. 
 Physiology, old meaning of the word, 
 
 277. 
 
 Pictef s experiments, 453. 
 Picus de Tenariph, 366-7. 
 Pisa, Galileo's experiments on Falling 
 
 Bodies at, 206, 222. 
 Pisces per intcriora minus calidi, 386. 
 
 volantes, inter aves et pisces, 445. 
 Piscium pinnae, 437. 
 
 Plaga Democriti, 461, 536. 
 Planetarum oibes, 236. 
 
 motus, 473-7. 
 
 spatia eorum orbium non vacua aliis 
 stellis, 493-4. 
 
 a caelo stellate attracti, 518-9, 547. 
 Planets, periodic time of, how observed, 
 
 429. 
 
 Plateau, M., refer red to, 528. 
 Plato, his doctrine of I8lai, 205, 229, 
 
 255. 346, 397- 8 - 
 
 superstitiosus, 246-7. 
 
 sophista erat, 263. 
 
 philosophia ejus vnna, 263-4, 2 7- 
 
 peregrinationes ejus, 265. 
 
 per theologiam philosophiam natu- 
 ralem corrupit, 300. 
 
 rejectionibus et negativis ad defi- 
 nitioncs et ideas excutiendas usus 
 est. 309-10. 
 
 ejus de divlsione et defmitione 
 dictum, 433. 
 
 referred to, 255, 256, 262-3, 2 97) 
 358, 482, and elsewhere. 
 
 Platonism, 205, 210-11, 254-5. 
 Platonis schola, 247. 
 
 acatalcpsiam introduxit, 254-5. 
 Plant us, referred to, 584. 
 
 Play fair's Preliminary Dissertation, re- 
 ferred to. passim. 
 11X77777 Democriti, 461, 536. 
 
 Pleniluniis, frigora acerrima in, 365. 
 Plica materiae, 566. 
 
 Plinius negat vilia a physica philosophia 
 ejicienda esse, 323. 
 
 quoted in notes to Bk. ii, passim. 
 Plumbum hominum intellectui ad- 
 dendum, non plumae, 308. Cp. 487. 
 
 Plurality of Causes in its relation to 
 
 Bacon s doctrine of Forms, 349-50, 
 
 365, 382, 396-9, 404, 420. 
 Plutarch, quoted, 325, 482, 500, 519. 
 Pncumatica corpora, their specific 
 
 gravity, 502-4. 
 Politiae civiles a novis contemplatio- 
 
 nibus aversae, 239. 
 Politica secundum novam viam, sc. 
 
 inductionem, tractanda, 331-4. 
 Polus sophista. 263. 
 Pomponius Mela, referred to, 367. 
 Pondus, 423-4, 462-4, 477-8, 502. 
 Porcellana, 448. 
 
 ejus apud Chinenses confectio, 577. 
 Poros habent vel solidissima corpora, 
 
 573-4- 
 
 Positiva, meaning of the word, 224-5. 
 Postulatum mathematicum conforme 
 
 cum fabrica syllogismi, 440-1. 
 Potentia Dei, per philosophiam natu- 
 
 ralem declarata, 294. 
 
 hominum, sc. gencratio novarum 
 naturarum, 343-5. 
 
 adhuc imperfecta, 347-8. 
 
 et scientia ipsae amplificant non 
 beant, 569. 
 
 et scientia in idem coincidunt, 192. 
 Practical applications of Science, 192, 
 
 205, 260-1, 277-9, 2 -i> 328-9, 348, 
 
 398-9, 444. 569-70, and passim. 
 Praemia amplissima theologiae propo- 
 
 sita, 274- 
 
 Praemiis scientiae carent, 296. 
 Pracnotio, 430-1. 
 Prnerogativae instantiarum. See Instan- 
 
 tiae. 
 
 naturarum, 414. 
 Praestigiae, 449. 
 
 Praise of Knowledge, referred to, 264, 
 
 277. 
 
 Precession of the equinoxes, 558. 
 Prediction, 311. 
 Prcstwictis Geology, 541. 
 Price's Infinitesimal Calculus, referred 
 
 to, 462. 
 
