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 WEBSTER'S DICTIONARY. 
 
 From the QUAUTEULY REVIEW, Oct., 1873. 
 
 " Seventy years passed before JOHNSON was followed by Webster, an 
 American writer, who faced the task of the English Dictionary with a 
 full appreciation of its requirements, leading to better practical results." 
 
 " His laborious comparison of twenty languages, though never pub- 
 lished, bore fruit in his own mind, and his training placed him both in 
 knowledge and judgment far in advance of Johnson as a philologist. 
 Webster's ' American Dictionary of the English Language, was pub- 
 lished in 1828, and of course appeared at once in England, where 
 successive re-editing has as yet kept it in the highest place as a practical 
 Dictionary." 
 
 " The acceptance of an American Dictionary in England has itself 
 had immense effect in keeping up the community of speech, to break 
 which would be a grievous harm, not to English-speaking nations 
 alone, but to mankind. The result of this has been that the common 
 Dictionary must suit both sides of the Atlantic." 
 
 " The good average business-like character of Webster's Dictionary, 
 both in style and matter, made it as distinctly suited as Johnson's was 
 distinctly unsuited to be expanded and re-edited by other hands. 
 Professor Goodrich's edition of 1847 is not much more than enlarged 
 and amended, but other revisions since have so much novelty of plan 
 as to be described as distinct works." 
 
 " The American revised Webster's Dictionary of 1864, published in 
 America and England, is of an altogether higher order than these last 
 [The London Imperial and Student's]. It bears on its title-page the 
 names of Drs. Goodrich and Porter, but inasmuch as its especial im- 
 provement is in the etymological department, the care of which was 
 committed to Dr. MAHN, of Berlin, we prefer to describe it in short as 
 the Webster-Mahn Dictionary. Many other literary men, among them 
 Professors Whitney and Dana, aided in the task of compilation and 
 revision. On consideration it seems that the editors and contributors 
 have gone far toward improving Webster to the utmost that he will 
 bear improvement. The vocabulary has become almost complete as 
 regards usual words, while the definitions keep throughout to Webster's 
 simple careful style, and the derivations are assigned with the aid of 
 good modern authorities." 
 
 " On the whole, the Webster-Mahn Dictionary as it stands, is most 
 respectable, and certainly THE BEST PRACTICAL ENGLISH D:CTICKVARY 
 
 EXTANT."
 
 " England should be proud, we think, of having given birth to Mrs. 
 Hutchinson and her husband ; and chiefly because their characters 
 are truly and peculiarly English ; according to the standard of those 
 times in which national characters were most distinguishable. They hold 
 out a lofty example of substantial dignity and virtue ; and possess most of 
 those talents and principles by which public life is made honourable, 
 and privacy delightful. Bigotry must at all times debase, and civil 
 dissension embitter, our existence ; but, in the ordinary course of events, 
 we may safely venture to assert, that a nation which produces many such 
 wives and mothers as Mrs. Lucy Hutchinson, must be both great and 
 happy." Edinburgh Review. 
 
 " Mrs. Hutchinson is often a painter of manners; as minute, and far 
 more forcible, than even Clarendon." Smyth's Lectures on Modern 
 History.

 
 MEMOIRS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 JFE OF COLONEL HUTCHINSON, 
 
 GOVERNOR OF NOTTINGHAM CASTLE AND TOWN, 
 
 OF CHARLES THE SECOND, 
 
 ORIGINAL JXECDOTES OF MANY OF THE MOST DISTINGUISHED OF HIS CONTEMPORARIES, 
 AND A SUMMARY REVIEW OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS : 
 
 \V1UTTEN BY 
 
 PROM THE ORIGINAL "MANUSCRIPT BY THE REV. JULIUS HUTCHINSON 
 
 TO WHICH IS PREFIXED 
 
 THE LIFE OF MRS. HUTCHINSON, 
 
 V-BTTTEV BY HERSELF. 
 
 TENTH EDITION. 
 
 TO WHICH IS NOW FIRST ADDED, AN ACCOUNT OF 
 
 THE SIEGE OF LATHOM HOUSE, 
 
 DEFENDED BY THE COUNTESS OF DERBY AGAINST 
 SIR THOMAS FAIRFAX. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 HENRY G. BOHN, YORK STREET, CO VENT GARDEN. 
 
 1863,
 
 LOHDON : J. KA.DDOX, 3, BOCVERIE STREET, FLEET STREET.
 
 ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 THE LIFE OF COLONEL HTTTCHINSON embraces the 
 history of a period which, whether considered in a literary 
 or in a political point of view, is unquestionably one of the 
 most remarkable in the British annals. It relates the 
 transactions of an age when Cromwell and Hampden acted, 
 and when Laud and Strafford suffered. The circumstances 
 of this eventful era of our domestic history could not fail 
 to rouse into strong and continued action the respective 
 leaders of the monarchal and republican parties, and to 
 inspire men with qualities proportioned to the gigantic 
 interests which surrounded them, as well as to the momen- 
 tous principles then at stake. Of the course of policy 
 pursued, and the character of those who took part in this 
 
 2O622O7
 
 Vi ADVERTISEMENT, 
 
 political and religious conflict, there will, however, continue 
 to prevail decided and lasting divisions of opinion. 
 
 In no work that has come down the stream of time 
 will be found such a vivid and distinct picture of the 
 antagonism and mortal strife of the Civil Wars of the 
 seventeenth century, as in the Memoir of the Governor of 
 Nottingham Castle. It is the biography of an unpledged 
 politician and independent man a man of sterling integrity 
 and steady enthusiasm, carried forward by an excess of 
 honourable and lofty principle, and presenting to future ages 
 a great and noble manifestation of human character in a 
 time of political commotion and danger. 
 
