1OM6 IN MOD6RN CNGLfiND HILIP SIDNGY ! jRARY ,Y OF fj!A SAN DIEGO MODERN ROME IN MODERN ENGLAND BY THE SAME AUTHOR A HISTORY OF THE GUNPOWDER PLOT: THE CONSPIRACY AND ITS AGENTS With sixteen facsimile illustrations from old prints. Large Crown 8vo. Cloth Gilt. 2s. (>d. yO^ MODERN ROME IN MODERN ENGLAND Being Some Account of the Roman Catholic Revival in England during the Nineteenth Century BY PHILIP SIDNEY AUTHOR OF ' A HISTORY OF THE GUNPOWDER PLOT,' ETC. LONDON THE RELIGIOUS TRACT SOCIETY 4 BOUVERIE STREET, AND 65 ST. PAUL'S CHURCHYARP 1906 ' If a man considers the origin of this great ecclesiastical Dominion, he will easily perceive that the Papacy is no other than the ghost of the deceased Roman Empire, sitting Crowned upon the grave thereof.' (HOBBES.) CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE i. 'THE SECOND SPRING' i II. THE DECLINE OF GALLICANISM . . 19 III. NEWMAN AND THE OXFORD MOVEMENT . 30 IV. RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF THE HIERARCHY . 44 V. THE ERRINGTON CASE . . . 6 1 VI. ENGLAND AND THE VATICAN COUNCIL . 82 VII. THE POLICY OF CARDINAL MANNING . . IOI VIII. CARDINAL VAUGHAN . . . I2O IX. CONVERSIONS AND SECESSIONS . . .143 X. THE MONASTIC REVIVAL . . . 157 XI. THE ENGLISH JESUITS . . . -177 xii. THE ENGLISH JESUITS (continued) . . 197 XIII. CHURCHES AND CHAPELS . . 2 53 XIV. LORD ACTON AND LIBERAL CATHOLICISM . 260 XV. SECULARS AND REGULARS . . .278 XVI. THE PHANTOM OF REUNION . . 299 XVII. PRIESTS AND PEOPLE IN ENGLAND . . 307 XVIII. THE OUTLOOK 326 MODERN ROME IN MODERN ENGLAND CHAPTER I 'THE SECOND SPRING' ON July 13, 1852, John Henry Newman, preaching in the Synod of Oscott, described in very eloquent terms the extraordinary rate of progress effected by the Roman Catholic Church in England since the passing of the Emancipation Act of 1829. He took for his text the words, ' Arise, make haste, my Love, my Dove, my Beautiful One, and come. For the winter is now past, the rain is over and gone. The flowers have appeared in our land.' In this sermon Newman dwelt lovingly on the transformation scene observed in England since the repeal of the penal laws. The dark days were gone, never to return ; and before his Church in these islands lay un- folded the prospects of a brilliant future. Not three decades had intervened since the year 1829, 2 'THE SECOND SPRING' the date of the Emancipation Act, yet a marvel- lous change had taken place in the position. From being the weakest of all the Christian creeds repre- sented in Great Britain, Rome had, he alleged, risen to be second in importance to Anglicanism alone. The Oxford Movement had healed old wounds, and had given a new impetus to the Roman Catholic revival. Monks and nuns, no longer afraid to show themselves in the streets, were building numerous monasteries and con- vents. The old-time hierarchy had been re- established. 1 Seminaries for training secular priests were to be found in every diocese. It was a ' Second Spring ' ; and the work of the Reformation in England was daily being undone. Such was Newman's view. In describing the internal condition of Roman Catholicism in England, as it existed at about the end of the eighteenth century, or at the beginning of the nineteenth, Dr. Newman referred to the ancient faith as being ' no longer the Catholic Church in the country ; nay, no longer, I may say, a Catholic community ; but a few adherents of the Old Religion, moving silently and sorrow- fully about, as memorials of what had been the 1 The last survivor of the Marian bishops was Dr. Thomas Goldwell, formerly of St. Asaph. He died at Rome, 1585. This Oscott Synod was the first held by the Roman Church in England since the reign of Mary. BEFORE EMANCIPATION 3 "Roman Catholics"; not a sect even, not an interest, not, as men conceived of it, a body, however small, representative of the Great Com- munion abroad, but a mere handful of individuals, who might be counted, like the pebbles and the detritus of the great Deluge ; and who, forsooth, merely happened to retain opinions, which in their day were the profession of the Church. Here, a set of poor Irishmen, coming and going at harvest time, or a colony of them lodged in a miserable quarter of the vast metropolis. There, perhaps, an elderly person, seen walking in the streets, grave, and solitary, and strange, though noble in bearing, and said to be of good family, and a Roman Catholic. An old-fashioned house of gloomy appearance, closed in with high walls, with an iron gate, and yews, and the report attaching to it that "Roman Catholics" lived there ; but who they were, or what they did, or what was meant by calling them " Roman Catholics," no one could tell, though it had an unpleasant sound, and told of form and super- stition. . . . Such were the Catholics of England, found in corners, and alleys, and cellars, and the housetops, or in the recesses of the country ; cut off from the populous world around them, and dimly seen as if through a mist or in twilight, as ghosts flitting to and fro, by the high Protestants, the Lords of the earth. At length, so feeble did 4 'THE SECOND SPRING' they become, so utterly contemptible, that con- tempt gave birth to pity.' * But, although much of the lost ground had been recovered since these times of which Newman spoke, it was clear that the former pro- longed era of depression and persecution had left an indelible mark on Roman Catholicism in England. The lack of a good education, and the continuous intermarriage of relatives, 2 had told heavily from an intellectual point of view upon all classes of Romanists. After the repeal of the penal laws, they found themselves free to wander, as it were, in a strange land. More than two centuries of social isolation had tended to cause them to appear almost as foreigners in the eyes of their fellow-countrymen, by many of whom they were treated as if they were of French or German extraction. They themselves, too, had much to forgive ; before they could see their way to forget the penalties inflicted on their ancestors by the State. Hardly a family of note had escaped in the past being represented by one or more of its members as a ' martyr ' on the 1 Thackeray is said to have been able to repeat by heart the whole of Newman's sermon, so much did he admire it, after reading the printed report. 2 The great prevalence of mental diseases among the old Roman Catholic families in England is evidently the result of this intermarriage. A DILEMMA 5 scaffold, or as an exile abroad, escaped from the clutches of the pursuivants at home. Scarcely a family had escaped being wholly, or nearly ruined, or seriously embarrassed by the infliction of enormous fines. Rome had persecuted relentlessly, and in turn her children suffered. The persecution of the British Roman Catholics from the reign of Queen Elizabeth down to that of Charles II., and again from William and Mary down to the second George, forms one of the blackest incidents in our history, and the names of the sufferers can be traced in letters of blood in the statute-books. The lot of the loyal Romanist gentry had been far from a happy one, however, on account of other causes besides that of Protestant domina- tion. Internal troubles had been almost as injurious to their position. The intolerant and selfish policy of the Papal Curia had produced most awkward results. By the Papal interference with English politics, the Romanists on this side of the Channel had practically been forced either to become traitors to their country or disobedient to the Holy See. There had been no end to the constant blunders of Rome in dealing with England during the reigns of Elizabeth and of the first three Stewarts ; whilst the headstrong conduct of James II., although not, in this instance, welcomed at head-quarters, proved the 6 'THE SECOND SPRING' ultimate ruin of their cause. The excommunica- tion of Queen Elizabeth by Pope Pius V. had been as great a political error as it actually was a crime. 1 The mission of the Jesuits had pro- duced equally disastrous effects, and the loyal Romanist gentry had been undeservedly compelled to suffer for the sins of Fathers Parsons, Garnet, Greenway, and Petre, to say nothing of those misguided men Robert Catesby, Guy Fawkes, Sir Everard Digby, Thomas Percy, and the rest of the conspirators engaged in the Gunpowder Plot. At the period of the Emancipation Act, it did not at first appear at all likely that very great strides would be made, for some long time, in advancing the Roman Catholic cause. The great day of liberty had come, but progress was slow in development. It is a little-known, and curious fact, indeed, that many families which had re- mained staunch to their faith during the last two centuries suddenly left their Church as the day of freedom dawned. This is an extraordinary circumstance, but one not so difficult of explanation 1 ' It looks as if Divine Providence wished the Reformation to succeed : for everything the Popes did to destroy it came to nought. When the Pope excommunicated Queen Elizabeth, he, of course, wished and expected the Catholics of England to accept his Bull and renounce their allegiance to the Queen, whereas they to a man deplored the Bull ' (Father Duggan, Steps t&ivards Reunion). LOSS OF ROMANCE 7 as it would seem at first sight. Such families had, during the era of the penal laws, felt no little pride in suffering for their oppressed religion. To abandon their religion then would have suggested motives of cowardice, or cupidity. Moreover, there was, after all, something peculiarly exciting and romantic in hearing Mass said in rooms with their doors securely locked and guarded, in hiding away fugitive priests in secret chambers, and in confessing to secular priests and monks got up as farmers, or bagmen. But when the restrictions imposed by the penal laws were gone, all the romance went too. Life became more prosaic, and the English laity became more directly subservient to their clergy, who insisted on their attending more regularly to their religious duties than heretofore, when hearing Mass, or going to confession, had been always a matter of both difficulty and danger. As late even as the latter part of the eighteenth century, to hear Mass said in London, except at certain chapels belonging to the Roman Catholic Ambassadors (Portuguese, Spanish, French, Sardinian, and Bavarian), had been to run the risk of imprisonment. An interesting example of this, in the year 1772, is recorded in the following account l of how a lady and gentleman a lately married couple heard their first Mass, on their reception into the Roman 1 From A Hundred Years Ago (Burns and Gates). 8 'THE SECOND SPRING' Catholic Church at the hands of the learned Dr. Challoner, Bishop of Debra, and Vicar-Apostolic of the London District. ' We started,' says one of the converts, 1 ' from our lodgings at 5 a.m. to be present for the first time at a Catholic religious service, or at " prayers," as it was generally called, for the word Mass was scarcely ever used in conversation. We arrived at a public-house in some back street near the house in which Mr. Home resided. I felt rather frightened, seeing some very rough-looking poor people, as we passed through the entrance, though all were very quiet. These people, I was told, were Irish workmen, who, with a few women, were assembled on that Sunday morning to hear prayers said, when they could be admitted. . . . We mounted, higher and higher, escorted by a young man from the priest's house, who had come forward at once to conduct us. When we arrived at the top, the door of a garret was unlocked, and as we entered we saw at the furthest end what seemed a high table, or chest-of-drawers with the back turned towards us. ... 1 In a few minutes the door was opened, and the Venerable Dr. Challoner, accompanied by Mr. Home 2 and another priest, entered the garret, 1 Mrs. Sidney. 2 The Rev. James Home, chaplain to the Venetian Embassy in London. MASS IN SECRET 9 the door of which was secured inside by the assistant, who then proceeded to unlock some drawers, behind what I found was to be used as an altar, and take out the vestments and other things requisite for the Church service. . . . Soon afterwards we heard the door-key turn, and several rough footsteps enter the garret, then some gentle taps, and words were exchanged between a powerful-looking Irishman at the door, who kept his post close to it, and those outside, which were passwords of admission. 1 The key was again turned each time any one entered, and just before the Bishop vested himself to say Mass, bolts were drawn also, and no one else could pass into the garret. In the meanwhile, the young man in attendance had prepared all that was required for the Mass, taken from behind what was used as the altar, which was covered with a linen cloth. A crucifix and two lighted candles were placed on it, and in the front was suspended a piece of satin damask, in the centre of which was a cross of gold lace. . . . 1 A priest caught saying Mass made himself liable to the penalty of death until the Act of relief passed in 1778. In this very year a Scottish ecclesiastic, returning to his Mission in Edinburgh after a few days' absence, found the mob burning his chapel. He even heard one of the rioters a woman lamenting that they 'could not catch the Roman Catholic Bishop, so that they might throw him upon the top of the bonfire.' io 'THE SECOND SPRING' 1 When all was over, and I was praying to God to increase my faith, I heard the door-key turn once more, and all the rough footsteps leaving the garret The two priests, assisted by the young man in attendance, replaced the vestments, candle-sticks, and all that was used at the Mass, behind the altar, locking up all carefully, and leaving the garret an ordinary one in appearance as before. 1 The house in which this secret service took place was probably situated in the Holborn district, 1 in one of the short lanes leading towards Lincoln's Inn Fields. In the metropolis, and in other large towns, hearing Mass on Sunday (it was rarely said on week-days) was more perilous than in the country. In a few Lancashire missions ; at East Hendred, in Berkshire ; at Stonor, in Oxfordshire ; at Hazlewood, Yorkshire ; and at West Grinstead, in Sussex, Mass had been said regularly since the Reformation. But, several years before the date of Newman's sermon of the ' Second Spring,' Rome in Eng- land had received an extraordinary accession of strength, which had been quite unforeseen when 1 At the 'Ship,' a tavern in Little Turnstile, Holborn, Dr. James Archer used to preach some of his celebrated sermons. This clever priest had once actually been a pot-boy in this very public-house. His listeners used, sometimes, to order beer, to disarm suspicion. Dr. Archer was only about five feet, and perhaps one inch, in height. ATTITUDE TO CONVERTS n the Emancipation Act became law. The Oxford Movement turned public attention in the direction of Rome, to which it soon presented a whole host of converts. In 1848, St. George's Cathedral, Southwark, was opened, at a ceremony of much magnificence, by Dr. Wiseman. In 1849, was consecrated the first mitred abbot in England since the Reformation. This was the saintly John Bernard Palmer, a convert, the head of the Cistercian (Trappist) monastery in Charnwood Forest, Leicestershire. The year 1850 saw the re-establishment of the hierarchy, and two years later Newman was enabled to preach about the extraordinary rate of progress effected in England since 1829. It is a common error, nevertheless, to suppose that the recruits gained to Rome by the Oxford Movement were, on their reception into the Church, welcomed by hereditary Roman Catholics with cordiality, for such, as a rule, was not the case. Among the born Roman Catholics two schools existed : one which wished to make the most of the new state of things, and get thereby as many converts as possible ; the other, distrust- ful of this so sudden turn of the tide, anxious only to proceed with extreme care and caution, rather than run the risk of receiving converts unlikely to submit willingly to the stricter discipline of the Roman Communion. The -members of this latter, 12 'THE SECOND SPRING' conservative, ' keep-what-we-have-got ' school, argued that it was not advisable to place implicit trust in the Oxford converts, many of whom were really more Roman than themselves, and who were bent upon introducing modern Italian de- votions, 1 distasteful to the old English Catholics, whose Gallican tendencies were unpopular with the new men. The fears of this old school were, it must be admitted, based on substantial grounds, when we consider how rampant was the Ultra- montanism of most of the Oxford converts. The superior education of the Oxford men was also an offence to the older school, who had for so long lived an isolated existence, cut off from all con- nection with our public educational establishments, or great universities. ' Speaking in argument with English Catholics,' exclaimed Dr. W. G. Ward, soon after his conversion, ' is like talking with savages ! ' With the help of the leading converts, religious orders, totally unsuited to English life and to English ideas, were introduced from abroad, and settled in London. The Oblates of St. Charles 1 Even Wiseman, at first, did not approve of some of the devotions practised by the Oratorians, but gradually gave way to them, whilst Dr. Griffiths, a vicar-apostolic, had warned Newman against such devotions. He went to Rome to protest against the Jesuits being allowed to open a church in London (at Farm Street), but the Pope rejected his appeal. Dr. W. G. Ward used to call Dr. Griffiths 'Anti-Christ.' 'ITALIANATED' WORSHIP 13 took up their residence in Bayswater, under Dr Manning, and the Oratorians of St. Philip at Brompton. The Glories of Mary of St. Alfonso Maria de Liguori was translated, or partly translated, into English, and circulated. The frequent recital of the Rosary, and of the litany of Loretto, 1 was warmly recommended, and the devotion of the ' Forty Hours,' hitherto un- known in England, was introduced and adopted in London. Ugly churches, built in cheap imita- tion of Italian basilicas, sprang up in different parts of the country. Roman vestments, and operatic Masses, were generally adopted for use in these basilicas. In all directions the liberal- minded tendencies of the born Roman Catholics were gradually being checked by the Italianated policy of the Oxford men. So sharp, indeed, grew the contention between the old school and the new, and so long was it before the latter finally triumphed, that at a date quite fifty years after the framing of the Emancipation Act, the 1 As an instance of the dislike in which this litany of Loretto was originally held in England, Lord Acton used to relate that, when a certain ' Italianated ' priest officiated, for the first time, as chaplain in Lord Shrewsbury's household, that nobleman rose from his knees, on hearing the chaplain commence the litany, and told him to stop, saying that English Catholics were not used to this modern devotion. The cultus of the ' Sacred Heart ' was also very unpopular on its first introduction from abroad. i 4 'THE SECOND SPRING' Rev. Arthur Galton, writing about his removal from the Brompton Oratory to Oscott, says : ' Without thinking, I had migrated from an out- lying fortress of the " Romans " into a stronghold of the " Goths," from the jurisdiction of Manning to the diocese of Ullathorne and the neighbour- hood of Newman. The buildings and the furni- ture at Oscott were all " Gothic." The music was plain chant. Operatic Masses were as offensive to their pious ears as Roman vestments to their eyes.' Many of the ultra- Roman innovations in use at the Brompton Oratory complained of by Mr. Gal- ton were originally introduced by Father Faber, whose admiration of St. Alfonso de Liguori's writings, and his extreme views on the doctrine of purgatory, created unfavourable comment among the ' old school ' of English Romanists. In 1848, the publication of his edition of the Lives of the Modern Saints met with strong dis- approval, not merely from the laity, but from the Roman clergy as well, with the result that the Vicars- Apostolic compelled Faber 1 to withdraw 1 ' It is only a few years ago since a well-known English Roman Catholic priest and controversialist extracted a series of more than eighty heretical propositions from the works of the late Father Faber, and endeavoured to get them censured at Rome, on the ground that they were doing serious mischiet here to orthodoxy. The answer he got practically amounted to this : that his charges were perfectly true in themselves, but that 'DISAPPOINTING PEOPLE' 15 all copies of the work from circulation, much to the dejection of himself and his friends. ' How little,' he complained, ' did we, whom the lives of the Catholic Saints helped so much towards our conversion, then dream that the Catholics of England should be so frightened, ashamed, or unsympathetic, whichever it may be, as to refuse to tolerate " Lives " of their own Saints.' 1 J. A. Froude, the historian, before his change of faith, had been one of the earliest contributors to this series, and it is recorded of him that, in con- cluding a memoir of St. Benedict, he wound up with the words, ' Now, this is all that is known, and more than all that is known, of the life of the Blessed Benedict ! ' Pugin had Faber particularly in his mind when he wrote, in scathing criticism of the Oratorians and their ways, that ' the Oxford men, with some few exceptions, have turned out the most disappoint- ing people in the world ! They were thrice as Catholic in their ideas before they were received it would never do to condemn so useful and thorough-going a partisan of the extremest Ultramontanism ' (Littledale). Father Faber's so-called 'double- view of Purgatory,' invented by himself, was beyond doubt heretical. 1 Faber and his friends, however, triumphed partly in the end, when Manning became Archbishop of Westminster. By Cardinal Manning's direction, St. Alfonso Maria de Liguori's Glories of Mary was newly translated into English, and extensively circulated. 