 Friinum mobile, 236, 475. 
 Principalia corpora, 589-91. 
 Principes viri plerumque vix mtdio- 
 
 criter docti, 296. 
 Principia scientiarum, 174, 198, 199- 
 
 204, 209, 279-81, 338. 
 
 ex quibus et per quae, 250-1. 
 Principialis natura, 402.
 
 INDEX TO THE TEXT AND NOTES. 
 
 625 
 
 Probabile, non verum, sequitur nova 
 
 academia, 255-6. 
 Probability, Theory of, as held by the 
 
 New Academy, 211. 
 Processus latens. See Latens. 
 Proclus mathematica corrupit philo- 
 
 sophiam naturalem, 300. 
 Pro cyan, 387. 
 
 Projectiles, Motion of. See Missilia. 
 Propitiae instantiae, 516. 
 Proplastica, 586. 
 Proprietates occultae et specificae, 
 
 2 49-5> 586, 592-3. 
 Protagoras, sophista, 255, 263. 
 
 his dictum, 215. 
 
 Prudentia civilis ex praescripto diffidit, 
 
 297. 
 
 Psychology, proper method of , 333. 
 Pulmo marinus, 373. 
 Pulveris torrnentarii sive pyrii inventio, 
 
 3 T 5- 336, 39- 
 
 pyrii expansionis inquisitio, 483-5, 
 
 529- 
 Pusillanimitas detrimenta in scientias 
 
 invexit, 288-90. 
 Putrefacta in animalcula solvuntur, 
 
 385, 499. 58-9- 
 
 Putrefactio in se habet rudimenta 
 caloris, 384-5. 
 
 est generatio formae novae, 544-5. 
 
 its true explanation, 544, 555. 
 
 various doctrines on, as a cause of 
 life, 508-9. 
 
 Pyrrho et Ephectici, 255-6. 
 Pythagorae superstitio crassa, 246, 263. 
 
 peregrinationes ejus, 265. 
 
 Quadrupedum pedes, 437. 
 
 Qualitates primae elementares, 249-50. 
 
 secundae, tertiae, &c., 250. 
 Quanti instantiae, 530-2. 
 Quantitative determinations, importance 
 
 of in science, 516-7, 521-2. 
 Quantum cosmicum, 531. 
 Quaterniones rerum, 588-9. 
 Querimoniae authorum de subtilitate 
 
 naturae, &c., 163, 185, 268. 
 Quies et motus, 458-61. 
 
 nulla vera, 567-8. 
 Quinta esseatia, 220, 412, 480. 
 
 Radicum et ramorum conformitas, 436. 
 Radii lunae, 365, 368. 
 
 soils, 361-2, 367-8. 
 
 Ramists, their use of the -word Axiom, 
 
 194-5- 
 
 l\amusio, 577, 580. 
 Raritas elementorum, ejus de:upla pro- 
 
 portio, 220. 
 
 a forma caloris rejicitur, 401. 
 
 Raritas et densitas, 500-4. 
 
 Rationale genus philosophantium, 240- 
 
 245, 300. 
 Rationalcm, inter et empiricam facul- 
 
 tatem, conjugium verum, 167, 300. 
 Rationes densi et rari, 500-4. 
 Rationis humanae redargutio sibi per- 
 
 missae, 318. 
 
 Realists. See Nominalists. 
 Recentiores scientiis non multa addide- 
 
 runt, 261-2. 
 
 doctrinis eorum vix duae centuriae 
 annorum attribui possunt, 272. 
 
 Rectificatio Inductionis, 414. 
 Redargutio Philosophiarum, cited, 
 
 passim. 
 
 Redargutiones tres, 175, 218, 318. 
 Reflexio radiorum solis, 362, 366-8, 
 
 419, 514. 
 Reflexionem lucis, opinio non esse nisi 
 
 a solidis, 480. 
 Refocillatio, 553. 
 
 Refractio radiorum solis, 419, 514, 559. 
 Regnum Dei non venit cum obser- 
 
 vatione, 298. 
 Regulus, 387-8. 
 
 Rejections, Method of. See Exclusions. 
 Relativity of human knowledge, 207, 
 
 214-16. 
 Religionis zelum caecum et immode- 
 
 ratum, philosophia naturalis nacta 
 
 est adversarium molestum, 290-4. 
 Religions, Greek and Roman, character 
 
 of 274-5. 
 
