THE GIFT OF WILLIAM G. KERCKHOFF TO THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT LOS ANGELES THE LIBRARY OF FRIEDRICH KLUGE UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA AT LOS ANGELES LIBRARY THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON BY MORGAN CALLAWAY, Jk. Professor of English in the University of Texas Reprinted from the Publications of the Modern Language Association of America, Vol. XVI, No. 2, Baltimore, June, 1901 baltimore The Modern Language Association of America 1901 I OS THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IX ANGLO-SAXON BY MORGAN CALLAWAY, Jr. Professor of English in the University of Tex \s Reprinted from the Publicatums of the Modern Language Association of Arm Vol. XVI, No. 2, Baltimore, June, 1901 ' , .... ' • • • . . . BALTI M R E The Modern Language Association OF America 1901 119213 JOHN MIKI'HY COMPANY, I'RIKTERS. BALTIMORE. 4 f 1 t t • • » > • ^> " 03 1 CONTENTS Page. Introduction 141 I. The Dual Nature of the Participle; Definitions 141 II. The History of the Term Appositive Participle 144 III. The Relative Age of the Several Uses of the Participle... 149 IV. The Inflexion and the Position of the Appositive Parti- ciple 150 Chapter I. Statistics of the Appositive Participle in Anglo-Saxon 154 I. In the Prose Works 155 II. In the Poems 234 III. Synoptic Table , 266 Chapter II. Uses of the Appositive Participle in Anglo- Saxon 268 I. The Adjectival Use 270 II. The Adverbial Use , 273 1. Modal 274 2. Temporal 278 3. Causal 279 4. Final 280 5. Concessive 282 6. Conditional 284 III. The Co-ordinate Use 285 1. The "Circumstantial" Participle 286 2. The "Iterating" Participle 287 3. Notes 2S9 IV. Summary of Uses 292 Chapter III. Origin of the Appositive Participle in Anglo-Saxon 297 I. The Adjectival Use 298 II. The Adverbial Use 300 1. Modal 300 2. Temporal 301 iii iv CONTENTS. Page 3. Causal 302 4. Final 304 5. Concessive 304 6. Conditional 305 III. The Co-ordinate Use 306 I V. Tin- Governing Power of the Participle 307 1. The Present Participle 307 2. The Preterite Participle 313 V. Table of Latin Correspondences 315 chapter IV. The Anglo-Saxon Rendering of the Latin Appositive Participle 321 I. By a Co-ordinated Finite Verb 321 11. By a Subordinated Finite Verb '. 323 111. By a Prepositional Phrase 326 [V. By a Verb in the Infinitive Mood 327 V. By an Attributive Participle 328 VI. By an Absolute Participle 328 VII. By an Adverb 328 VIII. By an Adjective 328 IX. By a Substantive 329 Chapter V. The Appositive Participle in the Other Ger- manic Languages 330 I. Uses 330 1. In Gothic 330 2. In the Scandinavian Languages 332 3. In High German 334 4. In Old Saxon 338 II. Origin 339 III. Rendering of Greek and Latin Appositive Participle 341 chapter VI. The Anglo-Saxon Appositive Participle as a Norm of Style 344 Chapter' VII. Results 348 Additions and Corrections 353 Bibliography , 355 PUBLICATIONS OF THE MODERN LANGUAGE ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA, 1901. Vol. XVI, 2. New Series, Vol. IX, 2. VIII.— THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO- SAXON. Introduction. The twofold nature of the participle is sufficiently attested by the fact that it is universally defined as a verbal adjective. The genesis of this twofold nature has been interestingly discussed by Brugtnann (I. F., v, 88 if. ; Or. Gr. 3 §§ 479 f.) and by Delbruck (n, p. 477). Mine is the humbler task of pointing out the various manifestations of this dual nature as exemplified in the appositive use of the participle in Anglo- Saxon ; to which is appended a brief survey of the same phenomena in the other Germanic languages. This is by no means an easy task, since the same participle may be domi- nantly adjectival in one sentence, prevailingly verbal in another, and equally divided between the two in a third. Of course, too, a participle may be used as a noun ; but in such case it ceases to be a participle ; hence in this paper no account is taken of the substantivized participle. How- ever, certain adverbial uses of the participle are treated. The difficulty of our problem is further aggravated by the diversity of meaning attached to the same term by different 141 142 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. grammarians. At the outset, therefore, it is necessary to define the terms used in this monograph. The study is based upon a twofold classification of the participle: (I) According to the nature of the participle; (II) According to the relation- ship of the participle to its subject (or principal). According to its nature, a participle is (1) verbal when the assertive force is dominant, and (2) adjectival when the descrip- tive force is dominant; as a rule, the verbal participle denotes an act in the widest sense, while the adjectival denotes a state. These terms, of course, are relative only, and under different collocations each is equally applicable to the same word. Thus, in the phrase, the shining sun, shining is adjectival, if not an adjective; while in the sentence, The sun, shining through the trees, lighted our path, the participle is verbal. But, despite this relativity, the distinction is of great import- ance ; and it is possible to mark off certain more or less stable groups. The preterite participle, for instance, is more adjectival than the present ; as the present participle with an object is more verbal than one without an object. Occa- sionally, too, a participle is so constantly used adjectivally that it becomes an adjective proper, as in the case of the Latin sanctus, the A.-S. cw$, etc. The completely adjectiv- ized participle is not treated in this monograph. According to its relationship to its principal, a participle is (A) independent (or absolute) when its subject is gram- matically independent of the rest of the sentence, and (B) dependent (or conjoint) when its subject is not grammati- cally independent of the rest of the sentence, but is intimately bound up therewith. Examples are: — (A): Bede 1 284. 20 : swa eaUum geseondum n}>pinheofonasgewat = Bede 2 220. 11 : sic uidentibus cundis ad alia suhduxit (see my Abs. Ptc. in A.-S., p. 5 ff.) ; — (B) : Luke 4. 40: he syndrygum hys hand on8ettende hig gehoslde = Me singulis manus imponens curabat eos. The dependent (or conjoint) participle may be sub- divided into (1) predicative (or supplementary, cf. Goodwin, Moods and Tenses, § 877), when the participle is joined to its THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 143 subject by means of a verb ; (2) non-predicative (or assump- tive, cf. Sweet, § 44), when not joined to its subject by the instrumentality of a verb. The predicative participle may be subdivided into («) predicate nominative and (6) predicate accusative; the non-predicative (or assumptive), into (a) attributive, when the connection between the participle and its principal is so close that the two constitute one indivisible idea, and (b) appositive, when the connection between the participle and its principal is so loose that the two seem to constitute two independent ideas; or, to use the words of Sweet (§ 90) : " When the subordination of an assumptive (attributive) word to its head-word is so slight that the two are almost co-ordinate, the adjunct-word is said to be in apposition to its head-word." A few examples will suffice for illustration: — (1) Predicative (or Supplementary): (a) Predicate Nominative : Elene 492 : Stephanus wees stanum worpod; — ib. 486 : %a ^>y ^Sriddan dceg lifgende aras, etc. ; — (6) Predicate Accusative : Luke 22. 56 : Da hine geseah sum ftinen cet leohte sittende — quern cum vidisset aneilla qucedam sedentem ad lumen; — Bl. Horn. 218. 7 : Sa mette he ^ane man forftferedne, etc. ; — (2) Non-predicative (or Assumptive) : (a) Attributive: Beow. 741 : he gefeng hra'Se jorman siSe slos- pendne vine; — ib. 581 : Da mec .see oftboer . . . wadu weal- lendu; — ib. 1245 : See/ 1 on bence woss . . . y~8gesene . . . Iwinged byrne; — ib. 216 : guman ut scufon . . . wudu bundenne, etc. ; — (6) Appositive: Mat. 9. 12: seHozlend, cwo?&, his gehyrende = At Jesus audi ens, ait; — Luke 1. 74 : 3ce£ we butan ege of ure feonda hauda alysede him fteowian = Ut sine timore, de manu . . . liberati, serviamus illi; — Mat. 8. 9 : Sohlice ic eom man under anwealde gesett = Nam et ego homo sum sub j)otestate constitutus; — jE I Jr. Horn. I, 62 a : Johannes beseah to heofonum, •Sits cwe^Sende, etc. No originality is claimed for the above classification ; for, although I have not found the system as a whole in any treatise, almost every one of the terms is substantially so used in one or more standard works. Nor is the system 144 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. looked upon as ideal ; it is given merely because it seems a fair working scheme for this monograph. But, while I believe that all my terms are clear as above defined and exemplified, the word appositive demands more extended treatment, since it gives the title to this paper. II. Remoteness from the larger libraries precludes my giving a complete history of the phrase appositive participle ; and I must content myself with a brief statement concerning the more important grammatical treatises that have been accessi- ble to me. Fortunately, as a reference to the bibliography will show, I have been able to consult all the most significant monographs (old as well as new) on the participle in Anglo- Saxon and in the other Teutonic tongues. The phrase appositive participle is not used as a distinct category by Grimm, Becker, Mjitzner, Koch, March, Sweet, or Delbriick among the Germanic grammarians, or by Classen, Draeger, Gildersleeve, or Goodwin among the classicists. The locution seems to have been habitually used first 1 by Kriiger and Curtius in their Greek grammars, by Madvig in his Latin grammar, by Gabelentz and Lobe in their Gothic grammar, and by Vernaleken in his Deutsche Syntax; and its present currency is perhaps largely due to the wide popularity of these works, especially the first three. By the grammarians who regularly make use of the phrase, two distinct definitions have been given. The one set restricts the term appositive to the participle that is equal to a de- pendent adverbial (conjunctive) clause, while the other extends it also to the participle that is equivalent to a dependent adjec- tival (relative) clause. Judged by their definitions, Kriiger and Curtius originally sided with the former. Kruger's state- 1 In his Greek grammar of 1829 (pp. 469, 474), however, Bernhardy has a few words concerning the appositive use of the participle. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 145 ment is as follows (p. 215 1 ): "Die appositive Participial- construction und ihr zur Seite gehend die absolute sind eine unklarere Ausdrucksweise fur Satze die mit dent Hauptsatze in einern ternporalen oder realen Verhaltnisse stehen." Ex- amples are cited of the appositive participle in (1) temporal, (2) conditional, (3) causal, and (4) concessive clauses, but not in adjectival (relative) clauses, though under the head of temporal uses (p. 217, 10, Anmk. 1) this remark is made: " In vielen Fallen iibersetzen wir die Participia durch das Relativ oder durch Conjunctionen." To the same effect is the definition of Curtius (§ 579 2 ) : " Das Particip dient dazu, einem Substantiv etwas als eine nur voriibergehende Eigen- schaft oder Thatigkeit beizulegen. In diesem Falle ist das Particip eine kurze und unbestimmtere Ausdrucksweise fiir das, was sonst durch Nebensatze mit Conjunctionen der verschiedensten Art ausgedriickt wird." In the following sections (580-583) he gives examples of the appositive parti- ciple in (1) temporal, (2) causal and final, (3) concessive, and (4) conditional clauses; adding this note 3 : " Bei dem man- nichfaltigen Gebrauch der appositiven Participien ist nicht zu iibersehen, dass ein solches Particip an sich keine der in §§ 580-583 entwickelten Bedeutungen deutlich ausdruckt, dass wir vielmehr nur zur Ubersetzung uns der einen oder der andern Wenduug bedienen, urn dasselbe in scharferer Weise auszusprechen, was durch das Particip nur angedeutet *I quote from the fifth edition of his Attische Syntax (Leipzig, 1873), but the same statement, I have been informed, occurs in the first edition (Leipzig, 1843). 2 1 quote from the ninth edition (Prag, 1870), but substantially the same statement is made in the first edition (Prag, 1852). And in the chapter on the Participle in his Erlauterungen 3 (p. 203) Curtius thus acknowledges his indebtedness to Kriiger: "In der Gliederung dieser Gebrauchsweisen bin ich wesentlich K. W. Kriiger gefolgt, ohne jedoch in der Reihenfolge mich ihm anzuschliessen." — My quotation is from the third edition of the Erlauterungen (1875), but it does not differ essentially from the statement of the first edition (1863). s This note is not in the first edition of the grammar. 1-46 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. ist." Gering specifically restricts the appositive participle to adverbial clauses (p. 393): "Wahrend das attributive particip bestimmend und erklarend zu dein nomen tritt, dient das appositive dazu, gewisse adverbialle uebenbestimraungen der handlung auszudriicken. Es bezeichnet da her, in welcher zeit, aus welchern grunde, in welcher absicht, unter welchen bedingungon oder einschrankungen, durch welch e mittel, auf welche art und weise eine person oder ein gegenstand etwas ausfiihrte oder erlitt. Characteristisch fiir das appositive particip ist es, dass es nie den artikel bei sich hat." The same restriction is made by Karl Kohler and by Kiihn, though the latter does not use the term appositive, but speaks of the use of the participle "in eigentlicher participialer Funktion in Vertretung eines Adverbialsatzes." But, despite the high standing of Kriiger, Curtius, aud Gering, the restriction of the appositive participle to ad- verbial uses seems unwise. Indeed, it may be doubted whether Curtius intended so to limit the term by the defini- tion above quoted; if so, he afterwards changed his mind, for in his Erlduterungen 3 (p. 203) he gives a definition of the appositive participle that includes its use in adjectival (relative) as well as in adverbial (conjunctive) clauses: "Der 'appositive Gebrauch ' schliesst sich an die § 361, 12 gegebene Definition der Apposition an. Wie ich unter Apposition einer Zusatz loserer Art verstehe, welcher in der Regel synonym mit einern beschreibenden Zwischen — oder Neben- satz ist, so entsprechen die appositiven Participien als kiirzere, losere und deshalb aueh weniger bestimmte Aus- drucksweisen wesentlieh demselben Zwecke, der in festerer Weise durch relative 1 und Conjunctionssatze erreicht wird." The remainder of his comment, though not on this point, is too instructive to omit: "Classen in seinen oben (S. 173) erwahnten Beobachtungen iiber den homerischen Sprachge- brauch nennt den von mir appositiv genannten Gebrauch 1 The italics are mine. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IX ANGLO-SAXON. 147 pradicativ. Ich verkenne nicht, dass sich auch diese Bezeich- nung rechfertigen lasst, insofern als das appositive Particip, unterschieden vom attributiven, allerdings eine aussagende, pradicirende Kraft besitzt, die am entschiedensten in den abso- luten Participialconstructionen hervortritt. Allein es scheint mir doch gerathener, den Ausdrnck pradicatives Particip rait Kriiger auf denjenigen Gebrauch za beschranken, bei welcliem das Particip znr Erganzung eines verbalen Pradicats dient (§ 589 bis 594) und als solches einen wesentlichen Theil der Anssage bildet." Vernaleken leaves no doubt as to his position (p. 502) : " Das partizip welches dazu dient einem substantiv etwas als eine nur voriibergehende eigenschaft oder thatigkeit beizulegen, also appositionell stent, und so eine kurzere ausdrucksweise ist fur das, was sonst durch neben- satze rait bindewortern oder dera relativ ausgedriickt wird, findet sich," etc. ; which definition clearly includes adjective (relative) as well as adverbial (conjunctive) clauses. With this O. Erdraann substantially agrees ; for, while he does not use the phrase appositive participle, it is clear that his selbstandiges Parllcipium of the following quotation corresponds to Vernaleken's appositive participle (Syntax d. Spr. Otfrids, p. 214): "Die verbale Natur des Participiums tritt nicht immer in gleichem Masse hervor. Ich suche bei einem jeden der beiden Participia, welche die ahd. Sprache besitzt, die Belege rait Riicksicht hierauf zu ordnen, und unterscheide drei Abschnitte, je nachdem das Participium eine selbstandige, von der Handlung des Hauptsatzes unterschiedene Tatigkeit aussagt, oder pradicativ mit dem Verbum zu dem Begriffe einer einzigen Tatigkeit verschmilzt, oder endlich attributiv wie ein Adj. gebraucht wird urn eine dem Gegenstande, auf welchen es sich bezieht, stetig inwohnende Eigenschaft zu bezeichnen." In his examples Erdraann cites participles that represent adjectival as well as adverbial clauses ; as docs Mourek, who (p. 33) speaks of the participle " in selbstaud- iger, pradicativer, satzvertretender apposition." With the exception of K. Kohler and of Kiihn, who, as already stated, 148 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. restrict the appositive participle to adverbial clauses, all 1 the writers on Old English Syntax named in the bibliography include under the appositive use of the participle adjectival as well as adverbial clauses. Some (Conradi, Einenkel, Flamme, Hoser, Kempf, Mohrbutter, Schiirmann, Wiilfing 2 ) use the phrase appositive participle; others (Furkert, Hertel, Planer, Reussner, Seyfarth, Spaeth, Wohlfahrt) speak of the "eigentliehes Participium zur Abkiirzung eines Satzes" (Wohlfahrt, p. 39); and others (Koch, Matzner, March, Sweet) have no specific designation for the construction. Another apparently divergent interpretation calls for brief mention. The standard New High German grammars of Brandt, von Jagemann, Thomas, and Whitney regularly use the expression appositive participle to indicate, in the words of Thomas, " an appositional predicate, which denotes a con- comitant act or state;" but "such a participle or participial phrase is," according to Whitney 6 (§ 357), "used only in the sense of an adjective clause, and expresses ordinarily an accompanying circumstance, or describes a state or condition ; it may not be used, as in English, to signify a determining cause, or otherwise adverbially." But, as a following note by Whitney and some examples cited by Thomas show, this statement is somewhat too strong, for in New High German an appositive participle is occasionally used in place of a dependent adverbial clause. Moreover, in making the above remark, Whitney intended to acquaint his reader with New High German usage and not to give a general definition of a grammatical term. To sum up the matter : by a number of eminent gram- marians the phrase appositive participle is not used as a distinct category ; by others equally eminent it is habitually used, but in different senses. Of the latter some restrict 1 Except the older grammarians (Hickes, Lye, and Manning), who do not treat the construction of the appositive participle. 51 Wiilting's treatment of the Appositive Participle has not appeared as yet. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 149 the appositive use to the participle that is equivalent to an adverbial clause, while others make it include adjectival as well as adverbial clauses. The latter usage, though not universal, is becoming general, especially with students of Germanic grammar. To me the general introduction of this term into our text- books seems highly desirable, since it would extend to the use of the participle what the student had already learned with reference to the noun. As the statistics show, I include under appositive the participle that is equivalent to an adjec- tival clause as well as that which is equal to an adverbial clause. The uses of the adverbial appositive participle correspond closely to those of the subordinate adverbial clause, but are so varied as to call for treatment in a separate chapter (n.). III. The appositive use of the participle is common to the Indo-Germanie languages, but by no means equally common. Greek leads the others, and Latin is far in advance of the Germanic languages. An instructive general treatment of the subject is given by Jolly in his Zur Lehre vom Particip and by Delbruck in his Syntax. To the works named by Delbriick I may add those of Boiling, Fay, Helm, Koberlin, Milroy, and Tammelin, which throw no little light on the appositive participle in Latin and in Greek. Of works on the appositive participle in the Germanic languages exclusive of English a brief account is given in Chapter v. In the article just referred to, Jolly maintains that the attributive use of the participle preceded the appositive, and that the appositive preceded the predicative, which latter he considers a younger variation of the appositive. In Anglo- Saxon it is probable, I think, that the attributive use preceded the appositive, the latter growing out of the former when thrust into post-position, either because the noun had several parti- ciples modifying it at once or because the participle was itself 150 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. modified (see section iv., below). The appositive use of the adjectival participle may have preceded the predicative use of the participle; for the appositive adjectival participle is common in Anglo-Saxon poetry, while, as Pessels (p. 49) has shown, the predicative participle of the progressive tenses is very rare in Anglo-Saxon poetry, though common in the prose. But the appositive use of the verbal participle, at least of the participle governing a direct object, is most probably of later development in English than the predica- tive use of the present participle ; since the progressive tenses are very common in the works of Alfred (nearly 600 exs., according to Pessels, p. 51), while the appositive participle with a direct object is practically unknown to him (only 18 exs., of which 17 are in direct translation of a Latin apposi- tive participle), and does not become frequent until the time of iElfric (see Statistics). But we must turn from these speculative questions to matters about which a reasonable degree of certainty is possible. IV. In Anglo-Saxon the appositive participle occurs by far most frequently in the nominative case, as is true also in Lithuanian (Delbriick, p. 490) and in Old High German (Mourek). For the representation of the several cases in Anglo-Saxon see the statistics. The inflexion of the appositive participle is as follows : — (1) Present: — The nominative singular of all genders has -ende, with these exceptions: -end occurs three times in the masculine (Boeth. 8. 5,JSlfr. L. S. 282. §,Mlfr. Hept. (Judges) 4. 22), and once in the feminine (Bcde 1 72. 3); by confusion of inflected infinitive with participle, .Brad has -enne for -ende four times (95. 11, 114. 10, 61. 7, all masc. j 98. 6, fem.), -an for -and once (29. 11, masc), and -endre for -ende once (16. 9); Boeth. 1 73. 22 has -inde, m. The GSMN. has THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 151 -endes except once, in Benei (109. 2 : seegm.de). The GSF. is -endre except once, in iElfric (L. S. xxni. B. 426 : ftencende). The DSMN. is usually -endum (20 exs.), but is -ende occa- sionally (7 exs. : 1 in iElfred, 1 in Benedict, 5 in iElfric), and -endan, weak, once (Luke 6. 49). The DSF. is -endre normally (4 exs.), rarely -ende (1 ex. : iElfric). The ASM. is -endne 21 times, 1 but -ende 28 times (iElfred 3, iElfric S,A.-S. Horn. & L. S. 5, Gospels 6, Poems 6). The ASF. is invariably -ende. The ASN. is -ende except once (C/iron. 656 E : civceftend). The N. and APMFN. is -ende except twice in Benet (21. 7 : be- cumene for becumende, apm. ; 26. 14: stirienda, apn.). The GP. is -endra (14 exs.) except twice in Benet (69. 1 : etenda, 78. 12: utgangendre). The DP. is -endum (30 exs.) except twice (jElfr. de v. et n. Test 5. 34: far ende ; A.-S. Horn. & L. ofS. 1,7.151: ib.). (2) Preterite :— The NSMN. is -ed (-od 2 -ad 2 ; -t, 2 ) for weak and -en for strong verbs. The NSF. is regularly uninflected (64 exs.), being -ed for strong and -en for weak verbs ; except twice in iElfric (Horn. II, 90 a2 : fortredene, weak ; L. S. xxni. B. 524 : gedrefedu). The GSMN. is once -es (Chron. 1100 E) and once -ed (Christ 20: forwyrned). The GSF. is -re (2 exs.). The DSMN. is sometimes inflected (-um (-an): 11 exs.: EWS. 7, Gosp. 1, Benet 1, Poems 2), but is oftener not inflected (21 exs.: iElfric 17, A.-S. Horn. & L. S. 2, Poems 2). The DSF. is occasionally inflected (-re: 4 exs.: iElfred 1, iElfric 2, Gosp. 1), but usually not (14 exs. : Bl. Horn. 1, .Elfric 12, A.-S. Horn. & L. S. 1). " The ASM. is sometimes inflected (-ne: 47 exs.: iElfred 10, iElfric 17, Gosp. 11, Poems 8, Benet 1), sometimes not (33 exs.: Alfred 1, .Elfric 28, Poems 4). The ASF. is half the time inflected (-e: 18 exs. : Alfred 3, iElfric 2, A.-S. Bom. & L. S. 1, Gosp. l,Wnlfst. 1, Poems 10), the other half not (17 exs. : iElfred 1, .Elfric 6, A.-S. Horn. & L. S. 1, Wulfst. 3, 1 In one of these {Benet 107. 7) the text has -enne for -endne. 2 These regular variants of -ed- will not be specified hereafter. 152 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. Benet 2, Poems 4). The ASN. is unin fleeted except in Bede 314. 14 (getrymede, but MS. Ca.: getrymed). The N. and APM. is habitually inflected (-e: over 200 exs., in all the texts), but occasionally not (15 exs. : E. W. S. 4, A.-S. Horn. & L. S. 1, Benet 1, Poems 9). The N. and APF. is invariably inflected (-e 29 exs.; -it 1 ex.: Benet 92. 15, but see note thereon in statistics). The N. and APN. is usually in- flected (-e: 24 exs.; -an, weak, 1 ex.: Bede 1 182. 23), but is uninflected at times (13 exs. : iElfred 2, Bened. 1, Poems 10). The GP. is inflected regularly (-ra: .13 exs.) except once in the Chron. (656 E : leered). The DP. is inflected four times (-urn), and is uninflected three times (iElfred 1, JElfric 2). It is evident, therefore, that in Anglo-Saxon, especially in Late West Saxon and in the poems, the appositive participle is often not inflected, much oftener indeed than is stated in Sievers's Angelsdchsisehe Grammatik. 3 The same is true of Old High German (Mourek, p. 19; O. Erdmann, Syntax d. Spr. Off rids, § 355) and of Old Saxon (Pratje, § 156), but not of Gothic (Gering, p. 393). Again, the inflexion of the appositive participle in Anglo- Saxon is almost invariably strong. In this sentence from the Bliclding Homilies (107. 20 : D« ecvftmodan heortan and ■$a forhtgendan and -$a bifigendan and $a cwacigendan and %a ondrcedendan heora Scyppend, neforhogaft 3a ncefre God ne ne forsylvS), the weak participle, ondrcedendan, has an object, and is partly attributive and partly appositive. The sentence illustrates well, I think, the passage of the attributive into the appositive use of the participle ; the participle is thrust into post-position because its principal has several participial modifiers, and because the participle itself has a direct object (see section in., above). Sometimes, even in pre-position, the weak participle is strongly appositive, as in Luke 6. 49 : He is gelic ¥>am timbriendan men his hus ofer "Sa corftan = similis est homiui aedijicanti dornum super tefrram; — Bede 1 182. 23 : was geworden ftostte ftazre seolfan neahte fta brohton (MS. B. : THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 153 gebrohtan) ban ute awunedon = 148. 17 : factum est ut . . , . reliquiae adlatae foris permanerent ; ib. 24. 22; .ZElfr. Horn. II., 90 12 ; uElfr. L. S. xxvn. 117. Compare, too, Bede 1 130. 33 : ftcet he sceolde his freond ¥>one betstan in neede gesetum (MS. B. : gesettan) in gold bebycgan = 110. 9 : amicum suum optimum in necessitate positum auro uendere. Mourek (p. 46) cites three examples of the appositive participle with weak inflection in Tatian. In Anglo-Saxon the appositive participle regularly follows its principal (post-position), though occasionally it precedes (pre-position : about 100 exs. in all, of which 8 occur in the Poems). Typical illustrations are : 31attheiv 8. 25 : hy awehton hyne, %us cweftende = suscitaverunt eum, dicentes ; Beowulf 1819: we scel'vftend secgan wylla^>,feorran cumene; Beow. 721 : Com . . . vine siftian dreamum bedaded; — Math. 2. 11 : gangende into 15am huse, hi gemetton ftost cild mid Marian = intrantes domum invenerunt puerum; Beow. 1581 : sl&pende frost folces Denigea fyftyne men. It should be added that it is particu- larly difficult to distinguish between the post-positive attribu- tive and the appositive participle ; but what Mourek (p. 44) says of Tatian seems to me true of Anglo-Saxon in general : most post-positive participles are appositive rather than attributive. 154 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. CHAPTER I. STATISTICS OF THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. Explanatory Note. With the exception of the glosses and of a few out-of-priuts, 1 have made a statistical reading of the whole of Anglo- Saxon literature and of the more definitely known Latin originals of the prose texts. For a detailed statement, see the bibliography. Within the respective groups the works are arranged approximately in their chronological order, except the Minor Poems, which are given in their alphabetic order. For the light that it throws upon Anglo-Saxon and Ger- manic syntax, the participle with an object is everywhere separated from the participle without an object. Obviously the distinction is of less importance for the preterite than for the present participle. As applied to the present parti- ciple, the term object has its usual signification ; as applied to the preterite participle, it includes not only the object in the ordinary acceptation, but also any noun modifier of the participle. To show the inflection of the participle, each case, number, and gender is cited separately. The abbreviations used to designate these are self-explanatory, as nsn. = nominative, singular, neuter, etc. Cases not cited do not occur. " Other examples" are throughout cited in the alphabetic order of the Anglo-Saxon participles. Compound participles are not separated from the simple ones. For convenience I have not distinguished 3 and ]>, but have uniformly used ft. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 155 Iu all of the more definitely known translations the Latin original is given. I have carefully compared ray own statistics with those given in the monographs upon Anglo-Saxon syntax named in the bibliography; and but for the divergent views, already discussed, as to what constitutes an appositive participle, I should give in detail the results of my several collations. However, if the definition given in each treatise is observed, the difference is not great ; hence I shall call attention to only the more noteworthy discrepancies disclosed by my collations. I have tried to make the statistics complete according to the definition given in my Introduction. But, in such a mass of details, occasional omissions and misclassifications are inevitable ; I can only hope that they will not prove so numerous or serious as to invalidate this history of the appositive participle in Anglo-Saxon. Finally, I trust that these statistics, which at first doubt- less appear unnecessarily detailed, may throw some light on several problems not germane to the purpose of this mono- graph, such as the contested authorship of the Alfredian works ; the Anglo-Saxon vocabulary ; the relationship of Anglo-Saxon to Latin syntax aside from the use of the parti- ciple, etc. ; — some of which I hope to take up at another time. I. IN THE PROSE WORKS. BEDE 1 (180). A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (107). I. Without an Object (93). 1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin appositive participle (58) : — NSM. (23) :— 22. 34 : Da3t sum on N. magSe of deaSe arisende , . . secgende wses = 303. 24 : Ut quidam ... a 156 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. mortuis resurgent . . . narraverit; 102. 21 is saegd $8et he beotigende forecwsede = 83. 27 : fertur minitans praedixisse. — Other examples: — 8. 19: becumende = 36. 4: perueniens ; 24. 3: ib. = 311. 1: ueniens; 270. 4: beotiende = 211. 10: minitans; 22. 29; bodiende = 298. 27: praedicans; 12. 11: cumende = 97. 4 : ueniens; 8. 16 : t'6. = 33. 21 : nauigans ; 8. 28 : io. = 39. 29 : reuersus ; 114. 21 : yfronr/e = 92. 24 : fugiens; 190. 18 : forhtigende = 153. 1 : tremens; 62. 13 : ge- feonde = 47. 22 : credens ; 442. 26 : gnorniende = 314. 14 : merens ; 154. 3: grimsigende = 128. 6: saeuiens ; 204. 17: onhleoniende = 160. 24 : incumbens ; sorgende = sollicitus, 186. 23 = 150. 29, 268. 7 = 210. 9 ; sweltende = moriens, 18. 18 = 220. 21 (or attrib. in A.-S.?) and 286. 6 = 221. 3 ; ib. = moriturus, 24. 5 = 313. 26 ; 410. 27 : swigende = 297. 23: tacitus; 86. 22 al : wceccende = 60. 28: scims; 86. 22 b : (iw)weotende = 61. 1 : nesciens (I insert wo from MSS. Ca. and O.). NSF. (3):— 332. 2: Sreo & Srittig Ssem serestum heo seftelice gefylde in weoruldhade drohtiende = 252. 23: xxxiil primos in saeculari habitu nobilissime conuersata complenit. — Other examples: 186. 31: ondrcedende = 151. 10: iimens ; 18. 20: utgangende = 220. 22: egressura. NSN. (1): — 86. 10: mid % "Sset mood "Sis ne weotende arcef'neft = 60. 7 : quia banc animum nescientem pertulisse. NSM. or F. (2) :— 240. 26 : wol . . . grimsigende = 192. 4: desaeuiens ; 264. 25: ingongende = 208. 25: egressa (the two preceding nouns are %>a stefn and ¥>one sang. Of ingressa the subject is vox). NPM. (8): — 252. 2 a&b : se b. and heora lareowas gefeonde and blissigende ham hwurfon = 200. 7 : sacerdotes, doctor- esque . . . rediere laetantes. — Other examples: — 310. 1 : feoh- tende = 238. 19 : eompugnantes ; 284. 15 : forhtiende = 220. 5: tremefadae; 312. 2: ondettende = 239. 24: professi; 1 In this text the superior letters distinguish different examples in the same line. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 157 54. 4: sarigende = 32. 33: dohntes ; 438. 30: sittende = 312. 11 : residens; 186. 9: sorgiende = 150. 13: sol/ieiti NPN (1) : — 158. 27 : Sider gtfeonde coman . . . folc Godes word to gebyraune = 132. 20: confluebant ad audiendum verbum populi gaudentes (or pred.?). NDM. (2):— 430. 27: hwerfende = 308. 7: reuersi ; 424. 20 : suigiende = 304. 30 : tacentes. GPN. (1) : — 104. 18: seo is monigra folca ceapstow of londe and of see cumendra = 85. 11 : . . . populorurn terra marique uenientium. DSM. (3) : — 316. 18 : swa swa me seol fu m frinendum . . . W. ssegde = 343. 12: sicut raihimet sciscitanti . . . W. referebat. — Other examples: 382.22: biddendum = 280. 