16 'THE SECOND SPRING' into the Church. It is really quite lamentable. They have got the most disgusting place possible for the Oratory in London, and fitted up in a horrible manner, with a sort of Anglo- Roman altar. These things are very sad, and the mischief they do is inconceivable.' The innovations introduced by ' the Oxford men/ of which Pugin complained, would certainly not have met with approval from Dr. Challoner, referred to above, and the great majority of the English Romanists of his generation. Dr. Challoner was, indeed, a good representative of the 'old school ' among the English Roman Catholics, a school now unhappily quite extinct. Born in the reign of William and Mary, he lived through the reigns of Anne, George I., George II., and the first quarter of that of George III. Richard Challoner was the son of Protestant parents, his father having been a wine-cooper in Sussex. After his death his widow became a Roman Catholic, as did their son, 1 who went to Douai to be educated for the priesthood, of which college he became vice-president. In 1730, Challoner was sent on the English mission, and resided, henceforth, 1 Challoner was received into the Roman Church by the Rev. John Goter, a very learned and pious man. He died at sea in 1704. Part of Challoner's educational expenses were defrayed by a lady, whose father was executed for his supposed share in the ' Popish Plot.' BISHOP CHALLONER 17 chiefly in London. In 1739, he was appointed coadjutor to the Vicar-Apostolic of the London District, and was created Bishop of Debra (In Partibus Infideliuni), much to the disappointment of the authorities at Douai, who had petitioned Propaganda to have Challoner elected president of their college. In 1758, Bishop Challoner succeeded Dr. Petre as Vicar-Apostolic of the London District. 1 In 1780, Challoner, now a very old man, had to go into hiding during the fury of the Gordon Riots, much to the detriment of his health. He died on January 10 of the following year. His remains were interred in the vault of a gentleman named Barret, at Milton, Berkshire, where his funeral rites were read by the Vicar of the parish from the Book of Common Prayer, and the Vicar recorded the event, as follows, in the parish register: ' A.D. 1781, Jan. 22: Buried the Rev. Dr. Richard Challoner, a Popish priest, and titular Bishop of London and Salisbury : a very pious and good man, of great learning and extensive abilities.' Dr. Challoner's episcopal career in London was of a most romantic character. All his movements had to be enveloped in secrecy. He had fre- quently to change his lodgings. He dared not 1 In 1759, the Hon. James Talbot became coadjutor to Challoner, with right of succession. He was indicted, and tried at the Old Bailey, for saying Mass, but was acquitted. i8 'THE SECOND SPRING/ even wear a black suit out of doors. He had always to dress like a layman. He could only say Mass (except in one of the Embassy chapels) behind locked doors, and that generally in some ' miserable and ruinous apartment.' Even in the Embassy chapels he was not allowed to preach a sermon in English, and for this purpose he had recourse to a public-house in Holborn, where his congregation used to smoke and drink the while, in order not to attract attention. In the London District, at this period, there were about twenty- five thousand Roman Catholics, of whom not more than one hundred and fifty were priests. 1 In 1767, the total number of Romanists through- out England and Wales was calculated at about sixty-nine thousand. Dr. Challoner was an indefatigable writer of books and treatises. His Garden of the Soul is still the most popular Roman Catholic prayer- book used in Great Britain, and his Memoirs of the Missionary Priests has become a standard work. He also issued a revised edition of the Rheims and Douai version of the Holy Scriptures. 1 The London District consisted of the counties of Essex, Middlesex, Hertford, Bedfordshire, Bucks, Berks, Surrey, Kent, Sussex, Hants, and the Channel Islands. CHAPTER II THE DECLINE OF GALLICANISM XTOTWITHSTANDING the very insig- JL\| nificant position held by the Roman Catholic community during the hundred years immediately prior to the Act of Emancipation, and in spite of the low ebb to which its numbers had sunk, Rome in England could boast of a far larger number of clever men than would be imagined from listening to the deceptive rhetoric of Newman's ' Second Spring.' The truth is that the majority of these capable men were Gallicans, that is to say, they were Roman Catholics who, following the example of certain famous French ecclesiastics, were determined to defend the pre- rogatives of their religion, and the laws and liberties of their native country, against undue and arbitrary encroachments, political as well as spiritual, on the part of the Holy See. The list of these English Gallicans, who lived mainly during the last half of the eighteenth, and 20 THE DECLINE OF GALLICANIiSM during the first half of the nineteenth century, includes such names as those of the Rev. Joseph Berington (1747-1827), an industrious historian and antiquary ; Charles Butler (1750-1832), asaga- cious lawyer, 1 brilliant controversialist, and erudite historian, nephew to the Rev. Allan Butler (1710- 1773), the pious hagiographer ; Dr. James Archer (175 i-i 834) ; Richard Challoner, Bishop of Debra (1691-1781), the compiler of the Garden of the Soul; Canon Mark Tierney, F.R.S., F.S.A. (1795-1862), editor of Charles Dodd's 2 Church History ; Bishop Talbot ; Sir John Throckmorton (1753-1819); Dr. Lingard (1771-1851), the great historian ; and Bishop Poynter (1762-1827). Amongst other famous names, outside the Gallican ranks, we come across those of Dr. John Milner (1752-1826), the 'English Athanasius ' ; Dr. George Oliver (1781-1861), a talented writer in the service of the English Jesuits ; the Rev. F. G. Husenbeth, D.D. (1796-1872); Charles Waterton (1782-1865), the eminent naturalist; William Eusebius Andrews (1773-1837); Dr. 1 Butler was grandfather of the veteran county court judge, Stonor. 2 The Rev. Hugh Tootell (1672-1743), who wrote under the name of Charles Dodd. His last years were rendered unhappy by the bitter attacks made upon him by the Jesuits, which affected his health. Tierney did not succeed in com- pleting Dodd's work ; the opposition of the Ultramontanes was too strong for him. ENGLISH GALLICANS 21 Daniel Rock (1799-1872), a liturgical scholar of lasting renown ; and Father Charles Plowden, S.J. (1743-1821). These English Gallicans were the survivors of a powerful school which had always existed in this country from Norman times : a school that had persistently defended the national privileges against the usurpations of the Popes. Thus, the Bishops who signed Magna Charta acted against the orders of the Pope. The Bishops' who sup- ported Henry II. against Archbishop Becket acted in direct opposition to the Pope. In Queen Mary's reign, Archbishop Heath, with Bishops Bonnor and Gardiner, were undoubtedly Gallicans, as were quite half of the Roman Catholic clergy resident in England during the reigns of Elizabeth and all the Stewarts. For some forty years prior to 1829 a great battle had been waged between the English Gallicans and their Ultramontane opponents as to certain provisions in the Bill for the repeal of the penal laws. Although this Bill did not become law till the year 1829, its successful passage through Parliament had been expected to take place long before that date. William Pitt, indeed, had solemnly promised to carry through the measure, but had gone back on his word in order to please King George III., who thought that by the terms of his Coronation Oath 22 THE DECLINE OF GALLICANISM he was debarred, as King, from sanctioning any such scheme. The feeling of George III. was inherited by George IV., hence the renewed delay. On the Bill becoming law, the Gallicans feared that the Holy See, forgetful of past experiences, would again repeat its old blunders by sending over foreign priests to act as Vicars-Apostolic, or Bishops, and by permitting the return of the Jesuits in force. The English Gallicans, headed by such men as Sir John Throckmorton, Charles Butler, Dr. Kirk, and Bishop Poynter, wished the British Government to retain a veto in regard to the election of all the Roman Catholic Bishops appointed for England and Wales. That the Gallicans would, in spite of the extreme in- dignation their policy caused at Rome, have got the best of the struggle is probable, had it not been for the extraordinary and untiring energy displayed against them by the leader of their opponents, Bishop Milner. This ecclesiastic, an Ultramontane to the backbone who was supported by the Irish bishops, by the Jesuits, and by one or two of his own colleagues strained every nerve to prevent the right of veto being granted to the British Government. Although he died before the Act was passed, he had the satisfaction of living long enough to know that he and his friends had won a complete victory. By the terms of the Act, GALLICANS AND ROME 23 Rome was left with unrestrained powers as to the selection and method of election of the Bishops, and although the presence of the Jesuits in Eng- land was still forbidden, the prohibitory clauses relating to their habitation here have never been put into legal operation. ' If it had not been for Dr. Milner/ wrote, in after years, the Ultramontane Monsignor George Talbot to Cardinal Manning, 'almost a schism would have taken place in England. Roman principles go very much against the grain of English Catholics ! ' The British Government had, in truth, but little reason to congratulate itself upon the solu- tion of the Catholic question. In the first place, the final measure of relief ought to have been passed in the reign of George III. Had this been done, the agitation in Ireland, which nearly developed into civil war, would have been averted. In the end, too, the Government played into the hands of their enemies, by refusing to aid the loyal Roman Catholics and accept the right of veto. Ministers, indeed, were not actuated by sympathy with the Roman Catholics, but by feelings of fear as to what might happen in Ireland. The Duke of Wellington candidly confessed that he consented to the Bill merely to save civil war, and for no other reason. The internal struggle between Dr. Milner's anti-national party and the patriotic Gallicans had 24 THE DECLINE OF GALLICANISM been a desperate one. Hostilities had first broken out on the question of the ' oath/ l they had been renewed on the question of the 'veto,' and on that of the recognition of the Jesuits. Dr. John Milner, called by Cardinal Newman the ' English Athanasius,' was by no means a courteous contro- versialist. His criticisms of his opponents were couched, both in speaking and writing, in ex- tremely vulgar and violent language, until at last his very friends at Rome had to intervene, and Propaganda prohibited his publishing further articles in the English press. 2 A man of humble origin, he was never able to throw off the manners of his class, whilst his fits of absent-minded- ness often led him into positions of difficulty. His endeavours to restore the images in the churches, to check the circulation of the Bible, to help the Jesuits, and to introduce modern and extreme devotions to the Virgin, and to the Sacred Heart of Jesus, gave wide-spread offence. With all his faults, however, Milner was a hard-working man. As an antiquary he won a high reputation, and some of his theological 1 At one time the Galileans, fighting Bishop Milner on this question, actually took the extraordinary title of 'Protesting Catholic Dissenters.' 2 The Pope, on this occasion, called Milner l Une ttte BISHOP JOHN MILNER 25 treatises had a large sale. 1 On his death-bed, his biographer, Dr. Husenbeth, relates, that he said to those around him, ' Don't talk of any merits of mine : speak to me of the merits of my Saviour! Don't call me " My Lord": I am nothing now but plain John Milner, a poor sinner ! ' He was certainly the most vigorous and most useful servant employed on behalf of Ultramontane Romanism since the death of Archbishop Becket ; and he, unfortunately, was successful in arranging his schemes for ' Italinat- ing ' his religion in England. The pro-papal work which he had begun was carried on, and completed, by Cardinals Wiseman and Manning. At the date (1803) of Dr. Milner's elevation to the episcopal charge of what was then called the Midland District, the total numbers of the Romanists living in England and Wales were estimated at about seventy thousand, of whom a large proportion were of Irish extraction. The extensive Midland District of which Milner was Vicar- Apostolic, consisted of the shires of Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridge, Lincoln, Nottingham, Oxford, Leicester, Derby, Salop, Worcester, Stafford, and Warwick. A huge diocese, indeed. Yet it did not contain more than some seventy-three 1 His End of Controversy had a very large circulation in its day, and is said to have made many converts to Roman Catholicism. 26 THE DECLINE OF GALLICANISM Missions, of which many merely consisted of private chapels situated in country houses. In Staffordshire there were some seventeen chapels (there are now more than four times that number) ; but in Warwickshire there were only about eight ; and less than eight, respectively, in each of the other counties. In not one of these Missions was High Mass celebrated, and in very few was Low Mass said on any week-day. In the whole district there was only one cope. After the death of Charles Butler, Milner's ablest adversary, Gallicanism in England began slowly to decline. The sudden establishment of the Hier- archy, in 1850, under an Ultramontane primate, gave it a deadly wound. The dogma of Infalli- bility, in 1870, dealt it the coup de grace. Modern Liberal Catholicism retains, nevertheless, many elements of Gallicanism, and the lessons taught by Charles Butler, Joseph Berington, Canon Tierney, and Bishop Poynter were not given to the world in vain. Liberal Catholicism has produced several English scholars well worthy of com- parison with their Gallican predecessors, such as Richard Simpson, 1 Professor Mivart, H. N. 1 Richard Simpson, born in 1820, died in 1876. He was a convert from the Church of England. His contributions to the Rambler caused much .perturbation at Archbishop's House. He is said to have assisted Gladstone in attacking the dogma of the Infallibility of the Pope. The standard biography of Edmund Campion is written by him. LINGARD THE HISTORIAN 27 Oxenham, the late Lord Acton, and, in some respects, Coventry Patmore. In concluding this brief survey of Gallicanism, it would be a serious omission to make no further mention of the greatest of its modern votaries in England. I refer to the Rev. John Lingard, LL.D., D.D., whose magnum opus, despite its faults, is secure of holding a permanent place in our literature. Dr. Lingard was the son of a gardener in employment at Winchester, and his mother was the daughter of a small farmer ; but both his parents belonged to Roman Catholic families of some antiquity in Lincolnshire. Educated abroad at Douai, Lingard returned home, after narrowly escaping death at the hands of a revo- lutionary mob. Ordained a priest, he resided first at Ushaw College, of which he became President. In order to pursue his historical studies at leisure, he refused all ecclesiastical preferment, and took charge of the small and secluded Mission of Hornby, in Lancashire, where he wrote his elaborate Antiquities of the Anglo- Saxon Churck, and his History of England. He was eventually granted, as a reward for his labours, an annual pension of three hundred pounds by the British Government. He was also within an ace of receiving a cardinal's hat from Pope Leo XII., by whom, indeed, he is generally understood to have been declared a cardinal 3 28 THE DECLINE OF GALLICANISM in petto, although this was not the opinion of Cardinal Wiseman. John Lingard's rise from so humble a position to that finally occupied by him in the learned world savours almost of a romance. He was the first English Roman Catholic priest to become recognized and honoured outside the narrow limits of his own Communion since the Reforma- tion. A man of untiring courage and resolution, he laboured under dire difficulties in obtaining access to the documents necessary for his studies ; his want of money, and the unpopularity of his calling forming serious initial impediments in his progress towards success. But these were not his only difficulties, for he was also most unfairly hampered by certain bigoted Roman Catholics, of whom the principal were Bishop Milner and the Jesuits. These jealous persons had wished him to write a history ' according to order ' that is, one which should be thoroughly partial and pro-papal and they were very angry with him for his impartial treatment of such cases as the dispute between Archbishop Becket and Henry II., and the equivocations of Father Garnet, S.J. Dr. Milner even went so far as to make the most scurrilous personal attacks upon Lingard, couched in the coarse and vulgar phraseology of which that excitable ecclesiastic was unhappily proficient. Attempts quietly made at Rome to get the LINGARD'S TRIUMPH 29 History put on the ' Index Expurgatorius ' luckily failed, and Lingard triumphed in the end, living to earn the admiration and esteem of learned men like Eyre, Poynter, Tierney, Wiseman, Lord Holland, and Lord Brougham. At his little house in Hornby he often entertained illustrious visitors. In private life John Lingard was the most humble, patient, and lovable of persons, and preferred to pass away an uneventful existence in the rustic seclusion of a Lancashire village rather than inhabit a cardinal's luxurious palace in the city of the Caesars. It was by Dr. Lingard's tact and assiduity that the English College at Rome was rescued from relapsing into the hands of the Jesuits, and restored to the secular clergy, its original owners. 1 1 The English College at Rome had fallen into the hands of the Jesuits shortly before the end of the sixteenth century, and had remained under their control until their suppression in 1773. On their restoration in 1814, they endeavoured to recover the College, but were eventually prevented by Lingard, acting on behalf of Bishop Poynter. CHAPTER III NEWMAN AND THE OXFORD MOVEMENT JOHN HENRY NEWMAN was quietly received into the Roman Catholic Church on the evening of October 9, 1845, by Father Dominic Barberi, a Passionist priest, at Littlemore, near Oxford. His secession from the Church of England was at one time describd by Lord Beaconsfield as a blow from which the Establishment still reels. Newman lived to reach his ninetieth year, spending about half his life in the Anglican Church, and about half in the Roman. 1 That the half of his career spent in the Roman Church was, on the whole, particularly peaceful or prosperous, it would be futile to assert. From the time of his conversion until the date of his death, Newman was fated to be misunderstood by many prominent Roman Catholics. All his schemes for undertaking some great work on behalf of his 1 The date of Newman's ordination as a Roman Catholic priest has not yet been made public. 3 NEWMAN'S TRIALS 31 new creed fell through and failed. His residence at Dublin as President of a Roman Catholic Uni- versity was not attended with success. His cherished plan for another translation of the New Testament into English was marred by the authorities at Rome ; just as his proposal to take his Oratory to Oxford was rejected by the in- fluence of Cardinal Manning. He was unjustly abused for the attitude assumed by him in connec- tion with the Vatican Council, which he was not allowed to attend. He was not created a Cardinal till he was a very old man, 1 and he never held any episcopal rank. Until very late in his life, ' an insolent and aggressive faction ' looked upon his conversion to their religion as a great blow to their cause, and made no secret of the fact that they were sorry he ever left Littlemore. Between Manning and Newman there raged as fierce a fight as had been carried on between Bishops Milner and Poynter. So persistent and so subtle were the attacks made upon him by Cardinal Manning, that Newman was once stung into the bitter rejoinder, ' I hardly know whether I stand on my head or my heels, when I have active relations with you ! ' Tardy justice was done to Newman's reputation 1 His creation as Cardinal was, nevertheless, very welcome to him, in the light of Manning's opposition, and he joyfully exclaimed, 'Now is the cloud lifted from me for ever.' 32 THE OXFORD MOVEMENT after his death. His co-religionists recognized, at last, how much his name and fame had helped their cause. Cardinal Manning, preaching at a requiem-mass at the Brompton Oratory, so far forgot himself even as to refer to his ' Brother and Friend of more than sixty years.' An amazing lapse of memory, indeed ! But the old controversies were buried in the grave. Roman Catholics had begun to understand that they had entertained a great man unawares, and honoured his memory accordingly. Although Newman was, as a Roman Catholic priest, a disappointed man, his general success as a writer was extraordinary, when one reflects how ill adapted were the subjects of his works to suit the public taste. Allowing that he ranks as one of the great masters of pure English prose, it must be admitted that nearly all his works have, on their merits, received their very fullest meed of praise. The Apologia does not convey the im- pression that, when its author was received into the Roman Church, he was really at heart an enthusiastic Papist. It would have been a far more valuable ' human document ' if the author had related candidly some of the trials and troubles encountered by him 'after' he had entered the Roman Catholic Church. 