 Remusat, M. de, referred to, 283, 361. 
 Repraesentari, meaning of word, 314-5. 
 Resonatio, 556. 
 Retorts, 585. 
 Reverberatoria, 363, 391. 
 Reverentia antiquitatis nimia, 282-4. 
 Revolutiones scientiarum, 297. 
 Rhabarbarum, 530. 
 Rhetores Graeci, 262-3. 
 Rhetorica, ' praeter expectatum ' tropus 
 
 in ea, 440. 
 Ribot, qiioted, 496. 
 Ritter and Prellers Historia Philo- 
 
 sophiae, referred to, passim. 
 Rolleston, the late Professor, 455, 555. 
 Romani scriptores, 261-2, 272, 274-5. 
 Romanorum Imperium, ejus adminis- 
 
 tratio plurimorum opera indigebat, 
 
 275. 
 
 Philosophia intra spatium duorum 
 saeculorum conclusa, 272. 
 
 in morali philosophia meditationes 
 occupatae, 274. 
 
 Rores, 531,5/8. 
 
 melliti, 581. 
 Ros solis, 581. 
 Rostra in avibus, 438. 
 
 S S
 
 626 
 
 INDEX TO THE TEXT AND NOTES. 
 
 Rotatio coelestium, 322, 353, 473-7, 
 557-8, 560-2. 
 
 spontanea, 352-3, 458-60, 473-6, 
 560-2. 
 
 terrae. See Motus Diurnus. 
 Rotationis circuli, 460. 
 Rubigo metallorum, 498, 582. 
 
 S. literae potestas, 443. 
 Saccharum, si frangatur, coruscat, 372. 
 Sagittae ligneae sine cuspide ferrea 
 altius penetrant in lignum, 427, 543. 
 
 peraerem immissae calescunt, 377. 
 Sales, 390, 485, 544, 588. See also 
 
 Chymicorum trias. 
 Satellites Jovis, 428, 494, 505. 
 Saturnus inter planetas frigidissimus, 
 
 37- 
 
 motus generationis ejus, 556. 
 Scala axiomatum, 307-8, 415. 
 Scapha sub aquis, 573. 
 
 Sceptics, difference between their doctrine 
 and that of the New Academy, 210-11, 
 
 . 2 ^>?- 6 - 
 Scheiner, 494. 
 
 Schematism! corporum subtiliores, 499. 
 
 simplices, 586. 
 Schematismus latens. See Latens. 
 Schola, 533-4, 535, 540, and elsewhere. 
 
 Democritiet Leucippi, 228, 233. 
 Scholastic!, philosophia eoruin non 
 
 magni momenti, 273. 
 
 per methodos multum philosophiae 
 nocuerunt, 292-3. 
 
 Aristotelis philosophiam cum reli- 
 gione immiscuemnt, ib. 
 
 subtilitatibus immensum indulserunt, 
 325- 
 
 Scholasticorum philosophorum genus, 
 
 2 45- 
 
 Schweglers History of Philosophy, re- 
 ferred to, 24.). 
 Scientia essentiae imago, 323. 
 
 vera per causas, 345. 
 
 Scientia ct potentia humana in idem 
 
 coinciclunt, 180, 192, 348, 569. 
 Scientiae suis haerent vestigiis, 162, 267. 
 
 cur parum promoverint, 272 sqq. 
 Scientiarum vera et legitima meta, 
 
 277-9. 
 
 Scintillae per percussionem silicis et 
 chalybis, 376-7. 
 
 per aerem attritum non generantur, 
 ib. 
 
 Scire est per causas scire, 345. 
 Sclopetum, 427. 
 Scopae dissolutae, 280. 
 Scripturac Sacrae, 248, 293-4. 
 Scrotum et matrix, analoga, 437. 
 Scytharum nomine apud antiques omnes 
 hyperborei appellati sunt, 265. 
 
 Seasons , phaenomena of the, 387-8. 
 Sectae alicujus, nos non fundamenta 
 
 moliri, 168, 319-20. 
 Sccundae (mediae), cattsae neglectae, 247. 
 
 earwn scientia a Theologis damnata, 
 
 293-4-. 
 
 intentionis voces, 241-2. 
 Selenographia, 494. 
 