12: roganti (or attrib. ?) ; 330. 14: taltriendum = 251. 34: peri- clitanti. DSF. (1) : — 288. 34 : swa swa heo to hire lifigendre sprsece, bsed "Saet, etc. = 223. 5 : quasi uiuentem adlocuta, rogavit. DPM. (4) : — 382. 17 : ^set hie mihton heora biddendum freoudum syllan = 280. 6 : quam rogantibus amicis dare . . . posse nt (or attrib. ?). — Other examples : — 366. 21 : eumendum = 271. 29 : tidwnientibus ; 8. 2 : gehfendum = 28. 15 : cre- dentes ; 336. 25: wuniendum = 255. 28.- manentibus. ASM. (3) : — 228. 19: he eorre "Sone cyning/Z^ene/egehran mid 'Ssere gyrde = 174. 6 : Iratus autem tetigit Regem iacen- tem. — Other examples: — 312. 27 b : forftleorendne = 240. 22: procedentem ; 270. 22 : lifigende (MS. Ca. : lijigendne) = 211. 30: in carne manentem. ASN. (2):— 140. 12: he noht elles dyde . . . -Son Sat cumende Cristes folc ^ider of eallum tunum . . . mid god- cundre lare timbrede = 115. 4: nil aliud ageret quam con- fluentem eo . . . plebem C. . . . verbo instruere; 412. 13: licgende = 298. 9 : iacentem. APM. (2): — 276. 12: licade us efencuman sefter 'Seawe arwyrSra rehta smeagende bi -Sasm, etc. = 215. 1 : placuit conuenire nos, . . . tractaturos de, etc.; 10. 29 : hwylc wracu hi forhogiende aefterfyligde = 81. 8: quaeue illos spernenies 2 158 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. ultio secuta est. [Miller and Smith have him forhogiende, in which ease forhogiende would be a " crude " dative plural ; but it seems preferable to read hi forhogiende, the variant given by Miller and Schipper, which corresponds better with the Latin. Though Miller apparently so translates, him could scarcely be the object of forhogiende, since accord- ing to Wiilfing (p. 186) this verb governs the accusative only.] APF. (2): — 426. 33 a&b : $a geseah ic msenigo 'Sara wergra gasta v. monna sawla grornende & heofende teon & lsedan on = 306. 13 a&b : considero turbam malignorum spirituum, quae quinque auimas hominum merentes heiulantesque . . . trahebat. 2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin finite verb, which finite verb is usually in immediate connec- tion with an appositive participle (5) : — NSM. (3): — 160. 15: he "Sa gifeonde ftearfum rehte and sealde = 135. 28 : Cuncta . . . mox hauperibus . . . erogare gaudebat (cf. gefeonde = gaudentes in 158. 27 = 132. 20, etc.). — Other examples: — 88. 17 a&b : goiende y geomrien.de cwseS = 61. 25 : gemebat dicens. • NPM. (2) : — 250. 28 : and Cristes noman . . . gefeonde [MS. B. : lustlice] andettan = 200. 5 : ac nomen C . . . con- fiteri gauderent ; 240. 13: Drihtne gefeonde ^Seowodon = 180. 25 : Christo . . . seruire gaudebant. 3. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin gerund in the ablative (20) : — NSM. (16):— 22. 17 a&b : Bret he his preosta senne . . . gebiddende y bletsigende fram deaSe gecyrde = 289. 4 c&d : orando ac benedicendo a morte reuocauerit. — Other ex- amples : — 348. 25: bebeodende = 262. 18: commendando ; 270. 34 : dwoliende = 212. 11 : errando; 346. 3 : eodorcende = 260. 31: ruminando; 246. 25 b : gongende = 195. 21 b : incedendo ; gebiddende = orando, 8. 23 b = 37. 5, 12. 10 = 93. 26, 16. 2 = 158. 27, 20. 29 = 271. 3, 22. 7 b = 281. 2, 22. 11 = 285. 1, 22. 14 = 288. 1 ; ib. = benedicendo, 22. 9 THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 159 = 282. 30; 246. 25 a : ridende = 195. 21 a : equitando ; 348. 24 : segniende = 262. 17 : signando. NSF. (2):— 72. 3 a&b : Sgette oft [cirice is to be supplied from earlier part of sentence] Sset vvi^erworde yfel abeorende and celdend (MS. O. : yldende) bewereb = 51. 29, 30: ut saepe malum quod aduersatur portcmdo et dissimulando conpescat. NPM. (1): — 72. 9: $a fte him ne ondrseda'S weotonde syngian = 52. 1 : qui non metuunt sciendo peccare. ASM. (1) : — 22. 16 a : Beet he his preosta senne of horse fallende & gebrysedne gelice gebiddende & bletsigende fram deabe gecyrde = 289. 4 a : Ut clericum suum cadendo contri- tum, aeque orando ac benedicendo a morte reuocauerit. 4. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin adjective (2) : — NSM. (1): — 204. 3 : he . . . on Ssere stybe stondende forSferde = 160. 5 : . . . adclinis destinae . . . spiritum, uitae exhalaret ultimum. NPM. (1) : — 54. 5 : sume forhtiende on e^le gebidon = 33. 1 : alii perstantes in patria trepidi . . . agebant. 5. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin prepositional phrase (1) : — NSM. (1) : — 142. 8 : ssegde he ftset he hine cneoht weosende gesawe = 116. 12 : et se in pueritia vidisse testabatur. \_hine here stands for here, 'sanctuary.' — Cf. Bede 188. 1 : in "Sam mynstre ... in Sam cneohtwesendum iSis haelo wundor ge- worden wees = 151. 15: in eodem monasterio ... in quo tunc puero factum erat hoc miraculum sanitatis, in which cneoht- icesendum is perhaps a substantive. Cf. further Widsift 39 ; Beow. 46, 372, 535, 1187.] 6. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin adverb (2) : — NSM. (1) : — 38. 1 : Da ... he ealle "Sa witu . . . ge^yldelice and gefeonde for Drihtne abser and arsefnde = 20. 1 : Qui . . . patienter hsec pro Domino irarao gaudenter ferebat. [Per- haps it is better to consider gefeonde here as a pure adverb.] 160 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. NPM. (1) : — 310. 30 : Das we seondon arfsestlice fyligende & rihtwiddriende = 239. 23 : Hos itaque sequentes nos pie atque orthodoxe. [Pure adverb? Cf. 310. 25: we wseron smeagende rehtne geleafun & rehtwuldriende = 239. 17 : fidem rectam & orthodoxam exposuimus, where rehtwuldriende is an adjective.] 7. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin future infinitive (2) : — NPM. (2):— 266. 32 a&b : after seofou dagum heo eft hweor- fende & cumende me gehehton ; -\ me 'Sonne mid him lgedan woldon = 209. 34 : se redituros, ac me secum adducturos esse promiserunt. 8. An A.-S. appositive participle has no Latin correspond- ence (3) : — NSM. (1): — 464. 16: gefeonde Sa heofonlican rico gestah & gesohte = 330. 1 : no Latin correspondent. NPM. (1): — 100. 12: Da ondetton eac Brettas scomiende ■$set heo ongeton = 82. 14: Turn Brettones confitentur quidem intellexisse se. ASM. (1): — 214. 32: -Sa gegreopon -Sa unclsenan gastas cenne of "Sam monnum 'Se heo in ftsem fyre bserndon and ■Srse^ton "j wurpon swa beornendne on hine & he gehran his sculdra •} his ceacan y hine swa forbserndon = 1 66. 26: arripientes immundi spiritus unum de eis, quos in ignibus torrebant, iactaverunt in eum, et contingentes humerum maxillamque eius incenderunt. II. With an Object (14). 1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin appositive participle (14) : — NSM. (8) : — 378. 25 : he mid -Sy maestan gewinne mid his crycce hine icreftigende ham becom [MS. B. : hine gewreSede & ham becom] = 278. 15 : maximo cum labore baculo innitens domum peruenit. Cf. 380. 7 : his leomo mid his crycce wreftgende eode in cyrican [MS. B. : gewre$ede & THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 161 «ode] = 278. 27 : artus baculo sustentans intrauit ecclesiam. — 14. 4 : ©set se ylca cyning biddende . . . biscope onfeng Aidanum on narnan gehatenne = 131. 4 : Ut . . . rex postu- lans antistitern . . . acceperit Aidanum. Cf. 10. 12: andsware biddende onfeng = 48. 2 : responsa petens acceperit. — 10. 7 : and swa . . . G. word bodigende on Cent eode = 44. 25 : sic . . . Cautiam praedicaturus intrauerit. — 352. 14: 3sette . . . ongan, swa he eft for intingan "Seere godcundan lufan lust- fulliende 3am ecurn medura fsestlice for31seste = 264. 12: quod . . . iam causa diuini arnoris deledalus praemiis inde- fessus agebat. — 450. 20 : mid 3y he wses god re gleaunesse cniht ~j he 3a yldo mid 3eawum oferstigende [MS. B. : waes oferstigende] & he swa gemetfsestlice & swa ymbsceawiendlice hine sylfne on eallum Singum beheold 3ast = 322. 27 : atque aetatem moribus transiens, ita . . . gereret ut (or pred. ?). — 16. 8 : Daet se . . . b. ovfonde . . . sume stowe mynster on to timbrianne, & 3a mid halgum gebedum & faestenum Drihtne gehalgode = 174. 22: Ut idem episcopus locum . . . accipiens . . . Domino consecraverit. NPM. (3):— 312. 23 a&b : we wuldria« usserne D. swa swa 3as wuldredon . . . noht tocetecende o"53e onweg ateonde = 240. 18 a&b : glorificaraus D. sicut . . . nihil addentes uel sub- trahentes. — 312. 25 : 3a 3e heo onfengon we eac swelce onfo3 . . . wvMrien.de God Faeder, etc. = 240. 20 : suscepimus, glorijicantes Deum, etc. GSN. (1) : — 426. 30 : gehled & ceahetunge swa swa unge- laeredes folces & biosmriendes gehseftum heora feondum = 306. 10 : cachinum crepitantem quasi uulgi indocti captis hostibus insidtantis. APM. (2) : — 54. 31 : sende munecas mid hine Drihten ondredende = 42. 2 1 : misit monachos timentes Dominum. — 358. 10 : Ac forSon 3e he ne wolde 3y aerran geare gehyran 3one arwyr3an fa?der Ecgberht, 3set he Sceottas hine noht sce§¥>ende ne afuhte = 267. 7 : sed quoniam noluerat audire E., ne Scottiam nil se ledentem impugnaret. 162 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. NoU. — In Bede 1 430. 18 (in Ssere ic eae swylce 3a swetestan stsefne geherde Godes lof singendra = 307. 31 : in qua etiam uocem cantantium dulcissimam audiui) we have a substantiv- ized participle with an object. B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (73). I. Without Object (60). 1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin appositive participle (47) : — NSM. (14): — 318. 1 : Sset . . . lichoma bebyrged brosnian ne meahte = 243. 24 : sepulta caro corrumpi non potuit. — Other examples: — 400. 25: bewrigen = 290. 15: obtedus ; 396. 20 : f ordered = 288. 9: defundus ; 442. 22: ge-ead- modcd= 314. 10 : humiliatus ; 8. 23 a : gehcefd [MS. B. : wses gehsefd] = 37. 5 : detentus; 442. 23 : genrSerad = 314. 12 : damnatus ; — geseted = positus, 20. 27 = 268. 20 & 444. 5 = 314. 21 j 10. 10 : geworden = 48. 1 : fadus; 260. 7 : haten = 205. 28: iussus; 278. 18 b : ib. = 216. 16": invitatus ; 92. 17: oferswv8ed=7l. 23: uidus ; 352. 13; onbryrded = 264. 11: conpundus ; 278. 18 a : onfongen = 216. 16*: susceptus. NSF. (4):— 330. 30: heo of eorSan , alceded leorde «y fifteogeftan dsege = 252. 20 : de terris ablata transmit. — Other examples : — 340. 16 : afyrhted = 257. 20 : perterrita; 470. 25 : geriht [MS. B. : geriht wses] = 346. 12 : correda ; 104. 17 : geseted = 85. 10 : posita. NSN. (1): — 78. 15: wiif in blodes flownesse geseted = 52. 1 : in fluxu posita; ib. 78. 28 = 56. 5. NS. M. or N. (1) :— 150. 13 : ... mfel & cajlic . . . gehal- gad = 126. 9 : calicem . . . consecratum. NS. N. or F. (1):— 262. 22: wa?l & moncwild gesended — 207. 21 : clades missa. NPM. (7): — 164. 7: o53set heo styccemselum aafedde . . . beboda onfon meahte (MS. Ca. : oiihten) = 137. 17 : THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 163 donee paulatim enutriti ... ad capienda . . . praecepta suffi- cerent.— Other examples :— 202. 20: afyrhte = 159. 21 territi ; 160. 26: bescorene = 136. 10: adtonsi ; 234. 1 forftferde (MS. Ca. : forftferende) = 176. 30 : morientes ; 8. 5 genedde =29. 12: coacti ; 58. 24: gewelgade = 45. 33 praedili ; 310. 2 : togotene = 238. 22 : refusi. NPN. (2) : — 140. 3 : wseron eac gefulwade crSer his beam of A. -Ssere cwene acende =114. 25 : Baptizati sunt alii liberi eius de A. progeniti. — 182. 23: waes geworden ftsette Ssere seolfan neahte $a brohton (MS. B. : gebrohtan) ban ute awunedon = 148. 17 : factum est ut . . . reliquiae adlatae foris permanerent (may be attrib.). DSF. (1) : — 320. 7 : cwomon heo to sum re ceastre gehro- renre noht feor Sonon = 245. 1 : uenerunt ad ciuitatulam quondam desolatam, non procul inde sitam. DSN. (1) : — 338. 32 : in o$rum mynstre fyrr gesettum = 257. 2 : in alio longius posilo monasterio. ASM. (8): — 312. 27 a : we eac swelce onftrS, wuldriende God Feeder & his Sunu -Sone acennedan of Faeder acennedne aer worulde = 240. 21 : . . . glorificantes Deum & filium eius unigenitum ex Patre generatum. — Other examples : — 288. 12: bewundenne= 222. 14: inuolutum ; 380. 24: for%- feredne = 279. 14: defunctum ; 22. 16 b : gebrysedne = 289. 4 b : contritum; 88. 15: gebundenne = 61. 23: Ugatum ; 246. 7 : gelceredne = 194. 28 : instructum ; 94. 14 : genumm (MS. B. : genumenne) = 79. 9 : sumtum; 130. 33 : gesetum (MS. B. : gesettan) = 110. 9 : po&itum. ASF. (3): — 58. 25 a * b : Bseron . . . anlicnesse Drihtnes Hselendes on brede afcegde and awritene = 46. 2 : ferentes . . . imaginem ... in tabula depictam ; 484. 28 : ge&ydde = 359. 29 : adiectum. ASN. (3):— 122. 12: Haefde he . . . twiecge handseax gecettred =99. 3 : qui habebat sicam bicipitem toxicatam. — Other examples: — 106. 7: geha/god = 86. 12: dedicatum ; 314. 14: priuilegium of Saere apostolican aldorlicnesse getry- mede (MS. Ca. : getrymed) = 241 . 14 : ... epistulam priuilegii 164 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. ex auctoritate apostolica firmatam (getrymede due to close following of firmatam ?). APM. (1):— 296. 7: Geseah he . . . $ry wsepnedmen to him cuman raid beorhtum hrseglum gegyrede = 226. 21 : Uidit enim . . . tres ad se uenisse uiros claro indutos habitu. 2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin predicative participle (1): — NSN. (1):— 272. 6: Is ofer his byrgenne stowe treowge- weorc on gelicnesse raedmicles buses geworht, mid hrsegle gegyrived = 212. 17: Est autem locus idem sepulcri tumba lignea in modum domunculi facta co-opertus. 3. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin adjective (3) : — NSM. (3): — 312. 4 a&b : In . . . mynstre wses sum broftor syndriglice mid godcundre gife gemcered y geweorftad = 258. 28 : In m. fuit frater quidam diuina gratia specialiter insignis ; 88. 25 : geneded = 62. 2 : inuitus. 4. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin prepositional phrase (1) : — NSM. (1) : — 16. 15 : ©set E. se halga wer of Angelcynnes cynne acenned munuclif wses laedende on Hibernia =191. 26 : Ut E., uir sauctus de natione Anglorum, monachicam in H. uitam duxerit. 5. An A.-S. appositive participle has no Latin corre- spondence (8) : — NSM. (5) : — 20. 28 : Dset se wer on ancerlife geseted . . . gelaedde = 271. 3 : Ut idem in uita auachoretica . . . pro- duxerit. lb.: 22. 7 a =281. 2. [Cf. geseted = positus in 20. 27 = 268. 20, 444. 5 = 314. 21.]— Other examples:— 114. 14 : geswenced & werig [MSS. B. & C. : wsbs] = 92. 17; 258. 28 : haten (' called ') = 205. 15 ; 434. 24 : haten (' called ') = 310. 6. ASM. (1): — 14. 5: Dset se ylca cyning biddende . . . biscope (MS. B. : bysceop) onfeng Aidanum on naraan ge- hatenne= 131. 4: Ut idem rex postulans antistitem . . . acceperit Aidanum. [Cf. 158. 12 : him biscop sendon, Aidan THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 165 waes haten = 131. 15 : accepit namque pontificera Aeda- nura.] APM. (1) : — 328. 7 : *Sa stafas raid him aivritene hsefde (or pred. ?) = 250. 28 : no Latin equivalent. [MS. B. omits awritene.~\ APN. (1) : — 108. 17 : 'Sa 'Siug *Se -Sser gederaed wseron . . . wrat and fsestnade ond eft hwearf to B. "j -Sa raid hine on Ongolciricnm to healdenne awriten brohte — 88. 22 (or pred.?). II. With an Object (13). 1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin appositive participle (12) : — NSM. (3): — 214. 11: eft onlysed iSy lichoman byrncS = 166. 4: ita solutus corpore ardebit. — Other examples: — 478. 1 : eldo fornumen = 349. 29 : consumtus aetate ; 440. 20: witum underfteoded = 313. 3 : psenis subditus. NSF. (1) :— 332. 16 : ForSon «e . . . HereswrS . . . re- gollicura ^eodscipum underfteoded, baad 3one ecan sige = 253. 10 : Nam H. . . . regularibus subdita disciplinis ex- pectabat. GSF. (1): — 172. 26: Disse fsemnan Gode gehalgodre mouige weorc . . . gewuniaS . . . saegd beon = 143. 1 : Huius autem uirginis Deo dicatae solent, etc. GPF. (1) : — 284. 32 : in 3ara faemnena mynstre Gode gehalgodra = 220. 26 : in uirginum Deo dedicatarum cella. DSM. (1) : — 16. 12 : Se cyning for -Sam sige sealdan him . . . sealde, etc. = 129. 11 : pro adepta uictoria . . . dederit. DPF. (1) : — 14. 15 : be E. and A. Gode gehalgedum faemnum = 142. 2 : de E. and JE., saeratis Deo uirginibus. DPN. (1): — 24. 22: mid him $am underfteoddum myn- strum = 346. 14 : cum subiectis sibi monasteriis (or atttrib. ?). ASF. (1) : — 232. 2 : ne ftonne nerane medmicel dael hlafes and an henne seg mid litle meolc waetre gemengede he onfeng = 175. 30 : cum paruo lacte aqua mixto percipiebat. ASN. (1): — 344. 28 : -$y betstan leo$e geglenged him asong 166 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. and ageaf, 8a?t him beboden wees = 260. 24 : optimo carmine, quod iubebatur, eonpositum reddidit. APN. (1): — 212. 23: Geseah he eac feower fyr onseled on 5a?re lyfte noht micle fsece betweoh him tosceaden = 165. 20 : . . . quatuor ignes . . . non multo . . . spatio distantes. 2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin gerundive (1) : — NSF. (1) :— 236. 29 : Da eode seo . . . dohtor . . . Gode gehalgod in -5set mynster = 179. 1 : Intrauit filia Deo dedi- canda monasterium. BOETHIUS 1 (27). A.— THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (17). I. Without ax Object (17). 1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin appositive participle (2) : — NSM. (1) : — 14. 16 : se broc, Seah he swife of his rihtryne, "Sonne 1 "Soer micel stan wealwiende of Sam heohan munte oninnan fealft & hine todselS & him his rihtrynes wiftstent ^= 23. 16 : Quique uagatur montibus altis defluus amnis, ssepe resistit rupe soluti obice saxi. NSF. (1) : — 81. 27: Swa $u gesceope 3a saule 'Sset hio sceolde ealne weg hwearfian on hire selfre, swa swa eall Ses rodor hwerfS, oSSe swa swa hweol onhwerfS, smeagende ymb hire sceoppend oSSe ymbe hi selfe = 71. 13: Tu triplicis mediam naturae cuncta moventem conectens animam per consona membra resoluis. Quae cum secta duos motum glomerauit in orbes, in semet rediiura meat mentemque profundam circuit et simili conuertit imagine caelum. 2. The A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin finite verb, which verb is in immediate connection with an appositive participle (1) : — 1 1 have expanded the contractions of this text. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 167 NPM. (1) : — 108. 14: irnaS hidres Sidres divoligende under ■gjem hrofe eallra gesceafta = 93. 78 : sed circa ipsam rerum sum mam uerticemque dejiciunt nee in eo miseris contingit effect us quod solum dies noctesque moliuntur. 3. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin substantive in the ablative (2) : — NSM. (2) : — 8. 8 1&2 : icepende & gisciende = 3. 2 : fletibus. 4. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds loosely to a Latin substantive in the nominative (1) : — NPM. (1) :— 74. 31 : diooliende = 67. 9 : error etc. 5. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin adjective (2) : — NSM. (2): — 8. 15: geomriende asungen haefde = 4. 2: querimoniam lacrimabilem ; 8. 6 : ic sceal nu heofiende singan = 3. 1 : fiebilis. 6. The A.-S. appositive participle has no Latin corre- spondence (9) : — NSM. (9) : — 3. 7 : Hu B. hine singende gebsed ; singende cwjeS : 9. 29, 46. 2, 48. 22, 60. 27, 71. 4, 8. 5 {singend—), 73. 22 (singinde — ); 17. 14: sorgiende anforlete. II. With an Object (0). No example. B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (10). I. Without an Object (10). 1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin appositive participle (3) : — GPM. and N. (2):— 11. 27, 28 1 : Ne me na ne lyst mid glase geworhtra (or attrib. ?) waga ne heahsetla mid golde & mid gimmum gerenodra = 19. 21 : ... comptos ebore ac uitro parietes. ASN. (1):— 133. 22: God seleS segSer ge good ge yfel gemenged = 112. 140: mixta. 168 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. 2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin absolute participle (1) : — NS. F. or N. (1): — 91. 8: wuht . . . Se ungened lyste forweorSan = 78. 45 : nullis cogeniibus. 3. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin finite verb (1) : — NSM. (1): — 46. 27: se nama mid feaum stafum awriten = 47. 17 : signal nomen Uteris. 4. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin adjective (1) : — NP. F. or N. (1) : — 100. 22 : gesceafta hiora agnum willum ungenedde him waeren underSiodde = 83. 47 : uoluntaria sponte. 5. An A.-S. appositive participle has no Latin corre- spondence (4) : — NSN. (1):— 131. 27: gemenged = 111. 96 (cf. 133. 22: gemenged = 112. 140: mixta). NPM. (2) :— 30. 25, 26 : Sonne sint hi Se pliolicran & geswincfulran hcefd Sonne ncefd. GPF. (1) : — 11. 28 : boca mid golde awritenra = 19. 21 (an ap. ptc. occurs in the Latin of this sentence, but not correspond- ing to awritenra). II. With an Object (0). No example. GREGORY 1 (82). A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (58). I. Without an Object. (56). 1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin appositive participle (9) : — NSM. (2) : — 261. 11 : Se ilea suigende geSafode swingellan = 196 bl : tacitus flagella toleravit; 225. 22; fteahtigende = 1 70 b : retractantes. 1 In this text a refers to the top and 6 to the bottom of the page. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 169 NSN. (1) : — 431. 18 : Swa bi*$ -Sset mod slcepende gewundad swa hit ne gefret, Sonne etc. = 356 a : Mens quippe a cura suae sollicitudinis dormiens verberatur et non dolet, quia etc. NPM. (3) : — 405. 31 : Ac -$a hie wendon hiera bsec to him, ■3a hi ofermodgiende his gebod forhogdon = 326 a : superbiens ejus jussa conternsit. — Other examples: — 259. 19: suigende = 196 a : taciti; 171. 9: fturhvmniende = 126 a : inhaerentes. DSM. (2) : — 93. 9 : Hit is gecueden $set se sacerd scolde sweltan, gif se sweg nsere of him gehiered ge inngongendum ge utgongendum = 62 b : Sacerdos namque ingrediens vel egre- diens moritur, se de eo sonitus non auditur. ASM. (1):— 399. 14: Sio Segor gehselde lath fleondne = 318 a : Segor civitas, quae fug ientem salvet infirmum. Note. — In 159. 18 (Sset hi -Sonne gehieran ftreagende of Sees lariowes mu$e hu micle byrSenne hie habba"S on hiera scyldum = HG a : ut cum culpa ab auctore non cognoscitur, quanti sit ponderis, ab increpantis ore sentiatur) ftreagende, as Cosijn suggests (vol. 2, p. 97), is doubtless used adverbially. We should expect the genitive, ftreagendes, to agree with lariowes. Compare the use of ftreatigende in 315. 23, etc. 2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin finite verb, which finite verb either is subordinate or is in immediate connection with an appositive participle that has been turned into an A.-S. finite verb (6) : — NSM. (5) : — 93. 6 : Hit is awriten 3aet he scolde inn- gongende & utgongende beforan Gode to -Sam halignessum beon gehiered his sueg, Sylses he swulte = 62 b : Scriptum quippe est : " Ut audiatur sonitus, quando ingreditur et egre- ditur sanctuarium in conspectu Domini, et non moriatur." — 151. 24: he hit him Seah suigende gessede = 110 a : et hoc ipsum tamen, quia tacuerit, dixit. [Just before this, however, occurs tacens et quasi non videns]. — 369. 4 : siofigende cwse-5 = 286 a : queritur dicens. — 315. 23: ftreatigende cwse-S = 244 a : redarguit dicens. NPM. (1) : — 215. 7 : unwillende = 162 a : quae non appe- tunt. 170 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. 3. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin gerund in the ablative (18) : — NSM. (13):— 101. 14: & eft hine selfne ofdune astig- gende he cufte gernetgian his hieremo[n]nura = 70 a : quia noverat eumdem se auditoribus condesceudendo temperare. — 379. 19 : ftsette he eac cigende & Icerende oft re ft'ider tio & laSige ftider he getogen biS = 294 b : Ut . . . illuc etiam clamando alios quo ipse rapitur trahat. — Other examples : — 27. 21 : ge&afiende = 8 a : permiltendo ; 127. 6: oliccende = 88 b : demulcendo ; 49. 20 and 81. 10: sprecende = 26 b and 54 a : loquendo ; 123. 21 : stirende = 86 a : corrigendo ; 127. 7 : ftreaiigende = 88 b : terrendo ; 383. 8 : ib. = 298 a : incre- pando; 295. 12 and 297. 15 : wandigende = 222 b and 224 b : parcendo ; 81. 11 : wyrcende = 54 a : osiendendo. NSN. (1) :— 433. 6 : -Saet is ftast hit [= mod] fta gedonan unbeawas swincende gebete, & Sa ungedonan foreftoncelice becierre = 358 a : ut et praesentia laborando subjiciat, et contra futura certamina prospiciendo convalescat. NPM. (4):— 439. 15: Sa3t hi ongiten feallende ftast hie aer hiora agnes ftonces ne stodon = 364 b : et eadendo discunt non fuisse proprium quod steterunt. — Other examples : — 91. 22: hlydende — 62 a : clamando; 345. 22: qfermodgiende = 266 b : superbiendo ; 101. 21: upsceawiende = 70 a : contem- plando. 4. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin gerund in the genitive (1) : — NPM. (1): — 191. 4: oset hie wel libben[de] gode bisene astellen -Seem fte him underSiedde sien = 142 a : discant . . . isti quomodo etiam commissis sibi exempla bene vivendi exterius praebeant. 5. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin prepositional phrase (7) : — NSM. (4) :— 397. 27, 28 : Ne cwefto ic no ftset -Sffit ic jer cwseS bebeodende, ac farende & geSajigende = 31 6 a : Hoc autem dico secundum indulgentiam non secundum imperium; 253. 6 : geomriende = 192* : in dolore. x THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 171 NSN. (1) :— 417. 11 : getafigende = 338 b : ex deliberation. NPM. (2) : — 415. 6 : Wuton cum an ser his dome andet- tende (or pred. ?) = 336 a : Praeveniamus faciem Domini in confessione ; 123. 16: weaxcende = 286 a : ad inter it um. 6. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin substantive in the ablative of manner or of means (6) : — NSM. (4): — 415. 18: & he Sa hi swa unrote oleccende to him geloccode = 336 b : tristemque blanditiis delinivit. — Other examples: — 53. 16: egesiende = 30 a : terroribus ; 53. 16 : hiertende = 30 a : favor ibus ; 379. 23 : hreowsigende = 294 b : magua voce pcenitentiae. NPM. (2) : — 185. 7 : is cynu Saette we for hira modes hselo olicende hi on smyltnesse gebringen mid ure sprsece = 138* : dignum est, ut ad salutem mentis quasi dulcedine citharae locutionis nostrae tranquilitate revocetur; 117. 17: suigende = 82 a : tacita cogitatione. 7. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin adverb (1) : — NPM. (1) : — 381. 25 : . . . Godes Segnas, Sa Se unwandi- ende Sara scyldegena gyltas ofslogen = 296 b : qui delinquen- tium scelera incundanter ferirent (or pure adverb?). 8. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin infinitive (3) : — NSM. (2) : — 403. 6 : ForSsem se Se hine selfne maran godes behset, & Sonne forlset "Sa maran god, & went hine to -Seem lsessuin, Sonne biS hit swutol Sset he hrS fromlociende oferswiSed = 322 a : Iui igitur fortiori studio intenderat, retro convincitur respicere, si relictis amplioribus bonis adminima retorquetur. — 61. 3 : Se lsece biS micles to beald & to scorn- leas Se gseS aefter oSra monna husum Icecnigende (or pred.?), & haefS on his agnum nebbe opene wunde unlacnode = 36 a : Si ergo adhuc in ejus opere passiones vivunt, qua prsesurntione percussum mederi proprat, qui in facie vulnus portat? NPM. (1):— 297. 4: Sua, Sonne Sonne hatheortan hie mid nane foreSonce nyllaS gestillan, ac sua wedende folgiaS hwam sua sua Assael dyde iEfnere, & naefre nyllaS gesuican, 172 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. ■Sonne is micel "Searf etc. = 224 a : Sed cum iracundi nulla consideratione se rnitigant, et quasi Asael persequi et insanire non cessant ; necesse est etc. 9. An A.-S. appositivc participle corresponds to a Latin substantive in the nominative (1) : — NSM. (1): — 307. 22: ForSaern he sprsec "Sas word -Se he wolde Sara scamleasna scylda tcelende geopenian = 156 a : ut et illorum culpas increpatio dura detegeret. 10. An A.-S. appositive participle has no Latin corre- spondence (3) : — NSM. (3) : — 185. 9 : seres'S mon sceal sprecan asciende. — 153. 5 : Ac ftonne se lareow ieldende seeS *Sone timan etc. — 39. 16 : suigende he cwseS. II. With an Object (2). 1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin appositive participle (1) : — NSM. (1) :— 99. 4 : & Saette hie [Cotton MS. : he] sua hea- licra "Singa wilnigende ne forsio his niehstan untrume & scyldige = 68 a : ne aut alta petens proximorum infirma despiciat. 2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin gerund in the ablative (1) : — NPM. (1) : — 171. 13: ©set is "Sonne $set mon -Sa earce bere on 'Saem saglum, -Saette "Sa godan lareowas "Sa halgan gesomnunge Icerende $a niwan & 3a ungeleaffullan mod mid hire lare gelsede [sic/] to ryhtum geleafan = 126 a : Vectibus quippe arcam portare, est bonis doctoribus sanctam Ecclesiam ad rudes infidelium mentes praedlcando deducere. [Cotton MS. has beofo Icerende.'] B.— THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (24). I. Without an Object (23). 1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin appositive participle (11) : — THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 173 NSM. (4) : — 443. 22 : Ac -Sa he swa gebreged on eorSan feoll, & acsode, & cwa?$ etc. = 370. b Nam cum prostratus, requireret, dicens. — Other examples : — 135. 23 : gehefegad and ofermv&ed = 96 b : victam ; 51 . 1 : unckensod = 26 b : non purgalns. NPF. (1): — 153. 1: Ac monige scvlda openlice witene beoS to forberanne = 110 a : Nonnulla autem vel aperte cog- nita, mature toleranda sunt. NPN. (2) : — 245. 8 : Hwast getacniaS 3onne fta truman ceastra butan hwurfulu mod, getrymedu and ymbtrymedu mid lytelicre ladunge? = 184 b : Quid enim per civitates munitas exprimitur, nisi suspectae mentes et fallaci semper defensione circumdatae f DPM. or N. (1): — 155. 10: $onne he ongiet be sumum "Singum o$3e Seawum utanne cetieicdum eall "Sast hie innan ■SenceaS = 112 a : qui discussis quibusdam signis exterius apparentibus ita corda subditorum penetrat ut etc. ASM. (2) : — 383. 32 : gif mon on niwne we[a]ll unadru- godne & unastvSodne micelne hrof & hefigne onsett, Sonne etc. = 300 a : quod structuris recentibus necdum solidatis si tignorum pondus superponitur etc. ASN. (1):— 403. 20: Sat hi hit huru tobrocen gebeten = 322 b : bona . . . saltern scissa resarciaut. 2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin prepositional phrase (2) : — NPM. (1):— 227. 25: $e . . . gefeohtaS & eft innan hira burgum fseste belocene Surh hiera giemelieste hie Isetaft ge- bindan = 172 b : qui victores sunt, sed per negligentiam postmodum intra urbis daustra capiuntur. NPF. (1): — 407. 30: forSsem gif hie geSenceaS "Sara gesselfta fte him ungeendode sefter Seem geswincum becuman sculon = 328 a : Si enim attendatur felicitas quae sine transitu attingitur. 3. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin ablative of manner or of cause (1) : — 3 174 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. NPM. (1) : — 435. 2 : gif hi faerlecor syngoden unbeftohte = 360 a : si in his sola prcecipitatione cecidissent. 4. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin dative of cause (1) : — NPM. (1):— 109. 23: Hie sculon for$y ofdrced[de] . . . licgean astreahte etc. = 76 a : quia videlicet etc. ex ea debent etiarn formidini jacere substrati. 5. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin adverb (2) :— NPM. (2): — 117. 23: . . . sua . . . sua we for monnum orsorglicor ungewitnode syngiaft = 82 a : Tanto . . . quanto apud homines inulte peccamus. — 137. 19: Vngeniedde, mid eowrum agenum willau, ge sculon ftencean = 98 b : non coacte, sed spontanee etc. [Or are both pure adverbs?]. 6. An A.-S. appositive participle loosely corresponds to a Latin substantive in the nominative (2) : — NPM. (2):— 302. 10: unmidlode and aftundene = 228 b : effrenatio etc. 7. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin adjective (2) : — NSM. (2) : — 227. 21 : & he -Sonne sua gebunden . . . sargaft etc. = 172 b : ut plerumque vir patiens . . . captivus erube- scat ; 317. 12: ungeSingod = 244 b : repentina (or pure ad- verb ?). 8. An A.-S. appositive participle has no Latin corre- spondence (2) : — NPM. (1): — 105. 1: . . . clsenran ftonne hie . . . wseren, mid ftaem tearum 3ara gebeda aftwcegen. DPF. (1) :— 343. 8 : tentum gereafodu\m]. II. With an Object (1). 1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin substantive in the accusative (1): — ASM. (1): — 197. 20: hit no gedsefenlic nsere 'Sset hie slogon Gode gehalgodne kyning = 148 a : fregit eos responsi- THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 175 onibus, quia manum mittere in Christum Domini non deberet (or attrib. ?). OROSIUS 1 (21). A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (16). I. Without an Object (14). 1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin appositive participle (4) : — NSM. (2) :— 200. 32 : he him wepende (Ssere bene) ge- tygftade, for 3on iSe (he) sceolde Italiam forlsetan = 201. 30 : jiens reliquit Italiam ; 240. 9 : wepende mseude fta unare = 241. 8 : deplorans injurias. NSF. (2) : — 12. 32, 33 : & Sonne forS Sonan west irnende heo toli3 on twa ymb an igland $e mon hset Meroen, & ftonan norS bugende ut on -gone Wendelsse = 13. 20, 22 : deinde diu ad occasum prqfluens, faciensqne insulam nomine Meroen in medio sui : novissime ad septentrionem infiexus . . . plana .ZEgypti rigat. 2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin substantive (2) : — NSM. or N. (2) : — 166. 17, 18 : aegSer ge he(self) wepende hamweard for, ge ftset folc Saet him ongean com, eall hit him wepende hamweard folgade = 167. 8 : ... ad cnjns conspec- tum plangentium junguntur agmina. 3. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin adjective (2) : — NSM. (2) : — 294. 1 1 : hiene srSftan mid rapum be Seeni sweoran up aheng, gelicost $sem $e he hiene self(ne) unwitende hsefde awierged = 295. 8 : strangulatus, atque ut voluntariam sibi conscivisse mortem putaretur, laqueo suspensus est (notice the mistranslation) ; 40. 18 : fleonde = 41. 16 : projugum. 4. An A.-S. appositive participle has no Latin correspond- ence (6) : — 176 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. NSM. (4) :— 178. 24 : searigende ; unwitende: 248. 14, 250. 12; 140. 7: witende. ASM. (1) :— 258. 12 : slcependne. APM. (1) :— 200. 21 : fleonde. II. With an Object (2). 1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin appositive participle (1) : — NPM. (1) : — 32. 21 : geforan Roftum Sset igland, ivilniende -gaet hi selcum gewinne oftflogen hsefdon = 33. 19: credentes quod se . . . abstraherent, Rhodum insulam . . . ceperunt. 2. An A.-S. appositive participle has no Latin corre- spondence (1) : — NSM. (1) : — 52. 27 : sona 3ses folces ftone msestan dsel fleonde mid ealle forlsedde [dcel seems to be the object of forlcedde as well as of fleonde]. B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (5). I. Without an Object (5). 1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin appositive participle (2) : — NPF. (1) : — 14. 18: "Sees landes is xliii [sic] Seoda, wide tosetene for unwsestmbsernesse 'Sees londes = 15. 