 That such a work as the Life of Colonel Hutchinson 
 should have excited so much attention and interest, as to 
 have passed rapidly through three editions within four 
 years after its first appearance in 1806, can be no matter 
 of surprise. The amiable authoress, from being a personal 
 witness of the scenes she so vividly describes, was enabled 
 to trace the true springs and motives of the actions of the 
 leading characters of this stormy period, and to give them 
 the animation, the individuality, and the distinctness of real 
 life. Possessing a taste of the purest and most elevated 
 order, this affectionate tribute of respect to the memory of 
 her husband and her own genius, is written with all the
 
 ADVERTISEMENT. Vll 
 
 spirit and raciness of our native idiom, and with all the 
 flexibility and felicitous ease which remind us of her amiable 
 contemporary the venerable Isaak Walton. 
 
 The present volume contains the whole of the valuable 
 notes and additions of the Rev. Julius Hutchinson, the 
 original editor, and is now presented to the public at about 
 one-sixth of its original price. The orthography and punc- 
 tuation, which, as the former editor justly complains, were 
 at the period when Mrs. Hutchinson wrote, in a most un- 
 settled state, have in the present edition been carefully 
 revised. A few obsolete words and minor defects of phrase- 
 ology have been sparingly altered for those of modern usage, 
 and to render the work more complete and useful to the 
 reader, chronological dates and references, with a General 
 Index, have been added. These improvements were sug- 
 gested by the writer of an able article in the Edinburgh 
 Review (vol. xiii.), in a notice of the first edition, and 
 have been made with scrupulous attention to retain, in all 
 its vigour, the antique simplicity and delightful quaintness of 
 the style of the authoress, which forms one of the greatest 
 charms of the work. 
 
 THE SIEGE OF LATHOM HOTJSB will be found a fix 
 sequel and accompaniment to the foregoing work, being
 
 Vlii ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 ' one of those remnants of history," to use the words of 
 Lord Bacon, " which have escaped the shipwreck of time." 
 It is singularly valuable as an historical narrative, as dis- 
 playing the chivalrous valour and heroic spirit of the Coun- 
 tess of Derby, and as delineating with perfect accuracy 
 the plots and incidents connected with this memorable siege. 
 
 H. a B. 
 
 YORK STRKK, November 20, 18*6.
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 IT is conceived to be necessary, for the satisfaction of the 
 public, to prefix to this work some account of the manuscripts 
 from which it has been printed, and of the manner in which 
 they came into the hands of the editor ; which we shall 
 accordingly do, interweaving therewith such subsequent in- 
 formation as we have been able to collect respecting the 
 families and descendants of Colonel and Mrs. Hutchinson. 
 
 The memoirs of the Life of Col. Hutchinson had been 
 seen by many persons, as well as the editor, in the possession 
 of the late Thomas Hutchinson, Esq. of Owthorpe, in Not- 
 tinghamshire, and of Hatfield Woodhall, in Hertfordshire ; 
 and he had been frequently solicited to permit them to be 
 published, particularly by the late Mrs. Catharine Maccaulay, 
 but had uniformly refused. This gentleman dying without 
 issue, the editor, his nephew, inherited some part of his 
 estates which were left unsold, including his mansion-house 
 of Hatfield Woodhall. In the library he found the following 
 books, written by Mrs. Lucy Hutchinson. 1st. The Life of 
 Colonel Hutchinson, 2d. A book without a title, but which 
 appears to have been a kind of diary made use of when she 
 came to write the Life of Colonel Hutchinson. 3d. A Frag- 
 ment giving an account of the early part of her own life. 
 This book clearly appears to have been Mrs. Hutchinson's 
 first essay at composition, and contains, besides the story of 
 her life and family, several short copies of verses, some 
 finished, some unfinished, many of which are above medio- 
 crity. And, 4th. Two books treating entirely of religious 
 subjects ; in which, although the fancy may be rather too 
 much indulged, the judgment still maintains the ascend- 
 ancy, and sentiments of exalted piety, liberality, and benevo- 
 lence, are delivered in terms apposite, dignified, and per- 
 spicuous.
 
 X PKEFACE. 
 
 These works had all been read, and marked in several places 
 with his initials, by Julius Hutchinson, Esq., of Owthorpe, the 
 father of the late Thomas Hutchinson, Esq., just mentioned, 
 and son of Charles Hutchinson, Esq., of Owthorpe, only son of 
 Sir Thomas Hutchinson by his second wife, the Lady Catharine 
 Stanhope. Lady Catharine Hutchinson lived to the age of 
 102, and is reported to have retained her faculties to the end of 
 her life. Some remarks made by the above-mentioned Julius 
 Hutchinson, which will be found in their proper places in the 
 body of the work, are declared by him to have been com- 
 municated by his grandmother Lady Catharine ; and as this 
 lady dwelt in splendour at Nottingham, and had ample means 
 of information ; as there is only one instance wherein the 
 veracity of the biographer is at all called in question, and 
 even in this, it does not appear to the editor, and probably 
 may not to the reader, that there was sufficient ground for 
 objection ; the opposition and the acquiescence of her grand- 
 son and herself seem alike to confirm the authenticity and 
 faithfulness of the narrative. 
 