1 The credulous reader 1 The Apologia, it must be remembered, was written before the definition of the Infallibility of the Pope, in 1870. NEWMAN AND THE REVIVAL 33 is practically asked to believe that after Newman had ' buried his doubts in the bosom of an Infallible Church,' the rest of his career was passed in peace and quietness, untroubled by further controversial warfare. Such was not the case. Again, New- man's almost total ignorance of science, and of the German language, prevented him from being really able to study at all accurately many of those sub- jects upon which, with all the artifices of his curious but deceptive logic, he was wont em- phatically to lay down the law. To class Cardinal Newman as a writer is, indeed, very hard. He was, however, a poet, 1 although perhaps his Dream of Gerontius has obtained more than its proper share of eulogy. It may be doubted if Newman, and those of his friends identified with the Oxford Movement, who seceded with him, gave so great an impetus to the Roman Catholic revival in Great Britain as is so constantly asserted. By a large number of Romanists Newman's admission into their Church was always held to have done it more harm than good. But very few of those who went over with him achieved any great fame in their new Church, and some of those who did 1 He was also a very accomplished musician, being an especially skilful and devoted violinist. His musical abilities have, indeed, hitherto been insufficiently recognized by writers dealing with his career. 34 THE OXFORD MOVEMENT undoubtedly come to the front succeeded in making, by their Ultramontane writings, hosts of enemies. Moreover, before Newman and his friends had ever begun to consider the question of ' going over,' a brilliant campaign was being carried on from the Roman side by one who had no connection with Oxford but who was the superior of any of the Oxford men in point of ability Monsignor (afterwards Cardinal) Wise- man, in favour of the profound impression created by whose London lectures in I836 1 Newman has himself warmly testified. The writings of Dr. John Lingard, another born Catholic, carried very great weight, and attracted general attention to the progress of Rome in England. Mr. Ambrose Phillips De Lisle, a most ardent worker on behalf of his adopted faith, was received into it before even the very birth of the Oxford Movement. Father George Ignatius Spencer, of the Passionist Order, another most indefatigable worker on the Roman side, was received into that Church as early as 1830, and he had no connection with the Oxford Movement ; with which Archdeacon Manning was so much out of sympathy that, when he called at Littlemore, Newman refused 1 'The reanimation of the Church of Rome in England was quickened in no small degree by the arrival of a divine, whose accomplishments and ability would have secured him influence and prominence in any age of the Roman Church ' (Liddon). TRACTARIANS AND ROME 35 to see him, and he had to walk back discon- solately in the rain to Oxford. In the Apologia Newman never even mentions Manning's name. Father Dominic, like his fellow Passionist, Ignatius Spencer, a most energetic missionary, was an Italian, and had, of course, no connection with Oxford. Professor St. George Mivart, also, never went to Oxford, and Pugin was not a Tractarian. That the influence of the Oxford Movement, in its early stages, on the Roman revival has, therefore, been considerably exaggerated, I am inclined stoutly to contend. The genesis of the Movement was marked, it must be remembered, by its strong anti- Roman spirit. The theory of a certain Protestant historian of the Movement, that from first to last it was nothing more in spirit and aim than a recruiting agency for Rome, is not supported by an examination of the facts of the case. The original Tractarians were, up to a point, as much opposed to Romanism as they were to Dissent, and when Father Ignatius Spencer visited Oxford in 1840, Newman was, in his own words, ' very rude ' to him. More- over, the pro- Roman spirit, after its development, was not absolutely sustained. Newman, Allies, Grant, Lockhart, Talbot, Faber, Macmullen, Stanton, Neville, Oakley, Dalgairns, Bowles, William Palmer (of Magdalen), Christie, Ward, Coffin, Morris, Coleridge, St. John, Kirwan 36 THE OXFORD MOVEMENT Browne, Purbrick, Ryder, Bernard Smith, Est- court, and Simpson, it is true, ' went over ' ; but Church, Pusey, Keble, Williams, Palmer, Bloxam, 1 and others stayed behind. W. E. Gladstone remained faithful to the English Church ; Hurrell Froude died ; and James Anthony Froude and Mark Pattison became Broad Churchmen. Again, the secession of some of these converts was practically no loss to the Establishment. The retention of such men as Faber and Ward in the Anglican ranks must have been productive, in the long run, of a ceaseless stream of angry controversies. Newman's comparative failure, as a Roman Catholic, to fill as large a position as had been expected of him was due to several causes. In the first place, Edgbaston was hardly a suitable head-quarters for so intellectual a man. Had he been allowed, as he earnestly wished, to go with 1 The Rev. J. R. Bloxam was Newman's curate at Little- more. He spent the last twenty-five years of his life as Vicar of Upper Beeding, a pretty little Sussex village. A man of great learning, as well as of much charm of manner and geniality, the author of this book will never forget the happy hours spent in his company at Beeding Priory, where Bloxam was often visited by his life-long friend, Cardinal Newman. He was not the last of the ' Tractarians,' for he died over eleven years before Canon Bernard Smith, of meeting whom at his tiny little mission at Great Marlow the author has also many pleasant recollections ; whilst Father Ignatius Grant, S.J., outlived even Bernard Smith. NEWMAN'S TREATMENT 37 his Oratorians to Oxford, things might have been very different. It is not certain, either, that his joining the Oratory of St. Philip Neri was a wise choice. He might have done better as an ordinary secular priest. He had no wish, how- ever, to attain episcopal rank. No adequate biography of Cardinal Newman, as a Roman Catholic, has yet been published, 1 and it seems doubtful whether one ever will be. Mr. Purcell's Life of Cardinal Manning revealed a great deal concerning the nature of the bad treatment received by the illustrious Oratorian from Arch- bishop's House ; but not all. Purcell was pro- hibited from printing much additional matter that would have shown how cavalierly Newman was treated by Cardinal Manning, and by William George Ward. Speaking of Purcell's book, Mr. Joseph MacCabe (Father Anthony, O.S.F.), in his Twelve Years in a Monastery, says : 'It must not be imagined that the picture is at all complete, it is not by any means as darkly coloured as the reality. No Catholic could in conscience tell all that is handed down in clerical circles with regard to the relations of Manning, Newman, Ward, the Jesuits, etc. And although the author has made a generous concession in the 1 Mr. Purcell wrote a Life of Newman, but the copies of his work were bought up, and destroyed, on the eve of publication. 38 THE OXFORD MOVEMENT cause of historical truth, the public have not had the full benefit of his sincerity. If the book could have been published in its original form, it would have been much more interesting, but after spending, as it did, two years in purgatorial flames, we must take it cum grano salts. Some of my colleagues were intimate with the author's brother, and gave us continual reports of the painful progress of the work. . . . On the whole, the impression of those who seemed to be in the secrets was, that Newman had been treated by all parties in a manner that dare not be made public, and that there were documents kept back which would throw much discredit upon other prominent Catholics of the period.' Reverting to the question of whether the original Tractarians were, from the beginning, consciously actuated by pro- Roman sympathies, I must repeat that J. H. Newman remained, till quite an advanced date in the early history of the Oxford Movement, hostile to Rome. In a letter, written on July 28, 1857, to Canon Flanagan, he said : ' I think it was Mr. Oakley's view that he might profess all Roman doctrine in the Church of England, or at least hold it and consequently that the Thirty-nine Articles allowed of it. I never took this view. I knew that they bound me in various ways to oppose the Roman doctrines, and my conscience approved of this NEWMAN AND ROME 39 opposition I mean, I thought ill of various tenets and principles of the Roman Church. Accordingly, in 1841, after " No. XC.," in a letter which the Bishop of Oxford required of me, I wrote with great violence against the doctrines received at Rome, and in her Communion.' I think we may safely assume that, up to the year 1841, Newman was determinedly hostile to Rome ; that, from 1841 to 1843, his opinions slowly underwent a change ; and that, from 1843 until his reception in 1845, he steadily grew more and more secretly attached to Roman Catholicism. Of his reception into the Roman Catholic Communion, Newman's 1 own account is not too hackneyed for quotation here, since it explains how Father Dominic, mentioned above, found his way to Littlemore ' One of my friends at Littlemore had been received into the Church on Michaelmas Day, at the Passionist house at Aston, near Stone, by Father Dominic, the Superior. At the begin- ning of October, the latter was passing through London to Belgium ; and, as I was in some perplexity what steps to take for being received myself, I assented to the proposition made to me 1 It is somewhat remarkable that both Newman and Man- ning were received into the Roman Church by members of Religious Orders : Newman by a Passionist, and Manning by a Jesuit (Father Brownbill). 40 THE OXFORD MOVEMENT that the good priest should take Littlemore 1 in his way, with a view to his doing for me the same charitable service as he had done to my friend. ' On October 8 I wrote to a number of friends the following letter: "I am this night 2 expecting F. Dominic, the Passionist, who, from his youth, has been led to have distinct and direct thoughts, first of the countries of the north, then of England. After thirty years' (almost) waiting, he was without his own act sent here. But he has had little to do with conversions. I saw him here for a few minutes on St. John Baptist's Day, last year. ' " He is a simple, holy man ; and withal gifted with remarkable powers. He does not know of my intention ; but I mean to ask of him admis- sion into the One Fold of Christ. ... P.S. This will not go till all is over." One of the least pleasing features of Cardinal 1 A village distant about two miles and a half from Oxford. 2 A wet and stormy one. Father Dominic arrived with his clothes drenched through. Father Dominic was the son of Italian peasants. Having read much in his youth about ' Protestant England,' it had been the ambition of his life to work in it on behalf of Rome. After years of disappointment, he was, at last, allowed by his Order to come over. It is thought likely that he will, sooner or later, be 'canonized.' Father Dominic could speak little or no English, and his presence in this country was not popular with the ' old school ' of Catholics. NEWMAN AND LIBERALISM 41 Newman's career was the manner in which he held strictly aloof from connecting himself with any great public charitable movement, or work. His teachings and inclinations were all dogmatic, and his strange hatred of, what he termed, Liberalism, led him to oppose several schemes of social reform. At the aims and efforts of the Temperance Movement he openly sneered, writ- ing to his brother, the talented Professor F. W\ Newman, 'As to what you tell me of Archbishop Manning, I have heard also that some of our Irish Bishops think that too many drink-shops are licensed. As for me, I do not know whether we have too many or too few ! ' Disgusted be- yond measure at this avowal, Professor Newman showed his brother's letter to a friend, who aptly remarked, ' One would think he was living on a different planet ! ' Professor Francis Newman lived, like his elder brother, 1 the Cardinal, to a great age, 2 dying in 1 The Newman family was of mingled Dutch and Hebrew extraction. The Cardinal was only an Englishman insomuch as he was born and brought up in London. He had another brother, Charles. His mother was French. 2 It is remarkable that a great many of those originally con- nected with the Oxford Movement lived to reach an advanced age ; as, for example, Allies, Stanton, Lockhart, Grant, Pusey, Keble, Bloxam, Neville, J. A. Froude, Bernard Smith, Church, and the Newmans. Cardinal Manning, too, was an octogen- arian, as was Thomas Mozley. 42 THE OXFORD MOVEMENT 1897, after having survived to publish his Contri- butions Chiefly to the Early History of the Cardinal Newman. He was a man of remarkable, though erratic ability. In his opinion the Cardinal was to blame for other deficiencies in character besides his lack of sympathy with social reform. It must be noted, however, that the Professor was consid- erably over eighty years of age when he published his critical memoir of the Cardinal, and it is possible that, in one or two respects, his memory may have played him false. A fine memorial church has been erected at Edgbaston in honour of Newman, and the flourish- ing school there, 1 for the sons of gentlemen, estab- lished mainly by his exertions, occupies a high place amongst Roman Catholic educational estab- lishments. At Brompton, a statue of the Cardinal rejected by Oxford has been erected close to the Oratory. Newman lies buried at Rednal, 1 In his early days at Oxford, Newman little imagined that he would ever leave the University to establish a Roman Catholic School ! In very beautiful language he even antici- pated remaining at Oxford until death : ' I took leave of my first College, Trinity, which was so dear to me, and which held on its foundation so many who had been kind to me both when I was a boy and all through my Oxford life. Trinity had never been unkind to me. There used to be much snapdragon growing on the walls opposite my freshman's rooms there, and I had for years taken it as the emblem of my own perpetual residence even unto death in my University' (Apologia pro Vita Sua). NEWMAN'S GRAVE 43 Worcestershire, in the same grave as his dear friend, Ambrose St. John. 1 1 Lord Acton's opinion of Newman was, perhaps, the most correct. To Acton, Cardinal Newman seemed to be 'A sophist the manipulator, not the servant of Truth.' Lord Acton was more complimentary than Carlyle, who satirized Newman as having ' no more intellect than a rabbit ' ! In Canon Mey rick's opinion, ' Newman was never guided by his reason, but always by his emotions.' CHAPTER IV RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF THE HIERARCHY ABOUT Michaelmas of the year 1850, the public mind of this country was suddenly thrown into a condition of clamour and confusion over what was commonly known as the ' Papal Aggression.' This agitation was due to the re- establishment, by Pope Pius IX., of a Roman Catholic Hierarchy in England and Wales, which were thereby mapped out into an arch-diocese and thirteen dioceses. So far as the geographical allotment was concerned, it was not a bad dis- tribution, beyond the circumstance that it was somewhat unfair to put so much power into the hands of the single Archbishop. The arch-diocese (of Westminster) was arranged to include the counties of Middlesex, Essex, and Herts ; the diocese of Birmingham, the counties of Warwick- shire, Oxfordshire, Worcestershire, and Stafford- shire ; the diocese of Clifton, the counties of Somerset, Wilts, and Gloucestershire ; the diocese of Hexham (changed, in 1861, to Hexham and 44 THE NEW DIOCESES 45 Newcastle), the counties of Northumberland, Durham, Cumberland, and Westmorland ; the diocese of Leeds, the West Riding, and a part of York city ; the diocese of Liverpool, parts of Lancashire, and the Isle of Man ; the diocese of Middlesbrough the North and East Ridings, and the other part of the city of York ; the diocese of Newport and Menevia, 1 the counties of Hereford- shire, Monmouthshire, and all Wales ; the diocese of Northamptonshire, the counties of Bucks, Bedfordshire, Cambridgeshire, Norfolk, Hunts, Suffolk, and Northamptonshire ; the diocese of Nottingham, the counties of Derbyshire, Leicester- shire, Lincoln, Notts, and Rutland ; the diocese of Plymouth, the counties of Devon, Cornwall, Dorset, and the Scilly Isles ; the diocese of Salford, parts of Lancashire ; the diocese of Ports- mouth, the counties of Berkshire, Hants, the Isle of Wight, and the Channel Islands ; the diocese of Shrewsbury, the counties of Cheshire and Shropshire ; and the diocese of Southwark, the counties of Surrey, Kent, and Sussex. In March, 1878, the Hierarchy was re-established in Scotland. It is somewhat difficult, at the present day, to 1 In 1896, this was divided, into Newport, consisting of Glamorganshire, Monmouthshire, and Herefordshire;* and Menevia, consisting of Wales as a Vicariate (excepting, of course, the county of Glamorgan). 46 RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF HIERARCHY realize adequately how and why the restoration of a Roman Catholic Hierarchy created so much popular indignation. But most of the trouble was solely due to the utter want of tact displayed by Cardinal Wiseman, and by the Holy See. They had apparently no deliberate intention of hurting the feelings of the British people, and yet they adopted means which a little reflection would have told them must be followed by serious consequences. There was nothing startling in the mere fact of substituting new bishoprics for the old vicariates, but it should have been carried out in a more courteous and diplomatic manner. As Mr. Justin MacCarthy (himself a Roman Catholic) says, in his Short History of Our Own Times: 1 The (public) anger was not against the giving of the new titles, but against the assumption of a new right to give titles representing territorial distinctions in this country ; against the Pope's evident assumption that the change he was making was the natural result of an actual change in the national feeling of England.' From the Papal point of view it was also a blunder to make Dr. Wiseman a Cardinal at this particular period : his creation should have been postponed for, at least, another two years. 1 It 1 'It was, I fear, and every one thinks, very ill-judged of Wiseman to return as Cardinal. It was enough for him to be Archbishop of Westminster. It was, I fancy, all his own doing, ENGLISH FEELING 47 was true that there had been several English Cardinals since the Reformation, but none had resided in England since the death of Reginald Pole, in 1558. The post- Reformation English Cardinals, namely Allen, Howard, Henry Stewart, Weld, and Acton, 1 had all lived at Rome. Dr. Wiseman, however, was now appointed to live in London as Cardinal Archbishop of Westminster. He had, hitherto, been Vicar of the London district, with the title of Bishop of Melipotamus in partibus infidelium. By a great number, even, of the English Romanists themselves, the re-establishment of the Hierarchy, so far from being welcomed, was disliked, and the (then) Duke of Norfolk was so displeased, that he ceased to be a Roman Catholic, although he is said to have become reconciled to Romanism 2 again on his death-bed. For some weeks, the general indignation assumed such proportions, that it seemed likely the papal plans would be upset, and the bull revoked. But the agitation died away gradually ; and Wiseman, for the Pope intended him to remain at Rome.' (Extract from a contemporary letter by Lord Shrewsbury, quoted by Purcell in his Life of A. P. de Lisle.) 1 Cardinal Acton had, in 1846, strongly opposed the scheme, already proposed, for the re-establishment of the Hierarchy in England. 2 By a priest, who was an undoubted Gallican. 48 RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF HIERARCHY braving the storm with considerable courage and skill, by a diplomatic letter to the London Press succeeded in getting a fair hearing for himself. It was not, indeed, only against Rome that the clamour had been levelled, but against also the rising Ritualism in the Established Church. The stream of secessions from Oxford to Rome had awakened a profound distrust of the High Church clergy in the public mind, and in the action of the Holy See Protestants thought they discerned a logical sequel to the Oxford Movement. Lord John Russell, in his ' Durham Letter,' showed that he grasped the situation when he referred to the ' danger within the gates from the unworthy sons of the Church of England herself.' This letter, addressed to the Bishop of Durham, was dated from Downing Street on the fourth of November (1850). On the day following, the anniversary of the Gunpowder Plot, the ' feast of St. Guy ' was celebrated with tumultuous demon- strations all over the country, effigies of Cardinal Wiseman and Pope Pius IX. being everywhere shouldered about and burnt. By the re-establishment of the Hierarchy, on the lines adopted by Cardinal Wiseman, the English and Welsh Romanists were placed directly under the thraldom of the Holy See. The appointment of the Bishops was rendered entirely subservient to the approval of the Pope, PROTESTS AND CRITICISMS 49 and all the old Gallican theories as to self-govern- ment were speedily terminated. It was not surprising, therefore, that on Cardinal Wiseman's arrival in London from Rome, after his appoint- ment as Archbishop of Westminster, he should have found himself greeted with protests, against the new state of things, coming from many in- fluential members of his own Communion. A meeting was convened by the Roman Catholic gentry of Yorkshire in denunciation of the re- establishment of the Hierarchy. The Earl of Shrewsbury and the Lords Beaumont, Camoys, and Clifford, all Romanist Peers, strongly objected, in the most outspoken language, to the position taken up by Cardinal Wiseman, whilst the Duke of Norfolk, supporting them, wrote, ' I should think that many people must feel, as we do, that Ultra- montane opinions are totally incompatible with allegiance to our Sovereign, and with our Con- stitution.' Lord John Russell complained, ' There is an assumption of power in all the documents which have come from Rome, a pretension to supremacy over the Realm of England, and a claim to sole and undivided sway, which is incon- sistent with the Queen's supremacy, with the rights of our bishops and clergy, and with the spiritual independence of the Nation, as asserted even in Roman Catholic times.' The Times described the Papal policy as ' one of the grossest So RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF HIERARCHY acts of folly and impertinence, which the Court of Rome has ventured to commit, since the Crown and People of England threw off its yoke.' The Papal brief, authorizing the creation of the Hierarchy, reached England before Cardinal Wiseman had got back from Rome. Its receipt placed the Vicar-General of the London District, Dr. Whitty, 1 in a position of grave difficulty. He recognized, at once, the incomparable folly of the way in which it had been worded. It was dated October 7, 1850, 'Given out of the Flaminian Gate at Rome,' and was to be read publicly in all the chapels of the London District. It was not addressed, however, directly to the English Romanists, but to the English Nation generally, and announced audaciously that ' Your beloved country has received a place among the beautiful Churches which, properly constituted, form the splendid aggregate of Catholic com- munion ; Catholic England has been restored to its orbit in the ecclesiastic firmament, from which its light had long been missing ; and now begins anew its course of regular action round the centre of unity, the source of jurisdiction, of light, and of vigour.' No wonder that the perplexed Dr. Whitty was afraid to publish such an address. He was, nevertheless, forced either to break his 1 Dr. Whitty afterwards entered the Society of Jesus (in 1856). SOCIAL RESULTS 51 orders, by not publishing it, or to incur the public wrath, by giving it out to his clergy to read to their flocks, as directed. 