20 : gentes sunt quadraginta dnae, propter terrarum infsecundam diffu- sionem late oberrantes. ASN. (1) : — 168. 14: swa he hit him eft ham bebead on anum brede awriten etc. = 169. 10 : . . . per tabel las scri ptas etc. 2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin prepositional phrase (1) : — DPF. & M. (1):— 88. 13: .Efter fen wass an ger full ftiet ofer eall Romana rice seo eorSe wses cwaciende & berstende & selce dsege mon com unarimedlice oft to (-Sa3m) senatum, & THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 177 him ssedon from burgum & from tunum on eorSan besuncen = 89. 10 : Per tot urn fere annum tam crebri, tamque etiam graves in Italia terrae-motus fuerunt, ut de innumeris quassa- tionibus ae minis villarum oppidorumque assiduis Roma nuntiis fatigaretur. 3. An A.-S. appositivc participle has no Latin corres- pondence (2) : — NPM. (2): — 92. 30: bewopene ; 250. 14: ungeniedde. II. With an Object (0). No example. PSALMS, THORPE (24). A.— THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (20). I. Without an Object (7). 1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin appositive participle (1) : — NSM. (1) : — 17. 3 : herigende ic clypige to $e, Drihten = laudans invocabo Dominum. 2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin prepositional phrase (1) : — NSM. (1) : — 50 Int. (= Introduction) : hreoiosiende = Bruce 93 : Sub occasione poenilentiae. 3. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin gerund in the genitive (2) : — NSM. (2): — 34 Int. 1 * 2 : ma ivitgiende, ftonne wyrgende oSbe wilniende = Bruce 86 : non malevolentia optandi, sed praescientia prophetandi. 4. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin substantive in the ablative (1) : — NSM. (1) : — 34 Int. 3 : wyrgende = Bruce 86 : malevolentia. 5. An A.-S. appositive participle has no Latin corre- spondence (2) : — NSM. (2) : — 30 Int. : gebiddende to ; 5.7: hopiende to. 178 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. II. With an Object (13). 1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin absolute clause (1) : — NSM. (1) :— 38 Int. : — seqfigende = Bruce 87 : Angentibus . . . moeroribus. 2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin adverbial phrase (1) : — NSM. (1) :— 34 Int. : siofigende = Bruce 85 : Occasione cerurnnarum suarum. 3. An A.-S. appositive participle has no Latin equiva- lent (11) :— NSM. (11): — 37 Int.: andeltende ; 28 Int.: bebeodende; 33 Int.: gehatende ; 39 Int. : gylpende ; 32 Int. : herigende (cf. 17. 3, where herigende = laudans) ; 47 Int. : mycliende ; 37 Int. : seqfigende, ib. 43 Int. ; 32 Int. : ftanciende, ib. 45 Int. ; 31 Int. : wund?'iende. B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (4). I. Without an Object (4). 1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin appositive participle (2) : — APF. (2) : — 44. 15 : beslepte and gegyrede = circumamicta. 2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin prepositional phrase (1) : — ASN. (1) : — 20. 3 : astcened = de lapide. 3. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin adjective (1) : — DSN. (1) : — 41 Int. : folce gehceftum etc. = Bruce 89 : po- pulus captivus etc. II. With an Object (0). No example. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 179 THE CHRONICLE* (46). A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (13). I. Without an Object (9). NSM. (2):— 1097 E a&b (p. 233 b ) : Da uppon sancte Michaeles msessan iiii°N° October setywde an selcuS steorra on sefen scynende & sona to setle gangende (or pred. ?). NPM. (7):— 1069D a ' b - c (p. 204 m ) : & heora com «ser togenes Eadgar cild & WaldSeof eorl & Mserleswegen & Gospatric eorl mid NorSymbrum & ealle 3a land leoden ridende & gangende (or both pred.?) mid unmaetau here swrSe fcegengende & swa ealle anrasdlice to Eoferwic foron. — 1075 D ab (p. 210 m ) : ac he sylf & his ferestan menn ferdon eft ongean to Scotlande, sume hreowlice on fotan gangende & sume earmlice ridende (or both pred.?). — 1123 E (p. 251'): & riden &er sprecende (or pred. ?). Da aseh dune se biscop etc. — 1086 E a (p. 21 8 b ) : & twegen halige menn $e hyrsu- medon Gode on ancersettle wuniende $ser wseron forbearnde. II. With an Object (4). NSM. (1) :— 1087 E (p. 223 m ) : Das Sing geseonde se arwurSa biscop Wlstan wearS swi3e gedrefed on his mode. NPM. (1) : — 1083 E : & sume crupon under & gyrne cleopedon to Gode, his miltse biddende. ASN. (2) :— 656 E b (p. 33 l ) : seo papa seonde 3a his writ, •Sus cioai^end: Ic Uitalianus papa etc. — Cf. 675 E (p. 35 b ) : And seo papa seonde 3a his ge write to Englalande, 3 us cweftende. Note: Latin Participles in The Chronicle. — Several instances of a Latin appositive participle occur in the Chronicle but are not translated into A. -S. : 431 E : apparens; 625 E : constans. *The superior letters outside the parenthesis distinguish the several examples of the same year ; those inside the parenthesis are explained by Plummer. 180 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. B.— THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (33). 1. Without an Object (33). NSM. (12):— 1104 E (p. 239'): on Sam Tiwsesdsege Sser asfter setywdan feower circulas to 3am middsege onbutan •Ssere sunnan Invites hiwes, tele under oftran gebroielen swylce hi getnette wseron. — 50 F : Her Panlns gebunden wearS gesend to Rome (or pred. ?). — 755 F : & Sibertes broSer, Cynehard gehaten, ofsloh Cynewulf on Merantune. So : 604 A (or pred. ?), 777 E, 1130 E.— Other examples :— 1118 E and 1127 E b : gewundod ; 1154 E: limed (or post- positive attrib. ?); 3 A: ofsticod; 1086 E b : ungederad (or pred. ?) ; 1048 E : unswican (or pred. ?). NSN. (1):— 1127E a (p. 256 b ): Ster waas se Scotte kyng Dauid & eall fta heaued leered & lseuued "Saet wses on Engle- laud. [May be considered plural as by Plummer.] NPM. (15):— 1066 D a - b - c (p. 199 m ): «a Engliscan hi hindan hetelice slogon o3 "Sset hig sume to scype coman, sume adruncen & sume eac forbcernde & swa mislice/or/araie, ■Saet ftser wses lyt to lafe. — Other examples : — gehadode : 995 F, 1012 E, 1095 E, 1102 E; 449 A : geleaftade; 1083 E a : gewepnede (or pred.?); hadode: 1014 E, 1023 D, 1046 E (manig mann Sserto ge hadode ge laewede) ; 1096 E : hunger- bitene ; 911 A: unbefohtenene (or pred.?); 1070 E : ivep- node. GSM. (1):— 1100E (p. 235 b ): selces mannes gehadodes & lsewedes. GPM. (1) :— 656 E a (p. 29 b ): be his broSre rsed ... & be al his gewiten rsed, leered & lawed, Se on his kynerice wseron. DSM. (1):— 1053 C c : se Wulfwi feng to «am biscoprice "Se Ulf haefde be him libbendum & qfadrcefdum. ASN. (2) : — 992 E a,tb : & "Sset scip genamon eall geweepnod & geioeedoel. II. With an Object (0). No example. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 181 Note. — As the examples show, in many instances the parti- ciples (both present and preterite) above cited from the Chronicle are in immediate juxtaposition with intransitive verbs like mtiewan and faran ; hence even more examples than those queried may be predicative rather than appositive. THE LAWS (19). A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (4). I. Without an Object (3). ASM. (1) : — Ine, c. 35 : Se Se Seof slih3, he mot aSe ge- cy^an, 3a?t he hine fleondne for beof sloge. ASN. (2) :— Cnut II., c. 24, Int. atb : nan Singe . . . ne libbende ne licgende. Note: Accusative Compounds. — Three accusative-compound participles occur in the Laws : — Ine, c. 45 : Burg-bryce mon sceal betan . . . gesiScundes monnes landhcebbendes xxxv ; and Ine, c. 51 a&b : Gif gesiScund mon landagende forsitte fierd, geselle cxx scill. and ftolie his landes ; unlandagende Ix scill. As the examples show, however, the participles are used attributively rather than appositively. II. With an Object (1). NSM. (1) : — Wihtraed, c. 18 : Preost hine clsensie sylfaes softe, in his halgum hrsegle aetforan wiofode, 3us cweftende: " Ueritatem dico Christo, non mentior." B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (15). I. Without an Object (15). NSM. (1): — Ine, c. 39: Gif hwa fare unaliefed fram his hlaforde (MS. B. has unalyfede, which is perhaps a pure adverb). 182 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. NSN. (2) :— Cnut IL, c. 71, § 4 a&b : twa hors, I. gesadelod and ofter ungesadelod. NPM. (2) :— ^thelred VII., Appendix, § 7 : ealle . . . ge- hadode and lsewede ; Wihtrsed, c. 4 : ungestrodyne. NPN. (4) :— Cnut il, c. 71, Introduction : $£et syndon Viii. hors, IV. gesadelode & IV. unsadelode. — So gesadelode and unsadelode in Cnut II., c. 71, § l a&b . GPM. (1) :— Eadmund II., Introduction : mid minra witena geSeahte, ge hadedra ge lsewedra. DSM. (2):— Ine, c. 18, title: Be cirliscura Seofe gefonge- num ; Ine, c. 20, title : Be feorran cumenum men butan wege gemetton [MS. H. : gemettuni]. DSN. (2) :— Alfred, c. 10, title : Be twelfhyndes monnes wife forlegenum; Alfred, c. 9, title: Be bearneacnum wife ofslcegenwn [MS. B : Be Sarn Saet man ofslea wif mid cilde]. ASM (1) :— iElfred, c. 35, § 4 : Gif he hine to preoste bescire unbundenne. II. With an Object (0). No example. BENEDICT 1 (72). A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (63). I. Without an Object (25). 1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin appositive participle (12) : — NSM. (3) :— 2. 18 : and «us acsiende cwy$ = 4. 21 : Et quaerens Dominus . . . iterum dicit. — Other examples : — 47. 16: arisende = 88. 17: surgentes ; 52. 9 : wuniende mid upalwfednesse = 98. 2 : elatus. NPM. (9) : — 47. 12 : hy butan elcunge arisende caflice gehwylc ofterne forestfeppe and to "Sam Godes weorce efste = 88. 13 : absque mora surgentes festinent. — Other examples : — THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 183 62. 15 b : drincende = 118. 2: bibentibus ; 62. 15 a : etende = 118. 1: comedentibus ; 134. 17*: libbmde = 231. 8: wc&- towtes; 135. 23 b *: sittende = 231. 36: sedentes ; 138. 2*: Kurhwuniende = 233. 22 : persistentes ; wuniende (/ram) = remo&, 134. 18* = 231. 11 ; = sfamfes, 135. 23 a * = 231. 35 ; 137. 14* : wyrcende = 233. 6 : operantes. 2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin finite verb, which finite verb is usually subordinate or in immediate connection with an appositive participle (3) : — NSM. (2):— 133. 13: Swa hwylc swa onettende efst to ■Sam heofonlican e$le, gefreme serest = 206. 11: Quisquis ergo ad patriam ccelestem festinas . . . perfice ; 68. 14 : hreou- sigende = 128. 20 : pceniteat. NPM. (1) : — 68. 21 : wen is, &et sume ofrSe sleaclice lagon and slepon, o33e sittende mid idelre spellunge deofle to micelne forwyrdes intingau gesealden = 130. 4 : erit forte talis qui se aut recollocet et dormiat, aut certe sedeat sibi foris, vel fabulis vacet, et detnr occasio maligno. 3. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin ablative of manner or of means (1) : — NSM. (1) : — 71. 7 : butan he SaBrrihte beforan eallum hine dcedbetende geea3mede= 134. 15 : nisi satisfactione ibi coram omnibus humiliatus fuerit. 4. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin adjective (1) : — NPM. (1) : — 9. 23: sefre unstaftolfseste and woriende = 16. 9 : semper vagi et numquam stabiles. 5. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin prepositional phrase (1) : — NPM. (1): — 9. 7: geleornia^ Saet hie anstandonde . . . ongean deofol . . . winnan magan = 14. 4 : et beni instructi . . . jam sine consolatione alterius . . . contra vitia pugnare sufficiunt. *A11 starred references are to the Appendix of Benedict 1 . 184 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. 6. An A.-S. appositive participle has no Latin corre- spondence (7) : — NSM. (4) : — 31. 14 : geomriende clypude = 58. 13 ; 24. 6 : smeagende gehealde = 46. 24; 4. 15 c : tremegende = 8. 21 ; 60. 1 : cwefte . . . Sanciende = 112. 3. NPM. (3) :— 132. 1 : betende = 204. 3 ; 2. 10 : elciende = 4. 15; 135. 6: swindende = 231. 20. II. With an Object (38). 1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin appositive participle (25) : — NSM (11): — 22. 15: wiS Sone uirSeaw hine bewarode se witega, $us cweftende = 44. 16 : quod se cavere Propheta in- dicat, dicens. — So eweftende = dicens : 4. 7 = 8. 13 ; 24. 14 = 48. 7. — Other examples : 26. 14 : geefenlcecende = 52. 5 : imitans ; 4. 15: gefyllende = 8. 21 : complens ; gehyrende = audiens, 2. 19 = 4. 25, 15. 6 = 26. 17 ; 30. 3 : healdende = 56. 19: habens; 27. 2: ne Icetende = 52. 10 : sustinens ; 54. 9: ondrcedende = 100. 14: timens ; 4. 15 a : wyrcende= 8. 21 : complens. NSF. (1) : — 2. 9 : sio godcunde stein myngaS and clypa$, 3us cweftende = 4. 14 : divina quotidie damans quid nos ad- moneat vox dicens. NSN. (3) : — 25. 12 : Be ftam halig gewrit rnona$, Sus cwe- ftende = 50. 9 : Unde Scriptura praecipit, dicens. — So cwe'Sende = dicens, 27. 19 = 54. 2, 28. 15 = 54. 14. NPM. (10) : — 64. 13 : we fteah manna untrumnesse and tydernesse besceawiende gelyfaS, $set etc. = 122. 5: Tamen infirmorum contuentes imbecillitatem, credimus. — Other ex- amples : 134. 24* : ascyriende = 231. 16 : remoti ; 135. 27* : begytende = 232. 2 : captantes ; 59. 21 : bitddende =112. 2 : poslulantes ; 4. 3: clipiende = 8. 10: dicentes ; 70. 7: clypi- ende = 132. 14 : dicens ; 3. 14 : cwe&ende = 6. 17 : dicentes ; 11.3: forhogiende = 18. 21 : contemnentes ; 27. 22 : gefyllende = 54. 5 : adimplentes ; 87. 5 : secgende = 154. 7 : dicens. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 185 2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin finite verb, which finite verb generally is subordinate or is in immediate connection with an appositive participle (7) : — NSM. (6) : — 25. 10 : dypiende = 50. 3 : elicit; cweftende = dicat, 11. 6 = 18. 18, 26. 2 = 50. 20 ; ib. = ait, 21. 9 = 42. 8 ; ib.= dicit, 51. 14 = 96. 9 ; ib. = dicant, 82. 24 (Wells Fragment) = 1 52. 5. NSN. (1) :— 22. 10 : dypiende = 44. 12 : clamat. 3. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin prepositional phrase (1) : — NPM. (1) : — 134. 13* : Se . . . westestowa and relaetu and anwunnng gelnfia'S geejenlcecende Elian etc. = 231. 6: ad imitationem scilicet Eliae. 4. An A.-S. appositive participle has no Latin equiva- lent (5) :— NSM. (2) :— 4. 10 : dypiende = 8. 16 ; 101. 6 : fcestniende = 166. 16. NPM. (3):— 131. 15: awyrpende (MS. F. : awyrpen) = 204. 1 ; 6. 1 : geejenlcecende =12. 2 ; 138. 8 : Kicggende = 233. 27. B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (9). I. Without an Object (8). 1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin appositive participle (2) : — NSM. (2):— 2. 3: gegremed = 4. 6: irritatus ; 28. 2: geondead = angaritia : 7. 54. 2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin gerundive (1) : — NSM. (1)!— 34. 2: "after Sam fylige capitel of Saera apostola lare gemyndelice butan bee gesced = 64. 7 : Lectio sequatur, ex corde recitanda. 3. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin adjective (2) : — 186 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. NPM. (2) : — 44. 22 a&b : eala "Seer we asolcene and aicacode on anre wncan gelaesten = 82. 26: quod nos tepidi utinam septimana integra persolvaraus. 4. An A.-S. appositive participle has no Latin equiva- lent (3) :— NSM. (1) :— 28. 6 : geneadod = 54. 9 (cf. 28. 2, where geneadod = angariati). NPM. (2):— 11. 16 a&b : getrymede and anbryrde — 20. 5. II. With an Object (1). 1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin appositive participle (1) : — DPM. (1) : — 25. 16 : and nu fram Sam englum us betceh- tum ure weorc . . . beo3 gebodude = 50. 13 : et ab Angelis nobis depulatis . . . opera nostra nuntiantur. THE BLICKLING HOMILIES (52). A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (36). I. Without an Object (27). NSM. (10) : — 235. 12 : Ond $us cweftende se halga Andreas asette his heafod ofer senne his discipula & he onslep. — Other examples : — 133. 17 : cumende; 193. 8 : dwolgende ; 249. 20 : efstende (or pred. ?) ; 113. 29 : gnorngende (by Flamme classed as pred. (§ 169), by Morris translated as appos.) ; 179. 20: leogende; lociende: 229. 28, 245. 8 a , 245. 16 ; 231. 9 : Kurh- wunigende. NSF. (5): — 5. 8 a&b : Gehyron we nu to hwylcum gemete seo arwyrSe fajmne & seo halige, on hire cantice gefeonde and blissigende, sang & ftus cwseS. — 7.16: "Sset Maria . . . smeade & swigende ftohte hwaet seo halettung wsere. [Flamme (§ 169. 2) classes swigende as pred. ; but Morris correctly translates : " and silently considered." Swigende may be considered an adverb.] 249. l a * b : hrymende, wepende. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 187 NSN. (1) : — 199. 17 : Da wses he mid yrre swrSlice onstyred, forSon fte hit [= hryftser] swa wedende eode, & swa ofer- modlice ferde. [Flamme (§ 169) classes wedende as pred. ; but Morris correctly translates : " because it had gone about so madly and had behaved so arrogantly." Clearly wedende is coordinate with ofermodlice, and may like it be classed as an adverb.] NPM. (5) : — 225. 17 : cumaS arisende wulfas, todrifaft "Sine heorde. — Other examples: — gefeonde: 201. 10, 203.2 (or pred. ?), 207. 8 (or pred. ?) ; 239. 27 : ingangende. NPN. (1): — 243. 5: and ingangende on ftset carcern hie [== -ga deoflu] gestodon on gesilrSe -Sees eadigan Andreas. DSM. (2):— 115. 18 a : we him fleondum fylgeffg.— 245. 3 : Bus gebiddende Sani halgan Andrea Drihtnes stefn wses ge- worden on Ebreisc, cweSende. DPM. (2) :— 171. H a&b : swa him Drihten Crist, eallum rihtgelyfdum mannum ivunigendum for his noman, & fturhwu- niggendum in tintregum on softre andetnesse o^ ende his lifes untweogendlice, geheht & cwseS. ASM. (1):— 115. 18 b : & h'me feallendne lufiaS. II. With an Object (9). NSM. (4) : — 239. 22 : he gesset be "Sam swere anbidende hwaet him gelimpan scolde (or pred.?) ; 249. 17 a&b : he Sser wunode mid him seofon dagas, Icerende and strangende hira heortan on geleafan . . . Cristes. — 57. 7 : spiwende. NSF. (2) :— cweKende : 229. 27, 245. 4. NPM. (1) : — 133. 27 : Swylce is gecweden Sset hie ealle on yppan wunedon, Sonen bidende Sees Halgan Gastes. NPN. (1) :— 243. 7 : hie [=«a deoflu] gestodon on gesilrSe ■Saes eadigan Andreas, and hine bismriende mid myclere bismre, and hie cwsedou. ASM. (1) :— 215. 21 : cweftendne. 119213 188 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (16). I. "Without an Object (15). NSM. (4):— 89. 34 b : raSe he lifgende ut eode of his byrgenne mid his agenre mihte aiveht. — 87. 36 : & befealden to Hselendes cneovvum he cwseS. — Other examples : — 187. 28 : gebeagod ; 225. 33 : getrymed. NSF. (1) : — 197. 20 : Donne is 3ser on neaweste sum swiSe msere burh betwih Ssere see seo is nemned Adriaticus on "Ssem munte Garganus geseted se is haten Sepontus. NPM. (5) :— 85. 9 : Hie Sa swiSe forhte & abregde Sus cwsedon. — Other examples: — 221. 28 c : gegyrede; 221. 28 a : gesceldode; 221. 28 b : gesperode ; 171. 28: geweor^ode. NPF. (1) : — 209. 36 : he geeeah Sset on ft&m clife hangodan on Ssem is gean bear w um manige sweorte saula be heora handum gebundne. [Flamme (§ 174. 2) says this wavers between appos. and pred.] NPN. (1) : — 127. 33 : Svvylce eac syndon on ^aeremyclan cirican ehta eagSyrelu swifte mycele of glsese geworht. [Flamme (§ 173) thinks that geworht is possibly predica- tive, but Morris translates it as appositive.] ASM. (2) : — 11. 7: ArsveorSian we Crist on binne asetene; 181. 1 : beheafdodne. APF. (1) : — 31. 20: 3as daeda Sus gedone from Drihtne (but the text is corrupt). II. With an Object (1). DSF. (1) : — 197. 6: se $e is on ealra ymbhwyrfte to weorSienue & to wuldrienne his ciricean, gehweSer ge his agen geweorc ge on his naman gehalgod (but the passage is corrupt). Note. — The text is too corrupt to construe ahqfen in 115. 32. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 189 ^ELFRIC'S HOMILIES,* THORPE (676). A.— THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (477). I. Without an Object (203). NSM. (90) : — II. 78 b : se sceafta on hine gelyfende his synna geandette. So: I. 62 bl ; n. 130 a6 .— n. 132 b1 * 2 : se biscop, scinende on . . . geearnungnm and . . . geSineSurn, on heofenan rice, raid &m JElra" Sc. on ecere blisse rixiende wuldraS. So scinende: I. 466 a ; II. 352 a2 , 502 b1 .— Other examples: — I. 386 a2 : andbidigende ; I. 390 b3 : arisende ; i. 226 b : astigende; n. J36 al : awegferende ; II. 176 bl : bifi- gende; blissigende: I. 340 al&2 , 580 b , 596 a4& % II. 426 a ; n. 300 bl : byrnende ; I. 516 b : cnueigende; I. 124 a : dcedbetende ; drohtni{g)ende : I. 398 b , n. 546 bl ; II. 82 b : ehtende ; fcegnigende : i. 596 al , ir. 312 a3 ; ii. 442 b : farende; feallende: I. 380 b2 , 390 b2 ;forhtigende: II. 40% 142 b % 176 b2 ; forKstceppende : i. 278 a , 500 tt2 , ii. 90 al ; n. 360 a : ftmdigende; II. 176 b4 : ge- seonde ; i. 56 bl : gewitende ; I. 410 a : gyddigende ; II. 246 al : hafitigende ; hangi{g)ende : I. 594 al , 596 b8 , II. 256 a , 260 b ; I. 380 b 3 : hreosende ; ir. 302 a : hrymende (or pred. ?) ; ii. 152 bl : licgende ; II. 474 b : lutiende; lybbende: II. ]52 b2 , 364 bl , 500 a2 , 502 b2 ; i. 54 b : miltsigende; n. 182 a2 : on6e- seonde ; ir. 134 a : plegende ; i. 294 b : reordigende ; sittende: i. 346 al , 548", ir. 134 b2 , 3S2 bl ; n. 500 a l : smeagende ; ii. 138 a2 : standende; smvi(g)ende : n. 230% 350 a2 ; i. 480 b : swellende; I. 338 b 2 : syngigende ; I. 596 b * : tihtende ; truwi- (g)ende: i. 2% 11. 478 al ; I. 374 a : Keotende ; n. 168 a3 : ftrutigende ; II. 204 b x : fturhicunigende ; II. 130 a3 : under- fonde; II. 140 b3 : uvforhtigende ; II. 164 b : wedende ; I. 52 b ; welwillende (or adverb?); icepende: II. 134 b ; writende: ii. 332 bl , 348 al ; tounigende: i. 134% 150 a2&3 , 232% 326% 346 a 2 , II. 142 b % 440% 498 bl ; I. 432 a : yrsigende. * The superior letters (a and 6) refer respectively to the top and the bottom of the page; the superior figures distinguish the several examples. 190 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. NSF. (11): — I. 438 b1 * 2 : heo drohtnode gemsenelice mid "Sam apostolicntn werode, infarende and uffarende betwux him.— Other examples :— I. 98 a2 : donde; I. 146 b : lybbende; I. 66 bl : rarigende; I. 440 al : smeagende ; I. 564 a2 : w^o- wende; wepende: I. 566 bl , IL 146 b ; II. 434 b : writende; II. 182 b 4 : wunigende. NSN. (7):— i. 372 b2 : Dfet folc $a mid anre stemne clypigende cwseS. So : I. 594 b 2 . — Other examples : — I. 566 b2 : blissigende; II. 140 a3 : brcestligende ; II. 450 b : hreosende; II. 142 bl : spreaende; I. 296 b : wunigende. NS. M. or F. (2) :— i. 546 b 1 & 2 : fyligde heap . . . manna . . . fturhwunigende, to Criste gefteodende. NS. F. or N. (1) : — I. 324 bl : gecynd . . . wunigende. NPM. (62):— i. 610 a2&3 : Sind eac sume steorran leoht- beamede, faerlice arisende and hrsedlice gewitende. — I. 592 b 1 k 2 : "Seer ge symle blissia^, blowende and mid Criste rixigende. So rixigende in I. 500\ — Other examples : I. 534 b : bid- dende ; blissigende: i. 56 b4 , 564 a ; II. 258 a : bugende ; I. 596 b4 : clypigende; n. 454 al : cumende; I. 68 b : dcedbelende; drohtni(g)ende : I. 536 b , II. 158 b2 , 296 b2 , 404 a ; dweligende: I. 340 b , ii. 124 b ; feallende: I. 38 b , 560 a2 , II. 126 b , 214 a , 236 b , 246 bl ; n. 34 a2 : feohtende ; n. 334 a x : fleogende ; i. 352 a : forftstceppende ; II. 130 bl : gelyfende; I. 46 b : hrymende ; II. 138 a3 : licgende; I. 544 b2 : lutigende ; II. 130 a4 : lybbende; miltsigende : I. 370 a , 540 b ; I. 78 b 2 : nifterfeallende ; scinende : ii. 136 bl , 496 a ; I. 606 b3 : singende; sprecende: II. 248 b , 284 a2 ; ii. 136 b2 : stymende; n. 21 2 b : suwigende; sweltende: ii. 34 a3 , 554 a ; i. 496 b2 : syngigende; I. 606 bl : tcecende; I. 606 b2 : tihtende; I. 84 al : upaspringende ; I. 334 b3 : wcedli- gende ; wedende : I. 50 b % 470 a , II. 232 b ; II. 454 a 2 : wepende ; wunigende: I. 150 a3 , 228 b2 ; 238 a , 338 a (cf. Abs. Ptc. inA.-S., p. 11), 406 a2 , 544 bl , 610 b , II. 204 b2 ; n. 236 a : yrsigende. NPN. (2) :— ii. 336 a : Da deoflu feohtende scuton heora fyrenan flan ongean fta sawle ; — n. 350 b 3 : hlihhende. NP. M. or N. (1) : — i. 60 a l : weras and wif . . .fcegnigende. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 191 GPM. (2) : — i. 30 b 2 : wearS gesewen micel raenigu heofon- lices werodes God herigendra and singendra (or substan- tive?). So: i. 38 a2 DSM. (4) : — i. 494 a : and clypigendum Dribtne to Sam ecan life caflice geandwyrt (or Abs. ? Cf. Abs. Ptc. in A.S., p. 10). — I. 324 b3 : to 'Sam geleaffullan heape, on -Sysre worulde wunigende. — Other examples : — I. 362 a : cumendum (or Abs. ? Cf. Abs. Ptc. in A.S., p. 10); II. 180 bl : ridendum. DPM. (6) :— ii. 186 b x & 2 : cySde his forSsiS on ser sumum his leorning-cnihtum mid him drohtnigendum and sumum oSrum on fyrlenum stowum wunigendum. — Other examples : — gelyfendum: I. 228 b , II. 284 a3 ; I. 440 a2 : onlociendum ; n. 284 a 4 : sprecendum. DDM. (1) : — H. 1 72 b 2 : ne seteowode ic inc bam slapendum t ASM. (4) : — ii. 41 8 a3, 4 ' 5 : underfoh me nu behreoivsiendne, "Sone "Se Su oS Sis andigendne and tcelendne forbaere; i. 496 b x : lutigende. ASF. (2): — i. 376 a : se dry worhte Sa serene naeddran, styrigende swylce heo cucu wsere ; ii. 344 a2 : byrnende. ASN. (2) :— ii. 508 b x : cwaeS «set he hit [= treow] under- fenge feallende to foldan. — II. 150 a : licgende. APM. (4):— ii. 246 w : feallende; i. 334 bl : licgende; n. 154 a : lybbende; II. 242 b2 : sittende. APF. (2) :— ii. 350 b l & 2 : «a deoflu gelasddon fif manna sawla, hreowlice gnorniende and grimetende, into "5am fyre. 2. With an Object (274). NSM. (176) : — ii. 142 a : Da begann se wer dreorig wepan, anftracigende -Sees ungelimpes. — II. 188 a : stod sum arwurSe wer mid . . . gyrlutn, axigende etc. — ii. 164 a2 : Benedictus . . . tsehte him Sses dsedbote, bebeodende Saet etc. — I. 372 b x : Se apostol genealaehte Sam lice mid aSenedurn earmum, Sus biddende. So: i. 126 al , 418 bl , 428 al (w. gen.), 434 b (ib.), 452" (ib.), 456 b , 464 bl , 598 a3 , n. 26 a , 110 b , 134 b3 , 138 b , 144 b3 , 180 b3 , 304 a2 , 304 b , 418 al , 498 b2 (w. gen.), 504 b2 .— i. 192 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. 62 s : Ioharmes beseah -Sus cweftende (cwcefiende). So : I. 50 b % 66 b % 78 bl&s , 88 b , 98 al , 120 a& % 124% 126% 192% 206 a , 208% 222 b , 242% 264% 294% 314% 324 b % 328 a , 350% 358 al & % 364% 366% 370% 376% 380% 380 b \ 390% 390 b % 404 b , 406 a \ 418 b % 430% 436 b , 442 b , 450% 450% 480% 482% 502 b2 , 510 b % 520 a (=dicens), 522 a & % 530% 534% 538 b % 548% 550 a % 560 b % 568 a ! & 2 , 568 b % 570 b , 572 b % 576% 596 a % 600 b % 604% 606% 610 a4 ; ii. 10% 12% 14%16%34 a %52%62 a2 , 72% 84 a \112 al&2 , 182 b % 26(3% 288% 312 bl , 328% 384% 400 al , 406% 414 b % 41 8 a % 428 a % 428% 432% 464% 468 a \ 538 a , 542% 562% 576\— Other examples: — II. 540 bl : belcewende ; bigende: II. 298% 408 b ; II. 184 bl : blissigende; bodi(g)ende: I. 370 b \ 560 a % n. ISO* 1 ; II. 414 b 1 : bysmrigende (w. dat.) ; I. 48 a : clypigende ; I. 66 a 2 : ferigende ; II. 446 b 2 : jorbug end f e ; n. 130 a2 : for hog iende ; II. 1 68 b l : forhtigende ; n. 352 a 3 : fylgende (w. dat.) ; n. 41 8 b l k 2 : geefenlcecende ; I. 78 a 2 : gehyrende ; H. 376 b * & 2 : getacnigende .; hcebbende: I. 126% 130 a2 ; n. 432 b : herigende ; Icerende: I. 370 b2 , 596 a2 ; I. 400 bl : liccetende; I. 600 b2 : manigende ; n. 320 a : ofersceawigende ; n. 446 b l : ondrcedende ; I. 508 a : onstandende (should be on standende f) ; reccende : II. 350 a % 356 b ; I. 388 b : sawende (or pred.?); sceawi(g)ende : II. 32 a % 120 a 3 ; secende : I. 338 b l (or pred. ?), II. 358 a 2 , 448 a ; I. 596 b 3 : secgende; I. 388 al : secende; II. 138 al : syngende; II. 334 b : smeagende; II. 182 a3 : swerigende ; swuteligende : II. 400 a2 , 466 a ; II. 540 b 2 : teonde; ^Atewde : I. 528 a % II. 328 a ; II. 326 b x : todypigende ; todcelende : I. 322 b (w. dat.), II. 338% 344 a * ; I. 106 b : towurpende; n. I28 b : fteotcigende (w. dat.); ftreagende: II. 170% 256 a2 ; I. 608 al : undergynnende ; n. 346 b2 : wiVm- gende (w. geo.); writende: II. 272 b3 , 364 b2 ; I. 572 bl : wyr- cende. NSF. (16):— ii. 76 b : Seo endlyfte tid bis seo forwerode ealdnyss, ftarn deafte genealcecende. — Other examples : — arozf- ni(g)ende : I. 30 b 3 , 42 b x & 2 ; biddende : I. 66 b 2 , 566 a 2 , n. 184 a x ; cweSende: I. 104% 194% 388 a2 , 426 a % II. 42% 432 b2 ; heorc- mgrnde: II. 438 b (w. dat.), 440 a2 (ib.).—i. 98 a3 : ondrsedende ; ii. 182 b3 : fteowigende. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 193 NSN. (8) : — ii. 578 b : folc ham gewende, ftancigende -Seem JElmihtigan ealra his goda. — Other examples : — biddende; I. 68 a3 , ii. 140 b2 ; cweSende: I. 200 a , 594 b3 , II. 110 a , 114 a ; II. 256 b : ftreagende. NS. M. or N. (1) : — n. 342 a : sang . . . cwe&ende etc. NPM. (61): — i. 38 a3 : hi . . . godum manuum sibbe bodedon, swutellice ceteowiende ftset etc. — Other examples : — II. 200 b : anbidigende (w. gen.); II. 548 a : andswariende ; befrinende : I. 78 a , 1 04 a (= dicentes) ; biddende : I. 74 a , 562 b , ii. 30 b2 , 160 b2 , 176 a , 396 b , 484 a , 486 b ; n. 252 bl : bigende ; bodigende: II. 492 bl ; II. 506 a : clypigende; cweftende: I. 4 a , 64 a , 68 b2 , 510 bl (= dicentes), 538 b4 , 560 b3 , 596 b5 , H. 112 a3 , 172 bl , 252 b2 , 300 a , 484 b , 488 al ; n. 168 b2 : cyKende; II. 534 b2 : drincende ; II. 492 b3 : dweliende (or pred. ?); II. 534 bl : etende; I. 588 b : ferigende ; I. 526 a : gadrigende ; II. 226 b : geeiienlcecende ; I. 560* 3 : gehyrmmigende (w. dat.); I. 90 a : hcebbende ; healdende : I. 528 a 2 , 538 b 3 ; herigende : I. 32 a2 , 42 b4 ; II. 474 a : leasetende (or pred.?); mcersigende: I. 544 a2 , ii. 194 b ; II. 248 b2 : meldigende ; n. 34 al : oferswft- ende; II. 490 b2 : onlihtende ; II. 248 a : sleande ; I. 426 bl : swingende; ftancigende (w. dat. and gen.): I. 102 a , 606 b4 , II. 272 bl ; Keowigende (w. dat.): n. 70 b , 310 a ; n. 250* l : wre- gende ; wuldrigende: I. 32 a , 42 b3 ; n. 130 a5 : wundrigende (w. gen.) ; II. 490 b ' : wyrcende. NPN. (4) : — Ii. 56 b : JEt ■Sara giftum wseron gesette six staenene wseterfatu, healdende senlipige twyfealde gemetu oftSe •Sryfealde. — II. 548 a : stodon twa heofonlice werod setforan "Saere cytan dura, singende heofonlicne sang (or pred.?); — cweKende: n. 414 b3 , 416 a2 . NP. M. or N. (1) : — I. 60 a2 : weras and wif . . . cweftende. GP. (2): — I. 30 bl : wearS gesewen micel menigu heofon- lices werodes God herigendra. So : I. 38 a \ DPM. (1): — ii. 440 bl : swa swa he behet eallum him fteniendurn. APM. (4) : — i. 334 b 2 : Manega Lazaras ge habba$ nu licgende set eowrum gatum, biddende eowre oferflowend- 194 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. nysse. So: II. 330 a . — Other examples: — i. 28 a : bodigende ; I. 296* : cioe&ende. B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (199). I. Without an Object (194). NSM. (94) : — II. 182 al : he Sa dearie ablicged aweg tengde. — i. 10 a : Beos ftrynnys is au God; -Sset is se Feeder and his wisdom of him sylfum sefre acenned. So : I. 34 b , 150 al , 222% 278 b2 , 464 b2 , 500 al , n. 42 b3 , 204 b3 , 366*.— Other examples :— ii. 352* l : afylled; n. 510 b : afyrht (or pred. ?) ; I. 550 al : aha/en; ahangen: II. 598*, 606 b ; astreht: I. 426 b2 , II. 186 b3 ; II. 332 b 3 : ceftelboren ; I. 434* 2 : awed ; II. 254 b : awend ; I. 598 b : aworpen ; II. 1 20* 1 : befangen ; I. 426* 2 : befrinen ; I. 56 b2 : beivcefed; II. 382 b3 : fornumen ; I. 66* * : forscyldigod ; II. 424* : fulfremed ; I. 594 bl : gecebyligd ; I. 414 b2 : geanc- sumod; II. 250* 2 : gebolgen ; gebyld: II. 390 b , 412 b2 ; ^e- drefed: I. 414 bl ; II. 140* x : geflogen ; gefrcetewod: II. 118 b ; II. 306* J : gefullod; I. 52* 2 : gefultumod; geglen(c)g(e)d : II. 512 b2 , 518 b2 ; II. 130 b2 : gehadod; II. 244* : gehalgod; gehaten: i. 502*, ii. 152* 2 , 304* \ 308* x , 332 b2 , 348* 2 , 412 bl , 488* 2 ; gehathyrt: ii. 374 b , 424 b ; II. 250 b2 : gelcedd; gelaftod: I. 128*, II. 54*; II. 270 b : geliffcest ; II. 250 bl : gelogod; gelyfed: II. 152 al , 332 b4 ; I. 468 b2 : gemartyrod; n. 158 bl : gemenged ; II. 348* 3 : gemetegod ; I. 588 b : geneadod ; II. 24 b : geripod ; ii. 42 b2 : gesceapen; geseryd(d): I. 528 b , 578 b (or pred.?), n. 312 b3 , 382 b2 , 512 bl ; #ese^) : I. 126* 3 , 130* 1 , 218* 1 ; II. 234 b : gesworen; I. 428 b : getogen ; I. 614 b : geftread; II. 36 b : gerSungen; II. 51 6 b2 : gewceht ; gewcepnod: I. 450 b2 , II. 334 a2 , 502 a ; geworht: I. 278 bl , II. 42 bl ; I. 426* x : gewreged; II. 518 a : gewuldrod ; I. 52* x : oftorfod; II. 150 b : onbryrd ; I. 290* : rihtgelyfed; II. 51 4 a : toswollen ; II. 372 a : unabeden ; ii. 204* J : unbegunnen ; I. 428 a 2 : ungeaxod ; II. 336 b : im- gederod ; ii. 204 a 2 : ungeendod. NSF. (14):— ii. 546 b3 , 548 al : Hire modor, Redempta gehaten, stod hire ofer, micclum afyrht for "Sam heofonlican THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 195 leohte. So gehaten : n. 284 a \ 306 a 2 , 584 a .— Other examples : — I. 446 a : ahafen; II. 58 a : astreht ; I. 502 b : aftrawen ; I. 60'': awreht; II. 90 a 2 : fortredene ; II. 138 b2 : gelaftod ; II. 308 b : getintregod ; n. 498 a : geworht ; h. 586 b : ymbscryd (or pred. ?). NSN. (16):— i. 184 bl&2 : 3a fif hlafas waaron swylce hit saed wsere, na on eorSan besawen, ac gemenigfyld fram 3am 3e eorSan geworhte. — Other examples: — II. 572 a : afyrht; II. 494 bl&2 : agoten; I. 352 b : beclysed ; II. 140 a2 : bepceht ; II. 326 a2 : forscyldgod; II. 272 b2 : geblodgod ; gehaten: II. 31 2 b2 , 438 a ; I. 508 b2 : gescrydd ; I. 508 bl : ^esetf; II. 510 b3 : ge&uht ; II. 140 bl : ofseamod; II. 510 b2 : toslopen. NS. F. or N. (1) ; — i. 42 b4 : gemynd . . . geswutelod. NPM. (20) : — i. 608 a 2 : 3set we huru his genealsecendan dom, mid mislicum swinglum afcerede, ondrsedon. — Other examples : — II. 326 b 2 : acennede ; I. 98 a 4 : ascyrede ; asende : I. 348 a x & 2 , 540 a ; 1. 560 b ! : fordemde ; fornumene : ii. 246 b 2 , 348 b ; i. 84 a 2 : forsodene ; I. 566 al : gedrehte ; I. 298 b : #e- glengede ; I. 504 b : gelcerde ; I. 10 a2 : gesceapene ; I. 538 b2 : gescrydde ; ir. 396 b4 : geiocehte ; ii. 246 b3 : geivcepnode ; I. 526 b : gewriftene ; I. 544 b4 : gewunode; I. 610 al : feofa- NPF. (3) : — II. 174 a : Twa mynecenna wseron droht- nigende on gehendnysse his mynstres of a33elborenre mseg3e asprungene. — Other examples: — I. 366 b : bepcehte ; II. 298 ft : <7eencZode. NPN. (3) :— ii. 380 a : deoflu, 3e feollon to his fotum, mid fyrhte fornumene (or pred. ?). — II. 326 a * : comon cwelmbsere deoflu swutellice gesewene, on sweartum hiwe, in to 3am cilde. — ii. 354 b : He befran 3a hwam 3a gebytlu gemynte wseron, swa rnaerlice getimbrode. GPM. (1) : — II. 290 a : gela3unge geeorenra manna to 3am ecan life. DSM. (2):— ii. 546 a : G. awrat be sumum ge3yldigan were, Stephanus gehaten. — n. 308 a2 : set foran 3am casere, Aurelianus genamod. 