 Colonel Hutchinson left four sons, of which the youngest 
 only, John, left issue two sons ; and there is a tradition in 
 the family, that these two last descendants of Colonel Hutch- 
 inson emigrated, the one to the West Indies or America, the 
 other to Russia ; the latter is said to have gone out with the 
 command of a ship of war given by Queen Anne to the Czar 
 Peter, and to have been lost at sea. One of the female 
 descendants of the former the editor once met with by accident 
 at Portsmouth, and she spoke with great warmth of the 
 veneration in which his descendants in the new world held 
 the memory of their ancestor Colonel Hutchinson. Of the 
 daughters little more is known than that Mrs. Hutchinson, 
 addressing one of her books of devotion to her daughter, 
 Mrs. Orgill, ascertains that one of them was married to a 
 gentleman of that name. 
 
 The family of Mr. George Hutchinson likewise became 
 extinct in the second generation. 
 
 Charles Hutchinson, only son of Sir Thomas Hutchinson 
 jy Lady Catharine Stanhope, married one of the daughters 
 and co-heiresses of Sir Francis Boteler, of Hatfield Woodhall, 
 Herts ; which family being zealous royalists, and he solici- 
 tous to gain their favour, (which he did so effectually, as in 
 the end to obtain nearly their whole inheritance,) it is pro-
 
 PREFACE. XI 
 
 bable that he gave small encouragement or assistance to the 
 elder branch of the family while they suffered for their repub- 
 lican sentiments ; on the contrary, it is certain that he pur- 
 chased of Mrs. Hutchinson and her son, after the death of 
 Colonel Hutchinson, their estate at Owthorpe, which, joined 
 to what his father had given him, and what he obtained by 
 his marriage, raised him to more opulence than his father 
 had ever possessed ; and he seems not to have fallen short of 
 him in popularity, for he represented the town of Nottingham 
 in parliament from the year 1690 (being the first general 
 election after the accession of King William) till his death. 
 
 His son Julius returned into that line of conduct and con- 
 nexions which was most natural for one of his descent, for 
 he married Betty, daughter of Colonel Norton, of Wellow, 
 of the well-known patriotic family of that name in Hamp- 
 shire, and whose mother was a Fiennes. He seems to have 
 bestowed a very rational and well deserved attention upon the 
 writings of Mrs. Hutchinson, and there is a tradition in the 
 family, that although he had many children of his own, he 
 treated with kindness and liberality the last descendants of 
 his uncle, and assisted them with money to fit them out for 
 their emigration. The editor has seen a written memorandum 
 of his, expressing his regret at hearing no more of them after 
 their departure. 
 
 From the circumstance of these, the only grandchildren of 
 Colonel Hutchinson, standing in need of this pecuniary assist- 
 ance, from the mention Mrs. Hutchinson makes of her 
 husband's debts, and from an expression contained in that 
 book which she addresses to her daughter, Mrs. Orgill, 
 desiring her not to depise her advice though she sees her in 
 adversity, it is highly probable that, even after selling her 
 husband's estates, the sum to be divided left each member of 
 the family in strait circumstances. 
 
 The affection and well-merited esteem with which Mrs. 
 Hutchinson speaks of her brother Sir Allen Apsley, will ex- 
 cite an interest in the reader to know what became of him 
 and his posterity ; the short pedigree subjoined will show, 
 that by two marriages, and by the death of his grandson in 
 his minority, the family of Apsley entirely merged in the 
 noble family of Bathurst, who have adopted the name Apsley 
 as their second title ; there are five or six of the family of
 
 Apsley entombed in Westminster Abbey, near to the entrance 
 of Henry the Seventh's Chapel. 
 
 Having traced the manuscript from the hands of the writer 
 to those of the editor, in such a manner as to establish its 
 authenticity beyond all doubt ; the next, and that not a less 
 important point, is to remove those objections which may be 
 raised against the tendency of a work of this nature, and to 
 show that the assumption of any evil tendency is groundless. 
 
 That avowed predilection for a republican government, 
 which is conspicuous in this history, as it was in the lives of 
 the persons who are the principal subjects of it, may perhaps 
 give a momentary alarm ; but a little reflection will dissipate 
 it. At the time when Colonel Hutchinson first entered on 
 the great theatre of life, the contest was just begun between 
 the partizans of the divine right of the sovereign, and the in- 
 dispensable obligation of the subject to a passive obedience and 
 nonresistance, on one side ; and the assertors of the claims 
 of the people to command, through their representatives, the 
 public purse, the freedom of debate in parliament, and the 
 responsibility of ministers, on the other. When the sword, 
 the ratio ultima regum, the last appeal of kings, was resorted 
 to by the former, and the latter gained the victory, they very 
 naturally adopted the republican system, as concluding, that 
 persons holding such opinions as the princes of the House of 
 Stuart and their adherents did, would never concede to them 
 their franchises, but with a full intention to resume them, 
 whenever they should recover power enough to attempt it 
 with success. The event fully justified this conclusion,* and 
 it is now evident to all, that the only thing which could ever 
 give this nation permanent tranquillity, and put an end to 
 those heartburnings which either openly or covertly had ex- 
 isted even from the time of the Norman conquest, was an 
 explicit compact between king and people, which took its date 
 indeed from the revolution in 1688, but obtained its consum- 
 mation at the fortunate accession of the house of Brunswick, 
 when the title of the monarch, and the rights of the people, 
 became identified and established on one common basis. Of 
 this truly may be said, 
 
 Quod optanti Divum permittere nemo 
 
 Auderet, volvenda dies en attulit ultro. Virg. JEn. ix. 6, 7. 
 
 * In the reigns of Charles II. and James II.
 
 xiii 
 
 What to his vot'ry not a God dared promise, 
 Revolving years spontaneously produced. 
 