 Seneca's Natural Questions, referred to, 
 
 369-70, 476, 537, and passim. 
 Senectutis refocillatio, 553. 
 Sensations overpowered by others of the 
 
 same class, 506, 514-5. 
 Senses, their relation to knowledge, 215. 
 Sensu, omnia in naturalibus petenda 
 
 sunt a, 174, 490, 515. 
 Sensui instantiae quae auxiliautur, 490 
 
 sqq. 
 
 per novam viam ministramus, 331. 
 Sensum esse mensuram rerum, falso 
 
 asseritur, 174, 214-5. 
 
 secundum, philosophans, 489. 
 Sensus duplex culpa, 174, 257. 
 Sensuum fallaciae, 226, 507. 
 
 impressiones vitiosae, 257. 
 Separatio corporum non per ignem, sed 
 
 per inductionem, facienda, 355-6. 
 Septem illi, qui sapientes nominabantur. 
 
 275, 287. 
 Sericum, 313-4. 
 Serpentum volumina, 437. 
 Severinus, 319. 
 
 Sextus Empiricus, 217, 256, 533. 
 Short and long sightedness, 520-1. 
 Siccitates cometas, trabes, &c. se- 
 
 quuntur, 369-70. 
 
 Sidgwick, Prof. H., referred to, 255. 
 Signatures, doctrine of, 592-3. 
 Simia, qtiam similis nobis, 445. 
 Similitudines citius a quibusdam notatae 
 
 quam differentiae, 232. 
 
 notandae potius quam differentiae, 
 
 , 438- 
 
 Simplices Naturae. See Naturae. 
 Simultaneous and sudden impressions, 
 
 the mind unduly influenced by, 222. 
 Sinarum regnum nondum gaudet alpha- 
 
 beto, 285. 
 Sirius inter Stellas fixas calidissimus, 
 
 387-8. 
 
 Smyth's Celestial Cycle, referred to, 387. 
 Socrates philosophiam de coelo devo- 
 
 cavit, 275. 
 
 parallel between him and Bacon, 212. 
 
 his dpcavtia, 254-5. 
 
 charges against, 291. 
 Sol, radii ejus, 361-2, 367-8. 
 
 calor ejus, 386-9. 
 
 - caloris ejus respectu ignis differentia, 
 457-8. 
 
 its action on the tides, 471-2.
 
 INDEX TO THE TEXT AND NOTES. 
 
 627 
 
 Sol, maculae in sole, 494. 
 
 Solinus, referred to, 367, 471, 537. 
 
 Solomoniis proverbium, 336. 
 
 Solutio continuitatis, 289-90. 
 
 Somnia, 221. 
 
 Soni communicatio, 489, 514, 519, 
 
 5 26 -8, 555-7. 559- 
 
 velocitas, 526. 
 
 Sophistae veteres, 185, 255, 262-4. 
 Sophistarum nomen in rhetores antiques 
 rejectum, 262. 
 
 aliis quoque competit, 263. 
 Sophistici Elenchi, 214. 
 Sophisticum genus philosophantium, 
 
 240-5. 
 
 Spagyrici, 582. 
 Specierum diversaram conflictus, 249, 
 
 445-6- 
 
 variatio, 444-5. 
 Species, sensi biles, 514, 526. 
 
 visibiles, 528. 
 
 Specific gravities, 500-4, 541. 
 
 Specificae virtutes, 249-50, 586, 593. 
 
 Specificatae res, 355. 
 
 Spectacles, their invention, 491. 
 
 Spectrum Analysis, 412. 
 
 Specula comburentia, 362, 368, 386, 
 
 39 1- 
 
 Specus idola, 216-7, 2 3~3- 
 Sped ding, J., referred to, passim. 
 Spei quid affulgeat de instanrandis 
 
 scientiis, 297 sqq. 
 Spencer, Herbert, referred to, 292, 332, 
 
 464. 
 Spheroidal shape of drops of liquids, 
 
 425-6. 
 