1 After much consideration, he determined to obey his orders, and give it out. The result was, that the whole country was plunged, ipso facto, into a state of anti-Roman agitation similar to that which had occurred at the time of the discovery of the Gun- powder Plot, the Popish Plot, and during the Gordon Riots. Although the agitation caused by this ' Papal Aggression ' did not produce as lasting results 2 as had been confidently anticipated, still Cardinal Wiseman found himself practically severed thereby from all social life outside the narrow limits of his own Communion. Not only this, but to Roman Catholics all over the kingdom much misery was caused. Priests were no longer treated so courteously by their Protestant acquaintances ; servants found much difficulty in getting situations in Protestant households ; and the business of tradesmen suffered. In favour of the Papal plan for the re-establishing the Hier- archy, there would have been more to have been 1 When Newman read out the Pastoral to his congregation, his face all the while is said to have been 'a study,' and his voice faltered at the words ' Flaminian Gate.' 2 The Ecclesiastical Titles Act, the outcome of the agitation, passed in 1851, was repealed twenty years later. It had never been put into force. 52 RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF HIERARCHY said, had only it been more fairly and less osten- tatiously carried out. The old Districts needed reconstruction, they were too few and too large, but it would have been easy to have created new Districts, with Bishops in partibus, or Vicars- Apostolic at their head, all under the control of an Archbishop resident in London. Dr. Wise- man could have acted as such a Primate, and the obnoxious title of Cardinal need not have been given him until the whole scheme had settled down into peaceful operation. Instead of this, with a loud blast of trumpets and beating of drums, England and Wales were partitioned out into Roman dioceses, by the orders of the Bishop of Rome, as if no such Church as that of the Establishment were in existence, whilst the tone adopted by Wiseman and the Pope, in their documents relating to the creation of this new Episcopacy, read more like that of a Napoleon addressing a conquered nation than that of men to whom all jurisdiction in this country was for- bidden by law. In dealing with Scotland, in which the old Gallican spirit was still extremely strong, 1 the Holy See went to work with the exercise of much greater caution and deliberation. North of the Tweed, the Hierarchy was not restored i Gallicanism had also been the dominant factor in Ireland until the establishment of the Maynooth Seminary. ENGLISH CARDINALS 53 until more than twenty-seven years had elapsed since the elevation of Nicholas Wiseman to the Archbishopric of Westminster. In 1878, Scot- land was divided into the arch-dioceses of Glasgow, and St. Andrews and Edinburgh ; with the dioceses of Aberdeen, Galloway, Dunkeld, and Argyll and the Isles. That Scotland should, in the first place, have been granted two arch- dioceses, and England (with Wales) only one, was an absurd arrangement, when the census of the Roman Catholic population of one country is compared with that of the other. As I have said, Dr. Wiseman's mistake in accepting a Cardinal's hat was attended with awkward results. The title of Cardinal had never been popular in England, not even in pre-Reformation days, and the circumstance of Wiseman coming to reside in London was regarded as a national insult. Dr. Wiseman was about the thirtieth Englishman 1 to be created a Cardinal. His predecessors were Robert Pulleyn; Nicholas Brakespear, an Au- gustinian, created Pope under the title of 1 I exclude all Irish, Scottish, and Colonial Cardinals. Mr. Purcell makes the extraordinary error of describing Henry Edward Manning as the ' second English Cardinal since the Reformation ' ; as a matter of fact, Archbishop Manning was the ninth Englishman to be created a Cardinal since the Reformation (excluding Dr. Lingard, said to have been a Cardinal in petto). 54 RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF HIERARCHY Adrian IV. ; Boso Brakespear, his nephew, a Benedictine Monk ; Stephen Langton ; Robert Curzon ; Robert Somercote ; Robert Kilwardby, a Dominican Friar ; Hugh of Evesham ; Walter Winterbourne, a Dominican Friar ; Thomas Joyce, a Dominican Friar ; Simon Langham, a Benedictine Monk ; Adam Eyston, a Benedictine Monk ; Philip Repyngdon, a Canon Regular ; Thomas Langley ; Robert Hallam (an undoubted Gallican) ; Henry Beaufort, son of John of Gaunt ; John Kempe ; Thomas Bourchier ; John Morton, Lord Chancellor ; Christopher Bain- bridge; Thomas Wolsey; John Fisher; Reginald Pole ; William Peyto, an Observant Friar ; William Allen, the faithful friend of the Jesuits ; Philip Thomas Howard, a Dominican Friar ; Henry Benedict Maria Clement Stewart, called ' Henry IX.' by his friends ; Thomas Weld ; and Charles Januarius Edward Acton. Of these ' Princes of the Church,' it will be noticed that no fewer than ten sprang from the ranks of the regular clergy. Since Cardinal Wiseman's death, down to that of Queen Victoria, the following Englishmen also have been made mem- bers of the Sacred College : Henry Edward Manning, a Cardinal- Priest ; Edward Henry Howard, a Cardinal- Bishop ; l John Henry New- 1 Cardinal Howard died at Patcham, Brighton, in 1892. He was buried at Arundel. ENGLAND AND THE PAPAL SEE 55 man, a Cardinal-Deacon ; and Herbert Vaughan, a Cardinal- Priest. Only one English Cardinal has ever become Pope, although two others have been very near to climbing into Peter's Chair. Reginald Pole, afterwards Archbishop of Canter- bury, was, indeed, actually elected by the requisite majority of the votes, but was discarded on the grounds of his not being sufficiently orthodox. 1 Cardinal Wolsey, also, was on two occasions very nearly becoming Pope. But, since Reginald Pole's day, no Englishman has ever been men- tioned as a likely candidate for the Papacy. Italian after Italian has worn the triple crown. Since the restoration of the Hierarchy in 1850, but few of the English Romanist Bishops have been men of any marked ability ; the most notable of whom have been Grant (Southwark), Ullathorne (Birmingham), Errington (Plymouth and Westminster), Clifford (Clifton), and Hedley (Newport). 1 There is something almost comic in the fact of Cardinal Pole, Queen Mary Tudor's rigid Archbishop of Canterbury, and Papal Legate, being accused of heresy ! Yet, this was not the only instance of his being thus accused, for he actually died under the Pope's displeasure, on account of his alleged un- soundness of doctrine. The Pope, indeed, had deprived him of his office of Legate, and recalled him to Rome, a summons which, with Mary's support, he declined to obey. Father Peyto, a very old man, was made a Cardinal in order that he might prove a rival to Pole, and for no other reason. 56 RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF HIERARCHY Of these prelates Dr. Ullathorne made the greatest mark in English public life. Born in 1806, William Bernard Ullathorne was, as a lad, a sailor for a few years, and then turning his attention to religion, entered the Benedictine Order, and became a priest. From 1832 to 1841 he was employed on the Australasian Mission, where he was more than once offered, but always refused, a bishopric. In 1845, ne was appointed Vicar of the Midland District, and from 1848 to 1850 took a leading and successful part in the negotiations at Rome, which led up to the re-establishment of the Hierarchy in England. In 1869-1870 he was present at the Vatican Council. On retiring, owing to advanced age, from Birmingham, he was created a titular arch- bishop. He died in 18*89, m ms eighty-third year. On his return from Australia, Ullathorne did much good work in protesting against the evils of the system of transportation obtaining at the period. Although believing in the Infallibility of the Pope, he opposed the definition of the dogma in 1870, on the grounds that it was inexpedient to define it, at any rate, for a long time to come. In the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception, he was a firm believer, and wrote a treatise in defence and explanation of it. Whilst Bishop of Birmingham, he remained on friendly terms with Newman, who much admired him, although he found it ENGLISH BISHOPS 57 no easy task to keep the peace always between the famous Oratorian and his Ultramontane assailants. Robert Aston Coffin, Bishop of Southwark, and a member of the Redemptorist Order, was a per- vert. Born at Brighton in 1819, he was educated at Harrow, and Christ Church, Oxford. After taking orders in the Church of England, he ' went over ' and joined the Oratorians, but soon left them for the stricter rule of the Redemptor- ists. He was made Bishop of Southwark in 1882, but died three years later. The Hon. W. T. H. Clifford, Bishop of Clifton, a member of the noble family of Clifford, of Chudleigh, was an English Roman Catholic of the ' old school.' After the death of Cardinal Wiseman, he was considered likely to be elected to the vacant primacy, but his close friendship with Archbishop Errington did not tend to strengthen his chances. He was present at the Vatican Council, where he stoutly opposed the definition of the doctrine of the Infallibility of the Pope. He died in 1893, thirteen years after the learned and pious Thomas Grant, the first Bishop of Southwark. Dr. Grant, prior to being elected Bishop, had been secretary to Cardinal Acton, and had after- wards acted as Dr. Ullathorne's ablest assistant during the negotiations at Rome leading up to the re-establishment of the Hierarchy. Later on, 5 8 RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF HIERARCHY he became very hostile to Cardinal Wiseman. He visited Rome, again, to attend the Vatican Council, but died shortly before its conclusion. On receiving the news of his death, Pius IX. is reported to have exclaimed, ' Another Saint has gone to Heaven ! ' With Dr. George Errington, Bishop of Plymouth, and sometime Coadjutor- Archbishop of Westminster, we shall deal in the next chapter. Dr. Hedley, Bishop of Newport, a Benedictine monk, has deservedly achieved fame both as a preacher and scholar. Before concluding this account of the re-estab- lishment of the Roman Catholic Hierarchy in Great Britain, it will be interesting to compare the figures in regard to the present number of the Roman Catholic Missions in England with those totalling the number of the missions existing after Wiseman's scheme had been matured. It will be interesting also to note the great increase in the number of the missions, priests, and monasteries since the expulsion of the Religious Orders from France, and their subsequent invasion of England. For these purposes I have selected the years 1851, 1899, and 1905 as test dates 1851 be- cause it was the year following the settlement of Wiseman's re-establishment ; 1899 because the immigration of the foreign monks commenced in or about that year; and 1905 because the STATISTICS OF PROGRESS 59 immigration had by then, I suppose, reached its zenith. The following are the statistics PRIESTS In 1851. 958 In 1899. 3235 In 1905. 38l8 CHURCHES AND CHAPELS In 1851. 683 In 1899. 1854 In 1905. 2OO8 MONASTERIES In 1851. 17 In 1899. 260 In 1905. 303 CONVERTS In 1851. 53 In 1899. 557 In 1905. 751 In comparing, finally, the state of affairs exist- ing at the period of the ' Papal Aggression ' with that existing midway between 1829, the era of Emancipation, and 1850, the date of the re-estab- lishment, I may mention that in the year 1842 5 60 RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF HIERARCHY there were only three Roman Catholic religious houses for men, and only twenty for women, to be found throughout the whole of Great Britain. In 1830, the total number of Roman Catholic churches and chapels in all London only amounted to about fourteen in number ; whilst some three or four of these were mere rooms, and in this total of fourteen I have included the chapels of the French, Sardinian, Spanish, and Bavarian Embassies. CHAPTER V THE ERRINGTON CASE NICHOLAS PATRICK STEPHEN WISEMAN, the 'Bishop Blougram ' of Browning's verse, was born at Seville, in Spain, 1802. The street in which his birth-place stood has since been renamed in his honour. He was descended from a family which had gone over from England to settle in Ireland, and later on in Spain. His mother was an Irish lady. After receiving a good education in England,* Wiseman's first laurels were won at Rome, where he became Professor of Oriental Languages, and Rector of the English College. Sent eventually to England, he served as Vicar-Apostolic of two of the Districts, prior to being nominated Archbishop of Westminster. In placing Cardinal Wiseman in supreme charge of the English Mission, there can be no doubt that Pope Pius IX., advised by Cardinal Barnabo, exercised a most judicious 1 At Ushaw, where he was under the charge of Lingard, the historian, and where he once met Dr. Milner. 61 6 2 THE ERRINGTON CASE choice, since in point of ability * the ex- Professor stood out head and shoulders above all his colleagues. His very enemies never questioned this, for his talents were fully recognized and admired by all who came in touch with him. Unlike most of the Roman Catholic clergy of his day, he was not afraid of the advances daily being made in scientific research, and in his lectures on geology he claimed that his Church had nothing to fear from the revelation of the latest of the earth's secrets. A gentleman by birth, a lover of hospitality, and a kind-hearted man, Cardinal Wiseman's London career should, under ordinary circum- stances, have been both a prosperous and a pleasant one. Had he lived at the present day, this would certainly have been the case, and the author of Fabiola would have been justly re- garded as one of the ablest men of his time. But, during his fifteen years at Westminster, he was destined to pass through so stormy a period that his principal occupation seems to have been par- ticipating either in his own or in other people's quarrels. From the first days of his appointment until the end of his life, he was exposed to a 1 ' Which of the Oxford converts, with the exception of Newman, can be compared with Wiseman for breadth of intellect ; for profound biblical scholarship ; for varied learning?' etc. (Purcell). CARDINAL WISEMAN 63 succession of troubles which allowed him no opportunity to rest. Before even he became Archbishop, when he was Vicar of the London District, his taking up his residence in the metropolis had been a signal for attack upon him by some of the Gallican clergy strongly opposed to his Ultramontane policy. 1 In 1855, it was thought necessary that Cardinal Wiseman, whose health was none too good, should receive the help of a Coadjutor, by whom he would be relieved of some of the heavier duties accumulating so rapidly in the arch-diocese. The Coadjutor and this is an important point was to succeed Wiseman (as Archbishop of Westminster) should the latter's health necessitate his retirement, or in the event of his death. The candidate selected to become the Coadjutor-Archbishop was Dr. George Errington, Bishop of Plymouth, a man whose great energy and unflinching de- votion to diocesan work afterwards won for him 1 Mr. Richard Boyle, one of these clergy, actually sued Cardinal Wiseman for libel, and (very properly) obtained ;iooo damages against him at law. This priest's action, too, was by no means unsupported by his colleagues, the majority of whom were most hostile to Wiseman and his pro- Roman policy. A perusal of the official account of the trial shows how strongly many influential Romanists were then opposed to Ultramontanism. The damages (^1000) were eventually somewhat reduced, on appeal, but the Cardinal, beyond doubt, had behaved very badly. 6 4 THE ERRINGTON CASE the title of the ' Iron Archbishop.' From this appointment dated the commencement of that un- fortunate episode, in the history of Roman Catholicism in England, which is generally known as the ' Errington Case,' and which was destined to cause Cardinal Wiseman ceaseless anxiety and annoyance. Archbishop Errington was an ecclesiastic of so utterly dissimilar character from his old school- fellow, Wiseman, that it soon became manifest how many and how formidable were the obstacles lying in the way of their working well together. A man of unquestionable integrity, Errington was, nevertheless, a disciplinarian of a most severe type. Canon law was the controlling spirit of his career, and he carried out its rules regardless either of circumstances or persons. Like a doctor who would rather see one of his patients die under orthodox professional treatment than have him saved by the aid of a quack, Errington obeyed the dictates of canon law with undeviating fidelity to its text. Such a man was unlikely to remain long in accord with the unbusiness-like Wiseman. It is probable, nevertheless, that Errington would have continued to the end to remain Coadjutor had it not been for the inter- vention of a third party in the case. This person was a convert Monsignor Manning. Formerly Archdeacon of Chichester, Manning WISEMAN AND MANNING 65 had, at the period of which we speak, been so recently ordained a Roman Catholic priest, and had been ordained at so brief an interval after his reception into the Church of Rome, 1 that the powerful position into which he had climbed in the arch-diocese was productive of no little jealousy on the part of his colleagues. He was Provost of the Chapter, the members of which nearly all disliked him, as did Canon Searle, Cardinal Wiseman's secretary. On returning from a visit to Rome, undertaken after his re- ception at the Jesuit's Church, Farm Street, London, Manning had established, in Bayswater, a branch of the community of the Oblates of St. Carlo Borromeo, 2 and it was in regard to the work and privileges of these Oblates that Dr. Errington and he first came into collision. Into the rights and wrongs of this dispute it is unnecessary to enter here in detail. Wiseman and Errington soon were, also, themselves at loggerheads on this and on other matters. In the battle which took place, Wiseman and Manning joined forces, whilst 1 After he had actually been ordained, the Tablet sarcas- tically announced that it was ' Mr. Manning's intention to visit Rome in the autumn for the purpose of commencing his theological studies ' ! 2 The Oblates of the Blessed Virgin and St. Ambrose, founded at Milan by St. Carlo Borromeo in the year 1578. Manning, however, as Errington justly complained, did not adhere to the strict rules of the Order. 