1 196 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. DSF. (2) : — ii. 494 a : becomon to aore heafodbyrig, Suanir gehaten; — n. 546 b2 : be sumere mynecyne, Romula gehaten. DPM. (1): — ii. 286 a : Sume gecwemdon englum on heora gesthusum underfangenum "Surh cumliftnysse. ASM. (21):— ii. 596 b1 - 2 '* 3 : Ic gelyfe oq senne Crist, Hselend Drihlen, Sone ancennedan Godes Sunu, of Sam Feeder aeenned aer ealle worulda, God of Gode, Leoht of Leohte, SoSne God of SoSum Gode, acennedne na geworhtne. So acennedne: I. 198 a . — n. 168 al : asende his swurdboran, Riggo gehaten (sic!). So gehaten = an accusative : n. 358 al , 468 a2 (= eo nomine), 480 b , 492 b2 . — n. 162 bl : asende him eenne focan to lace mid attre gemenoged. — Other examples : — n. 11 2 b : befangenne ; n. 598 b 2 : forlorenne ; II. 92 a : forftrmstne ; II. 280* : gebrmdne ; n. 252 a : gecigedne ; II. 1 20 a 2 : geende- byrdne ; I. 210 a : gefreatewodne ; I. 330 b : geglenegedne ; II. 416 b2 : gehceftne; gescrydne: II. 168 a2 , 500 b . ASF. (2): — ii. 182 b2 : se halga wer hsefde ane swustor, Scolastica gehaten ; n. 124 a : afandode. ASN. (7) : — ii. 264 a2 : Ne ete ge of $am lambe nan Sing hreaw, ne on wsetere gesoden, ac gebrced to fyre. So gesoden : ii. 278 b1 .— Other examples :— n. 260 b2 : gedeced ; II. 198 b : gefadod ; I. 42 a 2 : gehalgod ; I. 1 34 b : gelacod ; I. 42 a 1 : ge- wenimed. APM. (3):— ii. 516 bl : o««e hwam betaBhst Ku us nu forlaztenef — Other examples: — II. 486 bl : gedr elite ; I. 568 bl : ^escr2/c?anci(g)ende (w. gen. & dat.): 28. 75, xxvn. 102; Keowigende (w. dat.).- 330. 152, 486. 251; 82. 538: ftingiende (w. dat.); xxm. B. 186 1 : understandende ; wil- nigende (w. gen.) : 220. 28, xxvi. 56 ; wUldrigm.de: xxm. B. 639 1 , 679, 796 1 , xxvn. 217; wundriende (w. gen.): 54. 77, 56. 98; ivurftigende : xxvn. 105, xxix. 232; wyrcende: 78. 494 2 , 470. 472 2 . THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 201 NSF. (36) : — 206. 178 : arn seo burhwaru endemes to Sara arleasan axiende mid gehlyde etc. — Other examples : — xxiii. B. 538: adreogende ; xxiii. B. 51 1 1 : anbidigende; xxiii. B. 398: beswicende; biddende (w. ac. or w. gen.): 82. 533, 554; 178. 154, 180. 200, 182. 224, xxiii. B. 560; clypi- (g)ende: 80. 501, 210. 25, 224. 87, 92; 226. 101, 332. 191 (clypiende stemn = vox e(amantis), xxiii. B. 487; cnyssende: xxiii. B. 542, 549; cioeftende (cwceftende) : 82. 533; xxiii. B. 282, 432, 454, 489, 591 ; xxx. 241, 343, 444; xxiii. B. 319 : forhcelende ; xxiii. B. 397 : gegadrigende ; xxiii. B. 597 : halsigende; xxiii. B. 521 : notigende ; xxiii. B. 581 : smea- gende; xxiii. B. 400: teonde; xxiii. B. 495: towriftende; xxiii. B. 426 : ftencende. NSN. (5) : — xxiii. B. 595 : ac godes word is cucu and scearp, innan Icerende "Sis rnennisce andgyt. — Other examples : — biddende: 60. 171, xxv. 716; xxiii. B. 324: cweftende; xxiii. B. 287 : hcebbende (= reduaens). NPM. (44) : — 472. 9 : gebugon to fulluhte behreowsigende heora synna. — Other examples : — biddende (w. g. or ac.) : 46. 357(?), 70. 334, 138. 352, 240. 40, 242. 75, 400. 258, 448. 121, 452. 188; xxv. 336, 768; xxix. 172; xxvi. 79: bodigende ; 136. 305: clypigende ; cweftende: xxx. 140, 281, 425; xxix. 192: cyftende ; xxvi. 238: feccende; xxviii. 10: folgiende (w. dat.); xxiii. B. 139: gefyllende ; geseonde: xxiii. B. 377, xxx. 184; 148. 24: halsigende; heri[g]ende: 70. 349 (or pred.?), 102. 222, 110. 338, 2 138. 351, 142. 403; mcersigende: 26. 37, 230. 162, 242. 51 (or pred.?); xxv. 495 : sceotiende ; 54. 56 : secende (or pred. ?); secgende: 146. 458, xxv. 121 ; ~'8anci(g)ende (w. dat. & gen.) : 114. 410, 132. 249, 438. 85, 460. 322, 478. 96, xxv. 453; 80.526: wuldrigende ; 184.249: lourftigende. NP. F. or M. (1) :— 224. 66 : wydewan and "Searfan . . . ceteowigende. GSF. (1) : — xxiii. B. 426 : $a onhran so^lice min mod and "3a eagan minre heortan haelo andgit mid me sylfre 202 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. ftencende Sset me Sone ingang belucen 3a onfeormeganda (sic) minra misdseda (but, as is evident, the text is very corrupt). DSM. (3) :— xxiii. B. 246 : Da forgeaf heo Zosime and- swarigende Amen. [The text seems corrupt. Skeat trans- lates : " Then she gave Zosimus [her blessing, he] answering 'Amen.' "] — xxiii. B. 674 : Dus mid tearum biddende, him eft o$er geftane on befeoll, ftus cweftende. [I here follow Skeat's "B" and omit he after Dus.]— 82. 540: Se wyle $e gehyran me ^Singiende to him. ASM. (2) : — 480. 143 : het se foresseda dema gelsedan Sone halgan on heardre racenteage feorr on wrsecsift fei*igende on scipe. — xxx. 411 : se casere . . . het hine ungyrdan and bewsepnian and beforan his ansyne setstandan mid his wife and his cildum swilce qfergcegendne his hlafordes bebod. B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (208). I. Without an Object (205). NSM. (87) :— 14. 76 1&2 : se halga gast is sefre of him bam, na acenned ac foHSsteppende. So acenned in 12. 34, 36. — 114. 428 : Da fleah martianus for nean adyd. — 206. 180 : Da fleah quintianus afyrht for •Sam gehlyde. So: 348. 166. — Other examples: — 386. 48: afunden ; afylled: 194. 424, 314. 125, 330. 153, 330. 157; 466. 420: ahred; asend : 48. 413, 396. 207, xxiv. 140; xxvi. 173: asmiKod; xxx. 3 1 : arSelboren; 84. 593: amend; 158. 174: awreht ; xxiii. B. 235: belocen ; XXV. 782: beswungen ; xxxi. 36: betceht ; 428. 228: fordemed; xxv. 498: fornumen ; 446. 96: ge- biged; 394. 179: gebolgen ; gebyld: 58. 142, xxix. 143; geci(e)ged: 238. 10, xxvi. 9; xxx. 234: gedrefcd: xxiii. B. 179 : gefremed; 422. 126 : gefullod ; 150. 40: gefultumod; 456. 238: geglencged ; 462. 336: gehceled ; gehaten, "called, named:" 28. 58, 54. 63, 84. 567, 136. 322, 154. 126, 186. 296, 398. 228, 408. 389, 426. 196, 436. 62, 472. 14, 476. 72, xxiv. 69; xxv. 7, 298, 594, 749; xxvi. 2, 120, 257; xxvu. 22, 47; 126. 159: gehaten, "summoned;" 446. 95: ge- THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO— SAXON. 203 hoferod ; xxix. 81: gelcered ; 96. 99: gelaftod ; gelyfed: 422. 125; xxvi. 3, 8; xxvu. 46; xxm. B. 706: gereht; 14. 63 1 : gesceapen; 162. 247: gescryd ; xxm. B. 234: gewceced ; 66. 273: gewcepnod ; xxm. B. 218: geicend ; 14. 63 2 : geworht; 92. 22: gcwyssod ; xxv. 616: geyrsod ; 532. 718: of dreed ; xxm. B. 322: ofergoten ; xxix. 64: of- wundrod ; 208. 219: onceled ; 12. 16 1 : unbegunnen; 222. 45: unbunden; uncuft : 66. 272, 116. 17; ungeendod (un- gecendod): 12. 16 2 , 268. 103; xxxi. 42: ungewemmed. NSF. (14): — 180. 180: arn seo burhwaru ablycged Sider. — xxm. B. 427 : Da ongan ic biterlice wepan and swifte gedrefed mine breost cnyssan. — xxm. B. 524 : Heo 3a gedrefedn him andswarode. — 420. 108 : Da wees ftsev gehende "Sam halgan wsere an m) r rige dun mid wyrtum amet. — Other examples: — 20. 177 1 : befangen ; xxm. B. 477: forftohl ; 222. 55: geciged; xxm. B. 238: gefremed ; 222. 56: ge- glencged; 386. 50 1 : gehaten; 222. 54: gelyfed; 386. 50 2 : gemodod ; xxm. B. 264 2 : gewend ; 38. 230 2 : imcwS. NSN. (15): — 78. 469: wunode an mseden maBrlice droht- nigende geond feowertig geare fee faegre gehealden. — 298. 229 : "Saet o^er folc fleah ofyrht for heora hreame. — Other examples: — xxvi. 183: astreht ; xxv. 567: befangen; 236. 250 : fulfremed ; xxvi. 214: gebrocod ; xxm. B. 749: ge- cweden ; 32. 134: gecyged ; gehaten: 44. 327, 170. 7 l , 236. 249; gelyfed: 170. 7 2 , 194. 2; 30. 94: ancuK ; xxm. B. 285 : ymbseald. NPM. (37):— 180. 167: ac hi . . . ablicgede cyrdon to heora . . . hlaforde. — 468. 437 : "Sean -eo- wigende (w. dat.). NSN. (2) : — 9. Ill : Bret godes folc "Sa eode upp be 'Sam grunde, herigende heora drihten ; 3. 479 : singende. NPM. (14) : — 5. 75 : reaferas urnon geond 3a burh mete gehwaer secende. So : 9. 366. — Other examples : — 9. 82 : abugende; biddende: 9. 59, 9.72; 9. 162: cwefoende ; 1. 90 1 (foot-note) : fyligende (w. dat.); 7. 145: herigende; 1. 90 2 (foot-note) : Icerende ; 2. 142: strynende ; Seowigende (w. dat.): 2. 185, 204, 220; 9. 451. APM. (1) : — 2. 117: Iohannes . . . geseah Crist standan and -Sone clseuan flocc mid him, huudteontig 'Susenda and THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 213 feower and feowertig Susenda, swrSe hlude singende -gone heofonlican sang. B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (40). I. Without an Object (40). NSM. (13): — 1. 67: he us alysde . . . mid his agenum dea$e, on rode ahangen. — Other examples : — 7. 28 : amend ; gehaten: 5. 9 ; 8. 2, 78, 127; 9. 193; 8. 268: gehathyrt; 9. 194 : gelyfed; 7. 23 : ifcestnod ; ihalen: 7. 214, 287 ; 7. 288 : ilyfed. NSF. (3) : — 9. 207 : heo freste symle buton on freolsdagum, mid haeran gescryd to hire lice sefre. — Other examples : — 7. 61 : aftwogen ; 3. 27 : gesceapen. NSN. (4) : — 3. 349 : Iacobes wif, Rachel geciged, twentig wintra wunode etc. — Other examples: — 3. 334: gehaten; 8. 149: tostenced ; 3. 95: ungewemmed. NPM. (11):— 1. 43, 44 : hi forleton his hlafordscipe ealle swvSe unwislice, fram him ascyrede mid andan afyllede. So afyUede : 8. 110. — Other examples : — 1. 81 : arcerde ; 9. 58 : fornumene; 9. 2: gecweden ; 3. 293: gelcerede ; 3. 295: gemartirode ; 3. 38 : ofslagene (or pred. ?); 2. 213 : onbryrde; 9. 69 : ymbtrymde. NPF. (1) : — 7. 302 : Twa bee beo-S isette . . . machabeorum ihatene. DSM. (1) : — 3. 25 : And eac his godcundnyss waes on •Srere menniscnysse to auum softan Criste of hyre acenned, asfre unbegunnen on Ssere godcundnysse. DSF. (1) : — 2. 114: on his gastlican gesihiSe, Apocalipsis gehaten. DSN. (1) : — 3. 362 : mid his wife, Elisabeth genamod. ASM. (4) : — 3. 332 : behet, -Sast hi habban sceoldon sunu, Isaac gehaten. So : 9.46; ihaten : 7. 49, 292. ASF. (1) : — 9. 9 : towasnde se cyning heora . . . burh, Hierusalem gehaten. 214 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. II. With an Object (0). No example. ANGLO-SAXON HOMILIES AND LIVES OF SAINTS, II. (22). A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (16). I. "Without an Object (11). NSM. (2) :— 15. 353 : ic hit unwlllende do ; 10. 90 : scamiende. NSF. (6) : — 1 8. 25 : swilce heo dweliende Syder come. So: 18. 29. — Other examples: — 10. 181: geomriende ; we- pende: 10. 100, 10. 180; 18. 32 : woperiende. NPF. (1): — 15. 51: hire fostermoder hi het gan mid o"Srum faemnum on feld, sceap to hawienne, and hi swa dydo[n] spinnende. APM. (2): — 15. 242 1&2 : Sume ic slcepende beswac and sume eac wacigende = 19. 265: Et cum dormiunt, venio super eos et excito illos a somno. II. "With an Object (5). NSM. (4):— 15. 52: Da ferde Olibrius to Anthiochiam, axiende etc. ; cicefiende : 18. 57, 80, 109. DSM. (1) : — 11. 16 : Audiens ex ore meo sermonem meum, adnuntiabis eis ex me, non ex te. ©set is on urum ge"Seode : Of minum mufte gehlystendum [for gehlystende by attraction to mwftef] ftix bodast hym mine spraace of me, uses of $e. B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (6). I. "Without an Object (5). NSM. (1) : — 15. 12 : wses sum hseften cyningc, Theodosius gehaten. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 215 NSF. (1): — 15. 44: heo cwseft : ic com -Sin Seowa [sic!'] clsena and ungewcemmed. NSN. (1): — 16. 55: big hym dryncan sealdon, $set wses wyn and eced gemenged togasdere. NPM. (1): — 12. 45: hwilum willes, hwilum geneadode gewuniaft of to drincanne. ASF. (1) : — 15. 45 : Be ic me betsece ungewcemmodc. II. With an Object (1). NSM. (1): — 17. 23: ic earn of Grecane rice and ic of Iudean waas, $an Pontisscen Pilate underfteodd. Note: Latin Participles. — Latin participles occur in 11. 16 (quoted under dative above), in 13. 13 (sciens = 3a v-iste se hselend), in 13. 59 [sciens = He wiste), and in 18. 68 (et videns filium etc. = no A.-S. equivalent). Again in no. 19, which is entirely in Latin and which is the basis, though not the literal equivalent, of no. 15 (Anglo-Saxon), about 55 appositive participles occur ; but, as no one of these is trans- lated by an appositive participle in Old English, it seems unnecessarv to cite them. GOSPELS' (280). A.— THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (237). I. Without an Object (115). 1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin appositive participle (107) : — NSM. (52) :— L. 23. 5 a & b : he astyraS "Sis folc, kerende Surh ealle iudeani agynnende of [galilea 0$ hyder] = Commovet populum docens per universam Judeam, incipiens a Galilsea usque hue. — Other examples: — L. 23. 14: ahsiende = inter- rogans ; L. 24. 12 a : alutende = procumbens ; andswari(g)ende = respondens: Mat. 11. 25, 20. 13; Mk. 9. 12, 10. 24, 11. 22, 13. 5, 14. 48 ; Luke: 4. 12, 5. 5, 5. 22, 7. 40, 13. 2, 14. 216 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. 5, 15. 29, 17. 17 ; Mk. 1. 35 : arisende = surgens ; L. 5. 3 a : astigende = adscendens ; Mk. 7. 34 : behealdende = suspiciens ; L. 3. 18 : bodigende = exhortans ; Mk. 1. 7 : bugende = pro- cumbens ; clypiende= damans: Mk. 15. 39, L. 23. 46 a ; ib. = exelamans: Mk. 1. 26 b ; Mat. 12. 44 : cumende = veniens ; Mk. 9. 20: fcemende = spumans ; Mat. 4. 9: feallende = cadens ; gangende = ambulans : Mat. 14. 25 (or pred.?), Mk. 6. 48 (or pred.?) ; ib. = transiens, L. 12. 37 ; L. 15. 5 : geblissiende = gaudens ; Mk. 1. 31 : genealozcende = accedens; hrymende = damans : Mk. 5. 5 (or pred.?), 5. 7; ib. = ex- damans : Mk. 9. 26 a , L. 8. 28 ; ingan(c)gende = ingressus : Mk. 1. 21, L. 1. 28; lairende = doeens : Mat. 4. 23, 9. 35 a , Mk. 12. 35; L. 17. 24: lyhtende = coruscans ; L. 5. 3 b : sittende = sedens ; Mk. 7. 33 : spcetende = exspuens; L. 4. 39 : standende = stans ; Mk. 15. 30: stigende >. = descendens ; L. 1. 78 : upspringende = oriens ; utgangende = egressus : Mk. 1. 45, L. 4. 42. NSP. (3) : — L. 2. 38 : And -Seos Seere tide becumende drihtne andette = Et hoec, ipsa hora superveniens, confite- batur Domino. — Other examples: — L. 2. 19: smeagende = conferens ; L. 2. 37 : fteowigende = serviens. NSN. (4):— Mk. 5. 33 a&b : Dset wif "Sa ondrcedende & forldigende com & astrehte hi = Mulier vero timens et tremens . . . venit etprocidit; gangende = introiens : Mk. 7. 15, 7. 18. NPM. (30) : — Mk. 15. 31 : heahsacerdas bysmriende be- tvvux -Sam bocerum cwsedon = sacerdotes illudentes . . . dicebant. — Other examples : — Mk. 7. 1 : cumende = venientes; L. 22. 65: dysigende = blasphemantes ; L. 2. 16: efstende = festinantes ; Mk. 16. 20: far ende = prof edi ; gangende = intrantes, Mat. 2. 11 ; ib. =incedentes, L. 1. 6; gehyrende = audientes: Mat. 13. 13 b , Mk. 4. 12 b , L. 8. 10 b ; geseonde = videntes: Mk. 4. 12 a , L. 8. 10 a ; Mk. 11. 24 : gyrnende = oranles ; Mat. 9. 27: hrymynde = damantes; Mat. 12. 45: ingangende = intr antes ; Mat. 5. 11 : leogende — mentientes ; lociende = videntes : Mat. 13. 13 a , 13. 14; L. 2. 48: sari- gende\= dolentes ; Mat. 27. 36: sittende = sedentes ; Mat. 17. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 217 3: sprecende = loquentes ; Mat. 6. 5 : standende = stantes ; Mk. 6. 32: stigende = adscendentes ; L. 5. 5 : swincende = laborantes ; utgangende (idgangynde) = exeunles: Mat. 8. 28, 9. 31, Mk. 3. 6, 6. 12; L. 20. 26: wundrigende = mirati ; L. 22. 44 : yrnende = decurrentis. NPN. (1) :— Mat. 8. 32 : hig [= «a deofla] 8a utgangende ferdon on Sa swin = At i 11 i exeuntes abierunt in porcos. NDM. (1):— L. 24. 17: hwset synt $a speeca 8e gyt reccea8 inc betwynan gangendef = Qui sunt hi sermones quos confertis ad invicem ambulantes f GPM. (1): — L. 18. 7 : StrSlice ne de$ God his gecorenra wrace clypiendra to him dseges & nihtes = Deus autem non faciet vindictam electorum suoruni clamantium ad se die ac nocte. GPN. (1): — L. 8. 32: And *3ar wees micel heord swyna on 'Sam munte Icesiendra = Erat . . . grex porcorum . . . pascentium in nionte. DSN. (1) : — Mat. 1 3. 47 b : Eft is heofena rice gelic asendum nette on Sa see & of eelcum fisc-cynne gadrigendum = Iter urn simile est regnum ceelorum sagenee missee in mare, et ex omni genere piscium congreganti. DPM. (5): — L. 6. 17: And mid him farendum he stod on feldlice stowe = Et descendens cum illis stetit in loco campestri. [Or shall we emend farendum to farende in accordance with the Latin ?] — Other examples : — Mk. 9. 42 : gelyfendum = wedentibus ; Mk. 16. 10 a : heofendum = lugen- tibus ; Mat. 11. 16: sitlendum = sedentibus ; Mk. 16. 10 b : wependum =flentibus. DPN. (2):— L. 7. 32 a&b : Hi sint gelice cildum on straete sittendum & specendum betwux him = Similes sunt pueris sedentibus in foro, et loquentibus ad invicem. ASM. (4) : — Mk. 15. 21 : & genyddon surane wegferendne simonem cireneum cumende of 8am tune . . . fteet he etc. = Et angariaverunt preetereuntem quempiam, Simonem Cyre- neeum venientem de villa etc. — Other examples: — J. 1. 9: 218 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. cumendne = venientem ; L. 17. 7 a : eregendne — arantem ; Mat. 9. 2 : licgende = jacentem. ASN. (J): — L. 6. 38 b : god gemet & full gebeapod and oferfloivende hig sylla# = mensuram, bonam . . . et sxvperej- ftuentem dabunt. APM. (1): — Mat. 4. 24: yfeihcebbende = male habentes. 2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin finite verb, which finite verb is usually subordinate or is in immediate connection with an appositive participle (2)=- NSM. (2) :— Mk. 11. 17 : & he 3a Icerende $us cwseS = Et docebat, dicens eis. — Mat. 26. 27 a : And he genam 'Sone calic ftanciende & sealde hym ftus cwe^ende = Et accipiens calicem, gratias egit, et dedit illis, dicens. 3. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin gerund in the ablative (2) : — NSM. (2) : — L. 15. 13 : & forspilde Sar his sehta, lybbende on his gselsan = et ibi dissipavit substantiam suam vivendo luxuriose; — L. 12. 25: ftencende = cogitando. 4. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin prepositional phrase (1) : — NSM. (1) : — Mk. 9. 24 : wepende cwseS = cum lacrymis aiebat. 5. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin ablative absolute clause (1) : — NSM. (1) : — L. 6. 20 : Da cwseS se haBlend beseonde to his leorning-cnihtum = Et ipse elevatis oculls in discipulos suos, dicebat. 6. An A.-S. appositive participle has no Latin corre- spondence (2) : — NSM. (1):— Mk. 5. 40: He . . . ineode swigende (Hat. MS.) "Sar "Sset mseden waes = Ipse . . . ingreditur ubi etc. NSF. (1): — L. 2. 51 : And his modor geheold ealle 3as word on hyre heortan smeagende = Et mater ejus conservabat omnia verba in corde suo. [Cf. L. 2. 19, where smeagende = confereyts.] THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 219 II. With an Object (122). 1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin appositive participle (117) : — NSM. (57):— Mk. 1. 41:. & his hand aSenode & hine cethrinende [Hat. MS. rethrinede] & "Sus cwse<5 = extendit manum suam, et iangens earn, ait illi. — Mat. 10. 5 a : Das twelf se h. sende, him bebeodende = Hos dnodecim misit J., prcecipiens eis. — L. 3. 3 : he com into eall iordanes ricse bodiende daedbote fulluht & synna forgyfenesse = venit in omnem regionem Iordanis, pvcedicans baptismnm pcenitentise in remissionem peccatornm (or pred.?). Sobodi(g)ende = p?'ce- dicans in : Mat. 9. 35 b , Mk. 1. 14 (or pred. ?) ; = evange/izans in L. 8. l b (or pred.?).— Mat. 9. 18: & ge-eaSmedde hyne to him, "Sus cweftende = et adorabat eurn, dicens. So cweftende (cwe$ynde)= dicens in : Mat. 8. 6, 9. 29, 9. 30, 10. 5 b , 13. 3, 13. 31, 26. 27 b , 26. 44, 27. 11; Mk. 1. 15 (or pred.?), 9. 25; L. 23. 46 ; J. 1. 15, 1. 32.— Other examples :— L. 5. 13 (MS. A) : aftenigende = exlendens ; behealdende = cireumspiciens, Mk. 3. 34; ib. —intuitus, Mk. 10. 21 ; Mk. 14. 13 : berende = bajulans; Mk. 3. 5 a : besceaiviende = cireumspiciens ; Mk. 10. 23 : beseonde hine = cireumspiciens (without object) ; — biddende = rogans, Mat. 8. 5; ib. = deprecans, Mk. 1. 40; bletsiende = benedicens, Mk. 14. 22, L. 1. 64; Mk. 5. fe ceorfende = concidens (or pred. ?) ; J. 6. 6 : fandigende his = tentans eum ; Mk. 8. 13 : forlcetende = dimittens; Mat. 9. 12 : gehyrende = audieus ; geseonde = videns, Mk. 9. 15 a , L. 1. 12 (no obj. in Latin) ; L. 14. 7 : gymende = intendens ; hceb- bende = habens : Mk. 3. 1, 9. 47, L. 4. 33, 7. 8 b ; Mat. 9. 35°: hcelende = curans ; L. 17. 15: mcersiende = magnifi- cans ; L. 4. 40 : onsettende = imponens; L. 8. l a : prediciende = prcedicans (or pred.?); secende = qucerens : Mat. 12. 43, L. 11. 24, 13. 7 (or pred.?); — L. 3. 16 : secgende = dicens ; Mk. 10. 16: settende = imponens ; slitende = discerpens, Mk. 1. 26 a , 9. 26 b ; ib. = scindens, Mk. 14. 63; L. 10. 30: upbe- seonde hine = suscipiens (no object) ; L. 18. 43 : ivuldrigende 220 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. = magnificans ; L. 24. 12 b : wundrigende -Sees = mirans quod (or pred.?). NSF. (4) :— Mat. 20. 20 a&b : Da com to him zebedeis bearna modor mid hyre bearnum hig ge-eadmedende & sum •Singe fram him biddende — Tunc accessit . . . mater, adorans et petens aliquid ab eo. — Other examples : — J. 11. 28: cwe- JSende = dicens ; Mk. 3. 8 : gehyrende = audientes. NSN. (3) : — L. 2. 23 : "Sset selc wrepned gecynd-lim ontynende by$ drihtne halig genemned = Quia omue mascu- linum adaperiens vulvam, sauctum Domino vocabitur. — Other examples: — Mk. 7. 19 : clcensigende = purgans ; L. 7. 29 a : gehyrende = audiens. NPM. (36):— Mk. 1. 5: & wseron . . . gefullode . . ., hyra synna andetende (MS. A.) = et baptizabantur . . ., con- fitentes peccata sua. — Other examples : — Mk. 6. 55 : befarende = percurrentes ; Mk. 2. 3: berende = ferentes (or pred.?); L. 24. 53 b : bletsigende = benedicentes (or pred.?); Mat. 19. 3 : costnigende hine = tentantes eum ; — cwe&ende = dicentes in : Mat. 6. 31, 8. 25, 9. 27, 10. 7, 10. 12, 12. 10, 12. 38, 27. 23, 27. 29, Mk. 3. 11, J. 11. 31 ; — demende = judicantes : Mat. 19. 28, L. 22. 30 (or both pred.?) ; fandi(g)e7ide his = tentantes eum: Mk. 10. 2, J. 8. 6 ; L. 24. 52: gebiddende = oremtes (no obj. in Latin); L. 6. 35: gehihtende = sper antes ; ge- hyrende = audientes: L. 4. 28, 8. 15 ; L. 20. 11 : gewoecende = ajicienies; Mk. 7. 3: healdende = tenentes ; heriende (her- gende) = laudantes: L. 2. 20 b (or pred. ?), 24. 53 a (or pred. ?); L. 20. 47 : hiwgende = slmulantes ; secende = qucerentes : Mat. 12. 16, 12. 47, L. 1 1 . 54 ; ib. = requirentes : L. 2. 45 ; Mk. 7. 13: tos/itende = rescindentes ; L. 23. 10: wregende = aecusantes (or pred.?); L. 2. 20 a : wuldriende = g/orificantes (or pred.?). NPF. (3): — Mat. 9. 33: $a menigeo wundredon cweftende = rniratse sunt turbse, dicentes. — Other examples: — Mat. 15. 31 a : geseonde = videntes ; Mat. 15.30: hcebbe7ide = habentes. NPN. (4) : — Mat. 8. 31 : $a deofla softlice hyne bsedon, $us cweftende = Dsemones autem rogabant eum, dicentes. So cweftende = dicentia in L. 4. 41 b . — Other examples : L. 4. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 221 41 a : hrymende = damantia ; Mat. 27. 55: ftenigende hiin = ministrantes ei. NP. M. or N. (1) :— L. 23. 49 : cirSan & wif geseonde = videntes. NDM. (1):— Mk. 11. 5: Hwset do gyt Sone folan unti- gendef = Quid facitis solventes pullum ? DSM. (2) : — L. 6. 48 : He ys gelic timbriendum men his hus= Similis est homini cedificanti domum. Cf. L. 6. 49: He *is gelic &ra timbriendan men his hus ofer $a eorgan = similis est homini cedificanti domum etc. DPN. (1) :— L. 7. 32° : Hi synt gelice cildum . . . cweKen- dum = Similes sunt pueris . . . dicentibus. ASM. (5) :— Mat. 8. 17 : Sset ware gefylled ««et gecweden is -Surh esaiam "Sone witegan, -Sus civeftende = Ut adimplere- tur quod dictum est per Isaiam prophetam, dicentem. So cwetiende = dicentem in Mat. 12. 17, 27. 9. — Other examples : — Mk. 9. 17 : hcebbende = habentem ; L. 17. 7 b : lcesgendne = pascentem. 2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin finite verb, which finite verb is generally either subordinate or in immediate connection with an appositive participle (3):- NSM. (1) :— Mat. 14. 19 : beseah on Soue heofon & bletsi- gende braec ~Sa hlafas = adspiciens in ccelum benedixit et fregit . . . panes. NSF. (1) : — L. 18. 5: fte-lses heo aet neahstan cume me behropende = ne in novissimo veniens sugillet me (or pred. ?). NPM. (1) :— Mk. 9. 15 b : & hine gretende him to urnon = et accurrentes salutabant eum. 3. An A.-S. appositive participle has no Latin corre- spondence (2) : — NSM. (1) :— Mat. 22. 35 : axode hyne & fandode hys 3us cwe&ende = Et interrogavit eum unus ex eis legis doctor, ten tans eum. NSF. (1):— J. 12. 28: Da com stefn of heofone 3us cweftende = Yenit ergo vox de coelo. 6 222 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (43). I. Without an Object (36). 1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin appositive participle (34) : — NSM. (14) :— Mk. 14. 51 : Sum iungling him fyligde mid anre scytan beicosfed nacod & hi namon hine = Adolescens autem quidam sequebatur eum amictus sindone super nudo. — Mk. 5. 30 : he cwasS beioend to "Ssere menigu = conversus ad turbam aiebat. So bewend = conversus: L. 7. 9, 10. 23, 14. 25, 23. 28.— Other examples : — Mk. 9. 20 : forgnyden = elisus; Mk. 5. 4: gebunden— vinctus; Mat. 2. 22: gemynegod • = admonitus ; gesett = constitutus: Mat. 8. 9, L. 7. 8 a ; Mk. 3. 5 b : geunret= contristatus ; L. 22. 32 : gewend = conversus; Mat. 25. 25 : ofdrced = timens (or pred.?). NSF. (1): — Mat. 14. 8: Da cwseS heo fram hyre meder gemyngod — At ilia prcemonita a matre sua . . . inquit. NSN. (2):— L. 11. 17 : iElc rice on hyt sylf todceled by« toworpen = Omne regnum in se ipsum divisum desolabitur. — L. 10. 15 : upohafen = exaltata. NPM. (5): — L. 1. 74: $set we butan ege of ure feonda handa alysede him fteowian = Ut sine timore, de manu . . . liberati, serviamus illi. — Other examples : — gefullode (gefidlede) = baptizati, L. 7. 29 b , 7. 30 ; L. 9. 31 : gesewene = visi ; Mat. 7. 6 : gewende = conversi. NPN. (1):— Mat. 26. 47 : «a com iudas ... & micel folc mid hym mid swurdum & sahlum asende fram . . . ealdrum = ecce Judas . . . venit, et cum eo turba multa cum gladiis et fustibus, missi a principibus etc. DSN. (1) : — Mat. 13. 47 a : Eft is heofena rice gelic asendum nette on $a sa3 = Iterum simile est regnum coelorum sagense missce in mare. ASM. (7): — Mk. 16. 6: ge secaft "Saene nazareniscan hse- lend ahangenne = Jesum quseritis Nazarenum, crucijixum. — Other examples : — Mat. 27. 37 : awrilenne = scriptam ; Mk. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 223 15. 17: awundenne = pleclentes ; Mk. 15. 15: beswungenne = ccesum ; L. 23. 16: gebetne = emendatum ; Mat. 27. 16: gehceftne = vinctum ; L. 7. 25 : gcscrydthie = indutum. ASF. (1):— L. 22. 12: he eow betaxrS mycele healle gedcefte = ipse ostendet vobis ccenaculum magnum stratum. ASN. (2) : — L. 6. 38 : god gemet & full geheapod . . .big syllaft = mensuram bonam, et confertam et coagitatam . . . dabunt; Mat. 27. 34: gemenged = mixtum. 2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin finite verb, which finite verb is usually subordinate or in immediate connection with an appositive participle (1): — ASM. (1): — L. 20. 15: hig hine of bam wingearde awurpon ofslegene = ejectum ilium extra vineam occiderunt. 3. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin adjective (1) : — NSF. (1):— L. 1. 28: hal wes $u mid gyfe gefylled = Ave, gratia plena (or subst. ?). II. With an Object (7). 1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin appositive participle (7) : — NSM. (1) : — Mk. 9. 31 : & ofslagen Sam -Sriddan deege he arist = et occisus tertia die resurget. DSF. (1) : — L. 1. 27 : wees asend. gabriel ... to hewed- dudre faernnan anum were ftaes naraa wses iosep = ... ad virginem desponsatam viro cui nomen erat J. ASM. (3): — Mat. 11. 8: o3Se hwi eode ge ut geseon maun hnescum gyrlum gescrydnef = Sed quid existis videre? hominem mollibus vestitum? So gescrydne = indutum: L. 23. 11; Mk. 16. 5: oferiorohne = co-opertum. ASN. (1) : — Mat. 11.7: Hwi eode ge ut on wesften geseon winde awegyd hreod? = Quid existis in desertum videre? arundinem vento agitatamf APM. (1) :— Mat. 4. 24 : hi brohton him ealle yfel- heebbende, missenlicum adlum & on tintegrum gegripene = 224 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. obtulerimt ei omnes male habentes, variis languoribus et torment is comprehensos. Note : Examples of Participles hitherto cited as Appositive. A. Erdmanu (p. 26) considers bebeodende appositive in Matthew 11.1 (Jiyt woes geworden ■$« se hcelynd %ys ge-endude hys twelf leorning-cnihtum bebeodende he for ftanun = factum est, quum consummasset Jesus prcecipiens duodecim discipulis suis, transiit inde), and that %ys is the object of bebeodende; while Mtitzner (in., p. 70) and March (§ 458) seem to hold that the participle here is used substantially and is the object of ge-endude. To me, however, neither of these views seems tenable ; I take %ys to be the object of bebeodende and the participle to be used predicatively after the intransitive verb of ending, as is common in Greek (cf. Goodwin, Gr. Grammar, § 1578) and as occurs in the Greek of this verse. Again, Erdmanu (p. 28) holds that gangende is appositive in Luke 9. 34 (hi ondredon him gangende on ftast genip = tim- ucrtiitt, infrantibus Mis i)i nubem); but, as I have since tried to show (Abs. Ptc. in A.S., p. 13), the participle is more probably a crude absolute dative. According to Erdmann (p. 28) ahsiende is possibly apposi- tive in 31ark 9. 32 (hi adredon hine ahsiende = timebant interrogare eum), while Matzner (in., p. 70) and March (§ 458) appear to look upon ahsiende as the substantival object of adredon. For several reasons, however, I believe that ahsiende is to be emended to ahsienne, which latter is the infinitive object of adredon. (1) We know that this confu- sion] of infinitive and participial forms occurs in the Gospels (cf. above Mk. 1. 5, where I give MS. A.'s andetende instead of the Corpus anddetenne). (2) We find the verb ondrcedan governing an inflected infinitive as direct object (cf. Mat. 1. 20, 2. 22, both cited by Erdmann). (3) ahsienne would correspond better with the infinitive of the Latin (and Greek) than would ahsiende. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 225 In Luke 9. 55, Professor Bright, following MSS. B. and C, reads : hine beivend, he hig ftreade (= eonversus increpavit illos), in which case beivend would be appositive. But, as we have no other instance in the Gospels of the past participle (beivend) governing an accusative, it seems better to read, with the remaining MSS., beivende (bewente).* The Lindisfarne and Rush worth Glosses likewise have a finite verb here. For the other occurrences of beivend in the Gospels, see NSM. under B, I., 1 above. WULFSTAN (28). A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (9). I. Without an Object (3). NSM. (1) : — 244. 7 a : 3set is feeder and sunu and halig gast and is an so<5 god rixigende and gemende ealra his gesceafta a butan ende. NPM. (1) : — 295. 14 : hi sculon fleonde on gefeohte beon ofslagene. NPN. (1) : — 236. 26 : and $a deoflu wendon seeamigende aweg. II. With an Object (6). NSM. (5) : — 199. 15 : be $ani awrat Iohannes . . . Sus cweftende. lb. 201. 8, 246. 11, both immediately before a Latin quotation. [Only one other example of cweftende occurs in Wulfstan (see 105. 30 under NPM.). Wulfstan translates dicens (dicentes) twice by a co-ordinated finite verb (60. 14, 87. 15) and once by a subordinated finite verb (87. 18), while twice he leaves it untranslated (31. 32, 77. 3).] — 244. 7 b : Sset is feeder and sunu and halig gast and is an soft * The past participle must however certainly be allowed to govern the accusative. I should still regard hine bevcend as a servile translation of eonversus, and the readings of Corp. and A. as representing steps in revision. — J. W. B. 226 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. god rixigende and gemende ealra his gesceafta a butan ende. — 278. 9 : and on "Sam eahtoftan dsege manna gehwylc ham ferde mid fulre blisse gode selmihtigum ftancjende 'Ssere maerSe (or predicative?). NPM. (1): — 105. 30: we bine senne ofer ealle oSre Sing lufja-S and wurSjaS mid gewissum geleafan cweftende etc. B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (19). I. Without an Object (15). NSM. (2): — 25. 19: se fte -S^ne bryne "SurhfaerS unbe- sencged (or pred.?) ; 26. 7 : gemencged (or pred.?). NPM. (7):— 133. 5 a4b : and ge tofesede swrSe afirhte oft litcl werod earhlice forbugaiS = 131. 23 : et animam uestram tabescentem faciam, et persequentur uos inimici uestri, et fngietis nnllo persequente. — 137. 18: and we beo$ him ■Sonne fseringa beforan brohte seghwanon cumcne to his ansyne. — Other examples: — gehadode (gehadede) : 160. 1,181. 29/272. 21, 292. 30. ASF. (5):— 263. 4, 5, 6 a&b : 5eah «e 3a mihtegestan and fta ricestan hatan him reste gewyrcan of marmanstane and mid goldfrsetwum and mid gimcynnum eal astcened and mid seol- frenum ruwum and godwebbe eall oferwrigen and mid deor- wyrSnm wyrtgemengnessnm eal gestreded and mid goldleafum gestrewed ymbutan ; 163. 6 : gewylede. AP. M. or F. (1): — 46. 7 : wa eow, he cwseS, fte lecgaft togsedere hamas and sehta on unriht begytene on seghwilce healfe. II. With an Object (4). NSM. (1) : — 48. 3 : and forSam he sceal drefan dimne and deopne hellewites grund, helpes bedceled. NPM. (3):— 256. 12 a - b -°: ac gewitaS fram me, wuldre b'dcelede, freondum afyrede, feondum betcehte in $am hatan wylme hellefyres. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 227 Note: Latin Participles in Wulfstan. — Thirty-four Latin participles occur in Wulfstan. Of these, twelve are untrans- lated (cidorantes, 175. 14; audientes (twice), 42. 29, 47. 12; dicens (twice), 31. 32, 77. 3; egressus, 87. 10; eleuatus, 31. 19; placentem, 31. 28; reatus, 63. 12; respondens, 87. 12; scribentes, 43. 9; sumentes, 30. 12); twelve are translated by a subordinated finite verb (accedens, 29. 11 ; agnoscens, 29. 15; audiens, 190. 11; dicentes, 87. 18; fallens, 50. 19; habentes, 43. 15 b ; ponentes (twice), 42. 25, 26; sciens, 248. 9; sperantes (twice), 43. 15, 48. 6; tabescentes, 131. 30); and nine are translated by a co-ordinated finite verb (dans, 29. 21; dicens (twice), 60. 14, 87. 15; faciens, 248. 10; re- spondens (respondentes) (thrice), 62. 3, 67. 23, 87. 16 ; reuer- tentes (twice), 44. 5, 49. 17). BENET 1 (142). A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (103). I. Without an Object (40). 1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin appositive participle (35) : — NSM. (12) : — 95. 10 : niwan cumende (text : cutnenne) senig to gecyrrednesse ne si him eSelic forgifen infsereld = Noviter veniens quis ad conversionem non ei facilis tribuatur ingressus. So cumende = veniens: 80. 6, 95. 13. — Other examples : — 4. 8 : forseonde = respuens ; 36. 2 b : gangende = ambulans ; 116. 15: gebetende = satisfaciens ; 114. 14: ge- truwigende = confide ns ; 69. 5 : ingangende = ingrediens ; 68. 1: lujicende = diligens ; 36. 2 a : sittende = sedens ; 36. 2 C : standende = stans ; 57. 3 b : fturhwunigende = persistens. NSF. (1) : — 2. 11 : utan gehyran . . . clipiende hwaet us myngie stefn = audiamus . . . damans quid nos ammo- neat vox. NSN. (1) : — 9. 