 No one will pretend that such an occasion was within the 
 reach of human foresight ; of course the only remedy then 
 attainable was applied to the disorder of the state. Upon a 
 fair review of the contest it will be seen, that what the tory and 
 the courtier of the present day, the friend or even the flatterer 
 of kingly power admits as axioms, were the grand desiderata 
 of the whig and the patriot of those times ; and that what 
 were then cried out upon as daring encroachments, now pass 
 as the most moderate and unquestioned claims. Not to de- 
 ceive ourselves then with words, nor attach our minds to 
 names instead of things, although the government under which 
 we prosper be termed Imperial ; yet the greater part of the 
 legislative power resting with the people, and the executive 
 being vested in a chief magistrate, who is under so many 
 limitations that he seems placed in that situation very much 
 more for the common weal, the public benefit, than his own 
 ease or advantage, it must be allowed to come up to Colonel 
 Hutchinson's favourite idea of a republic for all beneficial 
 purposes, and would assuredly be not less acceptable to him, 
 for that the hereditary succession would be found to repress 
 that effervescence of individual ambition which was the study 
 and the labour of his life to keep down. Possessing himself, 
 but finding not in others, the virtue worthy of and essential 
 to a republic, he would gladly have taken shelter under a 
 well-limited monarchy, and of such a one he would unques- 
 tionably have been a loyal subject, a vigorous assertor. 
 
 The Puritanism which appears in the story, and actuated 
 the conduct of Colonel Hutchinson all through life, may be 
 accounted for on almost a similar ground with his predilection 
 for a republic. 
 
 The puritanic turn of thought and style of expression had 
 been adopted by the vindicators of religious freedom and right 
 of inquiry, with whom the champions of civil liberty naturally 
 made common cause. Divinity as a science was a study then 
 in vogue, and seems to have tinctured the conversation and 
 writings of the greater part of society.* In this Mr. Hutch- 
 
 * From the practice of dragging religion or religious phraseology into 
 the service of politics, none, not even the king, was exempt, who, making a 
 speech to his small army in the year 1642, to animate them, tells them 
 they will have none to encounter but rebels, most of them Brownists, 
 Anabaptists, and Atheists ! who would destroy both church and common-
 
 XIV PKEFACE. 
 
 inson had been encouraged by his father, whose library~snb- 
 sisted at his family seat of Owthorpe till about the year 1 775, 
 and contained a vast number of folio volumes of polemical 
 divinity. A study environed with many dangers ! and which 
 led Colonel Hutchinson into whatever errors he was guilty of. 
 On another hf>nd, the ministers of the established church ia 
 those times preached up the prerogative in all its extravagance, 
 and endeavoured to establish, jointly and inseparably, implicit 
 faith in, and unqualified obedience to, the church and king 
 (still giving the church the precedency) ; whilst the laymen 
 of their party practised, and even professed, a total dissolute- 
 ness of life ; so that those who were slaves in principle were 
 libertines in practice, while those who were deemed rebels by 
 the court, and latitudinarians by the hierarchy, were rigorists 
 in religion and morality. 
 
 This contrariety produced a constant and incessant oppo- 
 sition, augmented the vehemence of antipathy, fortified pre- 
 judice, and seemed almost to justify bigotry.* But from this 
 (bigotry) we are bound to exculpate Colonel Hutchinson. 
 The Independents, to whose party, if a man of so much can- 
 dour and liberality can be said to be of any party, he belonged, 
 proceeded upon that principle, which, however general soever 
 it ought to be, is however unfortunately very uncommon, of 
 allowing to all that liberty of conscience they demanded for 
 themselves. Accordingly, they began by desiring only an 
 act f to be passed " for taking away all coercive power, au- 
 thority, and jurisdiction, from bishops, extending to civil 
 penalties," &c. It was not till after they saw the extreme 
 pertinaciousness of the king to retain the bishops as instru- 
 ments at a future opportunity for remounting his system of 
 arbitrary sway, and that " the prelatical party about him pre- 
 vailed with him. to refuse an accommodation, and hazard his 
 crown and life, rather than diminish their greatness and power 
 to persecute others," that they insisted on the abolition of 
 the order.J It was quite a different party, that of the rigid 
 Presbyterians, and peculiarly their ministers, " who cried out 
 
 * The flower of the French democrats avoided all such inconsistency 
 and paradox, by discarding at once their king, their God, and their morality. 
 
 f Articles of the army, Rushworth, vol. vti. p. 731. 
 
 J The words of Whitelocke, p. 340, where he regrets that the king's 
 chaplains prevailed with him beyond the parliament's commissioners or hia 
 own judgment.
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 against the tyranny of the bishops only that they migto get 
 the power into their own hands, and, without the name, might 
 exercise the authority* of popes." That instead of this 
 power being irrevocably and immoveably established over us, 
 we are now governed by the mildest church discipline in the 
 universe, we owe to these Independents ! Colonel Hutchinson 
 in particular, if he had lived in times like ours, " when 
 bishops and ministers desire only to be helpers,! not lords 
 over the consciences of God's people," would either have 
 been a conforming member of the church of England, or at 
 most have only dissented from it in few things, and that with 
 modesty and moderation. For it is well worthy of notice, 
 that after having suffered provocation and persecution from 
 catholic, episcopalian, and presbyterian, when power came 
 into his own hands he treated all with lenity, and to the 
 worthy persons of all sects and parties extended his protection. 
 We have next to consider a part of the conduct of Colonel 
 Hutchinson, which will be the most generally blamed, and is 
 the least capable of defence, the condemnation of Charles the 
 First, To speak of the justice of such a measure in a legal 
 point of view would be a mockery ; nothing but the breaking 
 up of the very foundations of the state, and a war of its 
 elements, could let in the possibility of such a procedure. 
 Amidst the tempest and darkness which then involved 
 the whole political horizon, it savours of presumption to de- 
 cide what measures were right, expedient, or even necessary: 
 this much alone may safely be asserted, that the king and his 
 friends during the contest, and still more after it was virtually 
 ended by the battle of Naseby, maintained such a conduct 
 as rendered his destruction inevitable : but the remark of 
 Whitelocke, p. 363, seems no less just than ingenious : " that 
 such an irregular and unheard of business should have been 
 left to that irregular set of men the army, who urged it on." 
 They, however, were determined to throw the odium on 
 others, or at least draw others in to share it. 
 