66 THE ERRINGTON CASE Dr. Errington was supported by the majority of the English Bishops, the clergy of the arch- diocese, and the Chapter. The merits of the subject originally at issue came to be lost sight of, when the contending parties were seen to consist of sides representing, respectively, the convert school, supported by the Ultramontane Wiseman, and the old school of English Romanists, who were jealous and suspicious of Manning and the Oxford men. The contest was desperate and prolonged. Dr. Errington refused, ab initio, to make any con- cession, or admit himself to be guilty of any of the charges alleged against him. There was ultimately, therefore, no alternative but to appeal to Rome. In this proceeding, curiously enough, the 'new' men held an advantage over the 'old.' Manning already had been favourably received and noticed by the Pope, whilst Monsignor Talbot, 1 the only Englishman on terms of real intimacy with Pius IX., was so friendly inclined towards Manning, that he never ceased to sound the ex- Archdeacon's praises in his patron's ear. Cardinal Wiseman, also, was a persona grata at the Vatican, where Errington, and the Bishops supporting him, were thought to be tainted with Gallicanism. But, Errington had something in reserve. He had 1 The Hon. George Talbot, son of Lord Talbot de Malahide. He had once been an Anglican clergyman. ERRINGTON'S VIEW 67 been appointed, it will be remembered, as Co- adjutor to Wiseman, with right of succession. This meant, therefore, that at the Cardinal's death Errington would succeed Wiseman, with a free hand almost to act as he liked, and he would then be in a position to make short work of Monsignor Manning and the obnoxious Oblates. Wiseman's health, too, was rapidly getting worse, as the struggle went ; so that Errington appeared unlikely to have to wait very long before proving victorious in the end. Realizing fully the strength of Errington's position, his opponents endeavoured to induce him to resign, conditional on his being offered another bishopric, or archbishopric, in lieu of his coadjutorship at Westminster. But, resign Errington would not ; and he contended, very truly, that he had been guilty of no personal mis- conduct, or of any offence within the range of canon law ; that he had been quite justified in objecting to the appointment of such a person as the fanatical W. G. Ward to the professorship of dogmatic theology at St. Edmund's College ; l that he had worked extremely hard in London, whither he had been summoned from Plymouth 1 For making this appointment, Cardinal Wiseman was entirely responsible. Ward was a layman, and a rabid Ultra- montane. He was a very indifferent lecturer, and resigned his post in six years' time. 68 THE ERRINGTON CASE against his wishes ; that, on taking up his post at Westminster, he had soon asked to be relieved of it, but permission was then refused him ; and that he was being made the victim of a conspiracy concocted against him by a subordinate priest, whose Oblates were carrying on a work which in- terfered with that of the secular clergy. Finally, he challenged his opponents to show any valid reason why his right of succession should be revoked. Eventually, after matters had been gone into at Rome, where Errington's cause was personally supported by the Bishops of Birmingham, South- wark, Clifton, Shrewsbury, and Liverpool, a verdict was given against him, and a great victory was gained by Cardinal Wiseman and the Ultramon- tanes. Errington was practically forced to resign, and his doing so was blasphemously described by the Pope as a ' Coup cFttat of the Lord God ' ! That Archbishop Errington was, on the whole, treated with distinct injustice cannot be denied, and there is a great deal to be said in support of Mr. Purcell's very deliberate opinion that, but for Archbishop Manning, 1 there would have 1 Mr. Gladstone, in referring to another episode in Cardinal Manning's career, once remarked, ' I will not say that Manning was insincere, God forbid ! But he was not simple and straight- forward.' On another occasion, Gladstone is said to have stated that Cardinal Manning was beyond doubt insincere, and ery insincere into the bargain. WISEMAN'S DEATH 69 been no ' Errington Case.' It was hard lines, that Dr. Errington, a member of an old Catholic family, and a priest of great experience, should have to submit to the dictates of an ex-Arch- deacon, who had only recently joined the Roman Church. His energy and business-like methods were infinitely preferable to the careless habits of the Cardinal, who had behaved, also, in a very Jesuitical manner in regard to the appointment of W. G. Ward to St. Edmund's College, Ware. Against Dr. Errington, however, it must be ad- mitted that he was much wanting in discretion and tact, and that he tried to rule the arch-diocese on very hard and narrow lines. It was not for nothing that he had won the title of the ' Iron Arch- bishop.' But, although defeated, Errington was not yet absolutely vanquished, for he was still to figure in one more fight. At Wiseman's death there arose the vital question as to his successor, and, during the interregnum, Dr. Errington was once again to the front. After ''- his enforced resignation from West- minster, Dr. Errington had refused to accept another post, and his episcopal career seemed to all intents and purposes to have come to an end. To appoint him to succeed Wiseman would seem comparable to the case of a colonel, who, after acting as second-in-command of his regiment, and having been dismissed from his command and 70 THE ERRINGTON CASE from his regiment, after a trial by court-martial, should eventually be reappointed to the supreme command. The authorities at Rome naturally never expected that Dr. Errington's name would be one of the three on the list, officially selected and forwarded from England, from which Propaganda should choose Cardinal Wiseman's successor. But it was ; and not only that, but Errington's name was first on the list, with two of his supporters nominated as the second and the third. Enraged beyond measure at this unexpected proceeding, the Pope refused to allow Archbishop Errington's candidature even to be considered, whilst he also refused eventually to approve of the claims of the other two bishops. Finally, the candidate chosen to succeed Cardinal Wiseman, as the Pope's special selection, was (to the consternation of the ' old school ') none other than the hated convert Mon- signor Manning himself the fons et origo mali, as he was regarded by many. 1 Monsignor Manning's appointment put an end to the famous ' Errington Case.' For a few weeks a very few indeed, it appeared as if a schism was going to take place in England, so angry were the majority of Romanists at Manning becoming Archbishop. But the agitation died sullenly away, and the new Primate was enthroned 1 Punch, referring to the appointment at the time, remarked ' The Bark of Peter wants Manning ! ' MANNING'S VICTORY 71 with all the usual rites in the presence of a crowded, although not enthusiastic or sympathetic congregation. 1 After being less than fifteen years a Roman Catholic, therefore, Dr. Manning sud- denly found himself Archbishop of Westminster, and the victor in a hard-fought fight, during which he had lived to triumph over all his formidable foes both in London and in Rome. His victory over Errington had been complete. But, what- ever may be said against Dr. Errington's conduct as Coadjutor- Archbishop, no two opinions can be held as to the exemplary manner in which he behaved after his final discomfiture. He loyally accepted the disagreeable situation, and after pre- siding over the Missions in the Isle of Man, and after later occupying a very similar post in Scot- land, he accepted a small professorship at Prior Park, Bath, where he died on January 19, 1886, aged eighty-one. After retiring from West- minster, he had been offered, but declined, the Archbishopric of Trinidad. His residence at Prior Park was undertaken at the suggestion of Dr. Clifford, Bishop of Clifton, his intimate friend, with whom he returned from Rome, after attend- 1 By the ' Convert School,' however, Manning's promotion was received with demonstrations of delight. On the news reaching W. G. Ward, he and his household gave way to such noisy applause, that the neighbours sent in to inquire what was the matter. 72 THE ERRINGTON CASE ing the Vatican Council, in iS;. 1 His death attracted very little public attention, and the ' Obituary ' published in The Times consisted only of a very few lines, in which no mention was made of the ' Errington Case.' That Manning, in carrying on his campaign against Archbishop Errington, had been actuated by conscientious, if mistaken motives, must, I think, be admitted. He seems, influenced by his staunch Ultramontane opinions, to have looked upon Errington, as he soon afterwards looked upon Newman, as an enemy to the Holy See, and as one, therefore, whose removal from high office was imperative in the interests of the Roman Catholic Church. That he was greatly aided in his victory by Monsignor George Talbot's services at Rome cannot be questioned, for it was Talbot's habit of constantly singing Manning's praises at the Vatican that was one of the chief factors in winning for him the vacant Primacy. In Manning, Talbot recognized a kindred spirit that would strive to the utmost to bind together Roman Catholic England and the Holy See, and that would wage war in- 1 ' Dr. Errington, after passing an edifying life in peace and silence, died in the year 1 886. He nursed no resentment in his heart. He did not even attempt to vindicate his ways or tell his own story. His tongue left no sting or stain behind ' (Purcell). ADVENT OF REGULARS 73 cessantly on Gallicanism in any shape or form. Talbot's own views of the duties of the laity were Ultramontane in the extreme. He looked upon Wiseman's policy as a second edition of Bishop Milner's, and Manning he selected as the most suitable person to carry on their work. Talbot's later career was shrouded in gloom. He began to suffer from a mental illness, which completely incapacitated him, and he died event- ually in a private asylum in the suburbs of Paris Rome forgetting, and by Rome forgot ! In reverting once more to Cardinal Wiseman's progressive policy, I must not omit reference to the return to England, under his influence and direction, of the Religious Orders. Finding that there were not enough Secular priests in the arch- diocese, Wiseman invited the aid of Regulars from abroad. But he was, on the whole, much dis- appointed with the work of the monks and friars whom he brought over. Their laziness and ineptitude deeply distressed him, and he was unable to get them to undertake any ordinary parochial duties. In a letter to Father Faber, dated October 27, 1852, we find him com- menting with bitter scorn upon the shameless conduct of these Regular priests, for whom he had done so much, but who had done so little for him. 'When I first came to London,' wrote the Cardinal, ' there was not a single community 74 THE ERRINGTON CASE of men. There were two Jesuits living en garfon in a house, that was all.' He then went on to illustrate how greatly things had changed since that time, instancing the positions of the Jesuits, Redemp- torists, Marists, Passionists, and Oratorians, all of whom had settled in or near London, by his permission, and with his aid. It was due, indeed, to his patronage of the Jesuits that they had been able to recover so much of their lost ground, for desperate efforts had been made by the Secular clergy to prevent them settling in London, and in Liverpool. Of the Jesuits in London, Cardinal Wiseman wrote : ' They have a splendid church, a large house, several priests/ etc., but they will do no parochial work. ' Hence we have under them only a church, which by its splendour attracts and absorbs the wealth of two parishes, but maintains no schools, and contributes nothing to the poor at its very door. I could say much more, but I forbear.' With the Redemptorists, he had very similar faults to find. (This Order soon after achieved an unpleasant notoriety, owing to its figuring in the law-courts in the celebrated case known as that of the ' Clapham Bells.') Of the Passionists, whom he himself had brought to England, hecomplained : ' They have never done me a stroke of work among the poor, and if I want a mission from them, the local house is of no use.' FEARS OF ERRINGTON 75 Of the Marists, his account was a little more encouraging, but of the wealthy Oratorians his report was scathing. To all his appeals for help from them, Father Faber had given the ridiculous reply, ' Others hunt, but we must stay at home, and fish!' Much as Cardinal Wiseman deserved sympathy on account of the ingratitude and apathy of the Regulars, it must be allowed that he was to blame for not taking into consideration, when he imported them, the fact that they were unlikely to deviate an inch from their monotonous rule in order to help the Secular priests. 1 The attitude of the Regulars was, nevertheless, more favourable by far towards Wiseman than it ever was towards Dr. Errington, for they knew very well that, in the event of the Archbishop succeeding the Cardinal, they would be forced to lead more active lives. The Dominicans, Oratorians, and Redemptorists, especially dreaded Errington's suc- cession ; and the 'Iron Archbishop' would have made very short work of Father Faber, and his fishing. Much of the opposition to Dr. Errington was undoubtedly manufactured by the Regulars, and Faber incautiously admitted, that ' If Dr. 1 'Souls are perishing,' said Wiseman, 'around them (the Regulars), but they are prevented by their rules, given by Saints, from helping to save them, at least in any but a particular and definite way.' 6 76 THE ERRINGTON CASE Errington returns to Westminster, as Archbishop, the Holy See will have to reckon it will take fifty, if not one hundred years, to restore England to the pitch of Ultramontanism which she has now reached ! ' This candid confession throws considerable light on the inner history of the ' Errington Case.' In continuing further this brief sketch of Nicholas Wiseman's career as Cardinal- Arch- bishop of Westminster, one cannot but refer, as exemplifying his extreme Ultramontanism, to the unpleasant episode of his quarrel with the French Legitimists, resident in London during the reign of Napoleon III. With these gentle- men, Cardinal Wiseman chose to quarrel, because they refused, very naturally, to entertain the same opinions of the ' Man of Destiny ' as he did. At the end of High Mass on Sundays, it was their custom to offer up the usual prayer to God to save the King (Regem), without, of course, mentioning the Emperor (Imperatorem}. Car- dinal Wiseman, on hearing this, resolved to affront them publicly, and invited himself to Mass at their chapel, where he himself insisted on repeating the loyal prayers, and bawled out the word Imperatorem, in substitution for Regem. Not content with this, at a private reception held later on the same day, on hearing some of the Legitimists conversing in their native tongue, he USE OF THE LEGITIMISTS 77 went up to them and rudely exclaimed, ' One hears nothing but French spoken in this room.' This boorish behaviour on ' Bishop Blougram's ' part was as ungrateful as it was spiteful, when it is considered what priceless services had been rendered to Rome in England by the French emigrant royalists. After the Revolution of the eighteenth century, their coming over in large numbers had swelled the ranks of their co- religionists on this side of the Channel to a very large extent; and as they were allowed every liberty in regard to the exercise of their religion, it gradually came to pass that the same privilege was granted to British Roman Catholics as well. During the dark days of the penal laws, more- over, the French Ambassadors in London had always placed their private chapel at the disposal of the ' Recusants,' and their house was often a convenient shelter for priests, in danger of their liberty or life, to hide in. Wiseman's reasons for attacking the Legitimists were, that they were generally held to be Gallicans, whilst Louis Napoleon was the most puissant supporter of the Temporal Power of the Pope. His successor, Cardinal Manning, also based his support of the French Emperor on the same grounds, and gave much offence, subsequently, by the extravagant manner in which he insisted on Masses being said, in the churches of the arch-diocese, for the 78 THE ERRINGTON CASE repose of the soul of the unfortunate Prince Imperial, slain in Zululand ; whilst, at the same time, with complete inconsistency, he refused to allow Mass to be said for Prince Charles Edward Stewart, on the celebration of the centenary of his death, in 1888. Cardinal Wiseman died at 8, York Place, Marylebone, on February 15, 1865. His public funeral was made the subject of a very sympa- thetic demonstration, bearing ample and apprecia- tive evidence of the external progress newly accomplished by Rome in England since the disastrous autumn of 1850. The last two or three years of his life, when his health, never robust, was steadily failing, were embittered by the constant domestic troubles disturbing his own household, occasioned chiefly by the hatred for Monsignor Manning entertained by Canon Searle (the Cardinal's secretary) and others. With several of his Bishops, also, Wiseman was on by no means good terms. The ' Errington Case ' had left lasting results behind it, and the end of the Cardinal's career was passed in pathetic isolation. Of his literary remains, the books which have obtained the widest measure of popularity are his beautiful Fabiola, a story of Roman life in the days of the Caesars 1 a work which is undoubtedly superior 1 A witty Bishop described Fabiola as ' a good book, with the popularity of a bad one.' WISEMAN'S INSINCERITY 79 to Newman's Callista and his Recollections of the Last Four Popes, the historical value of which, although embellished by the fine literary style in which it is written, is marred by the weight of the excessive eulogies that the writer has heaped upon the characters of all these Pontiffs and most of their attendant Cardinals, whilst no allusion is made to the shocking condition of Rome and the Papal States at the time. Finally, in summing up what has been presented above concerning the ups-and-downs of Cardinal Wiseman's career as Archbishop of Westminster, it is, I fear, very difficult to avoid coming to the regretful conclusion that many of his difficulties and troubles were of his own making. It seems a hard thing to say, but it is, nevertheless, evi- dent, that in many important crises of his life, the Cardinal did not act so sincerely as he ought to have. Mr. Gladstone hesitated whether he should describe Manning as ' insincere,' or whether he should simply dub him ' not straight- forward.' Of Wiseman he could hardly, if called upon, have refrained from using such a word as insincere in criticism of certain of his actions. Cardinal Wiseman, for instance, behaved with decided duplicity over the appointment of Dr. W. G. Ward as Professor at St. Edmund's College, Ware. After giving Dr. Errington, at an inter- view, to understand that Ward's appointment was 8o THE ERRINGTON CASE cancelled, he suddenly went back on his word, when there was no time left for further conversa- tion. In the Boyle case, after having written in a magazine article gross reflections on this priest's character, which were proved to be absolutely untrue, he declined to give him any clerical redress, and did his best to avoid paying him pecuniary compensation until obliged to do so at law. Even his witnesses behaved in court in a very evasive and shuffling manner, obeying, presumably, the Cardinal's directions. Again, in the Achilli case, he paid no attention for some time to Newman's letters asking that the all-important papers might be sought for and delivered ; when he did answer the letters, and commence the search, it was too late. 1 Throughout the whole of the Errington 1 In a letter written to Father Whitty, March 19, 1865, Newman sums up concisely the chief details of his ill-treatment at the hands of Cardinal Wiseman (and Manning). I quote the following extract from the letter : ' When the Holy Father wished me to begin the Dublin Catholic University, I did so at once. When the Synod of Oscott gave me to do the new translation of scripture, I began it without a word. When the Cardinal (Wiseman) asked me to interfere in the matter of the Rambler ; I took on myself, to my sore disgust, a great trouble and trial. Lastly, when my Bishop (Ullathorne), proprio motu, asked me to undertake the mission at Oxford, I committed myself to a very expensive purchase of land. ... In all these matters I think (in spite of many incidental mistakes) I should, on the whole, have done a work, had I been allowed or aided to go on with them. ... If I could get out of my mind the notion that I could do something and am not doing it, nothing could be happier.' . . . WISEMAN'S ROMAN TRAINING 81 case, too, his proceedings were marked by a distinct want of candour, integrity, and straight- forwardness. They were, indeed, harsh, furtive, and malicious. Cardinal Wiseman's training at Rome, probably, had much to do with leading him to adopt such tortuous courses in pursuing his conduct of English affairs. His Roman training had taught him, his opponents declared, to look upon the Pope as a kind of ' Grand Llama,' and Wiseman's Ultramontane policy often went by the name of ' Grand Llamaism.' CHAPTER VI ENGLAND AND THE VATICAN COUNCIL / T""*HE year of our Lord 1870 will for ever A. remain a memorable date in the history of modern Europe, since during it occurred three specially important political events, namely, the Franco-German war, the Vatican Council, and the establishment of a United Italy under a Monarchy. In 1870 the Temporal Government of the Popes, which had existed for so many centuries, came to a timely end, and an enlightened Italy, freed at last from the intolerable burden of priestly des- potism, rose rapidly to the position of a first-class Power. Our concern here is, however, not with the fall of the Papal sovereignty, or with the ruin of the Napoleonic empire, but merely with the work accomplished by the Vatican Council, that is to say, the definition of the dogma of the Infallibility of the Pope. Until the conclusion of the sittings of the great (Ecumenical Council, assembled at the Vatican (I869-I87O), 1 the doctrine of the Papal Infallibility 1 December, 1869, to July, 1870. The Council was pro- rogued, but not then dissolved. Cardinal Manning's statement 82 INFALLIBILITY 83 had not been included among those Articles of Faith which every Roman Catholic is bound, or supposed, implicitly to believe. Henceforth, by the decision of the Council, or rather by the decision of a certain majority of its members, it was decreed that, when speaking ex cathedra, the Bishop of Rome is, by the co-operation of the Holy Ghost, Infallible in regard to the substance of all his utterances on any subject connected with either faith or morals. But, not contented with arranging for the present and the future, the Vatican Council claimed to speak also for the past, and it solemnly declared that all the Popes had ever been similarly Infallible. That such a new departure as this amazing dogma, utterly opposed, as it is, to all the teach- ings of history and theology, to all the dictates of reason, and to all the principles of science, 1 would not be defined without encountering the keenest opposition, was apparent from the first, and it was only by resorting to very discreditable stratagems that the Papal agents succeeded in constraining a that the Council was not summoned, in the first place, with the object of defining the Infallibility, but for discussing other matters, cannot be accepted as correct. As early as the year 1865, the whole scheme for the definition had been devised at the Vatican. 1 'As a Christian, as a Theologian, as an Historian, as a Citizen, I cannot accept this doctrine' (Dr. Dollinger). 