16 : "Sset forme mynstermanna 'Saet is mynsterlic campiende under regule o33e abbude = Primum 228 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. coenobitarura hoc est monasteriale militans sub regula vel abbate. NPM. (13) : — 55. 7 : arisende soSlice to godes weorce . . . gemedlice tihtan oftSe laran = Surgentes vero ad opus dei invicern se moderate cohortent. So arisende (ariscende) = surgentes: 55. 4, 81. 16. — Other examples: — 24. 12: droh(ti)gende = degentes ; 106. 11: forahrcedigende = pre- venientes ; 24. 1 l b : gangende = ambulantes ; gecyrrende = revertentes: 92. 14, 93. 2; 24. 10: libbende = viventes ; 6. 12: fturhwunigende = jjerseverantes ; idgangende = exeuntes : 75. 5 b , 81. 12, 93. 1. NP. M. or F. (1) : — 45. 7: gebyriende = pertinexdes. Note. — utgangendum (in 66. 15 : 3a utgangendum = egre- dientes) is either absolute or substantive; in the latter case read fta utgangendan. GSM. (1) : — 25. 10 : se -Se heortan his besceawaft ceoriendes = qui cor ejus respicit murmurantis. GPM. (2) : — 69. 1 : meosan etenda gebnySrum (read ge- 6m5ra) rsedinc wana beon na scell = Mensis fratrum edenlium lectio deesse non debet; 78. 12 : xdgangendre = exeuntium. DSM. (1) : — 13. 9 : ftset ahwenne him na secge syngendum = nequaudo illi dicat deus peccanti. DPM. (1): — 118. 10: us asolcenum -j yfel lybbendum 3 gimeleasum scame gescyndnysse = nobis autem . . . male viventibus . . . rubor confusionis est. APM. (2): — 21. 7: geSohtas 3a yfelan heortan his to becumende (text becumenne) sona to christe aslidan = Cogita- tiones malas cordi suo advenientes mox ad christum allidere. So cumende = advenientes : 33. 5. 2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin adjective (2) : — NSM. (1) : — 61. 6 : hordere si gecoren of gegaBflerunge wis . . . na upahafen [blank] drefende = Cellarius . . . eligatur de congregatione sapiens . . . non elatus non turbulentus. NPM. (1) : — 11. 2 : -Sa . . . cumliftiaft sef're worigende ~) nsefre staSolfseste = qui . . . hospitantur semper vagi et nunquam stabiles. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 229 3. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin gerund in the ablative (3) : — NSM. (3): — 61. 11 : forseonde hine he ne gedrefe = non spernendo euni contristet. [Cf. Benedict 1 54. 14: he fteah mid forseawennesse hine ne geunrotsige.] — 114. 10 a&b : his unacumenlicnesse se Se gewis [blank] j gedafenlice [blank] na modigende [text : modigenne] o38e wiftstandende [blank] = impossibilitatis sue causas ei qui sibi preest patienter et oportune suggerat, non superbiendo aut resistendo vel con- tradicendo. "[Cf. Benedict 1 128. 15, 16: Saet he eft mid geftylde on gedafenre tide his maegenleaste his ealdre gecySe, he no -Seah na wr&stande, ne mid modignesse ne wiScwe'Se.] Note 1 . — It is possible to construe forseonde, modigende, and vnftstandende above as appositive participles, but it is also possible that they may be used here precisely as the Latin gerunds are ; that is, they may be verbal nouns in an oblique case instead of verbal adjectives in the nominative case. Certainly yrnende in the following is a verbal noun : Benet 1 3. 15 : . . . n 'Sses rices healle on inne gyf we wyllaS [blank], buton [blank] mid godum daeduni yrnende nateshwon ne bi3 becumen = (In) cujus regni tabernaculo si volumus habitare, nisi illuc bonis actibus eurrendo minime pervenitur. [Cf. Benedict 1 3. 9 : NatoSaeshwon his rices eardung brS gefaren buton mid gymene and gehealdbiimnesse godra dasda; ofst and hradung godra weorca is to "Seem rice weges fsereld.] In all probability, too, onginnende and standcnde, corre- sponding respectively to a Latin gerundive and gerund, are verbal nouns, not verbal adjectives, in the following : — Benet 1 105. 5 a&b : sefter endebyrdnesse $a $a he gesette o-frSe ■§a "Sa habba3 $a sylfan gebro^ran hi ne genealsecan [blank] to huselgange to on * seal muni ginnende on choro standende = Ergo secundum ordines quos constituent vel quos habue- rint ipsi fratres si [read sic] accedant ad pacem, ad comniu- nionem, ad psalmum imponendum, in choro standum. [Cf. *As Logeman (foot-note to p. 105) says, on belongs with ginnende. 230 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. Benedict 1 115. 4, 5 : ... gauge selc sefter oSrurn to cosse, to husle and be 'San on chore stande and sealmas and gehwylce •Senunga beginne.~\ Note 2. — In the following the present participle that corre- sponds to a Latin gerund in the ablative seems in use to be a pure adverb: — Benet 1 43. 4: ftset is Sset sig [blank] sungen buton antempne teonde sethwega swa swa on -Sam sunnan die dsege = id est, ut sexagesimus sextus psalmus dicatur sine antiphona subtrahendo rnodice sicut dorninica. [Cf. Benedict 1 37. 8 : ]?aet is -Sset se syxaudsyxtigefta seahn . . . sy gecweden butan antefene, and he sy on swege gelencged hwsethwara ealswa on sunnandsege.] — Benet 1 76. 3 : "Sane forSi eallunga teonde latlice we wyllaS beon gessed = quern propter hoc omnino protrahendo et morose volumus dici. [Cf. Benedict 1 68. 9 : ftomie we eac for$i on -Sam sancge lencgcvS.~\ II. With an Object (63). 1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin appositive participle (62) : — NSM. (32): — 68. 1 : sig hus cyte ofer hi betaeht 3 "Sen adrcedende [blank] ^ lufiaeude = sit cella super se deputata, et servitor timens deum et diligens. [Here and occasionally at other places deum is not glossed, perhaps because of its familiarity.] — 34. 6 : gelyfe . . . geeadmetende hine sylfne = credat . . . humilians se. — Other examples: — 29. 11 : asmai- dand (MS. : asmaidan) = scrutans (or predicative?); 16. 8 : behiwiende = dissimulans ; 13. 8: o"Srum bodiende = aliis predicans ; 104. 16: brucende (MS.: brucenne) anwealde = utens potestate; 111. 8: donde=faciens; 61. 7 : drcedende (MS. drcedenne) = timens; 31. 16 : geefenlcecende = immltans; 5. 3 : gefyllende = complens; 29. 3 : gehealdende = eusto- diens ; gehyrende = audiens : 3. 1, 17. 14; 35. 2: habbende = habeas ; 98. 11 : hecddeade = reservans ; 31. 10: lujtende = amans ; 14. 14 : mcengcende tidum tida = miscens tempo- ribus tempora ; 109. 5: nimende = sumens ; 2. 16: seeende THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 231 = qucerens ; 28. 14: secende [sic /] = ponens ; secgende = dicens : 36. 5, 78. 10; 16. 9: taliende (MS.: taliendre) = pendens; 4. 7: tihtende (MS.: tihende) = suadentem ; 109. 2 a : ftencende = cogitans ; 36. 4 : wenende = existimans ; untende = sciens: 15. 12, 19. 3, 57. 4 a , 97. 5, 103. 14; 1. 8 : wiftcweSendc lustum = abrenuntians voluptatibus. NSF. (1): — 98. 6: Saet fers eall seo gardening -Sriddan srSan togefteodende [text : -enne] mid [blank] = Qnem ver- sum omnis congregatio tertio respondeat adjungentes gloria patri. [The A.-S. has nothing corresponding to the Latin respondeat. Of course, the A.-S. participle may be plural, as the Latin one is.] NSN. (3) : — 27. 2 : clypaiS us gewritt -Seet godcunda eala seccende (= secgende) = Clamat nobis scriptura div T ina fra- tres dicens. So secgende = dicens : 30. 14. — 32. 7: gesutuli- ende = ostendens. NPM. (19) : — 5. 16 : ^ giffleonde helle wite life we wyllaS becuman to 'Sam ecan = Et si fugienies gehenne jxaenas ad vitam volumus pervenire perpetuam. — Other examples : — 4. 1 1 : ahwenende (= ah wenende?) = existimantes ; 12. 14: forhicgende = contempnentes ; forlalende = relinqucntes : 23. 16, 24. 1; ib. = dese rentes : 23. 17; 32. 12: gefyllende = adimplentes ; 24. ll a : gehyrsumiende (w. dat.) = obedientes ; healdende = servantes: 10. 9 b ; ib. = observantes : 117. 16; 51 10 : myndigende = commorient es ; nimende = accipientes : 92 7; ib. = assumentes : 109. 16 ; 3. 16 : secgende = dicentes ; fteowgende (fteoiciende) (w. dat.) = servientes : 11. 3, 67. 13 109. 15 b : loenende = estimantes ; witende = scienies : 107 12, 116. 4. GSM. (3) : — 31. 11 : $as stefne drihtnes mid dsedum ac he geefenlsece secgendes = sed vocem illam domini factis imi- tetur dicentis. So secgendes = dicentis, 57. 4 b . Cf. 109. 2 b (Sencende gescad 3ses halgan iacobes secgende = cogitans discretionem sancti Jacob dicentis.) GPM. (1): — 111. 5: swa hwaenne swa geceost [blank] mid ge^eahte [blank] ondrcedendra gode etc. = quemcumque elegerit abba cum consilio fratrum timentium deum. 232 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. DSF. (1): — 3. 8: est [sic] lufternpre [blank] (-Siss)ere stefne [blank] gekc&gendre la ge fta leofestan gebro^ran = Quid dulcius nobis (ab h)ac voce domini invitantis. ASM. (1):— 107. 7: Sset [blank] for his leahtrum . . . ge&ajiendne (text : -enne) had mid gelicum ge'Seahte gif gecys'S = Quod si etiam oranis congregatio vitiis suis . . . consentientem personam pari consilio elegerit. APN. (1):— 26. 14: higlista [blank] o«3e idel word [blank] stirienda . . . we . . . fordema'S = Scurilitates vero vel verba otiosa et risum moventia . . . dampnamus. 2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin gerund in the ablative (1) : — NSM. (1) : — 31. 5 : ariende = parcendo. B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (39). I. Without an Object (30). 1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin appositive participle (30) : — NSM. (15): — 59. 6 : $eah $e he amansumad hit ne gebet teartere genealsece ftrseiungan = etiam si excommunicatus non emendaverit acrior ei accedat correptio. — Olher examples : — 100. 3 : bepceht (MS. bepcehft) = deceptus ; 68. l c ; fulfremed = sollicitus ; 77. 13: geasindrod = sequestratus ; 97. 17 gebeden = rogatus ; 107. 14: gehadod = ordinaius ; 78. 14 gehaten=jussus ; 104. 6: geminegod = ammoniius ; 54. 7 b geSreat = correptus ; 2. 5 : geyrsod = irritatus ; 78. 11 pro afered = stratus; 12. 11 : tolysed = absolutus ; 98. 17 unscryd= exutus; upahafen= elatus: 59. 9, 61. 5. NSF. (1) : — 36. 12 : sona to ftsere so^an lufan godes becymft to •Ssere fulfremed ut seo asend ege = mox ad karitatem dei perveniet illam que perfecta foras mittit timorem. NSN. (1): — 70. 17: an pund awegen genihtsumige on dege = Panis libera una propensa sufficiat in die. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 233 NPM. (10) : — 10. 7 : 'Sa on aenigum regole na afandode vel [sic] ofrSe afundennessa lareowas . . . leogan gode . . . synd acnawene = qui nulla regula approbati experientia magistri . . . rnentiri deo . . . noscuntur. — Other examples : — 113. 9: astreht (MS.: astrefrS) = prostrati ; 44. 11 : gecyrde = conversi ; 10. l a : gelcerde = docti ; 32. 14: genydde = angarizati ; 76. 10: gesawene = visi ; 75. 5 a : gesette = positi : 10. l b : getyde = instructi ; 10. 9 a : ncxode = molliti ; 109. 15 a : tobrcedde = infiati. ASM. (2): — 118. 12: Sysne Sane laestan acunnednesse regol awritenne fylstendum criste "Su gefremme = banc mini- mam inchoationis regulam dlscriptam adjuvante christo per- ficias ; 20. 10 : gedonne = factum. APF. (1) :— 92. 15 : [b]rec $as Sa -Sa [blank] beo"S asende on hrsegelhuse niman 'Sa hi gecyrrende geSwagenu ^ara agenbringan = Femuralia hi qui in via diriguntur de vesti- ario accipiant qui revertentes lota ibi restituant. [Is the -u of ge&wagenu due to lota, and is geftwagenu to be considered a neuter despite the gender of [6]rec f~\ Note. — In the following, gewunede and gedihte appear to be used as adverbs: — 92. 16: cuflan "j tonican beon o^er- hwilen synd gewunede sunt [sic] habban sethwigan beteran = Cuculle et tunice sint aliquanto solito quas habent modice meliores ; 40. 11: sitteudum eallum gedihte y be endebyrd- nysse on sceamolum = residentibus cunctis disposite et per ordinem in subselliis. II. With an Object (9). 1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin appositive participle (9) : — NSM. (1) : — 54. 7 a : ftset senig of Sam on sumere fserunga tobrced modignesse gif brS gemet teallic etc. = Quod si quisque ex eis aliqua forte inflatus superbia repertus fuerit reprehensibilis etc. 234 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. GSF. (1) : — 16. 7 : ftset he na Sset an nyfterunga sefwyrSe heorde him sylfan befcestre -Solige = ut non solum detrimenta gregis sibi commissi non patiatur. GPF. (1) : — 16. 9 : hgele saule him sylfan bifcestra = salu- tem animarnm sibi commissarum. DSN. (1):— 57. 3 a : ana [blank] to weorce [blank] to be- tcehtum = Solus sit ad opus sibi injundum. DPM. (1) : — 31. 1 : 3 gif fram englum [blank] betehtum = et si ab angel is nobis deputatis. DPN. (1): — 75. 4: on -Sam sylfum betcehtum him sylfum •Singum = in assignato sibi commisso. ASM. (1): — 104. 4: se [blank] regol fram decanum o&3e fram pravostum him sylfan gesetne gehealden wite = qui tamen regulam a decanis vel prepositis sibi constitutam servare sciat. ASF. (2): — 104. 15: se ne abbod gedrefe befceste him sylfum heorde = Qui abbas non conturbet gregem sibi commissam ; 62. 15: him betcehte = sibi commissum. II. — IN THE POEMS. A.— LONGER POEMS. BEOWULF (91). A.— THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (23). I. Without an Object (19). NSM. (9) :— 2272 : se $e byrnende biorgas seceS ; ib. 2569 (or pred.?); 815: waes gehws&Ser oSrum Ufigcnde la$. — Other examples: — 2219: slcepende; 2235: ftanchycgende ; 2518: unbyrnende; 708: wceccende; 2062: icigende (or lijigende f); 2716: wishycgende. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO— SAXON. 235 NSF. (1) : — 1953 : ftser hio sift-San wel . . . lifgesceafta lifigende breac. NPM. (2) : — 916 : Hwilum flitende fealwe strsete mearum mseton ; 2850 : hy scamiende scyldas bseran. N. Dual M. (1) : — 535 : Wit ftset gecwsedon cnihfwcsende. DSM. (2) : — 1389 : ftset bift drihtguman unlifgendum sefter selest ; 1187 : gif he ftset eal gernon, hwset wit to willan and to worftmyndum umbor-wesendum ser arna gefreraedon (or subst. here?). ASM. (3): — 2781: ligegesan wseg hatne for horde, hioro- weallende; 372: Ic hine cufte cnihtwesende ; 46: fte hine set frumsceafte forft onsendon senne ofer yfte umbor wesende. APM. (1) : — 1581 : slcepende frset folces Denigea fyftyne men. II. With Object (4). NSM. (3): — 2106: goinela Scilding fela fricgende feorran rente (but Kohler considers fela an adverb) ; 2350 : for fton he ser fela nearo neftende nifta gedigde; 1227 : Beo ftu suna milium dsedum gedefe dream healdende. [Should we not write dream-healdende, as Grein does in his Glossary ? Cf. dream-hcebbendra in Genesis 81. Kohler considers healdende as substantivized.] NPM. (1) : — 1829 : Gif ic ftset gefricge ofer floda began g, ftset ftec ymbesittend egesan ftywaft, swa ftec hefende hwilum dydon, ic fte ftusenda ftegna bringe, hselefta to helpe (or a substantivized participle, as Kohler holds). B. — THE PBETERITE PARTICIPLE (68). I. Without an Object (18). NSM. (9): — 1351 : ofter earmsceapen on weres wsestmum wrseclastas trsed (may be considered substantivized as by Kohler) ; 2569 : Gewat fta byrnende gebogen scriftan (or pred. ?) ; 846 : hu he . . . on nicera mere fsege and gefiymed 236 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. feorhlastas beer ; ib. 1370; 2852: He gewergad sset ; 868: guma gitphlceden or attrib. ?); 262 : Wses tnin feeder folcurn gecvfted, se£ele ordfniraa Ecg~Seow haten (may be pred.) ; 1913: Ceol up geftrang, lyftgeswenced on lande stod ; 2443: sceolde hw SB'S re swa fteah seSeling unwrecen ealdres linnan. NSF. (2): — 614: cwen HroSgares . . . grette goldhroden gumaii on healle ; ib. 1948. NSN. (1): — 3012: ac "Seer is maxima hord, gold unrirne grimme geceapod (may be pred.). NS. M. or N. (1): — 3085: Hord is gesceawod, grimme gegongen. NPM. (1): — 1819: we sselrSend secgan wyllaft, feorran cumene, "Sset etc. NPN. (2) : — 59 : Basni feower beam forft gerimed in woruld wocun. — Other examples: — 3049: fturhetone (or pred. ?). DSM. (1): — 1479: ftset "Su me a waere for&gewitenum on feeder stsele (cf. Abs. Ptc. in A.S., p. 16). APF. (1) : — 1937 : ac him waelbende weotode tealde, hand- gewriftene. II. With an Object (50). NSM. (27): — 1113: wses eftgesyne . . . se^eling manig wundum awyrded; 721 : Com . . . rinc simian dreamum bedceled; ib. 1275. — Other examples: — 1451 : befongen frea- wrasuum ; 2274: fyre befangen ; ib. 2595; 531: beore druncen; 1467: wine ; 2580: bysigum gebceded; 3117: strengum gebceded; 2359: bille gebeaten; 2401: tome ge- bolgen ; 2111 : eldo gebunden; 923: cystum gecyfted; 217: winde gefysed; 630 : gu'Se gefysed; 2309 : fyre gefysed; 1005: nyde genyded ("Wulckerhas genydde) ; 975: synnum geswenced; 1368 : hundum geswenced; 1285 : harnere ge- fturen; 250: waepnum geiveorftad ; 1450: since ; 1038: since gewurftad; 1645: dome ; 2255: hyrsted golde; 845 : n'rSa ofercumen. THE APPOSITTVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 237 XSF. (5) : — 1443 : scolde herebyrne honduru gebroden, sid and searofah sund cunnian. — Other examples : — 3018 : golde bereafod ; 1333: fylle gef(r)cegnod ; 111: golde geregnad; 624 : mode geSungen. NSX. (5) : — 553 : beadokrsegl ... on breostum lseg, golde gegyriced. — Other examples: — 2680: niSe genyded; 2764: sear w um gesceld; 2441: fyrenum geseyngad ; 406: seowed smrSes orSancum. NS. M. or X. (1): 3146: astah . . . swogende leg wope beiounden. NPM. (3): — 1126: Gewiton him -Sa wigend wica neosian freondum befeaMen Frysland geseon; 480: Ful oft gebeotedon beore druncne ofer ealowsege oretmecgas. — Other examples : — 3014 : feore gebohte. ASM. (1): — 3139: Him 3a gegiredan Geata leode ad on eorSan unwaclicne, helmum behongcn. ASF. (2) : — 2931 : bryd aheorde, gomela iomeowlan golde berofene. — Other examples: — 2192 : golde gegyrede. ASX. (2) : — 1900 : He Srem batwearde bunden golde swurd gesealde ; 1531: wearp -Sa wundenrnsel wrsettum gebunden yrre oretta (though some consider gebunden as nom.). AS. M. or X. (1) : — 2769 : Swylce he siomian geseah segn eallgylden, . . . gelocen leoSocreeftum. APM. (1) : — 1028 : ne gefrsegn ic freondlicor feower mad- mas golde gegyrede gummauna fela in ealobence oSrurn gesellan. APX. (2) : — 2762 : Geseah . . . fyrnmanna fatu feorm end- lease hyrstum behrorene ; 871 : so^e gebunden. Note 1. — Kohler reads ecdo drincende in 1945, and con- siders drincende an appositive participle ; I retain Wiilker's ealodrincende, which is a substantive. Note 2. — The text is too defective to admit of classifying the following: 304: gehroden ; 1031: bewunden; 2229: earrmsceapen ; 2230: sceapen ; 3151: wunden. 238 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. GENESIS 1 (42). A. — THE PEESENT PARTICIPLE (10). I. Without Object (10). NSM. (3) : — 1583 : ac he hlihende bro'Srura ssegde. — Other examples: — 874: sceomiende; 347: sorgiende. NSF. (1) :— 890 : gitsiende. NSN. (1):— 560: willende. NPM. (1):— 2066: hlihende. GPF. (1) : — 81 : -Srymruas weoxon dugivSa mid drihtne drea mhceb b en dra. DSM. (2) : — 2663 : ftset ic $e lissa lifigendum giet on dagum lsete dugirSa brucan, sinces gesundne ; 2649 : Me ssegde ser •Sset wif hire wordum selfa unfricgendum, fteet etc. ASM. (1): — 2169: ac ic fte lifigende her wr3 weana ge- hwam wreo ^ scylde. B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (32). I. Without Object (11). NSM. (4) : — 1571 : SwiSe on slsepe sefa nearwode, "Sa3t he ne mihte on gemynd drepen hine hand urn self mid hrsegle wryon. — Other examples: — 725: gchugod; 481: gewanod; 1799 : haten (may be pred., as Seyfarth holds). GPM. (1) : — 1836 : feorren cumenra. GPN. (1) : — 1185 : wintra gebideivra etc. ASM. (1) :— 1865 : geSreadne. ASF. (2): — 165: ceteowde; 549: gesceapene (or pred.?). ASN. (1) :— 2022 : forslegen (or attrib. ?). APN. (1):— 1520: besmiten. II. With Object (21). NSM. (9):— 930: dugeSum bedceled ; 2099: eorlum be- droren; 2124: secgurn bcfylled ; 2605: wine druncen ; THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 239 1818: drihtne gecoren ; 2668: egesan gtf&read ; 2137: elne gewurftod; 32: ni-Ses of&yrsted ; 2740: hleowfeSmni ~Seaht (or pred. ?). NPM. (5): — 86: leohte belorene ; 76: ftystrum be&eahte; 1734: metode gecorene ; 1693: hleoSrura gedcelde; 2002: ecgum ofSegde. NPF. (2):— 2082: dome bedrorene ; 2010: freondum be- slcegene. NPN. (2): — 2001: secgu m ofslegene; 1989: helnium^eaAte. ASN. (2): — 1263: hundtwelftig geteled rime wintra; 2344 : geteled rimes. APN. (1) : — 1336 : Su seofone genim on %mt sundreced tudra gehwilces geteled rimes. Note. — Seyfarth considers the following as appositive parti- ciples:— 183: umvundod, 319 : fylde, 1472: liftend, 2480: ^earfende. But, in The Abs. Pic. in A.-S. (p. 17), I have shown that umvundod is used predicatively, and that fylde is a finite verb. The form of Iv'Send seems to me to show that it is a substantive. I consider that ftearfende is used sub- stantively, as does Dietrich (quoted by Wulker). — In 2603, genearwod, the text is too defective to admit ot classification. EXODUS (12). A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (3). I. Without Object (3). NSF. (1) : — 213 : Wceccende bad eall seo sibgedriht somod setgsedere maran msegenes. NPM. (2) :— 452 : flugon forhtigende (or pred. ?) ; 264 : lijigende. B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (9). I. Without Object (3). NPN. (1) : — 497 : synfnllra sweot sawlum lunnon fseste befarene. 240 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. ASM. (1) : — 412 : unweaxenne. ASN. (1): — 232 : x. hund geteled tireadigra. II. With Object (6). NSM. (3): — 532 2 : wreccura alyfed; 532 1 : worn mum awyrged; 549: mihtum swifted. NSF. (1) :— 580 : golde geweorftod, NPM. (1) : — 36 : swsefon seledreatnas since berqfene. ASN. (1) :— 372 : geteled rime. DANIEL (13). A.— THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (5). I. Without Object (3). NSM. (2) :— 687 : hamsittende (or attrib. ?) ; 573 : Ufgende. NPM. (1) :— 296 2 : Ufgende. II. With Object (2). NSM. (2) : — 355 : ftsev fta dsedhwatan geond ftone ofen eodon ■} se engel mid, feorh nerigende ; 396 : ftec . . . gastas lofiaS lifirean, lean sellende eallurn . . . [defective MS.] ece drihten. B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (8). I. Without Object (1). ASM. (1) : — 521 : gesceledne. II. With Object (7). NSM. (3) : — 736: drihtne gecoren; 184 2 : mode gefrecnod; 184 1 : mane gemenged. NSN. (1) : — 556 : treow . . . telgum besnceded. NPM. (3):— 296 1 : lige belegde ; 92: metode gecorene; 259 : aldre generede. THE APPOSHTVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 241 Note. — Spaeth considers 696 (Seeton him set wine wealle belocene) as appositive, but the participle is rather predicative after seeton. CYNEWULF'S CHRIST (65). A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (14). I. Without Object (13). NSM. (3): — 176: Hweet bemurnest 3u, cleopast ceari- gendef — Other examples : — 426: forftgongende; 1324: unsco- miende. NSF. (4): — 1160: Hell eac ongeat scyldivreccende Sset etc.; 1016: sorgende ; 1584: scrv&ende; 288: ftristhycgende. NPM. (4): — 950: breeende ; 387: bremende; 90: geom- rende ; 992: ivanende. DPM. (1): 1266: sorgendum. ASM. (1) : — 1391 : "Sa ic fte on Sa feegran foldan gesette to neotenne neorxnawonges beorhtne bleed welan, bleom scinende. II. With Object (1). NPM. (1) : — 1271 : on &m hi awo sculon wreec witmende weerg^u dreogan. [Grein 1 and Gollancz 1 & 2 write as a com- pound, ivreecwinnende.~] B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (51). I. Without Object (15). NSM. (2) : — 475 : acwseS Waldend engla, gefysed, Frea mihtig, to Feeder rice ; 970 : Grorna-S gesargad eal mid- dangeard (but Hertel considers it predicative after an intransitive verb). NSF. (3):— 1065: arcered; 1087: biseon (or pred.?); 380 : geblissad. NSN. (2): — 218: acenned; 961 : gesargad. 242 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. NPM. (3):— 1229: arasode; 1298 1 : ascamode; 1274: fordone. NPN. (2): — 1223: Donne beo$ gesomnad $a clsenan folc . . . gecorene bi cystum ; 1071 ; Donne weoroda msest fore Waldende, ece and edgeong, ondweard gse$, neode ond nyde bi noman gehatne (may be masc., as Cook gives it). GPM. (1): — 179: Ne ic culpan in $e, incan senigne sefre onfunde, worn ma geworhtra. ASN. (1) : — 890 : mon mseg sorgende folc gehyran, hyge- geomor, hearde (/('fused, cearurn cwi^ende cwicra gewyrhtu, forhte afa3rde. APN. (1) :— 892 : afcerde (quoted under ASN. 889 above). II. With Object (36). NSM. (6) : — 625 : ond to fisere ilcan scealt eft geweor<5an wurmum aweallen. — Other examples : — 725 : claftum be- wunden (or pred. ?) ; 1407 : bidceled dugeSum ond dreamum ; 1432: mane ; 1206: deaSfirenum forden; 10:5 mon- num sended. NSF. (4): — 192: Sonne sceal Dauides dohtor sweltan, stanum astyrfed. — Other examples : — 1085 : blode bestemed (or pred. ?) ; 908 : gebleod wundrum ; 292 : beaga hroden. NS. N. or M. (1): — 1139: ftaes temples segl, wundor- bleom geworht to wlite -Sees huses, sylf slat on tu. NPM. (21) : — 940 : steorran swa some stredaft of heofone, •Surh Sa strongan lyft stormum abeatne. — Other examples : — 1525: rsedum birofene; 1519: willum biscyrede ; 1643 2 : sorgum biwerede; 1643 1 : sibbum bisweftede; 831 : wselmum biwrecene; 1642: leohte biwundne ; 1103: firenum fordone; 1356: adle gebundne; 1538: lege gebundne ; 993: hreowum gedreahte ; 1298 2 : scondum ; 1508: drynces ; 1644 1 : dreamum gedyrde; 393: swegle gehyrste; 1644 2 : Dryhtne gelyfde; 149 : suslum geslcehte; 385 : dome ge- siv&Sde; 986: sundes getwcefde ; 1509: $urste ge&egede; 447 : hrseglum gewerede. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 243 GSM. (1) : — 20 : Eadga us siges oftrum forivyrned, wlitigan wilsi'Ses, gif his weorc ne deag. DPM. (1) : — 151 : bring us hselolif wergum wite- "Seowum, wope forcymenum. ASF. (1) :— 120 : Nu we hyhtfulle ha3lo gelyfab Surh -Sset Word Godes weorodurn brungen. APM. (1) : — 873 : slsepe gebundne. Note. — In 891 (mon mseg sorgende folc gehyran, hyge- geomor, heard e gefysed, cearum cw'tf&ende cwicra gewyrhtu), Hertel considers cicvSende appositive, but to me it seems to be used predicatively as a second accusative. ELENE (26). A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (9). I. Without Object (7). . NSM. (3) : — 352 : swa hit eft be eow Essaias . . . wordum rnoelde, deophycggende fturh dryhtnes gast; ib, 881; 951: wvSerhycgende. NSF. (1) : — 449 : Ne mseg . . . Ebrea "Seod rcedfteahtende rice healdan. NPF. (1) : — 906 : sawla ne moton manfremmende in minum leng sehtum wunigan. DSM. (1) : — 810 : Sie fte, niaegena god, ftrymsittendum 'Sane butan ende. ASM. (1) : — 795 : Forlset nu . . . wynsumne up under radores ryne rec astigau lyftlacende. II. With Object (2). GPM. (1) : — 1096 : Da se halga . . . eode gumena Create god hergendra. DPM. (1) : — 1220: $a eallum bebead on 'Sara gumrice god hergendum, werurn and wifum, "Saet etc. (Schiirmann : substantivized). 244 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (17). I. Without Object (3). NSN. (1) : — 1226: mserost bearna, 'Sara fte of eorSan up aweoxe geloden under leafum. GPM. (1) : — 992 : Nses fta fricgendra under goldhoman gad in burgum feorran geferede [Sievers as quoted by Wiilker : geferedraf]. ASM. (1) : — 529 : mec fader rain . . . unweaxenne wordum Iserde. II. With Object (14). NSM. (6) : — 697 : cleopigan ongan sarum besyled. — Other examples: — 932: sarum forsoht ; 1128: egesan geaclod; 720: hungre gehyned ; 1263: wirum gewlenced ; 1094: breostum onbryrded. NSF. (1): — 331 : on ^rymme bad . . . geatolic guftcwen golde gehyrsted. NSN. (2): — 2: Da wees agangen geara hwyrftum tu hund •] 3reo geteled rimes; 634 : geteled rime. NPM. (2) : — 766 : dreogaft dea'Scwale in dracan fae^me fteostrum forftyhned ; 263: hyrstnm geiverede. NPN. (1) : — 883 : leomu colodon ftreanedum be&eaht. GPN. (1): — 1284: Sceall seghwylc . . . worda swa same wed gesyllan, eallra unsnyttro ser gesprecenra. ASM. (1) : — 1058 : "Sset he gesette . . . Iudas 3am folce to bisceope . . . craeftum gecorene. Note. — Schxirmann (p. 368) considers the following apposi- tive, but I substantive: — 279: meSelhegende ; 395: sywwyr- cende. On the other hand, as the statistics show, 1 have classified as appositive participles several words that he considers as substantives. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 245 JULIANA (28). A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (11). I. Without Object (10). NSM. (5) : — 68 : Da reordode rices hyrde wi$ Ssere fsemnan feeder frecne mode darafthcebbende ; 281 : lyft- lacende; 137: "Se "Su hasstlice manfremmende to me beotast (or subst. ?) ; 445 : sceal nu lange ofer "Sis scykhcyrcende scame ftrowian ; 261 : siftende. NSF. (1): — 252: gleawhycgmde. NSN. (1): — 648: ic leof weorud Iseran wille cefrem- mende, etc. NPM. (1) :— 662 : wceccmde. DSF. (1) : — 196: wi'Serhycgendre. ASM. (1) :— 435 : iSrymsitiendne (cf. Phcenix 623). II. With Object (1). GPM. (1) : — 6 : geat on grseswong god hergendra hseSen hildfruma haligra blod ryhtfremmendra. [Gollancz has god-hergmd[r']a ) in which case we have a substantive.] B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (17). I. Without Object (7). NSM. (5):— 411: acyrred ; 320: afongen ; 417: bifokn; 262 1 : geftungm; 262 2 : sended (or pred., as Conradi holds?). GPN. (1) :— 686 : mtedra. ASM. (1) : — 617 : awyrgedne. II. With Object (10). NSM. (4) :— 350 : facne bifongen; 203 : niSa gcbceded; ib. 462 ; 582 : yrre gebolgen. 246 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. NSF. (2): — 241: heolstre bihdmad ; 535: breostum inbryrded. NPM. (4) : — 681 : hroSra bidceled hyhta lease helle sohton. — Other examples: — 486: beore druncne ; 13: dse- dum gedwolene; 490: sarum gesohte. GUTHLAC (4 2). A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (11). I. Without Object (10). NSM. (1) : — 1085 : lac onsregde deophycgende dryhtne to willan. NPM. (7) : — 203 : sceoldon wraecmeecgas ofgiefan gnornende grene beorgas; ib. 651; 117: Sonan si$ tugon, wide wa$e wuldre bescyrede lyftlacende. — Other examples : — 401 : mur- nende; 828: scudende; 879: wedende; 635: vrifterhycgende. NPF. (1) : — 1250 : wyrta . . . himigflowende. GSM. (1) :— 1190 : neosendes. II. With Object (1). NSM. (1):— 1029: ac he hate let torn Koliende tearas geotan. [Furkert considers ftoUende predicative after let, but incorrectly I think. Cf. Judith 272.] B.— THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (31). I. Without Object (8). NSM. (5) : — 911 : Hrefter innan born afysed on for3si"5. — Other examples: — 1286: arcered ; 662: gegearwad ; 1287: gesewen; 913: ungeblyged. NSN. (1) :— 1282 : lie colode belifd under lyfte. NPF. (1): — 1249: wyrta geblowene. NPN. (1): — 1263 : scadu sweSredon tolysed under lyfte. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 247 II. With Object (23). NSM.(8) : — 1127 : awrecen wselpilum ; 1260 : . . . wselstrae- lurn ; 967: flsesce bifongen ; 1143: leana biloren ; 1004: foldserne bifteaht ; 640: attre geblonden ; 1126: nearwum genceged ; 1 274 : husle gereorded. NSF. (1) : — 1325 : — Sonne seo "3 rag cyrneft wefen wyrd- stafum (or pred. ?). NSN. (1) : — 888 : him to honda hungre gtf&reatad fleag fugla cyn. NPM. (7) : — 116 : wuldre bysoyrede ; 873 : drearaura bidro- rene ; 872: hiwes binotene ; 1047: wilna biscirede ; 645: wuldre biscyrede ; 858: adle gebundne; 1046: ac in lige sceolon sorgwylmum soden sar wanian. NPN. (2) : — 930 : leornu hefegedon sarurn gesohte; ib. 1003. ASM. (3) :— 1312 : life bilidmne ; 992: is me . . . geSuht, •Sast Se untrymnes adle gongum on ftisse nybstan niht bys- gade, sarbennum gesoht; 1118 : feorhhord onleac searocaegum gesoht. APM. (1) :— 740 : leohte gercehte. RIDDLES (44). A.— THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (8). I. Without Object (8). NSM. (4) : — 13. 14 : lifgende; ib. 29. 9 ; 3. 8 : winnende; 41. 107 : wrotende. NSN. (1) : — 49. 4 : sine for secgum swigende cwseS. NS. F. or N. (1) :— 84. 5 : wiht . . .ferende. NPM. (1) : — 17. 6: hi beo^ swrSran bonne ic ~\ mec slitende sona flyrnaft. GSF. (1) : — 55. 5 : stondendre. 248 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (36). I. Without Object (9). NSM. (4) :— 72. 12: bunden ; 24. 16: searosceled; 2. 11: sended ; 24. 15: unbunden. NSF. (2) : — 21. 2 : gegyrwed ; 21. 1 : sceapen. NS. F. or N. (1) : — 24. 2 : ic eom wreetlic wiht on gewin sceapen. NSN. (1):— 31. 2 1 : bewunden. NPM. (1):— 12. 6 1 : gemcedde. II. With Object (27). NSM. (12): — 28. 14: msegene binumen ; 28. 13: strengo bistolen ; 3. 9: holmmsegne bifteaht; 18. 2 : gefylled dryht- gestreona (or pred. ?) ; 2. 10 : holme gehrefed ; 71. 8 : hringum gehyrsted ; 4. 6Q : meahtum gemanad ; 41. 85: gewefen wundorcrsefte ; 91. 4: hringum gyrded; 5. 2: hringum hcefted; 11. 4: yftum fteaht; ib. 17. 3. NSF. (5): — 27. 6: sindrum begrunden; 71. 1: reade beiccefed (or pred.?); 32. 20 : frcelwed hyrstum • 4. 22: eare geblonden ; 32. 10: gemren crseftum. NSN. (2):— 31. 3: fyre gebysgad (or pred.?); 31. 2 2 : wedre gesomnad (or pred. ?). NPM. (4): — 14. 8: meahtum aweuhte ; 12. 6 2 : mode bestolene; 14. 7 : reafe birofene ; 12. 7 : dsede gedwolene. NPN. (1) : — 27. 14 : wrsetlic weorc srnrSa wire bifongen. ASF. (1) : — 87. 2 : wombe 3ry$urn geftrungne. ASN. (2): — 24. 8: spilde geblonden; 30. 3: listum gegierwed. Note 1. — Two Latin appositive participles occur in the Riddles, but are not translated into Anglo-Saxon : — 90. 4 1 & 2 : Dum starem et mirarem, vidi gloriam magnarn : duo lupi stantes et tertium tribid[cmtes] mi pedes habebant, cum septem oculis videbant. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 249 Note 2. — The defective text precludes the classification of the following: — 78. 7: bewrigene; 83. 3 and 4: life bewunden, fyre gefartsad ; 84. 40 : wuldrum gewlitegad. ANDREAS (33). A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (7). I. Without Object (4). NSM. (3): — 1557: heau, hygegeomor, heofen.de sprsec j 378 : Eeuig ne wende, bret he lifgende land begete ; 59 : He 3a wepende weregum tearum his sigedryhten sargan reorde, grette. GSM. (1) : — 528 : 3u cyninges eart -Segen . . . ftrymsittendes. II. With Object (3). NSM. (2) : — 570 : ilvSelinge weox word ^ wisdom, ah he ■Sara wundra a dom agende dsel senigne frsetre 3eode beforan cySde ; 300 : Him 3a ofstlice Andreas wi3 wine ftearfende wordum meelde (cf. Guthlac 1321, where wineftearfende is substantive). DPF. (1) : — 491 : Ic wses on gifeSe iu y nu syxtyne sibum on ssebate, mere hrerendum mundum freorig, eagorstreamas. B.— THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (26). I. Without Object (12). NSM. (6) : — 78 : 3y lass ic lungre scyle ablended in burgum . . . leng 3rowian. — Other examples : — 1299: awerged; 267: bewunden; 1127: gehcefted ; 436 2 : ge&reatod ; 436 1 : geftyd. NSN. (1) : — 1529 : sund grunde onfeng deope gedrefed. NPM. (1) : — 665 : nses $ser folces ma . . . sinra leoda nemne ellefne orettmascgas, geteled tireadige. GPM. (1) : — 24 : hie blod and fel, fira flseschoinan feorran cumenra 3egon. 250 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. ASM. (1) : — 1651 : Bser se ar godes anne gesette wisfsestne wer, . . . *y gehalgode . . ., Platan nemned. ASF. (1): — 646: ic on 'Se sylfum soS oncnawe wisdornes gewit wundorcrsefte, sigesped geseald (or fact. ?). APM. (1) : — 883 : swylce we gesegon for suna meotudes . . . eowic standan, twelfe getealde, lireadige hseleS. II. With Object (14). NSM. (5) : — 309 : Sa?t $u ssebeorgas secan woleles, mere- streama gemet, ma^mum bedceled. — Other examples : — 1314 : duguSum hereof od; 413: bil In m foregrunden ; 983: elne gefyrftred; 1313: rayrce gescyrded. NSN. (1) : — 772 : niorSre bewunden. NPM. (4): — 1631: witum aspedde; 1618: wuldre bescyrede; 1003: dreore druncne ; 746: mode gemyrde. DSM. (1): — 487 : Sset Su me getaehte . . . hu Su wa3gflotan wsere bestemdon, ssehengeste sund wisige. ASF. (1) : — 675 : he lungre ahof woSe . . . wean onblonden. ASN. (1) : — 1035 : gelaedde . . .on friS dryhtnes tn ■} hundteontig geteled rime (cf. Andr. 665 and Elcne 2, 634). APN. (1) : — 1046 : weorod on wilsiS wolcnum beSehte. Note. — The MS. is too defective to classify 1025 : gewyrht. PHCENIX (26). A.— THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (4). I. Without Object (4). NSM. (1) : — 368 : forSon he drusende deaS ne bisorgaS. NSF. (1) : — 502 : Sonne Seos woruld scyldwyrcende in scome byrneS. GPM. (1): — 178: ealra beam a on eorSwege uplcedendra. DSM. (1): — 623: ond Se Sonc sy Krymsittendum. Cf. Summons to Prayer 2: Srymcyningc thronum sedens ; and ib. 25 : to Seodne thronum regenti. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 251 B.— THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (22). I. Without Object (7). NSM. (3):— 525: afcered; 180: gescylded; 160: geftungen. NPM. (1) :— 592 : gebredade. NPF. (2) : — 226 : geclungne ; 541 : gecorene. ASN. (1) :— 274 : gefrcetwed. II. With Object (15). NSM. (9) : — 535 : flresce bifongen ; 306 : bregden feSrurn ; 602: brogden wundrum ; 140: srelum geblissad ; 27: wyn- nurn gebloiven ; 162: wintrurn gebysgad ; 486: wsepnum geftryfted ; 551: wuldre geweorftad ; 550: breostum on- bryrded. NSF. (1) :— 503 : ade oncefed. NSN. (1) :— 62 : lyfte gebysgad. NPM. (1) : — 633 : manes amerede. ASF. (2) : — 170 1&2 : biholene j bihydde rnoneguni. APM. (1) : — 488 : sawlum binumene. METRES OF BOETHIUS (13). A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (6). I. Without Object (6). NSM. (1) : — 2. 2 : Hwset ic licrSa fela lustlice geo sang on sselum ! nu sceal siofigende wope gewseged wreccea giomor singan sarcwidas = Boeth. 2 3. 2 : Carmina qui quondam studio florente peregi, flebilis in msestos cogor inire modos. NSF. (3):— 20. 221: Sonne hio ymb hi selfe secende smeaS; ib. 20. 214; 20. 212: hwarfeS ymbe hy selfe oft smeagende ymb etc. NSN. (1) : — 3. 4 : Sonne hit winnende his agen leoht an- forlseteft. 252 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR NPF. (1) : — 11. 34: Swa hsefS geheaSerod hefonrices weard mid his anwealde ealle gesccafta, Sset hiora seghwilc wr3 oSer wiirS, "J "Seah winnende wreSiaft fseste = Boeth. 2 48. 3 : Quod pugnardia semina foedus perpetuum tenent. B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (7). I. Without Object (4). NSM. (1):— 1. 82: forSoht. NSF. (1):— 6. 15: geondstyred. NPM. (1) : — 25. 7 : ymbestandne = Boeth. 2 95. 2 : sceptos. APM. (1): — 19.4: a/ceded (perhaps should be ahedeft, as Grein conjectures). II. With Object (3). NSM. (1) : — 2. 3: wope geivceged (see Latin under 2. 2 above). NSN. (1) : — 3. 8 : sorgum gesweneed. NPM. (1) : — 25. 6 : golde gegerede. THE METRICAL PSALMS 1 (37). A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (17). I. Without Object (13). NSM. (2) :— 50. 75 (Cot.) : Sonne ic . . . ofer snawe self scinende Sinre sibbe lufan sona gemete = et super nivem dealbabor ; 77. 65 1 : slcepende = dormiens. NPM. (5):— 50. 56 (Cot.): cerrende = o ; 125. 5 1&2 : gangende ~) ferende georne wepaS = euntes ibant et flebant ; 146. 10 : se Se mete syleft manegum neatum, hrefnes briddum, Sonne heo hropende him cigeaS to = Qui dat jumentis escam ipsorum, et pullis corvorum invocantibus eum ; 113. 25: Ujigende = qui vivlmus. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO—SAXON. 253 DSN. (1) : — 82. 6 : raid eardiendum folce in Tyrum = cum habitantibus Tyrura. DPM. (1) : — 140. 6 : raid man mini mavfremmendum = cum hominibus operantibus iniqnitatem. ASN. (2) : — 140. 4 : sete swsese geheald swylce, drihten, mirSe minum (ne Iset man sprecan) ^ ae^Sele dor ymb- standende, "Sret on welerum wisdom healde = Pone, Domine, custodiain ori meo ; et ostium circumstantice labiis meis ; 57. 6 : yrnende = currens. APM. (2) :— 68. 25 : gramhkgende = o; 123. 2 : lifigende = vivos. II. With Object (4). NSM. (2):— 104. 10: and him ba raid soSe ssegde, cweftende = Et statuit . . . dicens ; 105. 4: Genuine us, drihten, on modsefan foriS hycgende folces 3ines *j us mid hselo her geneosa = Memento nostri, Domine, in bene- placito populi tni ; visita nos in salutari tuo. NPM. (1) : — 138. 17: Blodhreowe weras ! ge bebugaft me, "be "beet on gcbohtuni -Sencea^ cwe'Sende = Viri sangninum declinate a me ; quia dicitis in cogitationibus vestris. GSM. (1): — 105. 17 : Hi . . . ongunnan . . . onwendan heora wuldor on -basiie wyrsan had harbenstyrces hig etendes = et mutaverunt gloriam snam in similitudinem comedentis foenum. B.— THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (20). I. Without Object (9). NSM. (3) : — 115. 6 : •binre -beowan sunu on 3e acenned = filius ancillas tuse; 148. 9: alceded = o; 50. 74: geclcensod = mundabor. NSF. (2):— 50. 127 (Cot.): hiorte geclansod = cor con- tritum ; 143. 10 : Ic . . . singe on psalterio, -be him swynsa-S oft mid tyn strengum getogen hearpe = cantabo tibi ; in psalterio decern chordarum psallam tibi. 8 254 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. NSN. (1) :— 128. 4 : afohten = evellatur. NPM. (1) : — 67. 24 : gegaderade = conjuncti. NPF. (1) :— 50. 145 (Cot.) : forgeofene = o (or pred. ?). ASF. (1) : — 107. 9 : Hwylc geliede-3 me on lifes byrig fseste getrymede = Quis deducet me in civitatem munitam. II. With Object (11). NSM. (2) : — 77. 65 2 : wine druncen = crapulatus a vino ; 54. 24 : bealuinwites fsecne gefylled = dolosi. NSF. (1) : — 50. 128 (Cot.): hiorte . . . geeadmeded inge- •Saucum = cor . . . humiliatum. NPF. (1) :— 50. 51 (Cot.) : ic . . . bidde "Sast me forgefene gastes wunde an forSgesceaft feran mote. [There is no Latin correspondence to this part of 50. 51, the verse being much amplified in the O. E. translation. Grein in Glossary sub v. forgifan says that forgefene is accusative absolute, and supplies ic as subject of mote. I translate as Dietrich (quoted by Grein) : ' ut mihi condonata animi vulnera in abolitionem abire possint.'] NPN. (3): — 106. 36: syft'San greowan luugre land heora aloden wsestmum = Et seminaverunt agros, et plantaverunt vineas, et fecerunt fructum nativitatis ; 148. 10: fugla cynn frSerum gescyrped = volucres pennatae (may also be singu- lar) ; 67. 17 : wserun crseta tyn Susendo geteled rime = currus Dei decern millibus multiplex. DSN. (1) : — 67. 26 : on Sinum temple tidum gehalgod, •(Sset ys on Hierusalem = a templo sancto tuo quod est in H. (or NSM. ?). ASF. (2) : — 59. 8 : weallum beworhte = munitam; 131. 5 : stowe drihtne gecorene = locum Domino. APN. (1) : — 106. 32 : He on westenne wynne streamas soSfsest sette, 'Sser he sarig folc geftewde ^urste -$a blissade = Quia posuit flumina in desertum, et exitus aquarum in sitim. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO— SAXON. 255 B.— MINOR POEMS* AZARIAS (2). A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (1). I. Without Object (1). NPM. (1):— 16 2 : lifigende. B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (1). I. With Object (1). NPM. (1) :— 16 1 : lege bilegde. CALENDAR OF SAINTS (4). A. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (4). I. Without Object (2). NSM. (2) : — 7 : forSy se kaleud us cyme-S ge&incged on ■Sam ylcan daege ; 164 : Ssette HaligmonS heleSum ge&inged fereft to folce. II. With Object (2). NSM. (2): — 142: waestmum hidden; 205: forste gefe- terad (may be ace.). CHARMS (4). A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (1). I. Without Object (1). NSM. (1) : — i. 74 : Ful recer fodres fira chine beorht- blowende, -§u gebletsod weoHS. *The text of the Ruin is so defective that I have taken no account of this poem. 256 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (3). I. Without Object (2). ASN. (1) : — i. 61 : heo si geborgen wr3 ealra bealwa gehwylc, 'Sara lyblaca geond laud sawen. APN. (1) : — i. 64 : "©"set awendan ne insege word ftus gecivedene. II. With Object (1). NSM. (1) : — viii. 30 : Iohannes wuldre gewlitegod. CHRIST'S DESCENT INTO HELL, RESURRECTION, ASCENSION, AND APPEARANCE AT FINAL JUDGMENT (4). A. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (4). I. Without Object (1). APM. (1) :— 81 : gebeged. II. With Object (3). NSM. (1) : — 172 : dome gewurftad. NSN. (2) : — 284 : wynnum bewunden ; 283 : gimmum gefrcetewod. CREED (1). A. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (1). I. Without Object (1). ASM. (1) : — 10: cyning, hider asendne. DOOMSDAY (5). A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (3). I. Without Object (2). NSM. (1) : — 25 1 : murenigende cwae'S. NPM. (1): — 231 : deriende gedwinaS. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 257 II. With Object (1). NPN. (1):— 112: cumaS hider ufon of heofone dea$ beacnigende tacen = signa minantia mortem of Latin original. B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (2). I. With Object (2). NSM. (2): — 290: blostmum behangen ; 25 2 : mode gedrefed. DREAM OF THE ROOD (Vercelli Text) (3). A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (1). I. Without Object (1). NSM. (1) : — 24 : HwseSre ic Seer licgende lange hwile beheold hreowcearig hselendes treow. B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (2). I. Without Object (1). DSN. (1) : — 49 : Eall ic waes mid blode bestemed, begoten of "Sees guman sidan. II. With Object (1). ASN. (1) : — 5 : leohte beivunden. DURHAM (1). A. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (1). I. With Object (1). NPN. (1) : — 19: EardiaS ... in -Sem minstre unarimeda reliquia, monia wundrum gewurftad. 258 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. EADGAR (2). A. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (2). I. With Object (2). NSM. (1) :— 28 B : hama hereof od. NSN. (1) : — 11 A: agangen wses tynhund wintra geteled rimes. EADWEARD (2). A.— THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (2). I. Without Object (1). NSM. (1) : — 9 : wel ge^Sungen. II. With Object (1). NSM. (1) : — 16 : lande bereafod. FALLEN ANGELS (DIE KLAGEN DER GEFALLENEN ENGEL) (12). A. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (12). I. Without Object (3). NSM. (1):— 181 : aworpen. NPM. (1) :— 308 : gefrcetewod. ASF. (1) : — 341 : Godes andsacan hweorfan geond helle, hate onceled ufan and utan. II. With Object (9). NSM. (5) :— 186 : goda bedceled ; 122 : dugirSum bedeled; 121: wuldre benemed ; 38: gebunden fyrclommum ; 131: synnum forwundod. NPM. (3): — 344: dream urn bedcelde ; 52: susle begro- rene ; 343 : wuldres bescyrede. NPF. (1) :— 296 : sorgum bedcelde. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 259 FATES OF MEN (3). A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (1). I. Without Object (1). DSM. (1) : — 9 : god ana wat, hwset him weaxendum winter bringe'S. B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (2). I. With Object (2). NSM. (2): — 55: dreamum biscyred ; 20: mode gebysgad. GLORIA (2). A. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (2). I. Without Object (2). NSM. (2): — 10: asyndrod; 12: gebletsod. GNOMIC VERSES (1). A.— THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (1). I. Without Object. (1). NSM. (1) : — ii. 35 : to ftaes oft cymeS dea-S unhinged. HARROWING OF HELL (HOLLENFAHRT CHRISTI) (2). A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (2). I. Without Object (2). NSM. (1) : — 24 : hlyhhende sprsec. NPM. (1) : — 91 : incendon mumende. 260 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. HUSBAND'S MESSAGE (2). A. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (2). I. Without Object (1). NSF. (1) : — 13 : Sset "Su sinchroden sylf geraunde. II. With Object (1). NSM. (1) : — 39 : nyde gebceded (ms. is defective). HYMN (1). A. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (1). I. With Object (1). NSM. (1) : — 43 : haliges gastes fegere gefelled. INSCRIPTION ON CROSS AT BRUSSELS (2). A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (1). I. Without Object (1). NSF. (1) :— 2 1 : bser byfigende. B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (1). I. With Object (1). NSF. (1) :— 2 2 : blode bestemed. JUDITH (9). A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (1). I. With Object (1). NPM. (1) : — 272 : Hi $a somod ealle ongunnon cohhetan, cirraan hlude 3 gristbitian gode orfeorme, mid tofton torn THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 261 ¥>oligende. [Cf. Guthlac 1029: torn ftoliende ; and Psalm 111 9 : torn toSum ftolian = dentibus freraere.] B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (8). I. With Objkct (8). NSM. (2): — 67: wine swa druncen ; 118: Systrum forftylmed. NSF. (2): — 171: golde gejrcetewod; 129: -Seawum ge- %ungen. ASF. (2): — 36: beagum gehlceste; 37: hringu m gehrodene. ASN. (1) :— 329 : golde gefrcetewod. APF. (1) :— 339 : gerenode golde. Note. — A. Miiller considers ftearffiendre in 85 (ic "Se . . . biddan wylle miltse ftinre me ^earffendre) and geweorftod in 299 (Him on laste for sweot Ebrea sigore geweor^Sod) apposi- tive ; they may be, but to rue the former seems attributive and the latter predicative. MALDON (1). A. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (1). I. Without Object (1). NPM. (1) : — 57 : ftset ge mid ururn sceattiim to scype gangon unbefohtene (or pred. ?). RUNESONG (2). A. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (2). I. With Object (2). NS. F. or M. (1) :— 31 : flor forste geworuht. NSN. (1) : — 37 : wyrtrumum underwreftyd. 262 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. SALOMO AND SATURNUS (6). A.— THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (3). I. Without Object (3). NSM. (1) : — 105 : 'Sonne he hangiende helle wisceft. NPN. (1) : — 220 : aterrcynn, . . . -Sa "Se nu weallende $urh attres oro^ ingang rymaiS. ASF. (1) :— 447 : lifigende. B.— THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (3). I. Without Object (2). NSF. (1) :— 31 : gegoten. NSN. (1) :— 222 : gesccmed. II. With Object (1). ASM. (1) : — 104 : heolstre behelmed. SEAFARER (4). A.— THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (4). I. Without an Object (1). NSM. (1) : — 106 : cyme-S him se deaS uri&inged. II. With an Object (3). NSM. (3): — 16 2 : winemsegum bidroren ; 17: bihongen hrimgiceluni ; 16 1 : wynnum biloren. SOUL AND BODY (4). A.— THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (4). I. Without Object (1). NSM. (1) : — 46 (Verc.) : ic wses gast on -Se frana gode sended (or pred. ?). THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 263 II. With Object (3). NSM. (2) :— 34 ( Verc.) : flsesce hefangen ; 67 (Verc.) : synnura gesargod. NSX. (1) : — 105 (Verc.) : dsedum gedrefed. SPIRIT OF MEN (4). A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (1). I. With Object (1). NPM. (1) : — 82 : we sculon a hyegende hselo rsedes gerau- nan in mode masla gehwylcum $one selestan sigora waldeud. B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (3). I. With Object (3). NSM. (3): — 42: ftvymme gebyrmed ; 41: wine gewceged ; 43 : sefestum onceled. SUMMONS TO PRAYER. Note. — No example occurs in the Anglo-Saxon part of this poem, but two occur in the Latin, both with an object: — 2: Daeune gemiltsa-S 8e . . . -Srymcyningc thronum sedens ; 25 : to Seodne thronum regent). With both compare Phoenix 623 : ftrymsittendum. WALDERE (1). A. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (1). I. With Object (1). XSF. (1) :— B 19 : StandeS me her on eaxelum ^lfheres laf god and geapneb, golde geweor^od (or pred. ?). 264 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. WANDERER (1). A. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (1). I. With Object (1). NSM. (1) :— 20 : eSle bidceled. WHALE (5). A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (1). I. Without Object (1). NP. M. or N. (1) :— 32 : biS . . . deofla wise, Sat hi droht- ende 'Surh dyrne meant dugirSe beswicaft. B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (4). I. Without Object (1). NSM. (1): — 70 : gereaht (but the passage is doubtful). II. With Object (3). NSM. (1) :— 45 : heoloShelme biKeaht. NSN. (1) : — 10 : sondbeorgum ymbseald. NPM. (1) : — 74 : gyltuni gehrodene. WIDSID (2). A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (1). I. Without Object (1). NSM. (1) : — 39 : ac Offa geslog serest monna cniht wesende cynerica msest (cf. Beow. 46, 372, 535, 1187; Bede 142. 8, 188. 1). THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 265 B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (1). I. With Object (1). NSM. (1): — 53: godes and yfles $ser ic cunnade cnosle bidceled. WONDERS OF CREATION (3). A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (3). I. Without Object (1). NSM. (1): — 80: witan . . . o'&Se hwa 'Sees leohtes lond- buende brucan mote. II. With Object (2). NPM. (2) : — 14, 15 : cufton ryht sprecan, Sset a fricgende fira cynnes ~} secgende searoruna gespon a gemyndge maest monna wiston. Note. — Bewriten of line 19 should be bewritan or bewrti&an, as several editors conjecture. 266 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. o X i o rH- o co Ph I— I o r— I H Oh W r> I— I co O Ph Ph W H O w «! H O i— i H Oh O % GO « O oc O OS Oh K H *e>^ •s'O. *^ : co ::: fM --i :: i-i :::::: : C^ s OCDCOCO ■OOOiCONiHTfooCOIN'^CDLOK :ot~ — i Ph •5 k ^* i-t . CN HlOlflrtHCO r- Ci CD in g •-<. OOCOlO^COlOOOlOT^lOCDCOOlCOCOCC ;io C . n CC o r-i »h :«Hf : :cn CO rS> o ^ 1 ^ cj 1 . QJ CO 1 i-l •N i-h: i-H CO I-^Or-tCOOl ^ CO "* cc CM s : : AHlOH (MCMOCM B.5S »a° scStSa CfT 5, CO a pq - a C CO Ph ,H 0> 5 ^ fei -; ^ h.HtOOWt*OiC COCO lO -H i-l CO CO g Cb fei ■^ : ;C-ih ■^ : ;«h?ihh ; co | "* rH CO -5m . -* rj --; "c5 P ocoaogs ^ « S a) m os >,-£3 s2a pqOHOOW^OeeJ-s! a 1> IH a- S o S 2 o - o H o H o I ! a gj | «m ; :-h^^h ; ; ;w ; co i CO t^ OS o CO o CO "3 1 cioo:cocot^ooco^Tj<(ocoic ,-( l-l l-t i-H r-t rtH CM O r-i CO CM CO o H 3 OS u O 268 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. CHAPTER II. USES OF THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. The uses of the appositive participle in Anglo-Saxon may be grouped under the three following larger heads : — I. The Appositive Participle is equivalent to a Dependent Adjectival (Relative) Clause, and denotes either an action or a state, as in : — Mk. 3. 1 : $ar waes an man forscruncene hand hccbbende = erat ibi homo habens manum aridam ; Bede 1 246. 7 : sende . . . haligne wer •j in his Seawum gernetfsestne ^ in leornunge . . . wel gelceredne = 194. 28 : misit . . . uirum sanctum, . . . scripturarum lectione suffi- cienter instructum; Beow. 624: 'Sset hio Beowulfe, beaghroden cwen, mode geftungen medoful setbser ; Aelf. L. S. 28. 58 : On $am ylcan dsege com sum bisceop, helenus gehaten. II. The Appositive Participle is equivalent to a Dependent Adverbial (Conjunctive) Clause, and denotes time, manner, means, etc., as in : — Bede 8. 23 b : 3a brynas . . . gebiddende adwsescte = 37. 5: incendia orando restinxerit ; ib. 10. 10: pset se ylca biscop geworden onbead = 48. 1 : Ut idem episcopus /actus mandarit ; Beoiv. 480 : Ful oft gebeotedon beore druncne ofer ealowaege oretmecgas. III. The Appositive Participle is substantially equivalent to an Independent Clause, and either (1) denotes an accom- panying circumstance or (2) repeats the idea of the principal verb. Doubtless, as Gildersleeve holds {Latin Grammar, § 664, Remark 1), an ultimate analysis would show every participle to be dependent in nature ; but the dependence here is so slight that it may be ignored. Certainly the function of the participles under this head is so radically THE APP0SIT1VE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 269 different from that of those under I. and II. as to demand separate consideration. Nor does the fact that in modern English we not infrequently retain the participle in our trans- lation of (2) (cf. Mat. 13. 3) invalidate this classification. To define the class negatively : all appositive participles that are not equal to either a dependent adjectival or a dependent adverbial clause are considered as equal to an independent clause. This use of the participle is commonly recognized by Greek and Latin grammarians. Thus, in the remark just cited, Gildersleeve admits this use of the participle, although he objects to its being classed as co-ordinate: "It is sometimes convenient to translate a Participle Sentence by a co-ordinate clause, but the Participle itself is never co-ordinate, and such clauses are never equivalents." Goodwin also recog- nizes this use; in § 832— § 844 of his Moods and Tenses he designates the relations expressed by his " Circumstantial Par- ticiple " as follows : (1) time, (2) means, (3) manner, (4) cause, (5) purpose, (6) condition, (7) concession, (8) "any attendant circumstance, the participle being merely descriptive;' 1 (9) "that in which the action consists." His (8) and (9) cover exactly the ground of my "participle substantially equivalent to an independent clause;" and it seems to me that to give this use the name Co-ordinate is in the interest of simplicity. This modification made, Goodwin's "Circumstantial Parti- ciple" would tally perfectly with my "Participle equivalent to a dependent adverbial clause." Fay (7. c.) and Milroy (p. 1 6) explicitly state that the participle is occasionally equivalent to a co-ordinated finite verb. If I dwell on this co-ordinate use of the participle, it is because it has received but scant treatment in our standard English and German grammars (see March, § 459 (4), Matzner, in, p. 70 (c), and von Jagemann, § 124, c), and is not mentioned in any of the dissertations on Anglo-Saxon or Germanic syntax that have come under my notice. Examples are as follows: — (1): — Lk. 4. 39 : he standende ofer hig Sam fefore bebead = stans super illam imperavit febri ; ib. 10. 23 : pa cwaej; he to his 9 270 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. leorningcnihtum bewend = Et conversus ad discipulos snos dixit ; — Ae/f. L. S. 146. 458: behyddon his . . . lichaman . . . secgende; Mat. 8. 25: hy awehton hyne "Sus cwefiende = suscitaverunt eum dicentes ; — (2): — Mat. 11. 25: Se haelynd cwtep andswariende = respondens Jesus dixit; ib. 13. 3 : he sprsee to hym fela ou bigspellum, civeftende = Et locutus est eis multa in parabolis, dicens ; AcJf. L. S. 80. 523: sprsec mid . . . reorde god herigende. The relative frequency of these three uses of the appositive participle — the adjectival, the adverbial, and the co-ordi- nate — may be gathered from these figures : of the adjectival there are about 1223 instances in all, 881 in the prose and 342 in the poetry ; of the adverbial, about 897 instances, 691 in the prose and 206 in the poetry; of the co-ordinate, about 890 instances, 871 in the prose and 19 in the poetry. In all about 3010 examples of the appositive participle have been collected, of which 1784 are present and 1226 are preterite. So much by way of general statement; let us now con- sider the three classes in detail. I. The Appositive Participle is Equivalent to a Dependent Adjectival (Relative) Clause. As we have seen, the adjectival is the commonest use of the appositive participle in Anglo-Saxon, about 1223 examples occurring in all. Of this number 881 occur in the prose, and 342 in the poetry, in each distributed throughout all periods. The adjectival use is found with both the present and the preterite participles, but is far more frequent with the latter than with the former. About 377 examples occur of the present participle, and about 846 of the preterite. Examples of each participle are given below. The present participle, in this use, has the power of governing a direct object, but it occurs far more frequently THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 271 without an object than with one, especially in Early West Saxon and in the poetry, in the latter of which an object is almost unknown. In all we have 270 present participles without an object and 107 with an object. [See the dis- cussion of the Governing Power of the Participle, in Chapter III.] The past participle, too, can have an object (see Explana- tory Note to Statistics), and in the poetry usually does ; in prose the reverse is the case. Of the preterite participles used adjectivally, 609 have no object, of which 525 are found in the prose and 84 in the poetry ; while 237 do have an object, of which 39 are from the prose and 198 from the poetry. As stated in my Introduction, not a few scholars deny the adjectival use to the appositive participle, and class all parti- ciples that are equivalent to a relative clause as attributive. I have, however, already explained why I do not accept this view, and have shown that the meaning of the term apposi- tive participle has been extended to include participles equal to relative clauses. Still other scholars admit that the parti- ciple equivalent to a relative clause may be used appositively, but only, they maintain, when the participle denotes an act (in the largest sense) ; that which denotes a state or condition being called attributive. It appears to me that, in so doing, these grammarians are confounding two distinct things, viz., the classification of the participle by its nature and the classification by its syntactical relationship, — a confusion that should be avoided. But I have not ignored the object at which these scholars aim, namely, sharply to discriminate, between the participle that has strong verbal (assertive) power and the participle that has strong adjectival (descrip- tive) power; on the contrary, by arranging the whole of my statistics with reference to whether or not the participle is followed by an object, and by emphasizing the co-ordinate use of the participle, I have tried to segregate the more verbal from the less verbal participles to a degree not 272 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. attempted hitherto in Anglo-Saxon. To apply this principle to the matter in hand, the participle that is equivalent to an adjectival (relative) clause : the transitive participle with an object is manifestly nearer a verb than the participle without an object. Again, the preterite participle is more like an adjective than is the corresponding present participle. This will sufficiently explain the chief differences between my statistics and those of former investigators as to the adjectival use of the appositive participle. The adjectival use occurs in most of the texts, prose and poetical, and I give a few examples here from the chief writers in prose and in poetry. I. In Prose. JEIfred: — Bede 1 8. 2: pset P . . . wses siended to ge/y- fendum Scottum on Crist = 28. 15 : Ut . . . P. ad Scottos in Christum credentes missus est. — lb. 78. 15: ^set wiif in blodes flownesse geseted . . . meahte gehrinan = 55. 25: Si ergo in fluxu . . . posita . . . potuit tangere. — Boeth. 46. 27 : Hwset is heora nu to lafe, bulan se lytla hlisa "j se naraa mid feaum stafum awriten ? — 47 . 17: Signat superstes fama tenuis pauculis Inane nomen litteris. — Greg} 155. 10 : ftonne he ongiet be sumum -Singum o^Se Seawum utanne cetiewdum eall 'Sset hie innan ^encea"S = 112 a : qui discussis quibusdam signis exterius apparentibus ita corda . . . penetrat etc. JPs. Th. : — 20. 3 : ftu sendest his heafod kynegold, mid deorwyrSurn gimmum astcened = posuisti in capite ejus coronam de lapide pretioso. Chron. : — 755 F. : Sibertes broker, Cynehard gehaten, ofsloh Cynevvulf on Merantune. Laws: — Alfred, c. 9, Title : Be bearneacnum wife ofslcege- num [MS. B. : Be 'Sam $set man ofslea wif mid cilde]. Bened. 1 : — 25. 16: and nu fram Sam englum us beicehtum ure weorc . . . beoft gebodude = 50. 13 : et ab angelis nobis deputatis . . . opera nostra nuntiantur. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 273 Bl. Horn. 11.7: ArweorSian we Crist on binne asetene. jElfric: — L. S. 54. 83: gewendon to . . . byrig, Antiochia geciged (sic /). — lb. 78. 494 1 & 2 : Effrem wses gehaten sum swiSe halig abbod on waestene wunigende, fela wundra wyrcende. Gosp. : — Mat. 8. 9 : Softlice ic eorn man under anwealde gesett = Nam et ego homo sum sub potestate constitulus. — lb. 8. 17 : $set wsere gefylled ^set gecweden is $urh esaiam •Sone witegan, Sus cweftende (sic!). — lb. 11. 16 : heo ys gelic sittendum cnapun on foretige = Similis est pueris sedentibus in foro. Wulfst. : — 46. 7 : wa eow, . . . "Se lecga$ togsedere hamas and sehta on unriht begvtene on aeghwilce bealf'e. — 181. 29 : ealle gemsenelice, gehadode and Isewede, bugon to gode georne. II. In Poetry. Beow. : — 777 : $ser fram sylle abeag medubenc monig mine gefraege, golde geregnad. — lb. 1645: pa com in gan ealdor Segna, daedcene mon dome geww^ad. EL: — 331: Saer on ftrynime bad . . . geatolic guftcwen golde gehyrsted (or pred. ?). — lb. 352 : Swa hit eft be eow Essaias witga for weorodum wordum maelde, deophycggende •Surh dryhtnes gast. Gen.: — 725: hloh fta ^ plegode boda bitre gehvgod. — lb. 1836 : hwaet sie freondlufu ellb'eodigra uncer twega, feorren cumenra. II. The Appositive Participle is Equivalent to a Dependent Adverbial (Conjunctive) Clause. Of the adverbial use of the appositive participle I have found about 897 examples, 691 in the prose and 206 in the poetry. The present participle occurs 538 times in this use, and the past participle 359 times. 274 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. Of the present participles 430 have no object and 108 have ; of the preterite participles 261 have no object, while 98 have. In its adverbial use the appositive participle denotes subordinate relations of manner and means (combined here under the head of Modal), of time, of cause, of purpose, of concession, and of condition. Of course, these uses so interlap that at times the same participle can with propriety- be put under several different heads. Where classification is so largely a matter of subjectivity, there must be much room for difference of opinion. I trust, however, that in the main my classification will justify itself to my readers. According to my estimate, the approximate number of each use is: Modal, 319; Temporal, 248; Causal, 228; Final, 40; Concessive, 33; Conditional, 29. Let us look at each for a moment by itself. /. MODAL. The Modal use of the appositive participle is far more frequent in Anglo-Saxon prose than in the poetry, 257 examples occurring in the former and 62 in the latter. Of these 319 examples 254 are present and 65 are past. An object is rarely used with the modal participle, only 16 occurring with the present participle and 22 with the preterite. Though occurring in all periods of Anglo-Saxon, the modal participle is much more common in the works of Alfred than in those of any other author. In his Bede and his Gregory the construction is especially frequent, about one-third of all the examples being found in these two works. Here, as my statistics show, the Anglo-Saxon participle often translates a Latin gerund in the ablative ; and the frequency of the gerund in the two originals has doubtless caused the large number of modal participles in the two translations. As stated above, the modal participle denotes both manner and means. It is not always easy to teJJ which notion THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 275 predominates, but the examples below will, it is hoped, sufficiently illustrate the two tendencies. Some participles denoting manner, instead of being equiva- lent to a dependent adverbial clause, are practically equivalent to a simple adverb, as in : Bede 1 86. 22 a&b : Saet he wceccende Sohte Sset he [wo] weotende arsenide = 60. 28: quia, quod cogitauit sciens, hoc pertulit nesciens ; ib. 38. 1 : pa ... he ealle ba witu . . . geSyldelice "j gefeonde abser = 20. 1 : Qui . . . patienter hsec pro Domino, im mo gaudenter ferebat; ib. 310. 30: pas we seondon arfaestlice fylgende "j rihtwuldriende = 239. 23: Hos itaque sequentes nos pie atque orthodoxe ; JElf. Horn. 1. 52 b : he for Seem stsenendum welwillende gebsed ; Mat.b.W'. secgeaS selc yfel ongen eow leogende for me = dixerint omne malum adversnm vos mentientes propter me; etc., etc. Personally 1 believe it would be better to class such words as participial adverbs rather than adverbial participles ; but, as I hesitate to set up new categories, in my statistics I have retained them under the ordinary rubric, save in one or two cases that could not be construed as participles, like ftreagende {Greg} 159. 18, etc.: see Statistics). This use of the participle as an adverb, it is well known, is common in Greek (see Goodwin, Greek Grammar, § 1564) and in Latin (see Gildersleeve, Latin Grammar, § 325. 6). In Old High German it was so very frequent that there was developed a regular adverbial form of the participle in -o (O. Erdmann, Syntax der Sprache Otfrids, § 359 ; see below, Chapter v.). I have not, however, found this use of the participle treated in Koch, Matzner, March, or in the dissertations on Old English syntax. There is perhaps a suggestion of it in Cosijn (il, p. 97), who writes of Greg. 1 159. 18 : " adverbialisch ftreagendef Further illustrations are given under "(2) Manner" below. (1) Means. I. In Prose. JjJIfrcd: — Bed? 1 22.9: paat se b. fenne dnmbne monn gebiddende gehaelde = 282. 30 : Ut episcopus mutum btnedi- 276 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. cendo curauerit. So gebhldende = orando in Bede 1 22. 11, 22. 14, etc. — lb. 72. 3 a&b : Ssette oft [seo cirice] 3set wiSer- worcle yfel abeorende y celdend bewereft = 51. 29: ut ssepe malum quod aduersatur portando et dlssimulando conpescat. — Greg} 53. 16: Sua si micla crseftiga hiertende toscyl'S & egesi- ende stierS ofermetta mid Saere tselinge his hieremonuum, $aet lie hie gebringe on life = 30 a : Magnus enim regendi artifex fuvoribus impellit, terroribus retrahit : ut etc. — lb. 81. 10, 11 : 3set is -Sset he sprecende bebiet $set he ftset wyrcende o"Siewe, "Sset hit $urh $one fultum sie forSgenge = 54 a : quia quod loquendo imperat, ostendendo adjuvat ut fiat. — lb. 127. 6, 7: iSaet mod his hieremonna oliccende egesige & ^Sreatigevde olicce = 88 b : terrendo demulceat, et tamen ad terroris reverentiam (Icinulcendo constringat. — lb. 225. 22 : fta monn-Swoernesse $e lie aer Surhtogen hsefde eft fteahligende on yfel gewend [Cot- ton MS.: gevvent] = 170 b : et mansuetudinem, quam tolerautes habuerunt, retractantes in malitiam vertunt. Beiied. 