 Be it as it may, though some may blame, many more will 
 pity a man such as Colonel Hutchinson, who found or con- 
 
 Vide Letter of Irving, laird of Drum, and his appeal to Colonel Over- 
 ton : Whitelocke, p. 526. 
 
 f Words of Cromwell in his letter to the Scots ministers : Whitelocke, p. 
 
 473.
 
 ceived himself reduced to the cruel alternative of permitting 
 all that system of liberty, civil and religious, to the establish- 
 ment of which he had devoted all his faculties, and was ready 
 to sacrifice his existence, to be risked upon the good faith of 
 a man whose misfortune it was, to say no worse, to be en- 
 vironed by designing and ambitious persons, who rendered 
 all his virtues abortive, and made all afraid to trust him, or of 
 signing a sentence which has since been called a murder, and 
 the undergoing it a martyrdom ! at any rate, it would be 
 highly ungracious and ungrateful in us, while we enjoy in our 
 well-balanced constitution, the benefits derived to us from 
 the virtue, the energy, the sufferings, and even the faults of 
 our ancestors, to pass a severe censure on their conduct ; for 
 it will hardly be denied, that the remembrance of his father's 
 fate influenced James the Second to yield so easy and blood- 
 less a victory to his opponents, and leave them to settle the 
 constitution amidst calm and sober councils. On the con- 
 trary, we are bound to ascribe many of the oversights of those 
 first founders of our liberties, to a precipitancy forced on them 
 by urgent circumstances, to cast a veil over their imperfec- 
 tions, and cherish their memory with thankfulness. 
 
 So much having been said for the purpose of obviating 
 misapprehension as to the effect of this work, it may be fur- 
 ther expected that some merit or utility should be shown, to 
 justify the editor in presenting it to the public notice. Being 
 not the child of his brain and fancy, but of his adoption and 
 judgment, he may be supposed to view it with so much the 
 less partiality, and allowed to speak of it with so much the 
 more freedom. 
 
 The only ends for which any book can reasonably be pub- 
 lished are to inform, to amuse, or to improve : but unless 
 many persons of highly reputed judgment are mistaken as 
 well as ourselves, this work will be found to attain all three 
 of them. In point of amusement, perhaps novelty or curiosity 
 holds the foremost rank ; and surely we risk little in saying 
 that a history of a period the most remarkable in the British 
 annals, written one hundred and fifty years ago by a lady of 
 elevated birth, of a most comprehensive and highly cultivated 
 mind, herself a witness of many of the scenes she describes, 
 and active in several of them, is a literary curiosity of no mean 
 sort. 
 
 As to information, although there are many histories of the
 
 same period, there is not one that is generally considered 
 satisfactory ; most of them carry evident marks of prejudice 
 or partiality ; nor were any of those which are now read 
 written at or near the time, or by persons who had an oppor- 
 tunity of being well acquainted with what was passing, 
 except that of Clarendon. But any one who should take the 
 pains, which the Editor has done, to examine Clarendon's 
 State Papers, would find therein documents much better cal- 
 culated to support Mrs. Hutchinson's representation of affairs 
 than that which he himself has given. Mrs. Hutchinson 
 writing from a motive which will very seldom be found to 
 induce any one to take so much trouble, that of giving her 
 children, and especially her eldest son, then about to enter on 
 the stage of life, a true notion of those eventful scenes which 
 had just been passing before her eyes, and which she well 
 judged must be followed by others not less interesting to the 
 same cause and persons, will surely be thought to have 
 possessed both the means and the inclination to paint with 
 truth and correctness : in effect, she will be seen to exhibit 
 such a faithful, natural, and lively picture of the public mind 
 and manners, taken sometimes in larger, sometimes in smaller 
 groups, as will give a more satisfactory idea to an observant 
 reader than he will any where else discover. He will be 
 further pleased to see avoided the most common error of his- 
 torians, that of displaying the paradoxical and the marvellous, 
 both in persons and things. But surely the use of history 
 being to instruct the present and future ages by the experience 
 of the past, nothing can be more absurd than a wish to excite 
 and leave the reader in astonishment, which instead of assist- 
 ing, can only confound his judgment. Mrs. Hutchinson, on 
 the contrary, has made it her business, and that very success- 
 fully, to account by common and easy causes for many of 
 those actions and effects which others have left unaccounted 
 for, and only to be gazed at in unmeaning wonder ; or, in 
 attempting to account for them, have employed vain subtilty 
 or groundless conjecture. She has likewise not merely de- 
 scribed the parties in the state by their general character, 
 but delineated them in their minute ramifications, and thus 
 enabled us to trace the springs, and discover the reasonable- 
 ness of many of those proceedings which had hitherto seemed 
 incongruous and inconsistent. Many of these instances will 
 be pointed out in the notes as the passages arise.
 