84 THE VATICAN COUNCIL majority of the members of the Council to declare in favour of Infallibility. So far as England was concerned, the greater number of responsible Romanists were opposed to the dogma. Many of them lacked, nevertheless, sufficient moral courage to express their candid opinions on the matter. They took refuge in the subterfuge that, although they did not doubt the Pope was in- fallible, they thought the present definition of the dogma to be inexpedient and inopportune. Among these ' Inopportunists' was Newman, who was forbidden to go to Rome to attend the Council. Ranged on the opposite side was Arch- bishop Manning, 1 who strained every nerve to forward a decisive definition of the dogma, acting in close alliance, on this occasion, with his future foes, the Jesuits. The British clerical opposition to the dogma was, on the whole, lax. But from the ranks of the French and German ecclesiastics present at the Council came adversaries to fight against the Ultramontanes. The eventual definition of the dogma affected the English Romanists to a greater extent prob- ably than those of other countries, for several reasons. It put back the hands of the clock a 1 Manning was not created a Cardinal until 1875. Nine years and more elapsed therefore, after he had been made Archbishop, before he received a Cardinal's hat. This delay caused general surprise. AN UNPOPULAR DOGMA 85 very long wa^, and nullified all the progress effected by Rome in England since 1850. The definition of the dogma raised also additional obstacles in the way of making conversions, and henceforth no Protestant could, or would, be re- ceived into the Church ^before testifying to his belief in this novel ' Article of Faith.' Time has proved that the task of getting converts to accept this extraordinary dogma without a murmur has been anything but easy. But there were other reasons tending to render the dogma particularly unpopular. In spite of all the arguments invented by the Ultramontanes to the effect that, although never officially defined, the doctrine of the Infalli- bility of the Pope had always been tacitly believed by English Romanists, there remained a good deal of printed matter to be quoted as almost conclusive evidence to the contrary. Keenan's Controversial Catechism, for instance, a widely circulated and official text-book, had to be brought up to date, in order to alter what its author had laid down as to the meaning of the Pope's Infalli- bility. Father Keenan, indeed, clearly stated that, not only was the Infallibility of the Pope not believed in by Roman Catholics, but even went so far as to describe the theory that they did so as ' a Protestant invention.' i Moreover, during the 1 ' This ' (the Infallibility of the Pope), wrote Father Keenan, a Scottish priest, ' is a Protestant invention ; it is no Article of 86 THE VATICAN COUNCIL delicate negotiations which had preceded the pass- ing of the Act of Emancipation in 1829, the British Government had taken the trouble to inquire into this very question, and they had been solemnly assured by the Irish Bishops, speaking authoritatively on behalf of both clergy and laity, that the Infallibility of the Pope was not an ' Article of Faith,' nor would they ever consent to its becoming one. Again, in the year 1788, the English Romanists, priests and laymen together, had forwarded to Rome a document, in which they denounced the doctrine of the Infallibility as being one they utterly declined to believe, although at that date they had not, of course, yet been asked to do so. A similar statement had been pre- viously made by the Irish in 1757. Dr. Lingard, too, had decided that 'the Infallibility of the Catholic Church resides in the Episcopal College united to the Pope ' ; and his contemporary, Bishop Baines, O.S.B., emphatically declared that there was not a Catholic then living in Great Britain and Ireland who believed in the Infalli- the Catholic faith ; no decision of his can oblige, under pain of heresy, unless it be received and enforced by the teaching body, that is, by the Bishops of the Church.' Since 1870, this damaging statement has been quietly dropped out of Keenan's book by a clever manipulation of the text, and no hint is given that the text differs in any way from the author's own editions of 1846 and 1853. A PUZZLING DOGMA 87 bility of the Pope by himself! Dr. Milner, even, the most ardent of Ultramontanes, confessed that the question of the Infallibility was a mere matter of private opinion, and was not a doctrine at all. But, triumphant as had been the victory of the Ultramontane party at the Vatican Council, it is not widely known that many of its representatives remained, at heart, dissatisfied with their spoils. They had hoped that the Council would grant the Pope even stronger powers. It was true that the definition of the dogma had raised Pius IX. into the position of a demi-God ; but this was in- sufficient, for they had wished to place him on almost the same level with the Holy Ghost. By some of the most reckless of the Ultramontanes the Pontiff was actually addressed as ' My Lord God 'I 1 According to the decree of the Infallibility, the Popes became Infallible only when delivering ex cathedra utterances ; and, as it is a matter of extreme difficulty to discover when the Pope is, or is not, speaking ex cathedra, decided limitations have been placed accordingly upon the Papal prerogatives. Had the extremists, among whom Manning and Dr. W. G. Ward were the most prominent Englishmen (although Ward was not, being a layman, present at the Council), prevailed, 1 Some priests from Cures addressed the Pope as follows : ' Parla, O gran Pio, chio che sono il tuo labbro, non e voce mortal, voce e, di Dio.' 88 THE VATICAN COUNCIL they would have made the Pope Infallible on all occasions in regard to faith and morals, without restricting him to ex cathedra utterances ; and it was a bitter blow to them that the Vatican Council did not go so far as to sanction this. By many of the Inopportunists, therefore, the verdict of the Vatican Council was spoken of as an Ultra- montane reverse, and the partial honours of the day were claimed for the moderate party. The absurdity of the situation was quickly demonstrated, when non-Catholic writers and critics began to comment on the curious careers and characters of several of Pio Nono's predeces- sors, for all of whom he had obtained the title of ' Infallible.' Among these Popes were included some of the most despicable despots who have sat upon a throne. Among these ' Infallible' sinners have been, as is hardly necessary to say, murderers, forgers, lunatics, panders, simonists, intruders, and pagans ; whilst, pending the various mediaeval Schisms, it was not possible always to decide who really was Pope, so hotly was the dignity contested by the rival claimants. 1 The plea, that the indif- ferent personal character of a Pope does not affect the validity of the dogma of 1870, because the definition refers only to cases of faith and morals, is, as Mr. Gladstone pointed out, ridiculous, con- 1 One of whom, Pope John XXIIL, was described by his own Cardinals as ' Vas Omnium Peccatorum? 'INFALLIBLE ' MONSTERS 89 sidering that almost all human doctrines, events, and affairs, come within this category. The spectacle, too, of Popes such as Benedict IX., Clement V., John XII., John XXIII., Boniface VIII., and Alexander VI. being held up for the adoration of the faithful as Infallible arbiters on matters of faith and morals, is nothing short of ludicrous ; and yet any Roman Catholic refusing (since 1870) to believe that each of these monsters of iniquity was Infallible must, according to the terms of the definition of the dogma, suffer the pains of eternal punishment. The definition of the dogma, moreover, was delivered in defiance of certain edicts of Pio Nono's predecessors, testify- ing to the contrary. Several Popes, such as Honorius I., had been convicted of heresy, whilst the original Papal Bull, stating that the sun moves round the earth, and condemning to the flames any person daring to doubt this assertion, is still in existence, much to the annoyance of the Ultramontane school. Every attempt has been made to conceal from the world, Roman and Protestant, the precise occasions when the Pope is supposed to have been speaking ex cathedra. Since 1870, indeed, down to the date of writing, it is not known that he has ever so spoken, since it now appears that the Bull issued in condemnation of the validity of Anglican Orders was not an Infallible utterance ; whilst a 90 THE VATICAN COUNCIL recent Roman Catholic writer (a priest) has calcu- lated that since the (supposed) initial primacy of St. Peter there have not been delivered, at the most, more than half-a-dozen Infallible utterances, by the Popes speaking ex cathedra. In England, after the definition of the dogma, various ingenious theories were propounded by Ultramontane writers 1 to explain to the non- Catholic world what the doctrine of the Infallibility of the Pope really meant, but it cannot be said that the world has become much wiser by these attempts, for the good reason that very few priests, in England at any rate, 2 can be relied upon to give the same interpretation of the dogma. The contention that the dogma does not really insist on the Infallibility of the Pope alone, but merely pro- claims the Infallibility of the Roman Catholic Church, as exemplified in the decisions of her Great Councils, is quite erroneous, which is clearly 1 Cardinal Manning's True Story of the Vatican Council is a disjointed and inaccurate attempt to defend the dogma, and the actions of the Ultramontane members of the Vatican Council. Even Dr. Husenbeth (the biographer of Bishop Milner) criticizes Manning's statement as to the belief held by English Romanists of the last generation concerning the Infallibility of the Pope. 2 In order to be as fair and accurate as possible in forming this conclusion, I consulted previously three different priests a Jesuit, a Monk, and a Secular as to the precise meaning of the dogma of the Infallibility of the Pope. They, all three, returned different answers ! ROME'S LOSS 91 proved by reference to the language of the Bull. The dogma raises the Pope into a position supreme over all Councils, over the Sacred College, and leaves him the Infallible head of a Church, wholly subservient to, and dependent upon him. Dr. Lingard's interpretation of the doctrine of the Infallibility has, consequently, been branded as rank heresy by the definition of 1870. By the action of the Vatican Council, Rome lost nearly all the ground that she had recovered, from an intellectual point of view, since the Reformation of the sixteenth century. The inclu- sion of the new doctrine among the ' Articles of Faith ' rendered it impossible for Roman Catholic, ism to be regarded henceforth as a creed worthy of the attention of philosophers. Much moral damage had already been wrought by the same Pope's folly in defining the dogma of the Immacu- late Conception of the Virgin Mary, 1 and by the publication of the ' Syllabus,' which was practically nothing less than an open attack upon all scientific learning and social progress, leaving the policy of the ninth Pius to be remembered in history as one 1 The definition of this dogma had been warmly opposed by the Dominicans, and supported by their rivals, the Jesuits, and by the Franciscans. The quarrel between these contending Orders was a most bitter one. The doctrine of the Immaculate Conception was opposed, denounced, and condemned by some of the greatest of the Catholic theologians, such as Saints Bernard, Thomas Aquinas, and Augustine. 7 92 THE VATICAN COUNCIL of the most disastrous, selfish, foolish and retro- gressive ever adopted by an occupant of the Papal throne. Considering the unpopularity of the Infal- libility, it is somewhat surprising that a schism did not take place in England, as it did in Germany under Dr. Dollinger, and might have in France, had not that country been distracted by the war with Prussia. Many English Romanists, however, stayed on in their Church, notwithstanding that at heart they professed no real credence in this new dogma. Of these (so-called) Liberal Catholics, the ablest of the laymen was the late Lord Acton, who had been present at Rome during the deliber- ations of the Vatican Council, and was thoroughly conversant with the nature of all the intrigues which disgraced its doings. Why Lord Acton was never excommunicated, or why he never left the Roman Church of his own accord, is most difficult to comprehend. He contented himself, in defending his illogical position, by naively stating that he did not see why he should change his religion because the Pope had changed his. Newman's attitude towards the Infallibility was almost equally hostile, and the lame defence, which he eventually published, showed that he did not implicitly believe in it. Although the final majority of votes in favour of the dogma, as counted on Monday, July 18, 1870, was enormous, it by no means represented THE VOTING 93 the unanimous opinion of the Vatican Council, as the Pope had caused it to be made known that any member holding out against the definition of the dogma would be regarded as a rebel against the authority of the Holy See ; hence the numerous withdrawals, desertions, and secessions among the * Inopportunists/ at the eleventh hour. On July 15 the total of the members' recorded votes tells a different tale, viz. Voters in favour of the Dogma . .451 Voters in favour of the Dogma, but conditional on the adoption of certain important alterations in its terms . . . . .62 Voters against the Dogma . . 88 N on- Voters (refused to vote) . . 70 To this concise list must be added a number of members, who, recognizing that there existed no chance of the 'Inopportunists' gaining the day, had already left Rome, and returned to their respective homes. These priests must have numbered sixty, at least. The real figures, therefore, should have worked out at something like- In favour of the Dogma, as defined . 451 Against the Dogma, as defined . .280 Barely three-fifths of the Vatican Council, there- fore, were in favour of the dogma, and of this proportion a large number had practically been 220 94 THE VATICAN COUNCIL intimidated into voting for the definition. Throughout the sittings of the Council, the ' gag ' had been freely applied by the Ultra- montanes, ever ready to silence an eloquent opponent. The ' closure ' was, therefore, a con- stant means of getting an end put to a sitting, when things seemed likely to become too lively for the Papal party. Never, indeed, in the history of Christendom had such underhand deal- ings taken place during a Council of the Church. Archbishop Manning actually confessed that before the Council had commenced, he had secretly ' made the vow drawn up by P. Liberatore, an Italian Jesuit, to do all in his power to obtain the definition.' He had, for the time being, surrendered himself body and soul into the custody of the Jesuits, to work at their bidding, and for the ends of their Society. The Nemesis of Fate, nevertheless, was near at hand, and on the very day when the Pope was solemnly declaring him- self Infallible, the ruin of his temporal sovereignty entered on the first stage of its decline and fall, by the declaration of war against Prussia by France. The French troops were, in con- sequence, withdrawn from Rome, and its people joyfully threw open the gates to welcome the army of the King of a United Italy. The final scene, enacted in the last session of the great conclave, was not wanting in dramatic THE HEAVENS PROTEST 95 power. When the terms of the fateful dogma were read out, declaring Pio Nono, his pre- decessors, and his successors Infallible, a heavy storm, which had long been brewing, burst over the ancient city of the Caesars, and in the failing light the aid of a candle became necessary in order to complete the reading of the text. 1 Meanwhile, amid the terrific rollings of the thunder, and the flashing of the lightning, the proceedings terminated ; and to some of those present who, like the Romans of old, believed in omens and in celestial portents, it seemed as if the Creator, angered at the assurance of the Pontiff, had directed the artillery of heaven to drown with the noise of its thunder-claps the utterances of this little man putting himself upon a level with the Holy Ghost. On the pallid countenances of many of the Conclavists were depicted signs of terror and dismay. 'We teach and define,' proclaimed Pio Nono, ' that it is a dogma divinely revealed, that the Roman Pontiff, when he speaks ex catJiedra, that is, when in discharge of the office of Pastor and Doctor of all Christians, by virtue of his supreme Apostolic authority, he defines a doctrine regarding faith and morals to be held by the 1 ' The days of the opening and closing of the Council were the two darkest and most depressing Rome witnessed during its session ' (Quirinus). 96 THE VATICAN COUNCIL Universal Church, by the Divine Assistance promised to him in Blessed Peter, he is possessed of that Infallibility which the Divine Redeemer willed that His Church should be endowed for defining doctrine concerning faith and morals ; and that, therefore, such decisions of the Roman Pontiff are Irreformable of themselves, and not from the consent of the Church. But, if any one which may God avert presume to contradict this Our Definition, let him be Anathema.' The most instructive item in this new pro- gramme l is that which claims the Papal decisions to be irreformable per se, irrespective entirely of the assent of the Sacred College in particular, or of the Church in general. The blunt wording of this clause completely shatters the theory that it is really the Church, and not its head, for which Infallibility is claimed by the Bull. How illogical and contrary to precedent this new dogma was, requires no clearer demonstration than reference to the case of Honorius I., who was formally denounced and convicted, nemine contradicente^ on an important occasion when the very Papal delegates joined in condemning that Pope, who was described as 'an instrument of Satan.' 1 The actual wording of the dogma is said to have been the work of Cardinal Cullen : the first Irishman, I believe, to be created a Cardinal. It was not inappropriate that an Irishman should have composed the text, for the definition of the dogma was a bull in more senses than one ! PROTESTING PRELATES 97 Other 'heretical' Popes were Callistus I., Nicholas I., Liberius, Eugenius IV., Anastasius I., Nicholas II., and John XXIII. In striking contrast to the inconsiderate behaviour of Archbishop Manning and Odo Russell was that of the two illustrious Frenchmen, Darboy, Archbishop of Paris, and Dupanloup, Bishop of Orleans. 1 Both these prelates, whose theological attainments were admitted to be far higher than those of Manning (known at Rome, during the ' Errington Case,' as ' Monsignore Ignorante '), were distinguished for their inflexible honesty. Darboy died, shortly after returning home, a hero's death at the hands of the Com- munists, 2 but even then the partisans of the Infallible Pope could find little good to say of the murdered man, and one of Pio's satellites cynically remarked that the Archbishop's 'murder might atone for some of his offences.' The policy of these Frenchmen was carried out on far more honourable lines than that of Archbishop Manning and his allies ; 3 and, to show to what 1 Dupanloup had asked, in vain, to be allowed the assistance of Newman at the Council. 2 To Manning's credit, it must not be forgotten that he did his best to save Darboy's life by invoking the intercession of Bismarck and of the British Government, whose appeal for mercy was brutally rejected by the Communists. 3 'My feelings and convictions are, as you well know, decidedly with your Opposition, which I believe to be contend- 98 THE VATICAN COUNCIL Jesuitical depths the ex- Archdeacon of Chichester had descended, it may be mentioned that he had secretly induced the Pope to release him from his solemn vow of obedience, obligatory on all members of the Vatican Council, not to divulge anything that went on during its meetings. 1 Whilst, therefore, the tongues of the Inoppor- tunists, including Darboy and Dupanloup, were tied, Manning was left free to give away the secrets of the Council to Russell, and others of his party. Of such an act of treachery and duplicity no criticism can be too strong, and it was not for nothing that Manning had earned his nickname of Diabolus Concilii. Although the assemblage gathered together at the Vatican from 1869 to 1870 goes by the name of an CEcumenical Council, it is extremely doubtful whether it ought to be considered as such. If it were to be admitted, for the sake of argument, its claim to the validity of such a title, it would rank, I presume, as about the nineteenth, in ing for the religious and civil interests of mankind against influences highly disastrous and menacing to both. But the prevailing opinion is, that it is better to let those influences take their course, and work out the damage which they will naturally and surely entail upon the See of Rome ' (Letter from Gladstone to Archbishop Manning, written during the Council). 