1 : — 2. 10: nellen ge elciende eowere heortan ahyrdau = 4. 15 : nolite obdurare corda vestra. Bl. Horn. : — 89. 34 a&b : ra$e he lifgende ut eode of his byr- genne mid his agenre mihte aweht. ^E/f/ic: — Horn. 1. 226 b : Mare miht wses, -<5a3t he $one deaft mid his seriste tobrsec, 'Sonne he his lif geheolde, of ftsere rode astigende. — lb., II. 182 a2 : ftone fte B. na handlunge ac on-beseonde tram his bendum alysde. Gosp. : — Lh. 12. 25 : Hwylc eower maeg ftencende ican ane elne to his anlicnesse ? = Quis autem vestrum cogitando potest adjicere ad staturam suam cubit um unum ? — Mk. 15. 30 : gehaal "oe sylfne of 'Ssere rode stigende = Salvum fac temetipsum descendens de cruce. II. In Poetry. El. : — 449 : Ne mseg sefre ofer "Seat Ebrea fteod rcedfteaht- ende rice healdan. [May be adjectival, as Schiirmann and Garnett hold.] THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 277 ( 2 ) Ma nner . I. In Prose. jffiffred : — Bede 1 72. 9 : fta $e him ne ondrseda-S weotonde syngian = 52. 1 : qui non nietmmt sciendo peccare. — 76. 102. 21 : is ssegd ftaet he beotigende forecwsede = 83. 27: fertur minitahs prsedixisse. — Boelh} 3. 7 : Hu B. hine airig- ende gebsed, y his earfoSu to Gode msende. — lb. 9. 29 : Ongan $a giddien, -j $us swgende cwseft. — lb. 8. 15: pa ic -5a Sis leo^S, cwseS B., geomritnde asungen hsefde, $a com etc. = 4. 2 : Ha3C dum mecum tacitus ipse reputarem querimoni- amque lacrimabilem stili officio signarem, adstitisse . . . uisa est mulier etc. — Greg} 185. 9: aaresft mon sceal sprecan asciende, suelce he be oft rum menn sprece &ascie = 138 a : prius per quasdam similitudines velut de alieno negotio requirendi sunt. — lb. 405. 31 : hi ofermcdgievde his gebod forhogdon = superbiens ejus jussa contempsit. — lb. 379. 23 : Hie sceoldon gehieran hu Es?aias se witga hreoicsigende hine selfne tselde = 294 b : Audiant quod Isaias magna voce poeni- tentios se ipse reprehendit. — lb. 381. 25 : cwarS 3a3t "Sa scold en bion synderlice Godes "Segnas, Sa ■Se unwandiende -Sara scyldegena gyltas ofslogen = 296 b : illos a parte Dei de- nuntiavit existere, qui delinquentium scelera incwnctanter ferirent dicens (or adverb?). — lb. 117. 23 : ForSam we bee-S mid Gode sua micle suitor gebundne sua we for monnum orsorglicor ungewitnode syngia^S = 82 a : Tanto ergo apud Domi- num obligatiores sumus, quanto apud homines imdte peccamus. JElfric : — Horn. 1. 54 b : "Sast -Su scealt miltsigende forgifan. — lb. I. 340 al : he hit ba?r on his exlum to fttere eowde blissigende. Gasp.: — Mat. 6. 5 : 3a lufia-8 -Sret hig gebiddon hi stamdende on gesomnungum = qui amant in synagogis . . . stantes orare. — Mh. 5. 40: inn-eodon suwicvde -Sar -Sset mseden waes = inoreditur ubi puella erat jacens. — lb. 9. 24 : u-epende cwseS = cum lacrymis aiebat. — Lk. 22. 65 : manega cSre "Sing hig him to cwsedon dysigende = alia multa btasphe- mantes dicebant in eum. 278 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. II. In Poetry. Beow. 2062 : him se o8cr ■Sonan losaS wigende, con him land geare. [If we adopt Heyne's lifigende, the participle is Final instead of Modal. See below under Final]. — lb. 2235 : swa hy on geardagum gumena nathwylc eormenlafe seSelan cynnes ftavchycgende %sev gehydde. — lb. 2595 : niwan stefne nearo ftrowode fyre befongen, se -Se aer folce weold. [May be Adjectival, but is more probably Modal, as K. Kohler puts it.] Andr. 1557: hean, hygegeomor, henfende spraec. [May be Adjectival.] Gen. 1582: ac he hlihende broSrum sseffde. //. TEMPORAL. The second most frequent use of the adverbial appositive participle is to denote relations of time. If we use the term temporal in a very broad sense, no doubt a number of parti- ciples that I have put under other rubrics might be put here, since almost any participle may be looked upon as indicating afier a fashion a time relationship. But I have classed as temporal only those participles in which the idea of time seems definite rather than general. Of the 248 temporal participles in Anglo-Saxon, 200 are found in the prose, and 48 in the poetry. Of these participles 166 are in the present tense, and 82 in the preterite. As with the modal participle, so here an object is rare; 28 occurring with the present participle and 10 with the preterite. As my table shows, the temporal participle is sprinkled throughout the periods of Anglo-Saxon. Examples follow : — I. In Prose. JElfred : — Bede 1 214. 11: swa eft onlysed $y lichamon byrne-5 = 166. 4 : ita solulus corpore ardebit. — lb. 264. 25 : THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 279 song $a ingongende ealle gefylde = 208. 25 : quod ingressa [= uox] totum impleuit. — lb. 142. 8: ssegde he $ret he hine [i. e., here, sanctuary] cneoht weosende gesawe (MS. Ca : liine cu^Se cniht wesende) = 116. 12: se in pueritia uidisse testa batur. — Greg. 1 93. 9 : Hit is gecueden Sa3t se sacerd scolde sweltan, gif se sweg nsere of him gehiered aegSer ge inngongendum ge utgongendum, etc. = 62 b : Saeerdos namque ingrediens vel egrediens raoritur, si de eo sonitus non audi- tur — lb. 399. 14 : Sio Segor gehaekle Loth fleondne = 31 8 a : Segor ci vitas, quse fugienlem salvet infirmum. uE{fric: — Horn. I. 232 a : Crist ableow Sone Halgan Gast ofer -Sa apostolas, Sa-gyt ivunigende on eorSan. — lb. II. 250 b 2 : Se H. $a stod on 'Sam domerne gelcedd. Gosp.: — Mat. 7. 6 : hig Sonne ongean gewende eow tosly- ton = conversi dirnmpant vos. — Mk. 15. 15 : sealde him 3one hselend beswungenne = tradidit Jesum flagellis ccesum (or Adjectival?). II. In Poetry. Beow.: — 535: Wit -Sat gecwsedon eniht-wesende. — 76.815: wsbs gehwseSer oSrum Hfigende la3. EL: — 529 : Dus mec feeder min on fyrndagum unweax- enne word urn Irerde. Gen.: — 2169: ac ic $e Hfigende her \vi$ weana geliwam wreo y scylde. III. CAUSAL. Of the 228 Causal Participles, 157 belong to the prose and 71 to the poetry. The present participle is found 56 times, the preterite 172 times. An object occurs with the present participle in 23 instances, and with the preterite in 51 instances. The causal use is pretty evenly distributed throughout the various prose and poetical texts. Not a few of the examples are doubtful. 280 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. I. Iii Prose. JElfred: — Bede 1 8. 5 : piet Bryttas mid -$y mserran hungre genedde $a elreordian of heora gemserum adrifan = 29. 12: Ut Brettones fame famosa coacti barbaros suis e finibus pepulerint. — lb. 62. 13 : he 15a gpfeonde vvaes gefulwod = 47. 22: credens baptizatiis est. — lb. 186. 31 : ac heo swa ondraedende from him ge\vat = 151. 10: quin in tantum timens aufugit. JElfric: — Horn. I. 380 b 2 : he feallende tobserst on feower sticca. — lb. i. 594 bl : Egeas gecebyligd het hine ahon. Gos. : — Mk. 3. 5 b : ofer hyra lieortan blindnesse geunret cwse$ = contristatus super csecitate . . . dicit. — Mat. 14. 8 : Da cwse$ heo fram hyre meder gemyngod = At ilia prmmonita a matre sua . . . inquit (or Temporal?). — lb. 15. 31: swa ftset 3a mrenegu wundredon geseonde dumbe sprecende etc. = Ita ut turba? mirarentur videntes mutos loquentes. — Lk. 4. 28: Da wurdon hig ealle on $sere gesamnunge mid yrre gefylled, ■Sas $ing gehyrende = Et repleti sunt omnes in synagoga ira, haec audientes. II. In Poetry. Andr. 436 : wreteregesa sceal geftyd ~\ geftreatod Surh 3ry3- cining, lagu lacende lrSra wyrSan. — lb. 746 : ofrSe sel nyton mode gemyrde. EL 1128: he San na?glan onfeng egesan geaclod -j -b'sere arwyHSan cwene brohte. Gen. 1571 : SwiSe on slsepe sefa nearwode, #set he ne mihte on gemynd drepen hine handum self mid hraegle wryon "J sceome 'Seccan. IV. FINAL. The appositive participle denoting purpose is rare, only 40 examples having been found ; 39 in the prose, and 1 in the poetry (doubtful). This use is confined almost exclusively to the present parti- ciple; but one example occurs in the preterite (sEtfr. Horn. I. 134 b ), and that is doubtful. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 281 The final participle has an object oftener than not; of the 39 present participles 35 have an object. The single example of the preterite participle has no object. A glance at the table will show that only three examples have been found in Early West Saxon : two in Bede, each answering to a Latin participle ; and one in Gregory, cor- responding to a Latin infinitive of purpose. Most of the examples occur in JEffric's Homilies and in the Gospels. Among the examples may be cited : — I. In Prose. jEIfred: — Bede 1 10. 7: bodode ; ~] swa mid his lef- nysse Godes word bodigmde on Cent eode = 44. 25 : sic Cantiam proedicaturus intrauerit (or Pred.?). — lb. 276. 12: licode us efencuman refter Seawe arwyrSra rehta ameagende be 'Sam etc. = 215. 1 : placuit conuenire nos, tractaturos de etc. — Greg. 1 61. 3: Se Isece . . . "be ga?S asfter oSra monna husum Icecnigende = 36 a : percussum mederi properat. Bened} 135. 27 : sume heora fnada and wrsedas gemicclia^ idel lof fram mannum begylende = 232. 2 : alii fimbriae et phylacteria sua magnificant, gloriam captantes ab hominibus. — lb. 134. 13 : OSer cyn is muneca, $e feor fram mannum gewitaS ond westestowa and aelsetu and anwunung gelufiVS geefenkecende Elian = 231. 6: Secundum genus est ereini- tarum qui, procul ab hominibus recedentes, deserta loca et vastas solitudines sequi, atque habitare perhibenter, ad imita- tionem scilicet Elise. jElfric: — Horn. 1. 74 a : Hi $a begen Sone apostol gesohton, his miltsunge biddende. — lb. 1. 134 b : gebrohte Saet cild -Se heo acende, H. C, gelacod to Sam Godes temple (or adjec- tival?). — lb. 1. 338 b : ''Sonne forlset he Sa nigon and hund- nigontig on westene and ga?S secende "Sa?t an %e him losode " [or Pred. ? Cf. Mat. 18. 12: gseS and seeS = vadit quaererel. Gosp.: — Mat. 19. 3: pa genealaehton him to farissei hyne costnigende y cwsedon = Et accesserunt ad eum Pharistei ten- 282 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. tantes eurn, et dicentes. — Lk. 2. 45 : hig gewendon to hieru- salem hyne secende = regressi sunt in Jerusalem requirentes eura. — J. 6. 6 : Sset he cwaaS his fandigende = Hoc autem dicebat teiitans eura. So J". 8. 6 : fandiende. II. In Poetry. Beow. 2062 : if we read lifigende ; but we have the modal use if we read wigende (see above, under Modal). Da??. 355 : wearS se hata lig todrifen 3 todwsesced, $ser $a dsedhwaton geond ftone ofen eodon 3 se engel mid, feorh nerigende, se 'Se 3ser feorSa wees, Annanias ~) Azarias 3 Miscel (or pred.?). V. CONCESSIVE. The concessive use of the appositive participle is somewhat rarer even than the final. 33 examples occur in all, 25 in the prose, and 8 in the poetry. Of these 19 are in the present, and 14 in the past tense. An object is very rare, only 4 occurring with each of the two participles. As to its distribution, but three examples have been found in Early West Saxon, namely, one each in Bede, Gregory, and Orosius, the two first corresponding to Latin participles, and all being doubtful. Most of the instances are in the Gospels. One example occurs in each of these poems : Beowulf, Elene, Genesis, Gulhlac, Juliana, and Iletres of Boethius, and two in the Phoenix, The following will serve as examples: — I. In Prose. JEfred: — Bede 1 278. 18 b : Gif he eene stya onfongen, haten ham hweorfan, ne wille, etc. = 216. 16 b : Quod si semel susceptus noluerit inuitatus redire, etc. [May be temporal, as Miller translates.] — Greg. 153. 1 : Ac monige scylda open- THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 283 lice witene beoft to forberanne = 110 a : Nonnulla autem vel aperte cognita, mature toleranda sunt, etc. [May be adjectival.] — Oros. 250. 14: iEf'ter Saem Germanie gesohton Agustus ungeniedde him to friSe. [May be modal.] JElfric : — Horn. I. 596 b 8 : forSan $e he ue geswicS so$ to bodigenne, mi twegen dagas cucu hangigende. Gosp.: — Mat. 13. 13 a&b : for Sam ic spece to him mid bigspellum, forSam $e lociende big ne geseoft *j gehyrende hig ne gehyra$ = quia videntes non videat, et audientes non audiunt. So: Mk 4. I2 a&b ; Lh 8. 10 a& \— Lk. 5. 5 b : Eala bebeodend ealle niht svrincen.de we naht ne gefengon = PraBceptor, per totam noctem laborantes, nihil cepimus. — lb. 6. 35: Isene sylla-3 nan "Sing -Sanum eft gehihttnde = date, nihil inde sperantes. II. In Poetry. Beow. 2350 : for -Son he ser fela nearo neftende ni$a gedigde. [K. Kohler classes as modal, but Garnett translates as con- cessive.] Gen. 2649 : Me ssegde ser -8get wif hire wordum selfa unfricgendum, ftset etc. Guth. 1260: Bad se "Se sceolde eadig on elne endedogor avrreeen wselstrselum. [Furkert : Pred. after intransitive verb, but Gollancz translates as appositive and conces- sive.] Jul. 241 : Symle heo wuldorcyning herede set heortan heofonrices god in -Sam nydclafan, nergend fira, heolstre bihelmad. Phoenix: 162 : Donne waftum strong west gewiteS wintrum gebysgad fleogan feftrum snel — lb. 368: Forfton he drusende deaft ne bisorgaft. Metres of Boeth. 11. 34: Swa hsef'S geheaSasrod hefonrices weard mid his anwealde ealle gesceafta, $8et hiora asghwile wi-S o$er winft, ~\ "Seah winnende w re-Si aft fseste = 48. 3 : Quod pvgnantia semina foedus perpetuum tenent. 284 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. VI. CONDITIONAL. Least frequent of all the adverbial uses of the appositive participle is the conditional. Of the 29 examples 13 are in the prose and 16 in the poetry. The present participle is used 4 times, the preterite 25. Twice the present participle has an object, and 11 times the preterite participle. In Early West Saxon, I have found only 4 examples (1 in Bede and 3 in Boethius). Late West Saxon, also, has very few examples, there being one doubtful example \ndElfric and two in the Gospels. In the poetry are represented Beoioulf (2), Genesis (3), Exodus (2), Eadgar (1), Andreas (3), Elene (2), Riddles (2), and Metrical Psalms (1). As my quotations show, several of these examples are quite doubtful. Typical examples are: — I. In Prose. JElfred : — Bede 1 278. 18 ft : Gif he sene sifta onforigen haten ham hweorfan [ne wille] = 216. 16 a : Quod si semel susceplus noluerit inuitatus red ire etc. — Boeth} 30. 25, 26: Ac gif hi yfele sint "j lytige bonne sint hi Se pliolicran ~\ geswincfulran hcefd ftonne ncefd; forSsem yfele 'Segnas bioft simle heora lilafordes fiend = 37. 47 f. : Qui si uitiosi moribus sint, per- niciosa domus sarcina et ipsi domino uehementer inimica. — lb. 91.8: Ne moeg ic nane cwuce wuht ongitan $ara $e wite hwaet hit wille, oSSe hwset hit nylle, $e ungened lyste for- weoHSan = 78. 45 : nihil inuenio, quod nullis extra cogentibus abiciant manendi intentionem et ad interitum sponte festinent. Bened} 28. 2 : geneadod to anre mile gange, gang willes twa = 54. 7 : angariati milliario vadunt duo. — lb. 28. 6. Gosp.: — Mk. 7. 15: Nis nan $ing of 'Sam men gangende •5aet hine besmitan msege = Nihil est extra hominem introiens in eura quod possit eum coiuquinore. [May be adjectival or THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IX ANGLO-SAXON. 285 temporal.]— lb. 7. 18 : Ne ongyte ge $set eall ftset utan cymiS on $one man gangende, ne mseg hine besmitan? = Nou intelli- gitis quia omne extrinseeus introiens etc. [May be temporal.] II. In Poetry. BeAo. 1368, 1370: fteah -Se hseSstapa hundum geswenced, heorot hornum trura holtwudu sece, feorran geflymed, ser he feorh seleS. Gen. 1263: SiSSan hundtwelftig geteled rime wintra on worulde wrseee bisgedon fsege fteoda. So geteled rime(s) : Gen. 1336, 2344; Exod. 372; Andr. 1035; Eadgar 11 ; El. 2 and 634; Metr. Ps. 67. 17. Exod. 232 : Wses on anra gehwam arSelan cynnes alesen under lindum leoda dugufte on folcgetsel fiftig cista ; hsefde cista gehwilc cirSes werodes garberendra, gu^fremmendra x- hund geteled tireadigra. Andr. 883 : Svvylce we gesegon for suna meotudes se'Selum ecne eowic standan, twelfe geteatde, tireadige hreleft. Middles 24. 15, 16: JNelle ic unbunden senigurn hyran nymSe searosceled. Saga, hwset ic hatte ! [24. 15 may be temporal.] III. The Appositive Participle is Substantially Equivalent to an Independent Clause. Of the 890 co-ordinate participles 871 are found in the prose, and 19 in the poetry. The present participle occurs 869 times, and the preterite 21 times. An object is found far more frequently with the co-ordi- nate than with the adjectival or the adverbial participle, there being 633 instances with the present, and 2 with the past participle. The co-ordinate participle is very rare in Early West Saxon and in the poetry ; and whenever it .occurs in the works of 10 286 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. Mlfred, it is in translation of a Latin appositive participle. It is very common in Benedict, in the works of JElfrie, in the Gospels, and in Benet. I add a few examples to those already given in defining the co-ordinate use of the appositive participle. They are arranged under two heads: (1) the participle denotes an accompanying circumstance; (2) the participle repeats the idea of the principal verb. The former may conveniently be designated as the "circumstantial " participle in the narrower sense; the latter, as the " iterating" participle. (1) The "Circumstantial" Participle. I. In Prose. Mjred:—Bede x 312. 23 a&b : we wuldriaS usserne Drihten swa swa 3as wuldredon, noht tocetecevde ofrbe onweg ateonde = 240. 18 a&b : glorificamus Dominum sicut . . ., nihil addentes nel subtrahentes. — lb. 312. 25, 27 : 3a be heo onfengon we eac swelce onftrb, wuldriende God Fseder y his Sunn = 240. 20, 21, 22 : . . . suscipimus, glorijwantes Deum et filium eius. — lb. 332. 16: Forbon 3e in 3sem ilcan mynstre. . . Hereswib . . . regollicum beodscipum underfteoded, in "ba tid baad "bone ecan sige = 253. 10 : Nam H., . . ., regularibus subdita discipli- nis; expectabat (doubtful). — Other examples : — Bede 10. 12 : biddende = petens ; 14. 4 : biddende = postulans ; 310. 1 : feohtende = compvgnantes ; 438. 30 : sittende = residens. — Oros. 1 12. 32, 33: "bonne forb ^nan west irnende heo tolib on twa ymb an igland 3e nion heet Mercen, ~\ Sonan bugende ut on ftone Wendelsre . . . ftret seo ea bib flowende ofer eal iEgypta lond = 13. 20, 22 : JEgyptus inferior . . . habet . . . fluviumque Nilum, qui etc. . . . deinde diu ad occasum profluens, faciensque insulam nomine Meroen in media sui : novissime ad septentrionem inflexus plana iEgypti rigat. Chron. 656 E (p. 33') : seo papa seonde 3a his writ -bus cicceSend (or adjectival ?). So 675 E (p. 35 b ). THE APPOSTTIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO— SAXON. 287 Bened} 30. 3 : swigean heaMmde ne sprece o$ Sset he geah- sod sy = 56. 19: taciturnitatem habens usque ad interroga- tionem non loquatur. JEtfric: — Horn. 1. 48 a : And gebigde his cneown, mid micelre sterane clypigevde etc. — lb. 1. 62 a : Iohaunes beseah to heofonum, -Sus cweftende. Gosp. : Mat. 9. 29 : f)a aethran he hyra eagena cweSynde = Tunc tetigit oculos eorum, dieens. — Mk. 1. 41 : his hand a-Senode "j hiua celhrinende [ms. Hatton : oethrinede] ~y 3us ewarS = extendit nianum suara, et tangens eum, ait illi. Benet 31. 16 : mid ealre gehyrsunmessa hine sylfue Seowde ealdre geefentcecende drihtnes = omni obedientia se subdat majori, immitans dominum. II. In Poetry. Beow. 916 : HwWum flitende fealwe strsete mearum maeton. Christ 950 : Ond on seofon healfa swoga-8 windas. blawa"S brecende beaihtma mseste. — lb. 1016 : ForSon nis amig wun- dor hu him woruldmonna seo unclsene gecynd cearum sorgende hearde ondrede -Sonne etc. (or adjectival?) Metres of Bceth. 20. 212: swa deS monnes saul hweole gelioost, lnvserfeS ymbe hy selfe oft smeagende ymb -Sas eoi"8- lican drihtnes gesceafta dagum "j nihtum. — lb. 20. 214, 221 : secende. Met. Ps. 50. 1. 56 (Cot.) : Ac $u synfulle simle laerdes, Siset hio cerrende Criste herdon 3 hiom lif mid $e langsum begeton. (2) The "Iterating" Participle. I. In Prose. jElfred; — Bedt 1 330. 30 : heo of eorSan alceded leorde Sy fifteoSan dsege etc. = 252. 20 : de terris ablata transuiuit. — lb. 210. 26 : wool . . . feor j wide grimsigende micle menigeo monna afylde ~) fornoni = 192. 4 : longe lateque desoBid- ens . . . strauit. — lb. 312. 2 : sefter heora lare . . . ge-Swserelice 288 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. we gelyfaS ondettende 239. 24 : iuxta doctrinam eorum pro- fessi credimus consonanter, et confitemur. Oos. 1 240. 9 : xoepende msende Sa unare. Chron. 1083 E b : gyrne cleopedon to Gode his miltse biddende (or final?). Bened. 1 4. 10: Be ■Seera ilican andgyte se hselend cwrS on •Ssem halgan godspelle Sus clypiende = 8. 16 : Unde et Dorni- nus in Evangelio ait. — 76. 11. 8: hy "Seali forhogiende me forsawon = 18. 21 : ipsi autem contemnentes spreverunt me (or modal?). jElfric: — Horn. 1. 104 b : -Sees Feeder stein n of heofenum hlude swegde, Sus cwedende. — 76. 1. 294 b : him to spraec ynibe Godes rice, samod mid him reordigende. Gosp.: — Mat. 8. 31 : $a deofla so^lice hyne bsedon, "Sus cwefoende = Dsemones autem rogabant eum dicentes. — 76. 9. 30: se h. bebead him cweftende = commiuatus est il lis Jesus, dicens. — 76. 11. 25: Se h. ewseS andswariende = respovdens Jesus dixit. — 76. 12. 10: hi ahsudun hyne "Sus cwe&ende = interrogabant eum, dicentes. — 76. 13. 31 : He rehte him •Sa gyt oSer big-spel, 'Sus cwedende = . . . proposuit eis, dicens. — 3IL 3. 1 1 : 'Sus cweftende clypedon = clamabant dicentes. Wulfd. 199. 15 : be Sam awrat Iohannes ou Ssere bee, •Se man hat apocalipsin, 'Sus cweftende. So 201. 8. — 76. 246. 11 : swa se witega "Se lserS $us cwt¥>ende: sepi aures tuas spin is. Benet} 30. 14 : gewrit bebyt secgende = scriptura prsecipit dicens. II. In Poetry. Andr. 59: He $a xoepende weregum tearum his sigedrihten sargan reorde, grette gumena brego geomran stefne. Christ 387 : ForSan hy, dsedhwsete, dome geswiSde, -Saet so-Sfa3ste seraphinnes cynu, uppe mid englum a bremende, unaSreotendum Srymmuni singa$. [Hertel : pred. after intransitive verb.] — lb. 992 : Wepaft wanende wergum THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 289 stefnum, heane, hygegeomre, hreownra gedreahte. [Hertel : attrib., but Gollanez : "weep and moan."] Gulh. 401 : Bonan gnornedon, mrendon mnrnende, "beet etc. [May be adjectival or modal.] — lb. 879 : luvilum wedende swa wilde deor cirmdon on corbre. Jul. 662 : Waerlic me Sinceb, baet ge wceccende wi$ het- tendra hilde woman wearde healdan. Spirit of Men 82 .- For Son we sculon a hycgende hselo rsedes gemunan in mode maele gehwylcum Sone selestan sigora waldend ! Amen ! Harrowing of Hell 91 : Sonne hy gehyrdon, lm we hreo- w[ige] [msendo]n murnende ma?g burg usse. [May be adjectival or modal.] Mtt. Ps. 104. 10 : And him 3a mid sobe ssegde, cweftende = Et statuit illud Jacob in prseceptum, et Israel in testamentum seternum, dieens. — lb. 105. 4: Genuine us, drihten, on mod- sefau forb hycgende folces Sines ^ us mid hselo her geneose = Memento nostri, Doniine, in beneplacito populi tui ; visita nos in salutari tuo. — lb. 138. 17: Blodhreowe weras ! ge bebugab me, "be beet on gebohtum benceab cwelSende = Viri sanguinum declinate a me; quia dicitis in cogitationibus vestris. [Cf. 104. 10: where cweSende = dieens.] — lb. 146. 10: Se $e mete syleS manegum neatum, hrefnes briddum, bonne heo hropende him cigeab to, cubes a^ses = Sui dat jumentis escam ipsorum, et pullis corvorum invocantibus eum. NOTES. 1. Present Participle in a Passive Sense. — I have found no instance of the present participle used in a passive sense in Old English. [Cf. Kellner, Syntax des Englisches Verbums, p. 85 f. ; Koch, ii, p. 72 ; Matzner, n, p. 56 ; Sweet, § 2312 ; and, for the Germanic languages in general, O. Erdmann, Grundziigc, I, § 132 f . ; Falk and Torp, § 138, 1; and Grimm, IV, p. 68.] 290 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. 2. Passive Participle in an Active Sense. — The preterite participle of intransitive verbs has an active sense, such as cumen, forftfered, etc. : Bede 1 396. 20 : in ftsere he /orS- fered bebyrged beon sceolde = 228. 9: in quo defunclus condi deberet; JEtf. L. S. 462. 351: oSSaet hi becoraon to sum urn senlicum felda fsegre geblowen (sic!); Bl. Horn. 87. 36: befealden to Hselendes cneowuin, he cwseS ; Hat. 7. 6 : hig Sonne ongean geivende eow toslyton = conversi dirumpant vos. Cf. bewend in Mk. 5. 30; L. 7. 9, 10. 23, etc. Occasionally, too, the past participle of transitive verbs has an active sense : Greg} 435. 1 : gif hi fserlecor syngoden unbeftohte = 360. 7 : si in his sola prcecipitatione cecidis- sent (or adverb?); uE(f. L. S. xxiv. 2: wseron twegen kyningas on crist gelyfde; ib.: xxv. 109, xxvin. 15, etc. (see Statistics); JElf. Horn. i. 66. 12: -Sonne faerlice gewitt he of Sissere worulde, nacod and forscyldigod. But, as in High German (see Grimm as cited below), the use of the preterite participle in an active sense occurs usually, not when the participle is appositive, but when it is attributive or predicative, or has been substantivized; under one of which heads come most of the examples cited by Matzner, March, Schrader, and Sohrauer. Druncen in wine druncen and in beore druncen, cited by Matzner and by March as active, seems to me passive in sense. [See Kellner, Syntax des Verbnms, p. 97 f. ; Koch, II, p. 72 ; Matzner, nr, p. 93 ; March, § 455; Schrader, § 104; Sohrauer, p. 31; Sweet, § 2356 ; and, for Germanics, O. Erdmann, Grundzuge I., § 133; Falk and Torp, § 138, n ; Grimm, iv., p. 73.] 3. Supplementary Particles. — Only slight use is made of supplementary particles, which serve the more clearly to indi- cate the relationship of the participial to the main clause. They seem to be confined to the late West Saxon prose. Examples: swa swa: JE(f. L. S. xxiir. B. 234: ongan he sworettan swa swa eallunga gewascced on 'Sara oreSe belocen; swa fteah: sE'f. Hept. Numb. 15. 44 : Hig swa "SeaA ablende THE APPOSIT1VE PARTICIPLE IX ANGLO-SAXON. 291 beotlice astigon = At illi contenebrati ascenderunt ; ib. JElf. L. $, xxxi. 42; — swa-fteah-liwaySere : JElf. L. 8. xxni. B. 285 : ic eom synful wif, swafteahhwceftere utan ymbseald mid ■Sam halgan fulluhte ; — swilce: JElf. Horn. I. 60 b : Drusiana •Sa aras swilce of slaepe awreht ; ib. JElf. L. 8. 158. 174, xxv. 513, xxx. 411, etc. ; — 3a: JElf. L. 8. xxni. B. 587 : Zosinius •So. witodlice gehyrende •Sset ... he hire to cwaeS ; ib. Mk. 8. 13; — ftonne: Mat. 7. 6: hig ftonne ongean gewende eow tosliton = et conversi dirumpunt ; ib. JElf. Horn. i. 38 b ; JElf. L. 8. xxni. B. 115.— Matzner (in, pp. 73, 90) mentions only sioilce. 4. Pleonastic " and." — As with the absolute participle (see Absolute Participle in Anglo-Saxon, p. 21) so with the apposi- tive there is occasionally a pleonastic and: Bede 1 450. 20; Oros. 1 \ 2. 32, 33 ; Bl, Horn. 243. 7 ; JElf. L. 8. xxni. B. 542, 560, 588, etc., etc. The same is true of Gothic and of Old High German (Gering, p. 401). I close this chapter with tables showing the distribution of the appositive participle in its several uses (adjectival, adverbial, and co-ordinate), in the whole of Anglo-Saxon Literature. 292 MORGAN CAT.LAWAY, JR. m W M GO o > fe CO o Q 5 H Ph — w < a S5 o a o OS - Q •^ co • -ojwcn : co • ** : *-< ;ooHOiHTitifl(D»o : co ;■<* ;ioh T-t^-«:: : ,-. : • -co i^ © th • co • oi • "Oh-OtOCC^OtN^CiCCCClCirXt-iCWTfOICiCOlOOOiCOHlO OtOfHrtlC(N« CO i-i CM CM i-h © Ci CM © CM ro : n io r^ tj< rn ^ o : io : co : . . -CO .i-i -CO CO i-H CO • CM • CN CM 6-1 "^ C^CN »-< IOHH ;t>-OOCNCNC71lO'^ , Tt»COlOCOCSCSTt«CNCOOOt^CO^H *-H 1-H CO IC ^ "^ TH CO *■* CM CO r-t CO CC* ; CM T-t HrtOWlOW CM i-l CO ri CO : — : r- :o : t- ;o : w : to ;co • co • • : e 8 6 U - .S> <© :ih :co : : US' e ££ a "5 :th :cn co :eo : oi : w ; co :ih : :<-i :cn :-h I ^ ^ Li'.? moohh ; co ; T-t r-t i-l CM y-> CO -^ CO J CO ; t* * Tf CO i-t i-* CM CO • • oj^h^h ;tctw : : : ihh ;co :©p-oh©«h : ■** i© cm cm • CM ^-< • .... CM CM •• Z : o : io : : -h >-l CO 0)rt n«j;n*o M Cln» NMt^ocOT)<'ooo^M«Tf.c;iGcoiotOi-tooo:otou Ot-i-irtlONn C-J i~t CO i-< CO COH^OCOOrHCSCDCOt'^TH t- < ^ t- < CO CM 6- ft. 0-ftO en — " u fc- u £ « ft, ft. =■ ft. ft. ^ ja tt> — 01 --' - n w o o o ft. U CO c a) « ^ft-ft." ' 3 o - b. - ft. ft. o w CO i4 ft. ft.: >'c-i 0)0) - - - — — — o. 3 O Or 3 = <*.* _-' _ '_' co — 0) 5 ^ ^ ^ ^ CO .- CO CN CO to 13 .-H CO CO ia : 13 : so : CO CO to " CO CO c co : :f- : N O CM CO cm :i< r-i CN CN O CO CM CM CO CO CM ^ -r co co en en CO CO 1 * 33 -* r^ .-, r^ CO CO *■* CO CO o ^ CN CD CO o* C9 hi K - p- : DQ _ - .- ~ * r C to 4J CO <0 *-> •8 CO a. = a "cS "5 "3 8 5 -t2 o e> .- > - ~-i H H GO w o Ph a S en co — co co co •- co 13 i~ 1-1 ^- T-l " 1— 1 T-H :: rt^cx /. r.-M^i^o^nci »-* ::::::: "c :«h :cm : j : « : : ;eo :i3 : t^cceni3COM , cO'^-rco tH CM H 11 :en ;x^L3coi3eoo^-t OCM CO ■* 13 13 13 *-* t~ IlOWfOXC: KOOIICC : — C0COCOCMt-i-^xi3 T}1 ^- . CO " —< -CO »-< -rH ^h ::::::::::::::::::::::: :co : — ::::::: ■* : : *h : cm : : : ^h : :co :cm : : — 1 : co : — 1 : : : : :cs :::::: :cm : : : :^ :—:::«:::: :::::: :cm : " rt :::::::: : :" :~* :~ : 1 : : :" : : : : • :- :••::; • t ;th ; j ; ::::::—::::::::::::::::::: : co : co : rn ; cm : co : ■* : 13 w : : 1-1 cm :co : : : : :»««- ; : • ;« : : : : : oi : : : co :cm :-h : : : ^ : : : : : *-• : : :::::-:::- :::::: en i-i cm : *-h ;cn^h ;cn . j-t : c-3 ^ : -^ : r-t : :— : co co — -»' : cm : : : : : i" :ih : : :-h : cm : -h :co : : :th CO CO -T 1 ;HiH : J^rH : : :oi « 'j" "— : : ^^ : cm ^ : CM 13 :CO '^HfHaiNfDrt^ ; " ; 13 M X co : • CM • .-i -CM : co : co ^ en coo — en : — t-n : 13 en r~ cm en 13 13 13 : co — co co f ^ *~ » co coxoc^cocnl3co , ^^-' CM CO « CO "13 " " t— ^ co co cm c H cj pq O U ~ o _• )«3 a s s <5 294 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. : *h :c^ :-h ; co ; : i-h w : r-c :^h ; e* : *-h ; o : cs ^ «S S r/> fa -*v fa 1 fa O in — «5 &4 fa fa ■*; H tH ^5 fa OD 1 ^HCO ; "Tf ;•— (^h^h ;C^ ; *H ; *-h ; i— l ; i— ihh • O^ ^3 3 - 13 a cS to 3 a, r ^3" o ;C^ :-H ; CC : ;hh ; rt ; -* ; ti :oo ;rt ; :?)»-< c^ : —i .,-, : :--i :mh : : ci »-< ^H I **f *"-< CO ; ■»* IrtrtWwM ;»H ; ; CM ;MHC4 • gn • CM I »H I THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 295 >*i : ^h : r~i .-. oo : : :cm :^h : co ico^hco • _ • — : co :>-. :ih ; :-h : gel 2* r- tr> o cm cm oo to cm cm to IO CO 00 CO CM o CO o> CI CO t- © r- to CO ■a a 6 r— to oo CO « CM i-i o> — I CM tOCM CO 00 Oi CO o ■oco t-- to coco cm ana 5 *S 3 O kerende) = 126 a : praedicando) the Anglo-Saxon participle translates a Latin gerund in the ablative ; in the other (Oros. 1 52. 27) the accu- sative seems to belong to the finite verb as well as to the participle (see Statistics). 3. In hundreds of instances the Early West Saxon trans- lators (iElfred and his helpers) clearly avoided turning the Latin participle with an object by an Anglo-Saxon participle with an object (see chapter iv). 4. An object is exceedingly rare in the more original prose works, there being but four examples in the Chronicles, one in the Laws, and six in Wulfstan ; in all eleven instances. 5. In every one of these eleven examples the participle can be traced directly or indirectly to a Latin source. In the Chronicle, biddende (1083 E), ciceftende, which occurs twice (656 E, 675 E, both already quoted above), and geseonde (1087 E), may be due to the Latin petens, dicens, and videns, which latter occur so often in the Vulgate Neic Testament, in Gregory's Cura Pastoralix, in Bede's Historia Ecclesiastica, and in other books that we may assume to have been in the hands of the compiler of MS. E., especially as this MS. is itself occasionally interlarded with Latin. Or, since it was written about 1121 (Plummer, n, § 26), the editor of E. could have borrowed these participles from the Anglo-Saxon Gospels or from the works of JElfric, in both of which they abound. The single example in the Laivs (Wihtr. C. 18 : Preost hine clsensie sylfses so"S, in his halgum hrsegle setforan wiofode, $us cve- ^Sende: "Ueritatem dico in Christo, non mentior") may con- fidentlv be ascribed to Latin influence, not only that it is cwe'Sende, but that the participle is immediately followed by a quotation in Latin. As to Wulfstan, four of the examples THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 309 are cweftende (105. 30, 199. 15, 201. 8, 246. 11), which here as elsewhere is to be ascribed to Latin influence, dicens (dicmtes) occurs five times in Wulfstan, though not in the above examples ; twice it is translated by a co-ordinated finite (60. 14, 87. 15) and once by a subordinated finite verb (87. 18), and twice it is not translated at all (31. 32, 77. 3). Moreover, in two instances (201. 8, 246. 11) ciceftende immediately precedes a quotation in Latin. The other two examples in Wulfstan (244. 7 b : gemende, 278. 9 : ftancjendc : see Statistics) sound like translations from the ritual. Be this as it may, the participle may unhesitatingly be ascribed to Latin influence; for in Wulfstan there are interlarded with the Anglo-Saxon fourteen Latin present participles with an object. 6. Very few objects are found with the present participle in the poetry, only twenty-three in all, distributed as follows : Beoirulf four (1227 : dream hecddende; 2106 : fela fricgende (but K. Kohler considers/e/a an adverb); 2350: nearo neftende; 1829 : "Sec Jtettende, which may be substantival, as K. Kohler construes it), Cvnewulf's Christ one (1271 : wr a a - a s ■a a .O o - — a P 1— 1 01 .a -= S 1 > ■a c -^3 o u. a H < 12 < ►=< - a CO CO < <; 'A 3 < 3 C5 ■- 15 1 1 1 35 26 1 2 6 9 8 1 4^ 19 5 19 1 2 2 o 2 3 3 1 22 I!' 2 1 1 11 lu 1 1 3 3 1 8 6 1 1 1 1 1 1 (1 u (l 1 1 1 1 4 4 6 6 1 1 1 1 BOETHIUS ""■{St: T -p-{£ft::: c-*{8£::: "-•{St:::: 2 6 12 1 1 1 3 1 3 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 2 2 8 2 II II u II 31G MORGAN CALLAWAY, JE. GREGORY. 1 A.-S. Ptc. without Object. LATIN EQUIVALENT. A.-S. Ptc. with Object. LATIN EQUIVALENT. Use. -"■{St::: Temp.ffi;;; caus.{^ t ;;;; «-• {IS::::: q CO Q o . r> 1 cc — < a a 3 a a 1-1 1 -a > J3 Pn C3 1-1 o a ,Q a tf-T cu CD o ,a .Q 'S 1 c o a a rl V o H 7 -H i 3 Ch co CO 1 1 1 1 < 1 Pn < - fc **{85::::: 6 2 4 9 s 1 3 **>*•{&::: 1 1 1 1 *-*■{?&: 3 3 3 1 2 Cau,{P-.. ; . MS::::: o»c{gt;:; cond. j |:-- :: 1 1 Co-ord.jf-;; 2 1 1 o 1 1 1 BEN EDICT. 1 ^•{1^:::::: 4 3 2 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 mo* {££;;;; 9 2 2 1 1 5 2 1 1 *»Hg5:: 3 3 3 3 ^•s. ] g£:: 1 1 1 1 "-•iSS:::::: 2 1) 1 1 co--{p"t::: cond.{^;;:: 2 1 1 co-ord. {};;;;;;; 8 6 1 1 31 20 7 4 12 318 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. H EPTATEUCH A.-S. Ptc. without Object. LATIN EQUIVALENT. A.-S. Ptc. with Object. LATIN EQUIVALENT. Moa.{[:; <*»■■{ St:: Co-ord.{^;; 02 3 a o 3 a o SZ5 03 i X! <3 ■< O .q <5 < < O Pi Pn > a a a •tH H 3 2 < 1 M O o Ph 02 w 1 3 O o = s 13 < a 3 3 o • — -. < o A ■-> o H < 3 «J .3 3 ■a Hi O !zi 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 3 (1 1 i l BE NET. 1 . ■,; fPres Ad J-jPret 16 14 2 Ifi Ifi 15 15 8 8 *<*■{££:::: 4 1 1 1 3 2 1 2 1 *-».{g3:: 111 8 10 8 4 4 o— -{SStn: 3 3 3 3 4 4 "M55::::: 1 1 <»-{K::: 1 1 1 n 1 Cond.