 XVlil PREFACE. 
 
 But the greater merit shall appear in this work as a history, 
 the greater will be the regret that the writer did not dedicate 
 more of her attention to render it complete and full, instead 
 of summary. 
 
 However, the most numerous class of readers are the lovers 
 of biography, and to these it has of late been the practice of 
 historians to address themselves, as Lyttleton in his Life of 
 Henry the Second, Robinson of Charles the Fifth, Roscoe of 
 Leo the Tenth, and many minor writers. Perhaps the pre- 
 valence of this predilection may be traced to the circumstance 
 of the reader's thus feeling himself to be, as it were, a party 
 in the transactions which are recounted. A person of this 
 taste will, it his hoped, here have his wishes completely 
 gratified ; for he will, in fancy, have lived in times, and 
 witnessed scenes the most interesting that can be imagined 
 to the human mind, especially the mind of an Englishman ; 
 he will have conversed with persons the most celebrated and 
 extraordinary, whom one party represent as heroes and demi- 
 gods, the other as demons, but whom, having had opportu- 
 nity to view close at hand, he will judge to have been truly 
 great men, and to have carried at once to a high degree of 
 perfection the characters of the warrior, the politician, the 
 legislator, and the philosopher ; yet to have had their great 
 qualifications alloyed by such failings, and principally the want 
 of moderation, as defeated their grand designs. He will have 
 accompanied the hero of the tale, not only through all the ages 
 of life, but through almost every situation in society, from the 
 lowest that can become noticeable, which Mrs. Hutchinson calls 
 the even ground of a gentleman ; to the highest which his prin- 
 ciples permitted him to aspire to, that of a counsellor of state, 
 in a large and flourishing republic ; he will have seen him 
 mark each with the exercise of its appropriate grace and virtue, 
 and so completely to have adapted himself to each depart- 
 ment, as to appear always to move in the sphere most natural 
 to him : and, finally, to have maintained so steady a course 
 thrcrugh all the vicissitudes of prosperity and adversity, as 
 enabled him, though he could neither control the conduct of 
 his coadjutors, nor stem the fluctuating tides of fortune or 
 popular opinion, yet to preserve for himself not only the great 
 and inexhaustible resource of a good conscience, but even 
 the unanimous esteem of the great assembly of the nation, 
 when they agreed in no other thing ; he will no doubt be
 
 sensible that such a character is rare, but he will perceive 
 such a consistency and harmony of parts as to make him 
 deem the whole easy of belief, and conclude that such an one 
 would be even more difficult to feign than to find ; he will 
 hence be led to concur with us in asserting, that it is much 
 more efficacious and conducive to improvement and to the 
 advancement of morality thus to hold forth a great example 
 in real life, and to elicit principle from practice, than first to 
 feign a sentiment, and then actions and events to support it, 
 as has been done both by ancients and moderns, from the 
 Hercules of Prodicus to the Grandison of Richardson. Nor 
 has the skill and attention of our author been confined to 
 the portraying of her principal character, she has equally 
 succeeded in the delineation of the subordinate ones ; so that 
 whenever their speeches or actions are brought afresh before 
 our view, we need not that they should be named in order to 
 recognize the personage ; and both in this department, and in 
 that of the development of the intrigues which she occa- 
 sionally lays open to us, we shall acknowledge the advantage 
 of her adding to the vigour of a masculine understanding, 
 the nice feeling and discrimination, the delicate touch of the 
 pencil of a female. 
 
 As to the style and phraseology, there are so few prose 
 writings of a prior or coeval date now read, that we should 
 be at a loss to point out any which could have served her for 
 models, or us for a standard of comparison ; nor does it so 
 much appear to us to bear the stamp of any particular age, 
 as by its simplicity, significancy, and propriety, to be worthy 
 of imitation in all times. Some expressions will be found 
 that are uncommon, or used in an uncommon sense, but they 
 are such as are justified by classical propriety, and, had her 
 book been published, would probably have been adopted and 
 brought into general use. 
 
 We conclude with expressing a confident hope, that the 
 public will find this memoir to be such as we first announced 
 it, a faithful image of the mode of thinking in those days 
 of which it treats, an interesting and new specimen of private 
 and public character, of general and individual biography ; 
 and that recommended as it comes by clearness of discern- 
 ment, strength and candour of judgment, simplicity, and 
 perspicuity of narrative, pure, amiable, and Christian mo- 
 rality, sentiments at once tender and elevated, conveyed in
 
 XX PREFACE. 
 
 language elegant, expressive, and classical, occasionally 
 embellished with, apposite, impressive, and well supported 
 figures, it will be found to afford pleasure and instruction to 
 every class of readers. 
 
 The ladies will feel that it carries with it all the interest of 
 a novel, strengthened with the authenticity of real history ; 
 they will no doubt feel an additional satisfaction in learning, 
 that though the author added to the erudition of the scholar, 
 the research of the philosopher, the politician, and even the 
 divine, the zeal and magnanimity of a patriot ; yet she de- 
 scended from all these elevations to perform, in the most 
 exemplary manner, the functions of a wife, a mother, aud 
 mistress of a family.
 
 THE , 
 
 LIFE OF MRS. LUCY HUTCHINSON, 
 
 WRITTEN BY HERSELF. 
 
 A FRAGMENT. 
 