1 Manning was then allowed personal access to the Pope, at all times, by means of a secret stairway and door leading into the Papal apartments. GLADSTONE AND MANNING 99 chronological sequence, of the CEcumenical Councils ; its predecessors having been the following: the first Council of Nicea, A.D. 325; the first Council of Constantinople, 381 ; Ephesus, 431 ; Chalcedon, 451 ; the second Council of Constantinople, 553 ; the third Council of Con- stantinople, 680 ; the second Nicene Council, 787 ; the fourth Council of Constantinople, 869 ; the first Lateran Council, 1123; the second Lateran Council, 1139; the third Lateran Council, 1179 ; the fourth Lateran Council, 1215 ; the first Council of Lyons, 1 245 ; the second Council of Lyons, 1274; Vienne, 1311 ; Con- stance, 1414; Basle, 1431; and Trent, 1545- I563- 1 The verdict of the Vatican Council seems to have brought finally to an end the old but long- strained friendship which had existed between Manning and the then Premier, Mr. Gladstone. According to a private paper, quoted in Purcell's Life of Cardinal Manning, the abrupt termination of their intercourse was in Manning's opinion due to the conduct of Lord Acton. ' Gladstone's geese,' wrote Manning, 'were always swans. His friendship always blinds him. Time was when I had the benefit of his illusions. When 1 The sittings of the Council of Trent took place in the years 1545, 1546, 1547, 1551, 1562, and 1563, under the Popes Paul III., Julius III., and Pius IV. TOO THE VATICAN COUNCIL this turned, Acton was the man made to his hand. He (Acton) was a Catholic, learned in literature, of a German industry, cold, self-confident, super- cilious towards opponents, a disciple of Db'llinger, and predisposed against me. He was a client of Newman's, whom he used to call "our awful chief." ... His was precisely the mind that would most surely and speedily sharpen, and sour, and stimulate Gladstone's mind. Then, his whole conduct in Rome during the Council was an active and canvassing opposition to the majority of the Council. He was the mediastinus between the French and German bishops, always busy with tongue and pen. 1 Now, all this poisoned Gladstone ; and the part I took in the Council pointed his irritation upon me.' Relations between Cardinal Manning and Mr. Gladstone became a little more cordial when ' Home Rule ' was mooted by the great Liberal statesman, but before a majority of the House of Commons decided in its favour the Cardinal was dead, and his successor at Archbishop's House was most outspoken in denouncing the measure, both in his public and in his private utterances. 1 Hostile as was Lord Acton to the dogma of the Infallibility, his criticisms were not more severe than those expressed by the Catholic poet, Coventry Patmore, who described Pio Nono's definition of the new dogma as ' merely the personal opinions of an amiable old gentleman, by which I am in no degree bound.' CHAPTER VII THE POLICY OF CARDINAL MANNING THE history of Henry Edward Manning's Roman Catholic career 1 has been related with so much fidelity and elaborate detail by his painstaking biographer, Mr. Purcell, that it may seem, at first sight, unnecessary to review here his policy as Archbishop of Westminster. But Purcell, it should be remembered, was a staunch Roman Catholic at heart, with the result that he has rendered scant justice to the Cardinal in certain matters, as he has similarly done him more than justice in others. He was, for in- stance, so strongly opposed to Gallicanism, that 1 Born in 1808, Henry Edward Manning matriculated at Balliol College, Oxford, and became a Fellow of Merton College. On leaving Oxford, he became successively curate and vicar of Lavington, Sussex, and Archdeacon of Chichester. On November 5, 1843, he preached a much-discussed anti- papal sermon at Oxford. In 1850, he protested against the Gorham Judgment, and the following year saw the termination of his Anglican career. In 1848, he had visited Pius IX., at Rome. His wife was the third daughter of the Rev. John Sargent, of Lavington. 101 102 CARDINAL MANNING he has criticized hardly at all Manning's harsh Ultramontane views. And although he has re- vealed to an astonished world the truth, or most of the truth, about the ' Errington Case,' leading his readers to look upon that as the least happy period in the Cardinal's career, he has altogether glossed over the history of Manning's intrigues at Rome during the Vatican Council. Moreover, some of Cardinal Manning's virtues have actually ranked as faults in his biographer's judgment, such as his ' teetotalism,' his sympathy with the work of the Salvation Army in the East End of London, and his later hostility to the Jesuits. With all its faults, Purcell's book is, neverthe- less, a valuable biography, and its issue was distinctly a public gain, creating as it did a profound and lasting impression among Romanists and Protestants alike. That the author had succeeded in producing so very candid and plain- speaking a book caused much genuine surprise ; and many erroneous conjectures remain current to this day as to how he evaded the vigilance of Cardinal Manning's executors, and the authorities at Archbishop's House. As the true story of how Mr. Purcell came to write the book, in the first instance, and subsequently to publish it, seems little known, I venture to offer the following version as being, I believe, strictly accurate. Edmund Sheridan Purcell was a Roman PURCELL AND MANNING 103 Catholic journalist l who had been for several years past no great favourite of Manning. But, in the Cardinal's old age, Purcell approached him with a request that bygones might be bygones, and that his Eminence would be so good as to help him with a new literary project likely to be a financial success. Purcell's project was to get the Cardinal's sanction and aid to enable him to write his biography, to be published in book form. Manning, out of kindness to the author, with whom he wished to remain no longer at variance, agreed to lend him many papers necessary towards compiling the book, which was to rank as nothing more than a ' popular ' Life, and was not to include anything of importance likely to occasion scandal or controversy concerning what had gone on behind the scenes in Rome or in England. Whilst Purcell was at work on the earlier chapters, the Cardinal died. Purcell thereupon went to Manning's literary executors, the Oblates at Bayswater, and asked them to give him all the dead man's papers for the purpose of enabling him to complete his biography. The executors, knowing that Manning had approved of Purcell writing ' a ' Life, regarded the ex-journalist in the light of an official biographer, and handed over to 1 Mr. Purcell died at Eastbourne, April 12, 1899. He was born December i, 1823, in London. He was a member of the Roman Academy of Letters. 104 CARDINAL MANNING him all the papers and letters in their care, en masse. Many of these papers were of the utmost importance, and contained matter which the Cardinal had never dreamed of letting Purcell, or anybody else, have for publication. They included the correspondence of Manning with Monsignor George Talbot, and contained also original information and evidence in regard to the shabby treatment of Newman by Manning, 1 W. G. Ward, and others. That the executors would ever have let Purcell have these papers, had they known their contents, is more than im- probable, since the vital interests of their religion, political and spiritual, demanded that so much dirty linen should not be washed in public. Mr. Purcell seems to have been troubled by no scruples in sending his manuscript to the press. He endeavoured to shelter himself from criticism by the plea that the executors were solely re- sponsible, and that as he had satisfied them as to his good intentions, he was acting in a perfectly honourable manner as their agent. Had the executors known of the contents of the papers, and had they been acquainted with the true story of Purcell's relations with Manning, they would not have surrendered the papers. Purcell's 1 ' Dr. Newman is more English than the English,' wrote one of Manning's Roman correspondents ; ' his spirit must be crushed.' THE 'LIFE' OF MANNING 105 defence, therefore, cannot be entertained, for, either wittingly or unwittingly, he had hoodwinked the executors. His methods, whatever one may think of the results, cannot be condoned. Cardinal Vaughan indulged in the criticism that the 'publication of this book is almost a crime.' 1 As we have seen already, Purcell did, at the eleventh hour, consent to ' bowdlerize ' his book ; but it seems a pity that he did so. For if he intended at the beginning to tell the truth, it would have been better to keep nothing back, and to let his readers form their verdict as they liked upon an unabridged text, instead of yielding (as alleged) to the pressure of the Jesuits and the friends of W. G. Ward. The appearance of the two volumes in print created an immense sensa- tion, which was intensified by the lame and impotent attempts on the part of Archbishop's House to answer it. But effective destructive criticism of a work founded on original docu- mentary evidence was a most difficult task, and it degenerated into mere abuse of the author. Cardinal Vaughan's theory, propounded in the Nineteenth Century, that Manning, during the last few years of his life, had become the victim of senile decay, was the reverse of correct. More- 1 Mr. Gladstone, in reply to a query as to what he thought of Purcell's book (then recently published), replied, 'The author has left nothing for the Day of Judgment ! ' 106 CARDINAL MANNING over, even if the Cardinal had failed intellectually towards the last, his illness then could not excuse his behaviour during the Errington Case, or at the Vatican Council, when he was in the very fulness of his physical and mental vigour. As a matter of fact, Cardinal Manning's intellectual powers remained unimpaired to the end of his long career. Severe as must be the criticism of Manning's treatment of Errington, or of his extreme Ultra- montanism, it cannot be denied that he was a capable man. Notwithstanding, too, his extreme Ultramontanism, he never quite forgot that he was an Englishman. Harrow and Oxford had, in spite of Italian influences, left their mark upon him. As Cardinal Archbishop, the chief excep- tions to be taken to his policy were all due to his unbending Ultramontanism. His personal prohibition of Roman Catholics from going to Oxford and Cambridge was a profound mistake, and one which was speedily rectified by his successor, Cardinal Vaughan. Another error, attended by disaster, was his scheme for the establishment of a Roman Catholic university in Kensington, under the presidency of the versa- tile Monsignor Capel. His rigid rules in relation to Church music, the pronunciation of ecclesiastical Latin, and Roman vestments, were often very obnoxious to his priests. All attempts, also, to MANNING AND JESUITS 107 establish in England a Roman Catholic press, uncontrolled by, and wholly free from priestly interference, were distasteful to the Cardinal, who was instrumental in suppressing the Rambler, the best written journal, with the highest literary tone that has yet been published in this country under Roman Catholic direction. In so far as the above mistakes are concerned, Manning's arbitrary policy followed closely upon the lines of Cardinal Wiseman's and of Bishop Milner's, but in certain other respects his rule showed marked divergence from theirs ; as, for instance, his (later) opposition to the Jesuits, and his championship of the rights of the Secular clergy, whilst he refused his consent to a scheme for getting a Papal Nuncio to reside in London. It is significant that Cardinal Manning, in common with many others of his co-religionists, started by being a friend of the Jesuits, but finished by becoming their uncompromising opponent. When first ordained, he occupied a confessional at Farm Street (where he had been received into the Roman Church), but this unusual arrangement did not continue for long. It was with his sanction, however, that the Oxford mission was given, most unwisely, to the Jesuits, but this was probably in order to keep out Newman and the Oratorians. As he grew older, notwithstanding all he had done 8 io8 CARDINAL MANNING for the Jesuits in 1870, and they for him, his hostility to the Society grew more pronounced. He turned a deaf ear to its entreaties to be allowed to open schools, or a school, in or near London, and especially in Brompton. That the whole of the story of Manning's quarrel with the Society is not told in Purcell's pages is to be regretted. But Purcell himself seems, or seemed when he wrote his book, to sympathize with the Society, and he has not rendered the Cardinal sufficient justice in the matter. It was his antipathy to the Jesuits that was the principal factor in leading Manning into his mistake of founding the Kensington University under Capel, an enterprise intended evidently to injure Stonyhurst and Beaumont. Of the suppression of the Society, in 1773, by Clement XIV., Cardinal Manning was wont to speak in terms oi the highest admiration. He regarded it, indeed, as an act inspired by the Holy Ghost. 1 Of the canonical rights of the Secular clergy in England Cardinal Manning proved a staunch and strenuous advocate. At his request, the Secular priests foolishly assumed the title of ' Father,' hitherto used only by the Regular clergy. He 1 As to this view, it may fairly be asked, if the Papal sup- pression of the Jesuits in 1773 was inspired by the Holy Ghost, to whose agency are we to ascribe their restoration, at the hands of another Pope, in 1814? MANNING'S TEETOTALISM 109 knew all about Wiseman's fatuity in confiding in the monks, and he did not like to hear English secular priests being compared unfavourably with French or Italian monks and friars. Had Cardinal Manning lived, the schism at Ealing would not have occurred. His sympathy with the Home Rulers won him many Irish friends, as it did foes among old-fashioned English Romanists, who have preserved many of the old-time prejudices against their co-religionists in Ireland. But Manning's sympathy with the Irish Nationalists assumed something more than a mere theoretical form, and his efforts to reclaim the poor Irish in London from drunken habits met with some measure of success. With the majority of his flock, how- ever, the Cardinal's teetotal propaganda was unpopular, and was regarded as a fad savouring of Protestantism. Manning's success, moreover, as a temperance advocate was not so great as has been conjectured, 1 of which the following anecdote furnishes amusing evidence. It was the Cardinal's custom to visit, on a certain afternoon in summer, the Crystal Palace, in order to celebrate there a huge temper- ance fete, for which purpose a large number of Romanists who practised, or professed to prac- 1 Visiting one of his priests, the Cardinal asked him what he had personally done for the temperance cause. ' I have made my curate take the pledge,' replied the priest. no CARDINAL MANNING tise, teetotal principles were wont to assemble. Manning, after the establishment of this festival as an annual institution, approached the Directors of the Palace, and asked them to help him to mark the day as an important and notable event by refusing to sell any intoxicating liquors during the afternoon even to ordinary members of the non- Catholic public, not bound by any temperance vows, present in the grounds at the time. The Directors replied politely that, much as they appreciated the good intentions and high motives actuating the Cardinal, pecuniary reasons pre- vented, in the interests of shareholders, their granting his request, for on the day of the Roman Catholic temperance fete as much (if not more) drink was sold as on almost any other day in the year. With the sole exception of his opposition to the Jesuits his quondam allies of 1869-1870 the chief features of Cardinal Manning's episcopal policy were Ultramontane in the extreme. He had, in the beginning, been put over the heads of rival competitors suspected of Gallicanism, and he determined thenceforth to render the Roman Church in England directly subservient to the Holy See. In this he was merely carrying out the directions of his patron, Pio Nono, to whom he owed so much, and whose kindness he well repaid by gratefully and fervently supporting the MANNING'S ULTRAMONTANISM in Ultramontane party at the Vatican Council. Manning seemed, indeed, to be possessed with the idea that the only (spiritual) hope for modern England was to establish in it a powerful Papal Church, which should gain in vigour and in numbers in proportion as the inroads of free- thought slowly but surely weakened the various branches of Protestantism. But this delusive optimism was never likely to be realized. The very Ultramontane victory at the Vatican Council, with which he had been so prominently connected, was destined to prove an insuperable obstacle to the future progress and prowess of Rome in England ; and, notwithstanding the opening of new missions, the building of big churches, and the coming of more monks and nuns from abroad, Rome in England is, in proportion to the increase of population, losing ground. Considering that Cardinal Manning was not popular with the majority of his flock for many years, and considering how, after the death of Pio Mono, 1 his influence declined at Rome itself, it is somewhat surprising that, till the end of his life, he should have continued to reign supreme at Westminster, and that the news of his death (he died within a few hours of H.R.H. the Duke of 1 ' I had the greatest difficulty,' Pio Nono confessed to Manning, ' in making you Archbishop of Westminster. The opposition to your nomination was of a very serious character ! ' H2 CARDINAL MANNING Clarence) should have evoked such an extra- ordinary demonstration of popular interest. The secret of this lay principally in the Cardinal's personality. He was, as I have already argued, a strong man, and his errors in policy were due rather to his arbitrary notions of authority than to lack of ability. His successor, Cardinal Vaughan, although the possessor of certain advantages to which Manning could lay no claim, proved himself somewhat of a failure as Primate through lack of strength, notwithstanding that he was very popular with the old Catholic families, the Jesuits, and the monks, to all of whom, in many respects, Manning had been ' anathema.' Cardinal Manning, too, as years went on, lived to be generally popular as a 'Grand Old Man.' Just as Gladstone, towards the last, became popular even among Tories, proud of him as a great Englishman, so did Manning, for the same reason, become respected in quarters formerly most hostile to him. In- creasing age did not prevent him from appearing in public, and when he achieved his diplomatic triumph of arbitrating successfully in the dockers' strike, he was a very old man. It is curious to reflect how very different but for the death of his wife his career would have been. So long as she lived, Manning was effect- ively barred from taking holy orders in the Church of Rome. Of the historical importance of his wife's MANNING AS AUTHOR 113 death a curious anecdote is recorded illustrative of the unpopularity in which many of the Oxford converts were held by members of the ' old school.' Two priests were discussing, one day, current Roman Catholic topics, and one of them, in the course of conversation, expressed his opinion that the greatest misfortune which had ever happened to Rome in England since the Reformation had been the reception of John Henry Newman into the Church. ' Not so,' replied his friend. 1 ' I can tell you of a much greater calamity the death of a woman ! ' (Mrs. Manning.) This bitter report was afterwards repeated to Cardinal Manning, who was very angry, as he had every reason to be. As a writer, Cardinal Manning, although the author of many powerful theological works, did not take very high rank. As a literary force, he ever remained in the shade when compared with his rival at Edgbaston. Dry and correct as were (from the Ultramontane point of view) his writings, they lacked the ornate style and vivacity of a master-hand, and he was not skilled in either science or philosophy, notwithstanding his patron- age of the Metaphysical Society. With all his austerity, the ascetic Manning was endowed with a caustic wit, which never failed to serve i Canon Macmullen. ii 4 CARDINAL MANNING him in good stead. Told once by a self-satisfied Protestant youth that it was so difficult to find a suitable profession, and failing a better, he should take holy orders, Manning (no believer in the validity of Anglican orders) quietly replied, ' See that you get them, my son ! ' Shortly after the death of Cardinal Newman, Manning was shown an uncomplimentary newspaper criticism dealing unfavourably with certain traits of the dead man's character. 'Very sad, and none too charitable,' commented the Cardinal ; 'but if you ask me whether it is like poor Newman, I am bound to say a photograph ! ' One of the most unpleasant incidents in the history of Cardinal Manning's primacy was the disturbance connected with the social ruin of the famous Monsignor Capel, the ' Catesby ' of Dis- raeli's Lothair. Monsignor Capel was a Secular priest in the arch-diocese, a brilliant pulpit orator, a clever controversialist, and the possessor of a fascinating manner and address, which helped him to make many converts to Romanism, especially among ladies of (what the newspapers call) ' good social position.' Lord Bute, said to be the original of Lothair, was among his converts, as was the Duchess of Norfolk. He was a man who owed much to his Church, for he was born the son of a coast-guard, and had thus ' risen from the ranks,' thanks to the education he had re- THE CAPEL CASE 115 ceived at the hands of his co-religionists. 1 He was no financier, and it was a profound error of judgment on the Cardinal's part to appoint him President of the Kensington University, which, as was generally anticipated by those best qualified to judge, ended in financial collapse, whilst insuffi- cient attention was, meanwhile, given to the moral welfare of the lads under his care. Cardinal Manning, however, loyal to his (then) friend, sacri- ficed his private fortune in paying Monsignor Capel's debts, with the help of others, in order to avoid the scandal of bankruptcy. But, another charge was yet to be brought against Capel, lodged this time by one of his ' penitents.' The case was referred to Rome, where Capel, to Manning's indignation, obtained an initial verdict in his favour. Convinced in his own mind of Capel's guilt, Manning exerted all his influence to get a verdict of ' guilty ' against Capel, on the case being heard before the Inquisition. The Cardinal was entirely successful, and Monsignor Capel was suspended from the rights to exercise his priestly offices in any part of the world. He retired, accordingly, to North America, to lead eventually the life of an 1 Capel, nevertheless, was not really a scholar, or a deep thinker, and his popularity as a preacher caused much surprise, and even amusement, amongst the more learned members of the priesthood. 