{^- 2 2 2 2 Co - ord -{?re" 7 7 33 33 320 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JE. PROSE PSALMS. 1 A.-S. Ptc. with Object. LATIN EQUIVALENT. A.-S. Ptc. with- out Object. LATIN EQUIVALENT. Use. a j- JPres... Ad J- i Pret... ""•{SS:::: Co-. {}:-• ;;; . 7 i— i B ^ O GO .—J .O j= 1 .a - d < O ^a <1 ^H a _a a t* PU| o> a ■5" > ci ►J o o p. CO* H cet, to S?/ ftcet, ¥>cet, Se Ices, ■Se Ices ^Se, ftylces. Examples: — (1) Indicative: I find no ex- ample. — (2) Optative: "Sect: Med. 2 14. 15: dimitte turbas, ut euntes in castella emant sibi escas = forlset Sas rnaenegeo Sce£ hi faron . . . y him mete bicgean ; Greg. 2 122. 19 (167. 17); to %cem Kcet: Greg. 2 246. 20 (319. 20); to % Keel: Bened. 2 204. 15 (132. 15); -Se Ices: Mat. 2 13. 29; «e Ices %e: Gen. 2 32. 11 ; Kylces: Greg. 2 90. 2, 4 (127. 14, 15), 180. 13 (239. 2). 326 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. 7. The Latin Modal Clause is turned by a subordinate finite verb introduced by swa swa, swelce. Examples: — (1) Indicative: swa swa: Greg. 2 MS. 14: ut qui voluptatibus deleetati discessimus, fletibu? amaricati redeamus = 425. 14 : ■Ssette us biterige sio hreowsung, swa siva us ser swetedon $a svnna; Mat. 2 9. 36; etc., etc.— (2) Optative: swelce: Greg. 2 L56. 6: quasi eompatiens = 207. 17: suelce he efnsurSe him bare; U>. 80. 22 (117. 1), 94. 30 (135. 1); Bened. 2 ISO. 6 (113. 25). 8. The Latin Consecutive Clause is translated by a sub- ordinated finite verb introduced by siva %cet, ftaat, ftastte. Examples:— (1) Indicative: siva %cet: Hat. 2 13. 2: congre- ffatte sunt ad eum turbse multse.ita ut in naviculam adscewdms sederet = mycle msenigeo waeron gesamuade to him siva ftost he eode on scyp } Kxv sa3t ; Bede 2 278. 11, 12 (378. 20, 21); tod: Bede 2 116. 4 (142. 2); Bened. 2 188. 15 (124. 5); Kastte: Greg 2 182. 7 (241. 3).— (2) Optative: Kcet: Greg 2 34. 21 : caveat ne aceeptam pecuniam in sudarium ligans de ejus occultatione judicetur = 59. 13 : healde hine Kcet he ne cnijlte -Sset underfongne feoh on Ssem swatline; ib. 38. 14 (63. 15), 398. 20 (463. 13): Kcette: Greg 2 164. 23 (219. 7); swa ftcet : Bened. 2 12. 4 (5. 24). III. By a Prepositional Phrase. Not infrequently the Latin appositive participle is translated into Anglo-Saxon by a prepositional phrase. (1) The phrase denotes Manner, Means, or Instrumentality, and is introduced by mid, in, fturh. Examples: — mid: Bened. 2 52. 19: subsequuntur gaudentes et dicentes = 27. 11: "Sus sefterfylgendlice mid blisse clypiaS ; ib. 104. 9 : adjutus = 55. 16 : mid heora fultume ; Greg. 2 274. 1 : iratus = 353. 20 : mid hi* ierre; in: Bede 2 239. 18: Cristas incarnatus = 310. 26: Crist in menniscum lichoman; fturh: Bened. 2 178. 15: adrnonitus = 113. 13 : %urh myngunge. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANQLO-iSAXON. 327 (2) The phrase denotes Time, and is introduced by cefter, be, on, under. Examples: — cefter: Bede 2 110. 23: eidem perempto = 132. 14: cefter his siege; on: Bened. 2 88. 12: dormientes = 47. 11 : on slcepe ; Greg 2 218. 15= 289. 10; under: Bede 2 114. 26: albati = 140. 4: under crisman (or Modal ?). (3) The phrase denotes Cause, and is introduced by for. Examples: — Bened 2 96. 20: excommunicatus = 52. 5: for amansunge; Greg? 28. 12 (51. 14); Greg. 2 68. 18 : miseratus = 99. 22 : for mildheortnesse ; Greg. 2 124. 5 : supernse formi dinis et dilectionis spiritu afflatus = 169. 3 : for Godes lufum ■j for Godes ege; Bede 2 32. 30: fame confecti = 54. 2 : for hungre; Gen. 19. 29: Deus recordatus Abrahamse liberavit Lot = alysde L. for Abrahame ; Gen. 45. 3: nimio terrore perterriti =for ege. (4) The phrase denotes Condition and is introduced by butan: Mat 2 22. 25 : non habeas semen = butan bearne. IV. By a Verb in the iNFmrrrvE Mood. Occasionally the Latin appositive participle is translated by an infinitive. Examples: — (1) Ihe Uninflected Infinitive: (a) Without a subject: Bened. 2 10. 13 : Et zifngientes gehennae pcenas ad vitam volumus pervenire perpetuam = 5. 5 : And gif he hellewites susla/or6?/^an willuS and to ecum life cuman ; Bede 2 99. 25 : uerbis delectatus promisit = 122. 33 : 3a ongon he lustfidlian ftses biscopes wordum and geheht ; etc. ; (b) With a subject: Bede 2 46. 5: ad iussionem regis residentes . . . prse- dicarent = 58. 28 : Da het se cyning hie sittan . . . and hie . . . bodedon; Mat 2 27. 26.— (2) The Inflected Infinitive: Greg. 2 178. 25: ita nonnunquam quibusdam audita vera nocuerunt = 237. 11: sua dereft eac hwilum sumum mon- num -Sset so? to gehierenne ; Greg 2 300. 15: ut cum . . . tunc quasi a nobismetipsis foras etiam alios instruentes ex- eamus = 385. 9 : Ac eft Sonne . . . Sonne bio we of -Ssere ceastre ut afserene, Sset is of urum agnum ingeSonce, o'Sre 328 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. men to keranne ; Bede 2 8. 10: omnes ad quos hsec eadem historia peruenire poterit . . . legentes siue audientes suppliciter precor, ut = 486. 8 : ic eaSmodlice bidde . . . Ssette to eallutn ■Se Sis ylce star to becyme . . . to rcedanne o$Se to gehyranne •Sat, etc.; Bede 2 54. 24 : si . . . actura gratias intrat = 76. 12 : Seah Se heo . . . Gode -goncuuge to donne . . . gange ; Ps. Th. 2 9. 12. V. By an Attributive Participle. The Latin appositive participle is at times translated by an Anglo-Saxon attributive participle. Examples: — Bened 2 24. 13 : ut non solum detrimenta gregis sibi commissi non patia- tur = 14. 8 : Sect he him Sees befcesten eowdes nanne sefwird- lan nasbbe; ib. 92. 14 (49. 18), 146. 11 (78. 10); Greg. 2 22. 12 (43. 14), 126. 7 (171. 11); Mat. 17. 14. VI. By an Absolute Participle. Rarely the Latin appositive participle is translated by an Anglo-Saxon absolute participle. Examples : — Mat? 13. 1 : In illo die exiens Jesus de domo, sedebat secus mare = On ■Sam dsege t&arn hcelende ut-gangendum of huse he sset wiS «a see; Mk. 2 5. 2, 16. 12; Mat. 2 17. 14; Lh 2 1. 63, 17. 7; Oros. 2 33. 29 (34. 1). (See Abs. Ptc. in A.S., pp. 8, 13.) VII. By an Adverb. Occasionally the Latin appositive participle is turned by an adverb. Examples : — Greg. 2 360. 18 : Hinc iterum iratus dicit = 435. 11 : he cwse« 'eft ierrenga; Greg. 2 402. 18, 21 : cautus . . . sollicitus = 467. 1, 3 : ivaviice . . . geomlice ; Ps. Th. 2 16. 10 : projicientes =forsewenlice. VIII. By an Adjective. The Latin appositive participle is at times translated by an Anglo-Saxon adjective. Examples : — Bede 2 108. 32 : scio . . . THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 329 quse uentura tibi in proximo mala formidas = 128. 25 : ic wat . . . hwylc toweard yfel $u "Se in neahnesse forhtast ; Bede? 82. 5 : adlatus est quidarn . . . oculorum luee priuatus = 100. 3: $a Isedde mon for$ sumne blindne mon; Mat. 3 8. 16: multos dcemonia habentes = manege deofol-seoce. IX. By a Substantive. Rarely a Latin appositive participle is represented in Anglo- Saxon by a substantive. Examples : — Bened. 2 116. 7 : Mensis fratrum edentium lectio deesse non debet = 62. 3 : Gebroftra gereorde aet hyra my sum ne sceal beou butan rsedinge; Greg. 2 160. 16, 17 : Egit . . . doctor, ut prius audirent laudati, quod recognoscerent, et postmodum, quod exhortati sequerentur = 213. 20. 21 : Sua gedyde se . . . lareow Sset hie seres^ gehier- don ■§« heringe 'Se him licode forSsem $a?t hie softer ^sem -Se lusftlicor gehierden Sa lare. 330 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. CHAPTER V. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN THE OTHER GERMANIC LANGUAGES. In the main, the uses of the appositive participle in the other Germanic Languages tally with those found in Anglo- Saxon. My discussion must be brief not only because of the want of space but also because of the lack of a com- prehensive treatment of the appositive participle in these languages. But the treatises of Douse and of Gering answer admirably for Gothic; those of Falk and Torp, of Lund, and of Nygaard for the Scandinavian languages ; those of Dietz, O. Erdmann, K. Forster, Mourek, Rannow, Seedorf, Seiler, and Wunderlich, for Old High German ; that of Barz for Middle High German ; and those of Behaghel and Pratje for Old Saxon. Mourek, Pratje, and Rannow do not classify their examples according to use. Perhaps it is not improper to state that, while this chapter is based on the statistics of others, the interpretation thereof is my own. 1 . Gothic. In the Introduction I have already commented on the unwisdom of Gering's excluding the adjectival (relative) participle from the appositive use. Ignoring this, we find the appositive participle freely used adjectivally, adverbially, and co-ordinately (though Gering does not use the last term). As Liicke has shown with reference to the absolute participle, so il is with the appositive participle : Ulfilas was a slavish translator ; and his usage represents, I believe, the genius THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 331 of the classical (especially Greek) and not of the Germanic languages (see II. below). But at times even Ulfilas turns the Greek appositive participle by a finite verb, Gering (p. 313 fi\, 399 ff.) giving not a few examples of the same (over fifty subordinate and twenty-five co-ordinate verbs) ; whereas the turning of a Greek finite verb by a Gothic appositive participle is very rare (four * examples, according to Gering, p. 401). I append a few examples from Gering : I. Adjectival (Relative) (Geri tig's attributive) : Mat. 8. 9 : Jah auk ik manna im habands uf waldufnja meinamma gadrauhtius = Kal yap eyoi av0pcoTrb$ elp,i . . . eyoiv V7r' ifiavrov crrpaTiooTa^ ; L. 2. 13: managei harjis himinakun lis, hazjandane gup jah gtyandane = ILYf/#oc cr-pancis ovpaviov alvovvrcov rov Oeov Kal Xeyovrcov ; II. Adverbud : Mat. 27. 63 : qap nauh libands = elirev en %wv (temporal); Mk. 6. 20: Herodis ohta sis Iohannen, kunnands ina wair garaihtana jah weihana = 'HpcoSijS i(f)o/3eLTO tov 'ladvvijv, elSoos avrov dvSpa oiKaiov Kal dyiov (causal); J. 6.6: patuh pan qap fraisands ina = Tovto Se eXeyev ireipd^cov avrov (final); Mat. 6. 17: ip pu fastands salbo haubip pern = Su 8e vrjarevoov aXectyai aov rrjv KecfraXijv (conditional according to Gering, but may be temporal) ; Lk. 2. 48 : sa atta peins jah ik icinnandona sokidedum puk = 6 Tiari'jp gov Kayo) oSvvcofievot i^r/rovftev ae (modal : manner); Mk. 6. 5 : siukaim handuns galagjands gahailida = dppooo-Tocs eVi^et? tegiandi (Jiende a : uden at rube dertil), en oepanda olker stoft. Hervar. 41. — In the next paragraph (§ 150) Lund discusses the attributive use of the participle; and some of the examples there given would come under our "adjectival " use of the appositive participle. In their recent work, Dansk-Norshens Syntax i Historisk Fremsstd/ing, Falk and Torp briefly treat the appositive use of the participle not only in Old Norse but also in the modern Scandinavian languages. Their statement is an admirable supplement to that of -Lund, and is worthy of quotation (§ 67. 3): "Apposition af participier forholder sig vasentlig som adjektivernes. Ved prsesens particip forekommer appositiv brug i oldnorsk kun i laerd stil : lion misgor'Si etandi af tressins dvexti; talafti ]>dfyrir sinum mpnnum svd mcelandi. Endnu er udtryk som : jeg gik igang med arbeidet stolende paa hans lofte ; trodsende alle hindringer trsengte ban frem, fremmede for den egte folkelige udtryksmaade. Den seldre kancellistil yndede saadanne vendinger: paa eet audhet stedt talindis om bandt siger han saa (P. Elies.) ; T. gick vd emod dennem berendis hostiam (Abs. Ped.) ; andre breifue lydendis at (St. D. Pr.) ; jeg befaler dig Gud onskendis dig aid lyksalighed (Pont.) ; befalendiss dig hermed gud og himmelen (Chr. VI.). Ved fortidsparticip findes appositiv brug i oldnorsk klassik prosa kun i et parenkle udtryk : ])d lagu \>ar fyrir Danir komnir or lev&angri. I Iserde skrifter forekommer ogsaa foranstillet apposition : lUgenginn af skola heldr hann sik nu upp d leik- manna hdtt ; or sinu valdi kastadr do hann i myrkvastofu. Endnu er forbindelser som : forladt af alle dode han i ensom- hed ; opbragt herover ponsede han paa hsevn, ganske uhjem- lige og fremmede for godt landsmaal. Uden anstod er derimod den efterstillede apposition i udtryk som : Gud sendte sin son, fodt af en kvinde ; til en by, kaldet Ephrem. I den seldre kunstige stil paatraeffes vendinger som : rigdom ther ijlde brughet gifFuer orsage till alwerdsins homodt (P. Elies.); aalije, ther mange menniskir smwrde met worde karscke (ib.). Sml. § 139, 1." The section cited runs: 13 334 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. "Appositivt particip til betegnelse af den en hovedssetning underordnede handling, erstattende en relativ, tids-eller aarsagsssetning, er i det hele og store en fremmed brug i nordisk : se § 67, 3. I vort skriftsprog er denne udtryksmaade ikke sjelden : han gik bort, p0nsende paa hsevn ; ankommen til liven, gik han straks ned til havnen. I dagligtalen anvendes den aid rig. Anderledes hvor participiet betegner snbjektets tilstand under handlingen. Her fungerer det som adjektiv, idet dette kan anvendes paa samme maade : Gitf&run grdtandi gekk or tiini; han gik slagen derfra (srnl. han gik glad bort) ; se § 68, 2 b." Nygaard considers that the use of the participle in Norse prose is largely due to Latin influence. As I have not had access to his article on Den Lcerde Stil i den Norr&ne Prosa, I quote the summary of the Berlin Jahresbericht for 1896 : " Der gelehrte stil zeigt sich in der nordischen prosa: 1. in der erweiterung des gebrauchs des part, prsesens, das in volkstiimlichen stile nicht allzu haufig angewendet wird. Auf dem gebrauch dieses part, hat im gelehrten stil das lat. part, prsesens und das gerundium eingewirkt. 2. Auch der gebrauch des part, prset. ist in dem gelehrten stil wesentlich erweitert. Namentlich wird das part, prset. haufig mit prapositionen (at, eptir) verbuuden ; wir haben hier eine konstruktion, die dem lat. abl. absol. entspricht." 3. High German. (1) Old High German. I have been surprised to find how closely the uses of the appositive participle in Old High German correspond to those in Anglo-Saxon. True, Tatian has no Anglo-Saxon counter- part, for he is as slavish in following his original as is Ulfilas ; and has hundreds of examples of the uu-Germanic co-ordinate participle. But the more original Otfrid and Isidor are quite different. In Otfrid and Notker the modal participle was THE APPOSITIVE PAETICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 335 so common that it developed an adverbial ending in -o (O. Erdniann, Syntax der Sprache Otfrids, p. 219), as in Otfrid, IV., 12. 53 : er fhor ilonto ; v., 9. 14 : ir get sus drurento. The modal use is found, too, in Isidor. In Isidor and in Otfrid, again, the adjectival use of the preterite participle is common, while that of the present is comparatively rare, being limited as in Anglo-Saxon to participles with slight verbal power. The other uses are rare in both writers. Isidor, for instance, has only four examples of the co-ordinate participle, all from quedan ; two are in direct translation of the Latin dicens, and we may add also the other two, though dicens does not occur in these two passages. But eighteen times Isidor trans- lated a Latin co-ordinate participle by a finite verb (nine co-ordinated and nine subordinated). Clearly, then, if Isidor and Otfrid are true types, the co-ordinate participle was as unnatural in Old High German as in Anglo-Saxon. In the Benediktinerregel, finally, the present participle often answers to a Latin gerund in the ablative (Seiler, p. 470). Examples : (1) Adjectival (Relative): — Tatian, 88. 2 : Uuas sum man dar drizog inti ahto iar habenti in sinero unmahti = Erat autem quidam homo ibi triginta octo annos habens in infirmitate sua; Otfrid, in., 20. 1 : gisah einan man, blintau giboranan ; Tatian, 107. 1 : Inti uuas sum arm betalari ginem- nit Lazarus = Et erat quidam mendicus nomine Lazarus; (2) Adverbial: — Otfrid, I., 17. 73: sie wurtun slafente fon engilon gimanote (temporal); Tatian, 192. 2: Inti anderu managu bismaronti quadun in inan = Et alia multa blasphemantes dice- bant in eum (modal: manner); Tatian, 12. 3: inti inan ni findanti fuorun uuidar zi Hierusalem inan suochenti (causal and final) ; Otfrid, v., 12. 26 : er ingiang ungimerrit, duron so bisperril (concessive) ; Otfrid, I., 8. 6 : thin racha, sus gidan, nam thes huares thana wan (conditional); (3) Co-ordinate: — Otfrid, 1 , 13. 18 : barg thin wort, in herzen ahtonti ; Tatian, 6. 6 : Maria uuarlihho gihielt allu thisiu uuort ahtonti in ira herzen = M. autem conservabat omnia verba haec conferens in corde suo ; Tatian, 54. 6 : antvvurtenti quad zi in = re- 336 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. spondens dixit ad illos; Tatian, 81. 2 : sprah in quedenti locutus est eis dlcens. (2) Middle High German. The story is the same in Middle High German, if we may take Barz's * statistics of the Nibelungenlied and Iwein as true for Middle High German in general. Here the adverbial participle denoting manner is very common, and we meet with sorgende, swigende, unwizzende, etc., as in Anglo-Saxon. But the adverbial participle denoting means is practically unknown, and the other uses of the adverbial appositive participle are rare. Those cited as temporal and as final occur in close con- nection with verbs of motion, and waver between predicative and adverbial uses. The adjectival (relative) use is almost exclusively confined to the preterite participle. The co-ordi- nate use is not known. Examples from Barz : — (1) Adjectival (Relative): Nib. 2. 3: ein vil edel magedin, daz . . . sin, Kriemhilt geheizen; Nib. 833. 2 : die truogen liehte pfelle . . ., geworht in Arabin ; (2) Adverbial: Nib. 1065. 1 : vil lute seritnde daz liut gie mit im dan (temporal); Nib. 2333. 3: ez giengen iuwer helde zuo disem gademe gewqfent wol ze vlize (temporal) ; Nib. 502. 3 : sorgende^ wahte er (modal : manner) ; Iw. 3227 : er stal sich swigende f dan (modal); Iw. 6113 : daz ist unwizzende f gesche- hen (modal) ; Iw. 531 : daz ich suochende rite einen man (final); ib. Iw. 4163, 5775. (3) New High German. The fullest recent treatment accessible to me of the apposi- tive participle in New High German is that by von Jagemaun in his Elements of German Syntax; of which this section of *Paul does not treat the construction. fBarz (p. 22) puts this under Adverbialer Gebrauch des Participiums, not Appositiver Gebrauch. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. .'537 my paper is scarcely more than a summary. In § 124, 4a, he gives the three following examples of the appositive participle in New High German: "She sat weeping by the bedside of her mother = Sie sass weinend am Bette ihrer mutter; He entered the room in silence = Schweigend trat er in das Zimrner; Pierced by an arrow he sank to the ground = Von einera Pfeile getroffen sank er zu Boden." To me, however, the participle in the first example appears to be used predicatively. The remaining two are appositive, the former denoting manner and the latter cause. In § 125, notwithstanding, we are told : " Present participles should not be used in German to express adverbial relations of time, cause, or manner" * I do not know how to reconcile the italicized part of this statement with example two above, unless for the moment Professor von Jagemaun had in mind the statement made in § 124, 3c: "A limited number of present participles are no longer felt as such, but as common adjectives, and they may therefore be used predicatively and adverbially*: He is absent = Er ist ab- wesend ; She sang charmingly = Sie sang reizend ; " and thought that he had put Schweigend trat er in das Zimmer under § 124, 3c instead of § 124, 4a. Be this as it may, his statement that the present participle may be used adverbially is in strict keeping with the tradition not only of High German, but also of the Germanic languages in general, so far as it is used to denote manner. The non-use of the present parti- ciple to denote time and cause is what our preceding investi- gation has led us to expect. Again, we learn that the "adjectival" use of the present appositive participle is not allowed (§ 124, 46) : "This [i. e. } the appositive] use of a participle, however, is not permitted in the numerous cases in which an important limitation of a noun is to be expressed. The participle should then be used attributively, before the noun, preceded by its own qualifiers * The italics are mine. 338 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. (see § 231, 2) ; or else a relative clause should be substituted: The book lying on the table was a Greek Grammar = Das auf dem Tische liegende Buch war eine grieehische Grammatik, or Das Buch, das auf dem Tische lag etc. ; The candidate receiving the largest number of votes is elected = Der die meisten Stimmen erhaltende Candidat (or derjenige Candidat, welcher die meisten Stimmen erhiilt,) ist erwahlt ; I prefer an edition of Mo Here's works printed in France = Ich ziehe eine in Frankreich gedruckte Ausgabe von Moliere's Werken (or eine Ausgabe von . . . die in Frankreich gedruckt ist,) vor." Finally, we are told that the "co-ordinate" use of the present participle is not common (§ 124, \c) : "A present participle should not, ordinarily, be used to express an idea as important as, or more important than, that expressed by the finite verb, but a co-ordinate verb should be used instead of the participle : He sat at his desk all day, writing letters = Er sass den ganzen Tag an seinem Pulte und schrieb Briefe ; He stood on the mountain, looking down into the valley = Er stand auf dem Berge und sah ins Thai hinuuter." This usage is in strict accord with that of Early West Saxon. No specific statement is made as to the governing power of the present participle when used appositively. But, from § 124. 4 b&0 above quoted, we learn that the present apposi- tive participle seldom governs an object in New High German, the participle with an object usually being attributive. As to the past participle, von Jagemann has this to say (§ 126): "Although past participles are more frequently used in German to express adverbial relations than present parti- ciples, yet they cannot be used with the same freedom as in English, and it will often seem best to make substitutions for them similar to those just indicated for present participles." 4. Old Saxon. in Old Saxon (cf. Behaghel, and Pratje, §§ 156, 159) we again meet with the adverbial participle denoting manner THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 339 (sorgondi, gornondi, greotandi, etc.), but not means. The only instances of the temporal participle are with slapandi and libbiandi. The other adverbial uses are unrepresented (cf. Behaghel, § 300). The adjectival (relative) use is commoner with the preterite than with the present. The co-ordinate participle is unknown ; for the participles cited by Behaghel in § 300, B., are either predicative or modal. Examples (all from the Heliand as given by Pratje) : — (1) Adjectival {relative): 3391 : huo ik hier brinnandi thrauuerc tholon ; 2776 : that man iro Johannes . . . hobid gam alosit fan is lichamen; (2) Adverbial ': Temporal: 1013: that gi so libbeandi thena landes uuard sebon gisahon ; 701 : sagda im an suefna slapandion on naht ; — modal : 4588 : thuo bigan thero erlo gihuilic te o^remo . . . sorgondi gisehan ; 4071 : griot gornondi; 2996: gruotta ina greotandi; etc. Pratje (§ 155. 2) considers uuillandi an adverb in 1965 : thoh hie . . . mauuo huilicon uuillandi forgeue uuatares drincan. II. Despite the professed incompleteness of the preceding pres- entation of the uses of the appositive participle in the Ger- manic languages exclusive of English, I believe it warrants us in drawing certain general conclusions concerning the origin of the appositive participle in the Germanic languages, as follows : — 1. The adverbial participle denoting manner and the adjec- tival (relative) past participle are most probably native to the Germanic languages. Perhaps, too, the adjectival and the temporal uses with words like be, live, and sleep are native. 2. All other uses of the appositive participle, whether present or past, are probably of Greek or Latin origin. 3. That the appositive use of the present participle having an object is derived from the Greek and the Latin is highly probable. True, the appositive participle in Ulfilas and in Tatian governs an object with extraordinary frequency ; but 340 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR T believe that a comparison of the examples with the originals would show that in almost every case the construction is in direct imitation of the Greek and the Latin. Neither Gering nor Mourek cites all the examples of the participle with an object; Mourek does not give the Latin original along with the Old High German ; and I have not made an exhaustive comparison in either case. But the slight study I have given forces me to the above conclusion. I find, for instance, that out of 151 present participles with a direct object in the Gothic Mark 139 correspond to Greek participles with objects; and that in most of the twelve exceptional cases the participle translates a Greek participle elsewhere in Mark. Mourek cites 140 examples of quedenti in Tatian ; and, on turning to the Latin, I find that in 137 of these instances the Old High German participle is a direct translation of dieens. More than this, not a few of the Greek participles with an object that are cited by Gering (pp. 313 fF., 399 fif.) are turned by a finite verb, whereas the whole number of Greek verbs turned by Gothic participles is very small. In the more original Old High German texts, a present participle with an object is almost unknown. Of the appositive participles (present) cited from Otfrid by Erd- m'ann only three have an object (singenti, I. 12. 22; hel- senti, i. 11.46; $rdnti, I. 5. 50). With the present appositive participles cited from Isidor by Rannow, an object occurs only four times, each time the participle of the verb quedan; in two of these instances in direct translation of the Latin dieens, and in the other two without any corresponding participle in the Latin. More than this, eighteen times Isidor translated a Latin participle having an object by a finite verb (co-ordi- nated nine and subordinated nine), nine of these being forms of dieens. — In Middle High German, too, an object is seldom found. Barz cites only three examples from Iwein and the Nibelungenlied (Nib. 2292 : gie Wolf hart . . . homoende die Guntheres man ; Iw. 531 : daz ich suochende rite einen man ; ho. 4163 : die reit ich suochende), and these are in connection THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 341 with a verb of motion, and waver between the predicative and the appositive use. — The comparative infrequency of the present participle with an object in New High German is known to all. — As for Old Saxon, not one of the genuine appositive participles cited by Pratje has an object. III. The other Germanic languages employed about the same substitutes for the Greek and Latin appositive participle as did Anglo-Saxon; hence this topic may be treated with great brevity. 1. The Co-ordinated Finite Verb. Of the co-ordinated finite verb, Gering (p. 399 f.) cites about twenty-five examples from Ulfilas, such as Mk. 5. 41 : Kparrjaas Trj? x ei P° ata barn qa]>uh ; J. 18. 22 : eSo/cev pdiria-fia . . . elirwv = gaf slah . . . qa]>uh ; etc. — This translation is common in Old High German, also, ten examples occurring in Isidor (Rannow, p. 99 f.) : 39. 26 : etiam locus ipse coruscans miraculis ... ad se omnem contrahat mundum = ioh auh dhiu selba stat chischeinit . . . ioh zi imu chidhinsit allan mittingart ; 4. 33 : respondens ... ait = antuurta . . . quad ; etc. 2. The Subordinated Finite Verb. For the dependent clause as a translation of the Greek and Latin appositive participle in the other Germanic languages, see Gering, p. 395 ff. ; Rannow, p. 100. As to Gothic, Gering gives but two or three examples of this locution in his treatment of the appositive participle (J. 13. 30 : \af3oov . . . e£rj\6ev = bi\)e andnam J?ana hlaib jains, suns galaip ut; Philip. 1. 27) ; but, as already stated, Gering limits the term appositive to the " adverbial " uses of the participle, and excludes therefrom the "adjectival," unwisely considering all the latter "attributive." Many of his attributive parti- 342 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. ciples are, according to our definition, appositive; and in not a few of these examples, as Gering states (p. 313), the Greek participle is translated by a Gothic subordinated finite verb introduced by a relative pronoun, as in : Mat. 6. 4, 6. 18 : o 7rar>jp aov 6 fiXeirwv ev rS Kpvjnm = atta ]>eins saei saihwi\ in fulhnsja ; Eph. 1.3: #eo9 . . . 6 ev\ory/]cra . . . izei ga)nu])ida uns ; etc., etc. (about fifty examples in all). More- over, as Gering tells us (p. 317 if.), the Greek substantivized participle is often turned by a Gothic dependent clause. In reality, then, the translation of a Greek appositive participle (especially in its adjectival use) by a subordinated finite verb is very common in Gothic. In Old High German, also, the dependent finite verb often translates a Latin appositive participle. Rannow (p. 100) cites ten examples from Isidor ; of which I quote two only : 19.14: secundum Moysi sententiam dicentis = after Moyses quhidim, dhar ir quhad ; 21. 16 : sed semetipsum exinanivit formam servi accipiens = oh ir sih selbun aridalida, dhuo ir scalches chiliihnissa infenc. 3. The Prepositional Phrase. Rannow (p. 102) cites one instance of this construction in Isidor: 19. 26: incarnatus et homo factus est = in fleisches liihheman uuardh uuordan ; which should be compared with Bede 2 239. 18 : Cristus incarnatus = 310. 26 : in menniscum lichoman. 4. The Infinitive. Gering (p. 397) cites one example from the Gothic : Mh. 10. 46 :j itcdOvro irapa rrjv ohov TrpoaaiToov = sat faur wig du aihtron, but the Greek participle here is better considered predicative. 5. The Adverb. Four examples of this locution occur in Gothic (Gering, p. 306): 2 Cor. 13. 2, 10: airo>v >ypd^>a> = alja]>ro melja ; Phil. 1. 25, 27. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO- SAXON. 343 6. The Adjective. This substitution is very common in Gothic (Gering, p. 301 f.) : Mk. 6. 9 : v7ro8e8e/j,evos = gaskohs ; etc., etc. — Six examples occur in Isidor (Rannow, p. 102) : 33. 5 : mente caecati = muotes blinde; etc. 7. The Substantive. This construction occurs in Gothic (Gering, p. 303) and in Old High German (Rannow, p. 102). Examples : — (a) Gothic : Mat. 8. 16 : irpoa-i c jve. : "< rrammatica," in Lye's Dictionarium Saxonica et Gothico- Latinum, Londini, 1772. March, F. A. : A Comparative Grammar of the Anglo-Saxon Language, N.nv York, 1873. THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 359 Milroy, W. M. : The Participle in the Vulgate New Testament, Baltimore, 1892. Mohrbutter, A. : DarsteUung tier Syntax in den vier echten Pmligtcn den ags. Wulfstan, Liibeck, 1885. Monrek, V. E. : Weitere Beitrage zur Syntax des Ahd, Tatian, Prag, 1894. Miiller, A. : Die Syntakt. Gebr. des Verbums in d. ags. Judith, Leipzig, 1892. Miiller, H. : Ueber die ags. Versus Gnomici,, Jena, 1893. Miiller, T. : Angelscichsische Grammatik, Gottingen, 1883. Nygaard, M. : "Den Lserde Stil i den JSorrone Prosa," in Sprogl. Hist. Studten for 1895, pp. 153-170. Ott, J. H. : Ueber die Quellen der Heiligenleben in yElfric's Lice* of Saints, I, Halle, 1892. Owen, W. B. : "The Influence of the Latin Syntax on the A.-S. Gospels," in Transactions of Am. Philol, As., 1882, pp. 59-64. Paul, H. : Mittelhoehdewtsche Girvmmatik, 4th ed., Halle, 1894. Pessels, C. : The Present and Past Periphrastic Tenses in Anglo-Saxon, Strassburg, 1896. Planer, J. : Ueber den Syntakt, Gebr. des Verbums in d. ags. Phoenix, Leipzig, 1892 (?). Pratje, H. : "Syntax des Heliands, I. Das Verbum," in Jahrbuch des Vereinsf. Niederd. Spr., xi, 1-84, Leipzig, 1886. Rannow, M. : Der Satzbau des Ahd. Isidor im Verhaltniss zur Lutein. Vorlage, Berlin, 1888. Reussner, H. A. : Untersuchungen uber die Syntax in dem ags. Andreas, Halle, 1889. Schipper, J. : Alfreds Uebersetzung von Bedas Kirchengeschichte, vol. IV of Grein-Wulker's Bibl, der ags. Prosa, Leipzig, 1899. Sehmidt, A. : Untersuchungen uber JEJlfred's Bedaubersetzung, Berlin, 1889. Schmidt, W. : Abhandlung uber die Engl, Verbalform auf -ing, Konigs- berg, 1872. Schrader, B. : Studien zur JElfricschen Syntax, Jena, 1887. Schiirmann, J. : DarsteUung der Syntax in Cynewulf's EUne, Paderborn, 1884. Schwerdtfeger, G. : Das Schivache Verbum in JElfries Homilien, Marburg, 1893. Seedorf, H. : Ueber Syntakt. Mittel des Awdrwcks im Ahd. Isidor u. d. verwandten Stiicken, Paderborn, 1888. Seiler, F. : "Die ahd. Uebersetzung der Benediktinerregel," in P. and B.'s Beitrage, vol. I, pp. 402-485, Halle, 1874. Seyfarth, H. : Der Syntakt. Gebr. des Verbums in d, ags. Genesis, Leipzig, 189L Sievers, E. : Ags. Grammatik, 3rd ed., Halle, 1898. Smith, J. : Bedae Historic/, ecclesiastica a . . . Anglo-Saxonum rege Alfredo Saxonice reddita, Cambridge, 1722. 360 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. Sohrauer, M. : Kleine Beitrage zur altenglischen Grammatik, Berlin, 1886. Spaeth, J. D. : Die Syntax des Verbwms in d. ags. Gedicht Daniel, Leipzig, L893. Starch, T. : -1 ngelsdchsische Nominalcomposita, Strassburg, 1886. Strong, Logeman, and Wheeler : Introduction to the Study of the Histoi-y of Language, London, 1891. ' Sweet, H. : .1 New English Grammar, 2 vols., Oxford, 1892, 1898. Tammelin, E. J. : De Participiis Priscae Latinitatis Qiuestiones Syntacticae, Belsingfors, 1889. Thomas, C. : A Practical German Grammar, New York, 1895 (?). Torp : see Falk. Vernaleken, T. : Deutsche Syntax;, 2 vols., W T ien, 1861, 1863. Von Jageman, H. C. G. : Elements of German Syntax, New York, 1892. Wack, G. : Ueber das Verhdltnis von Konig JElfreds Uebersetzung der Cura Pastoralis ~»ni Original, Colberg, 1889. Whitney, W. D. : A Compendious German Grammar, 5th ed., no date. Wichmann, J. : JElfred's ags. Uebertragung der Psalmen I-LI, Halle, 1888. lAnglia, xi, 37-96.] Wohlfahrt, T. : Die Syntax des Verbums in JElfric's Uebersetzung des Heptateuch u, des Buches Hiob, Miinehen, 1885. Wulting, J. E. : Die Syntax in den Werken Alfreds des Grossen, 2 pts., Bonn, 1894-1901. Wunderlich, H. : Beitrage zur Syntax des Notfcer' schen Boethius, Berlin, 1883 (?). M. C, Jr. 7703 — .. „ _ „ » t »i7^wn wia T THR AR Y University of California SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY 405 Hilgard Avenue, Los Angeles, CA 90024-1388 Return this material to the library from which It was borrowed. 1 J* m LO- UR! 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