 THE Almighty Author of all beings,* in his various pro- 
 vidences, whereby he conducts the lives of men from the 
 cradle to the tomb, exercises no less wisdom and goodness 
 than he manifests power and greatness, in their creation ; but 
 such is the stupidity of blind mortals, that instead of employ- 
 ing their studies in these admirable books of providence, 
 wherein God daily exhibits to us glorious characters of his 
 love, kindness, wisdom, and justice, they ungratefully regard 
 them not, and call the most wonderful operations of the great 
 God the common accidents of human life, especially if they 
 be such as are usual, and exercised towards them in ages 
 
 * That noble turn of thought which led Mrs. Hutchinson to open her 
 work with thanks to her Maker, instead of apologies to the readers, besides 
 the claim it has to their respect instead of their indulgence, will probably 
 by its originality recommend itself, and prevent the distaste which the air 
 of religion it wears might give to many, in times when it is so little in 
 fashion. It should be borne in mind that the usage of the times in which 
 it was written was so very different from the present, that those who wish 
 to read with pleasure the works then written, will do well to set their taste 
 according to that standard. 
 
 Through the whole of both these works, moral and religious reflections 
 will be seen to abound, but so as neither to confuse nor fetter, but rather 
 elevate the mind.
 
 2 LIFE OF MRS. HTTTCHIXSOJf . 
 
 wherein they are not very capable of observation, and where- 
 on they seldom employ any reflection ; for in things great and 
 extraordinary, some, perhaps, will take notice of God's work- 
 ing, who either forget or believe not that he takes as well a 
 care and account of their smallest concernments, even the 
 hairs of their heads. 
 
 Finding myself in some kind guilty of this general neglect, 
 I thought it might be a means to stir up my thankfulness for 
 things past, and to encourage my faith for the future, if I 
 recollected as much as I have heard or can remember of the 
 passages of my youth, and the general and particular provi- 
 dences exercised to me, both in the entrance and progress of 
 my life. Herein I meet with so many special indulgences as 
 require a distinct consideration, they being all of them to be 
 regarded as talents intrusted to my improvement for God's 
 glory. The parents by whom I received my life, the places 
 where I began and continued it, the time when I was brought 
 forth to be a witness of God's wonderful workings in the 
 earth, the rank that was given me in my generation, and the 
 advantages I received in my person, each of them carries 
 along with it many mercies which are above my utterance, 
 and as they give me infinite cause of glorifying God's good- 
 ness, so I cannot reflect on them without deep humiliation 
 for the small improvement I have made of so rich a stock ; 
 which, that I may yet by God's grace better employ, I shall 
 recall and seriously ponder : and, first, as far as I have 
 since learnt, set down the condition of things in the place of 
 my nativity, at that time when I was sent into the world. It 
 was on the 29th day of January, in the year of our Lord 
 1619-20, that in the Tower of London, the principal city of 
 the English Isle, I was, about four of the clock in the morn- 
 ing, brought forth to behold the ensuing light. My father 
 was Sir Allen Apsley, lieutenant of the Tower of London ; 
 my mother, his third wife, was Lucy, the youngest daughter
 
 HAPPINESS OF ENGLAND. g 
 
 of Sir John St. John, of Lidiard Tregooze, in Wiltshire, by his 
 second wife. My father had then living a son and a daugh- 
 ter by his former wives, and by my mother three sons, I be- 
 ing her eldest daughter. The land was then at peace (it 
 being towards the latter end of the reign of King James), if 
 that quietness may be called a peace, which was rather like 
 the calm and smooth surface of the sea, whose dark womb is 
 already impregnated with a horrid tempest. 
 
 Whoever considers England, will find it no small favour of 
 God to have been made one of its natives, both upon spiritual 
 and outward accounts. . The happiness of the soil and air con- 
 tribute all things that are necessary to the use or delight of 
 man's life. The celebrated glory of this isle's inhabitants, 
 e\ r er since they received a mention in history, confers some 
 honour upon every one of her children, and with it an obli- 
 gation to continue in that magnanimity and virtue, which 
 hath famed this island, and raised her head in glory higher 
 than the great kingdoms of the neighbouring continent. 
 Britain hath been as a garden enclosed, wherein all things that 
 man can wish, to make a pleasant life, are planted and grow 
 in her own soil, and whatsoever foreign countries yield, to in- 
 crease admiration and delight, are brought in by her fleets. 
 The people, by the plenty of their country, not being forced 
 to toil for bread, have ever addicted themselves to more 
 generous employments, and been reckoned, almost in all ages, 
 as valiant warriors as any part of the world sent forth : inso- 
 much, that the greatest Roman captains thought it not un- 
 worthy of their expeditions, and took great glory in triumphs 
 for imperfect conquests. Lucan upbraids Julius Caesar for 
 returning hence with a repulse, and it was two hundred 
 years before the land could be reduced into a Roman pro- 
 vince, which at length was done, and such of the nation, then 
 called Picts, as scorned servitude, were driven into the bar- 
 ren country of Scotland, where they have ever since remained 
 B 2
 