6 CARDINAL MANNING ordinary layman in one of the Western States of the Union. Referring, once more, to Cardinal Manning's pronounced hostility towards John Henry New- man, it will be worth while to enumerate the various forms which this assumed. In the first place, for a term of years, Manning, supported by Monsignor George Talbot, and by W. G. Ward, persistently misrepresented the opinions and be- haviour of Newman, at Rome, where the learned Oratorian became to be regarded, in consequence, almost as a ' Liberal Catholic,' his avowed hatred of what he called .Liberalism notwithstanding. Manning, also, prevented Newman from going, with his Oratorians, to Oxford ; helped to prohibit his scheme for publishing a new translation of the Bible ; made no attempt to check the attacks of W. G. Ward ; let it be given out that Newman l was quite content to lead such an unimportant and retired life at Edgbaston ; prevented Newman from attending the Vatican Council ; tried to keep him from receiving a Cardinal's hat ; and, when he found that he was powerless to prevent Leo XIII. 1 ' I see much danger,' once wrote Manning, ' of an English Catholicism of which Newman is the highest type. It is the old Anglican patristic literary Oxford tone transplanted into the Church.' On the very day of Manning's consecration as Archbishop of Westminster, he was petitioned by W. G. Ward to denounce Newman as a heretic, although Newman was actually present at the ceremony of the consecration. MANNING THE PHILANTHROPIST 117 creating Newman a Cardinal, he had it announced in the English press that Newman was unwilling to accept the Pope's offer. After his plans had failed, and Newman had become Cardinal, Man- ning rejoiced that old age would not permit him to enjoy his honours long. In face of all this, therefore, it is not difficult to realize Newman's surprise, during one of his rare visits to London, on being greeted by Manning with an embrace. ' Why ! he actually kissed me,' exclaimed the disgusted Oratorian. It is a more pleasant task to recall Manning the Social Reformer. In this capacity, he stood far above his co-religionists, or, at any rate, his clergy. It is sad to note that, before Cardinal Manning's day, the English Romanists had done but little indeed towards aiding in any works of social re- form, or of public charity. Cardinal Manning was even assailed by many members of his own communion for taking so prominent a part in endeavouring to stem the liquor traffic ; in en- deavouring to abolish vivisection ; in endeavour- ing to put a stop to the trade of selling young girls for immoral purposes ; in endeavouring to punish perpetrators of cruelty to children ; and in endeavouring (here was a point on which he and Leo JXIII. were at one) to aid workmen to earn an equitable living wage. As he himself bitterly reflected, English Romanists had borne no part "8 CARDINAL MANNING hitherto in doing good works outside the narrow limits of their own fold, and their conduct in this particular compared unfavourably with that of Anglicans and Protestant Nonconformists. Notwithstanding his opposition to the appoint- ment of a Papal Nuncio to England, and his charitable works, Cardinal Manning must always rank with those of his predecessors who strove to Latinize their Church in England. In policy, he was a lineal descendant of ecclesiastics like Becket, Pole, Milner, and Wiseman. His system, indeed, saw the ultimate completion of that adopted by Bishop Milner, and developed by Cardinal Wise- man, namely, of making Ultramontane principles paramount. 1 In this, he went beyond all true reasonable limits, to the extent of imposing a tyranny on the laity, and of ' Italianating ' the clergy. His desire was to set the Bishop of Rome above all rulers and princes, and endowed again with the fullest temporal power. He wished him to be regarded as the * last supreme Judge on earth,' holding sway over all nations and 1 'The Pope (Pius IX.) gave the English a Hierarchy with a Cardinal, removed Dr. Errington, and made you [Manning] Archbishop, and he has met with no gratitude. I have never heard an Englishman thank him for one of these three things ' (Letter from Talbot to Manning, quoted by Purcell. Mon- signor Talbot failed to comprehend the English antipathy to Ultramontanism ; or he would have understood why it was that the Pope's efforts were so coldly received). THE ULTRAMONTANE AIM 119 peoples, and over all classes of society, from the King seated upon his throne down to the peasant labouring at the plough ; and he told his priests to ' subjugate and subdue, to bend and to break, the will of an Imperial race, the will which, as the will of Rome of old, rules over nations invincible and inflexible.' CHAPTER VIII CARDINAL VAUGHAN DR. HERBERT VAUGHAN, at the time of Cardinal Manning's death, had for some years past been Roman Catholic Bishop of Salford. He had been generally regarded in all quarters as likely to succeed Cardinal Manning at Westminster, and Rome in England was spared an occurrence of the intrigues in regard to the electing a new Primate which had taken place after Wiseman's decease, and were to take place again after that of Vaughan himself. Although not a divine of any remarkable ability, considered as a writer or a preacher, Herbert Vaughan laid claim to the possession of certain qualifications for filling the vacant See such as were held by none of his rival competitors for that post. With the excep- tion of Dr. Hedley, Bishop of Newport, a learned Benedictine monk, there was not another of Vaughan's episcopal colleagues who could boast of any real talents or clear capacity for govern- ment. Monsignor Gilbert, the energetic Vicar- General of Westminster, was probably the only 120 ENGLISH UNIVERSITIES 121 candidate whose claims were seriously enter- tained besides those of Herbert Vaughan, whose election he did not, as it happened, long survive. Dr. Vaughan, at the period of his translation to Westminster, 1 gave every promise of proving both a capable and a popular Primate. The head of a county family, and related to many of the ancient Romanist houses in England, his succes- sion was welcomed by a class or classes of his co- religionists with whom Cardinal Manning had never been persona grata. His appointment was especially welcome to the Religious Orders. With the Irish only, it was apparently unpopular. Dr. Vaughan was known to be by repute of rather an autocratic and domineering disposition, but it was widely anticipated, even by some who had known but not liked him at Salford, where he was not very popular, that he would accommodate himself, without difficulty, to the conditions and requirements of his new career, in London. One of his first public acts was to remove Cardinal Manning's ban against Roman Catholics going to the great English Universities, and to arrange for the establishment of Roman Catholic 1 Born on April 15, 1832, Herbert Vaughan became Bishop of Salford in 1872, Archbishop in 1892, and a Cardinal in 1893. For an interesting account of his ancestry, see Memorials of Old Herefordshire (published in 1904, by Messrs. Bemrose). i2 2 CARDINAL VAUGHAN Halls at Oxford. This step was, from the Roman Catholic point of view, decidedly saga- cious. 1 He busied himself next with the belated question of building a metropolitan cathedral, but here he encountered strenuous opposition in certain quarters. It was contended that many of the missions in the arch-diocese were too heavily burdened financially to allow Roman Catholic lay- men to subscribe conscientiously towards funds for erecting and endowing a great cathedral. Moreover, some of the methods whereby the Cardinal proposed to raise the necessary funds became very unpopular, and were put into opera- tion at the expense of many of the metropolitan missions, which suffered much financial loss in consequence. Again, the particular form of archi- tecture chosen for the design of the new building did not meet with popular approval, and it was only after encountering prolonged opposition that the Cardinal's scheme eventually triumphed. That a cathedral was wanted in central London for the Roman Catholic population cannot be doubted, for the situation of the Pro-Cathedral 2 made it most inconvenient to reach, and as a rule the Oratory of St. Philip Neri, at Brompton, had 1 Vaughan, also, lost no time in abolishing the Hammersmith Seminary, another example of Cardinal Manning's educational failures. 2 Our Lady of Victories, High Street, Kensington. WESTMINSTER CATHEDRAL 123 been used for some time past for the celebration of important functions. 1 The former Pro-Cathe- dral, St. Mary, Moorfields, in the city, was pulled down, and the bulk of the huge sum gained by the sale of its site was devoted towards the building fund of the Westminster Cathedral, a proceeding which evoked further criticism. Time has, how- ever, done much already to justify the Cardinal's action in collecting money from all quarters to raise the much-needed basilica, which may, when the ornamentation of the interior has been com- pleted, rank as one of the finest examples of Byzantine architecture extant. The site of the cathedral had been purchased many years before the commencement of the building operations for a moderate sum. The foundation-stone was laid on June 29, 1895. John Francis Bentley, the architect, died seven years later. In his relations with the Religious Orders, Cardinal Vaughan showed himself to be more friendly disposed to the Regulars than his pre- decessors had been. At Salford, he had distinguished himself by the valiant manner in which he had fought against the Jesuits over an educational question, and had even contested his case stubbornly against them at Rome. On 1 Such as the requiems for Cardinals Newman and Manning, and the theatrical dedication of England, by Cardinal Vaughan, to the Virgin Mary and St. Peter. 9 i2 4 CARDINAL VAUGHAN coming south, his policy changed. His friend- ship with the Jesuits, and with other of the Orders, caused annoyance to the Secular clergy. Foreign monks, too, were warmly welcomed to England by the Cardinal, and were allowed to establish themselves here in large numbers, notwith- standing the fact that many of them were extreme Anglophobes. Father Bernard Vaughan, the Cardinal's eloquent Jesuit brother, was brought from Manchester to London, in order to keep in touch with Archbishop's House. Meanwhile, the Jesuits slowly, but surely, commenced to obtain control over a portion of the Roman Catholic Press, and the Cardinal's own organ was trans- planted into a fertile field for Jesuit seed. In two noteworthy instances, Cardinal Vaughan's partiality for the Regulars brought him into disfavour with the majority of his co- religionists. These instances were connected with the excommunication of Professor St. George Mivart, and the selection of a choir for the West- minster Cathedral. Dr. Mivart belonged to the Liberal Catholic School, and had for some time given great offence at Archbishop's House, owing to the broadness of his views. His article on ' Happiness in Hell ' had been put on the ' Index,' and he had been compelled to withdraw from the position he had assumed on the subject. Later on, however, he gave equal offence by an article DR. MIVART 125 on the Apocrypha ; and though very ill at the time, was furiously denounced by Cardinal Vaughan, who excommunicated him when dying, and then refused to grant his corpse the rites of Christian burial. That the Cardinal would have excommunicated Mivart, if left to himself, is a little doubtful. In this matter he listened to the advice of a trio of priests, who had delated Mivart to him. 1 It was felt that the Cardinal and these confederates, one of whom was a Jesuit, acted with great want of judgment in the matter, if not with a total lack of charity, since, knowing Mivart's condition to be critical, he could not expect to live to be guilty of any further heresy. It was even said that not one of Cardinal Vaughan's episcopal colleagues could have sub- scribed to such a recantation as that of the paper sent to Mivart for signature from Archbishop's House, so utterly ludicrous were its terms. But, justice was done to Mivart's memory, after 1 Mr. Percy Fitzgerald, F.S.A., in his discursive Fifty Years of Catholic Life and Progress, incorrectly states that Professor Mivart was ' delated ' to Cardinal Vaughan by Abbot Gasquet ; that the famous picture, exhibited at the Royal Academy, of the nude St. Elizabeth of Hungary doing penance, was painted by Sir E. Poynter; that Cardinal Vaughan had a brother Archbishop of ' Sidney ' ; that his family resided in Hertford- shire ; that the great English Carthusian house is situated in Leicestershire, instead of in Sussex ; and that the case of Achilli versus J. H. Newman took place in the year 1835. iz6 CARDINAL VAUGHAN Cardinal Vaughan's death, when the Professor's body was reburied, with full Roman Catholic rites, under the auspices of Archbishop Bourne. In regard to the question of the cathedral choir, Cardinal Vaughan, to the general astonishment of his co-religionists in this country, abruptly an- nounced his intention of placing all the choral services under the direction of a foreign com- munity of Benedictine monks, brought over specially from France for this purpose. This extraordinary scheme, defended on the dubious grounds of musical exigencies, gave unbounded annoyance to both clergy and laity ; but the storm created by the Cardinal's action subsided when it became known that, not only had the French monks declined to accept his offer, but that even the English Benedictines, whom the Cardinal had approached after the refusal of the French, had also respectfully declined to go to Westminster. The administration of the cathe- dral, therefore, very properly passed into the hands of the Secular clergy of the arch-diocese. The death of Queen Victoria was an event which occurred during Cardinal Vaughan's primacy, when he was away from London on a visit to Rome. It was the wish of many of his co-religionists that requiem masses should be said for the dead Queen, but this was forbidden in stern language by the obdurate Cardinal. That CLERICAL DISPUTES 127 he was right, according to canon law, in refusing to allow masses to be said, cannot be denied ; but it was much to be regretted that his strange want of tact should have led him into referring to the late Queen in terms indeed complimentary, but not well chosen. Protest after protest was lodged against his conduct by English Roman Catholics, with the result that on returning home from Rome the Cardinal found himself by no means too popular among the members of his own communion. In his general relations with the Secular clergy, Cardinal Vaughan became often involved in broils which produced unhappy results, such as the case of the dispute between the Benedictines and the Roman Catholic Rector of Ealing, and that of the (so-called) 'Nottingham Prelates.' As regards the latter, the diocese of Nottingham had existed in a very perturbed state for years past, and its govern- ment had proved far from being an easy task. On the retirement of the Bishop, Dr. Bagshawe, 1 who was created a titular Archbishop, two of his priests were nominated by him for the dignity of Mon- signor, and briefs to that effect were sent to them, 1 Dr. Bagshawe had some years previously created a great sensation by denouncing the ' Primrose League ' as a secret society, which he declared must be classed with that of the Freemasons as one hostile to Roman Catholicism. An appeal to Rome resulted in his having to withdraw his manifesto. i28 CARDINAL VAUGHAN in confirmation of their election, from Rome. The news of these priests having become Monsignori was very unwelcome to Cardinal Vaughan, who ordered them to return their briefs and renounce their lately-acquired titles. They declined to obey the Cardinal, who, thereupon, exerted all his influence to get the briefs cancelled at Rome, and in this obtained the consent of the proper authorities at the Vatican. But there then arose a great difficulty. The priests were not accused of any moral or canonical fault, and they contended, with a considerable show of canonical right, that their Roman briefs could not be revoked merely at the request of an individual. Moreover, the dignity of Monsignor is extra-diocesan ; it is entirely a Papal dignity, carrying no diocesan position or parochial responsi- bilities with it, and its conferment does not in any way raise the recipient's position in his diocese. Its rank is peculiar to the Papal court. These priests' position was therefore a very strong one, and all that could be done was to request them to withdraw from their respective missions, which they abandoned accordingly. After some time, however, one of the pair gave way, returned his brief, renounced his dignity, and went back to Nottingham ; and the other, after joining for a short interlude a movement known as the ' Revolt from Rome,' made his peace with the ANGLICAN ORDERS 129 Cardinal later on, and again obtained missionary work. From first to last, the incident had been distress- ing to all parties, and was one as to the rights of which much could be said on both sides. That the Cardinal had grounds for protesting against these energetic priests becoming Monsignori was a matter upon which no doubt was ever entertained by those acquainted with the nature of the reasons on which he based his opposition ; but it would possibly have been more tactful on his part, after finding the priests had stolen a march upon him, to have ' let sleeping dogs lie,' and not essay the difficult task, in the full light of publicity, of obtaining a revocation of the briefs. After all, the dignity of Monsignor is in England a very insignificant one, and merely entitles its recipient to assume a Papal title, and to wear a coloured costume inside his church or house. As was natural, considering his position, Cardinal Vaughan bore a very prominent part in the agitation, which evoked so much interest in England, in the year 1896, concerning the question of the validity of Anglican Orders. That the Pope would decide in favour of the validity Cardinal Vaughan never, for one moment, conjectured, and he never led the extreme Church party into build- ing up any false hopes on the subject. The most advanced Anglicans, nevertheless, seem to have i 3 o CARDINAL VAUGHAN anticipated, ab initio, that Rome would decide in favour of the validity, and it is true that the Pope was in the beginning in favour of the validity, for an unsigned Bull was actually drafted to that effect. 1 But Leo was eventually induced, under the influence of motives or reasons never fully explained, to change his mind, and the official Bull, 2 when issued to the world, was found to declare that Anglican Orders had always been invalid. The anger of the extreme Anglicans at this drastic decision was unrestrained, and some were known to assert, inter alia, that they had been deceived by Cardinal Vaughan. But why Cardinal Vaughan should have been singled out as a victim it is hard to comprehend, for he had never given that faction any cause to imagine that they were playing a winning game. That some subtle intrigue must have been going on, to have induced Leo XIII. to change his mind, and draft another Bull differing in toto from that first drawn up, was evident, but I am not aware that any sound reasons existed for 1 In the year 1840, Lingard had warned Wiseman against entering into public argument on the ' irritating subject ' of Anglican Orders. Wiseman accepted his advice, and abandoned his previous intentions of raising a discussion on the subject. 2 By the terms of the Bull, Apostolica Cura, the Anglican Orders were pronounced ' Absolutely null and utterly void, on the grounds of defect of form in the rite, and of defect of intention in the ministry.' THE PAPAL BULL 131 blaming Cardinal Vaughan as a participator in these proceedings. As a matter of fact, the Cardinal had treated the extreme High Church party, in the first instance, in too confiding a manner, as he afterwards realized to his cost. He thought that all the advanced men were willing to abide implicitly by the Pope's decision. He imagined, therefore, that if Anglican Orders were decreed to be invalid, the extreme High Churchmen would be forced into the dilemma either of remaining in a Church, the Orders of whose clergy were asserted to be null and void, or of coming over in a body to Rome. He fully, and not unreasonably, expected that the Papal Bull, Apostolicce Curce, would be the means of inducing a large number of the Anglican clergy and laity to join the Church of Rome. But in forming these illusive hopes he was doomed to suffer bitter disappointment. The Ritualists remained where they were, and the tremendous secession from Canterbury to Rome, which had been so vainly looked for by the Ultramontanes, never came off. By the majority of intelligent Englishmen the Anglican Orders agitation had been treated with derision. Most men had long made up their minds on the subject, and cared not a jot what Leo XIII., or any other Bishop of Rome, had to say. Moreover, they were not so silly as to believe that Rome would stultify her position by declaring 132 CARDINAL VAUGHAN in favour of the Orders of what she regards as an Erastian Church. That enough was discovered at Rome, indeed, during the course of the researches entered into upon the history of the question of the controversy, to show that Anglican Orders, even from the Roman point of view, are valid, is probable, and this seems to have been the original opinion of Leo XIII. Strange stories, too, were told of the discovery of certain important docu- ments, in the Vatican archives, favourable to the validity of the Orders, but which were kept back from examination by those who were acting on behalf of the High Church party. 1 It would have been an error in tactics had Ultra- montane Rome declared Anglican Orders to be valid, and that the question of their validity will ever be raised again, so far as Rome is concerned, seems doubtful, in view of the decisive wording of the Bull, Apostolicce Cur