 Spinoza, 226, 344. 
 Spirales lineae, 219-20, 475-6. 
 Spiritus in corporibus, 226-8, 356, 
 
 4 8 3-5 497-9. 544-6, 553, 554, 560, 
 564. 
 
 vitalis, 394, 435-6, 499, 5 12 , 5 2 9-3> 
 55-3, 560, 573-4, 578-9- 
 
 ab opiatis et medicamentis quomodo 
 afficiatur, 578-9. 
 
 metallorum, 407, 498. 
 Spiritus vini, 364, 380. 
 
 flamma ejus lenis, 371, 389. 
 Spirituum Mistura, 512. 
 
 Compositio, 512-3. 
 Spontaneous generation, 508-9, 545. 
 Spuma maris mota coruscat, 372-3. 
 
 minus est frigida quam liquor e 
 quo generatur, 376. 
 
 Spumae color, unde fit, 419-20. 
 Squamae piscium putrescentes noctu 
 
 splendent. 374. 
 Stellae fixae, 365-6. 
 
 cadentes, 370-1, 377. 
 
 aliae magis, aliae minus calidae, 
 386-8. 
 
 S S 
 
 Stellae corpus verum et species visa, 
 526-8. 
 
 et sulphur conscntiunt, 588. 
 Stethoscope, 496. 
 
 Stewart, Dngald, referred to, passim. 
 
 Stillicidia, 425-6, 538. 
 
 Stoics, Philosophy of , 210-11. 
 
 Strabo, referred to, 519. 
 
 Struthiones, 386. 
 
 Subalterna, 225. 
 
 Substantiae incorporeae, 489-90. 
 
 Substitutiones per gradus, aut per 
 
 analoga, 511-3. 
 Subterraneis ex locis ignes acerrimi 
 
 erumpentes, 439-40. 
 Subtilitas naturae subtilitatem sensns et 
 
 intellectus superat, 196. Cp. Natura, 
 
 subtilitas ejus. 
 Subtilitatis tempus verum ac proprium, 
 
 325- 
 
 Succedaneum, 579. 
 Suffragiorum jus in divinis et politicis, 
 
 271. 
 Sulphur potentialem calorem habet, 
 
 383- 
 
 ejus flamma, instantia foederis de 
 visibili, 465. See also Chymieorum 
 trias. 
 
 Summary of Bk. i, 190. 
 
 Bk. ii, 342. 
 
 Superstitio, 226, 241, 246-8, 290-4. 
 Superstitiosa inter instantias potestatis 
 
 numeranda, 449. 
 Superstitiosum genus philosophantium, 
 
 241, 246-8. 
 
 Suppositio phantastica, 236. 
 Sydney Smith, referred to, 283. 
 Syllogism, Bacon's recognition of the 
 
 functions of, 197. 
 Syllogismus, inutilitas ejus in principiis 
 
 constituendis, 172, 197-9, 307. 
 Syllogistic principles, their analog)' to 
 
 mathematical axioms, 441. 
 Sylva Sylvarum, referred to, passim. 
 Sylvae experientiae, 165, 281, 303. 
 
 limonum et aurantiorum ad Floridae 
 litora, 5rg. 
 
 Sympathiae rerum, 286, 435-6, 462-3, 
 
 586 sqq. 
 
 Synopsis naturarum, 414-5. 
 System, excessive love of, 218-21. 
 
 Tables, comparison of Bacon's with 
 Mill's Experimental Methods, 361-3, 
 
 365, 39.6- 
 Tabulae inveniendi, 297, 306, 320, 321, 
 
 333- 
 
 irae, metus, &c.. 333. 
 
 ad historiam naturalem perficiendam 
 necessariae, 360. 
 
 instantiarum convenientium, 361 sqq.
 
 628 
 
 INDEX TO THE TEXT AND NOTES. 
 
 Tabulae, instantiarum negativarum, seu 
 declinationis, 365 sqq. 
 
 graduum seu comparativae in calido, 
 381 sqq. 
 
 exclusivae, 400 sqq. 
 Tactus magnetis, 478-9. 
 
 sensus, 496. 
 
 Taylor, Jeremy, referred to, 291-2, 336. 
 Telescopes, their invention, 492-4. 
 Telesius, 319, 420, 437, 456, 465, 469, 
 
 471, 474, 488, 501, 506, 508, 549, 
 
 564, 586, 588. 
 
 quatuor ejus contubernales naturae, 
 488. 
 
 ejus de luce opinio, 506-7. 
 Tempestates frigidae a ventis pendent, 
 
 375- 
 
 Temporis partus, Novtim Organum, 
 159, 272-3, 328. 
 
 Patois Mascuhis, referred to, passim. 
 
 non authoritatis, Veritas dicitur filia, 
 284. 
 
 Tempus fluvii instar solida mergit, 163, 
 263-4, 2 7- 
 
 operationes ejus subtilissimae, 411, 
 
 5 8 4-5- 
 
 divisiones ejus, 524. 
 Tenariph, Picus de, 367. 
 Tennemanii 's History of Philosophy, re- 
 ferred tO, 211. 
 
 Tepor in lana &c., unde fiat, 376. 
 Tercerae insulae, 580-1. 
 Termini inquisitionis, 414-5. 
 Terminology, felicity of Bacon's, 415. 
 Terra si esset perforata, quae evenirent, 
 462-3. 
 
 stat mole sua, 563. 
 
 ejus vis- magnetica secundum Gil- 
 bertum, 463, 477-9. 518. 
 
 de rotatione ejus, 458-9,470, 473-7, 
 527-9, 561-2. 
 
 de visceribus ejus, 452, 549, 554-5, 
 566-7, 576-7. 
 
 Terrella magnetica, 479. 
 Texturae naturales subtiliores quam 
 artificiosae, 492. 
 
 subtiliores rerum, 499. 
 Thales, 275. 
 
 Theatrum sympathcticum, referred to, 
 
 59 2 > 594- 
 
 Thcma Coeli, referred to, passim. 
 Theologiam, ingenia hominum occupata 
 
 circa, 239, 274. 
 
 corruptio philosophiae ex thcologia 
 admista, 246-8, 292-3. 
 
 Theophrastus inter Sophistas nume- 
 
 randus, 263. 
 
 Thermometer. See Vitrum calendare. 
 Thirhvall, Bp., saying of, 270. 
 Torrnenta ignea, 313, 528-9. 
 Torricellts discovery, 466, 522. 
 
 Torsion, 564. 
 
 Trabes, 370. 
 
 Trade-winds, 460-1. 
 
 Traductio experimentorum unius artis 
 
 in alias, 306. 
 Transformatio corporum, 269, 344, 348- 
 
 5 2 > 59.6-7- 
 
 Transmissio impressionum, 449-50. 
 Transmutability of the Elements, 550-1 
 
 576,578. 
 Trendelenburg, referred to, 229, and 
 
 elsewhere. 
 
 Trepidationis motus, 562-3. 
 Tusser, referred to, 593. 
 Tylor, Dr., referred to, 227, 250, 332, 
 
 442, 593- 
 
 Tyndall, Professor, quoted or referred to 
 in notes to Bk. ii, passim. 
 
 Ueberweg, referred to, passim. 
 
 Ultimates naturae, 253. 
 
 Unconscious cerebration, 431. 
 
 Undulatory theory of Heat, 410. 
 
 Uniformity of opinion no test of truth, 
 207-8. 
 
 Unilateral Tests, 466-7, 481. 
 
 Universities, their chief business and in- 
 terests in Bacon's time, 294-6. See 
 also Collegia. 
 
 Urina solvitur a frigore, 543-4. 
 
 Urinatores quomodo possint sub aquis 
 diutius manere, 572-3. 
 
 Utilitas et fructus scientiarum meta, 
 277-9. 
 
 et veritas res ipsissimae, 329. 
 
 Vacuum, 227, 252-3, 350-1,472,534, 
 565-6. 
 
 abhorrentia ejus, 252, 534-6. 
 
 per Leucippum et Democritum in- 
 troductum, 566. 
 
 coacervatum et permistum, 565-6. 
 Valerius Terminus, referred to, passim. 
 Vapores et fumi calefacti, 363, 374. 
 Variatio experimentorum, 260. 
 
 inquisitionis pro natura subjecti, 
 
 4H, 599- 
 Varietas in generationibus mentis et 
 
 mantis, 194. 
 Vegetabilia, alia calida, alia frigida, 
 
 383. See also Herbae and Aromata. 
 Vegetatio plantarum, 508, 550-3. 
 Vellcius, the Epicurean, 255. 
 Velocity of motions, how measured, 505, 
 
 and elsewhere. See also Light, Sound, 
 
 Gravitas, &c. 
 Venena, 555. 
 
 specifica, 596. 
 Veneris astrum, 547. 
 
 Venti arcent pestilentiam aeris, 545. 
 Ventosae, 534, 573-4.
 
 INDEX TO THE TEXT AND NOTES. 
 
 629 
 
 Ventus igneus, 313. 
 Venus a sole ligata, 547. 
 Verba notion um tesserae, 198. 
 ex captu vulgi imponuntur, 217, 
 234- 
 
 vim faciunt intellectui, 217, 234. 
 
 per lineas vulgari intellectui maxim e 
 conspicuas res secant, 234. 
 
 controversiae saepe desinunt in 
 verbis, 234. 
 
 Verification, 200-3, 258,311. See also 
 
 Hypothesis. 
 Veritas, duae viae ad earn inveniendain, 
 
 200-2, 307-8. 
 
 unde petenda, 233. 
 
 temporis filia dicitur, non authori- 
 tatis, 284. 
 
 et utilitas, scientiarum meta, 329. 
 Vermiculi cutis, 455, 513. 
 
 Vermis bombycinns, 313-4. 
 
 Verticitas acus magneticae, 478-9, 558. 
 
 Vespertiliones inter aves et quadru- 
 
 pedes, 445. 
 Vexationes artis, Natura rerum se prodit 
 
 per, 177, 304. 
 Via nostra exaequat fere ingenia, 327. 
 
 Cp. 238-9. 
 
 non in piano sita est, 307. 
 
 Viae duo ad inquirendam et inveni- 
 endain veritatem, 200-2, 307-8. 
 
 Vindemiatio prima de forma calidi, 
 404 sqq. 
 
 Vini et aquae potores non idem sentiunt, 
 328. 
 
 Vini spiritus fortis exequitur opera 
 caloris, 364. 
 
 fiat experimentum ejus in lignis, &c., 
 380. 
 
 flamma ejus mollissima, 389. 
 Violarum infusio, 530. 
 
 Virgil, referred to, 365, 372, 387, 499, 
 
 582, 593- 
 
 Visibile, instantia foederis de eo, 465. 
 Visio non bene transigitur ad tactum, 
 
 520. 
 
 momenta temporis ad earn commu- 
 nicandam requiruntur, 526-7. 
 
 Visui auxilia conquirenda, 491-4. 
 
 Visus scnsus, 496. 
 
 Vitae et Mortis, Historia, referred to, 
 
 fassini. 
 Vitrum, quomodo tenacitas ei superin- 
 
 ducenda, 348. 
 
 calendare sive graduum. 368, 380, 
 393, 4 OI > 4 T , 4 22 -3. 504. 
 
 integrum et pulverizatum, 419. 
 
 combtirens. See Speculum. 
 Vivisection, 509-10. 
 Voltaire, referred to, 477. 
 Volucrum alae et pedes, 437. 
 Vulcani, 582. 
 
 Vulcanus, ab eo ad Minervam trans- 
 eundum in separandis corporibus, 
 T 35 6 - 
 
 Vulgares differentiae motus nulliu^ 
 pretii, 251-3. 
 
 Watson, Dr., referred to, 543. 
 
 Walts Dictionary of Chemistry, referred 
 
 to in notes on Bk. ii. passi-m. 
 Weight. See Pondus. 
 Wells" theory of Dew, 531. 
 Whately, Abp., 226. 
 Wheatstone, referred to, 4*9. 
 Whewell, Dr., referred to. passim. 
 Whirlwinds, 463-4. 
 Wit, definition of. 232. 
 Wollaston, Dr., 513-4. 
 
 Xenophanes, 263, 268. 
 Xylobalsamnm, 579. 
 
 Zellers History of Philosophy, referred 
 to, passim. 
 
 Zembla, Nova, 367. 
 
 Zenith, 388. 
 
 Zeno inter sophistas numernndus, 263. 
 
 Zibethum odores optimos general, 323. 
 
 Zodiacus, via solis per cum, causa 
 principals v secundum Aristotelem) 
 generationis et corruptionis. 457. 
 
 polita^ diversa ejus. 475.
 
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