 4 I/IFE OF MRS. HUTCHINSON. 
 
 a perpetual trouble to the successive inhabitants of this place. 
 The Britons, that thought it better to work for their con- 
 querors in a good land, than to have the freedom to starve in 
 a cold or barren quarter, were by degrees fetched away, and 
 wasted in the civil broils of these Roman lords, till the land, 
 almost depopulated, lay open to the incursions of every 
 borderer, and were forced to call a stout warlike people, the 
 Saxons, out of Germany, to their assistance. These willingly 
 came at their call, but were not so easily sent out again, nor 
 persuaded to let their hosts inhabit with them, for they drove 
 the Britons into the mountains of Wales, and seated them- 
 selves in those pleasant countries which from the new masters 
 received a new name, and ever since retained it, being 
 called England ; and on which the warlike Dane made many 
 attempts, with various success, but after about two or three 
 hundred years' vain contest, they were for ever driven out, 
 with shame and loss, and the Saxon Heptarchy melted into a 
 monarchy, which continued till the superstitious prince, who 
 was sainted for his ungodly chastity, left an empty throne to 
 him that could seize it. He who first set up his standard in 
 it, could not hold it, but with his life left it again for the Nor- 
 man usurper, who partly by violence, partly by falsehood, 
 laid here the foundation of his monarchy, in the people's 
 blood, in which it hath swam about five hundred years, till 
 the flood that bore it was ploughed into such deep furrows as 
 had almost sunk the proud vessel. Of those Saxons that re- 
 mained subjects to the Norman conqueror, my father's family 
 descended; of those Normans that came in with him, my 
 mother's was derived ; both of them, as all the rest in Eng- 
 land, contracting such affinity, by mutual marriages, that the 
 distinction remained but a short space ; Normans and Saxons 
 becoming one people, who by their valour grew terrible to all 
 the neighbouring princes, and have not only bravely acquitted 
 themselves in their own defence, but have showed abroad
 
 ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 5 
 
 how easily they could subdue the world, if they did not 
 prefer the quiet enjoyment of their own part above the con- 
 quest of the whole. 
 
 Better laws and a happier constitution of government no 
 nation ever enjoyed, it being a mixture of monarchy, aristo- 
 cracy, and democracy, with sufficient fences against the pest of 
 every one of those forms tyranny, faction, and confusion ; 
 yet is it not possible for man to devise such just and excellent 
 bounds, as will keep in wild ambition, when prince's flatterers 
 encourage that beast to break his fence, which it hath often 
 done, with miserable consequences both to the prince and 
 people ; but could never in any age so tread down popular 
 liberty, but that it arose again with renewed vigour, till at 
 length it trod on those that trampled it before. And in 
 the just bounds, wherein our kings were so well hedged in, 
 the surrounding princes have with terror seen the reproof of 
 their usurpations over their free brethren, whom they rule 
 rather as slaves than subjects, and are only served for fear, 
 but not for love ; whereas this people have ever been as af- 
 fectionate to good, as unpliable to bad sovereigns. 
 
 Nor is it only valour and generosity that renown this na- 
 tion ; in arts we have advanced equal to our neighbours, and 
 in those that are most excellent, exceeded them. The world 
 hath not yielded men more famous in navigation, nor ships 
 better built or furnished. Agriculture is as ingeniously prac- 
 tised; the English archers were the terror of Christendom, 
 and their clothes the ornament; but these low things bounded 
 not their great spirits, in all ages it hath yielded men as 
 famous in all kinds of learning, as Greece or Italy can 
 boast of. 
 
 And to complete the crown of all their glory, reflected 
 from the lustre of their ingenuity, valour, wit, learning, jus- 
 tice, wealth, and bounty, their piety and devotion to God, and 
 his worship, hath made them one of the most truly noble
 
 6 LIFE OF MRS. KUTCH1NSON. 
 
 nations in the Christian world. God having as it were enclosed 
 a people here, out of the waste common of the world, to serve 
 him with a pure and undefiled worship. Lucius the British 
 king was one of the first monarchs of the earth that received 
 the faith of Christ into his heart and kingdom. ; Henry the 
 Eighth, the first prince that broke the antichristian yoke off 
 from his own and his subjects' necks. Here it was that the 
 first Christian emperor received his crown; here began the 
 early dawn of Gospel light, by WicklifFe and other faithful 
 witnesses, whom God raised up after the black and horrid 
 midnight of antichristianism ; and a more plentiful harvest 
 of devout confessors, constant martyrs, and holy worshippers 
 of God, hath not grown in any field of the church, through- 
 out all ages, than those whom God hath here glorified his 
 name and gospel by. Yet hath not this wheat been without 
 its tares ; God in comparison with other countries hath made 
 this as a paradise, so, to complete the parallel, the serpent 
 hath hi all times been busy to seduce, and not unsuccessful ; 
 ever stirring up opposers to the infant truths of Christ. 
 
 No sooner was the faith of Christ embraced in this nation, 
 but the neighbouring heathens invaded the innocent Chris- 
 tians, and slaughtered multitudes of them ; and when, by the 
 mercy of God, the conquering Pagans were afterwards con- 
 verted, and there were none left to oppose the name of 
 Christ with open hostility, then the subtle serpent put off his 
 own horrid appearance, and comes out in a Christian dress, 
 to persecute Christ in his poor prophets, that bore witness 
 against the corruption of the times. This intestine quarrel 
 hath been more successful to the devil, and more afflictive to 
 the church, than all open wars ; and, I fear, will never hap- 
 pily be decided, till the Prince of Peace come to conclude 
 the controversy, which at the time of my birth was working 
 up into that tempest, wherein I have shared many perils, 
 many fears, and many sorrows ; and many more mercies, con-
 
 BLESSINGS OF HER BIRTH. 7 
 
 solations, and preservations, which I shall have occasion to 
 mention in other places. 
 
 From the place of my birth I shall only desire to remem- 
 ber the goodness of the Lord, who hath caused my lot to 
 fall in a good ground ; who hath fed me in a pleasant pasture, 
 where the well-springs of life flow to all that desire to drink 
 of them. And this is no small favour, if I consider how 
 many poor people perish among the heathen, where they 
 never hear the name of Christ ; how many poor Christians 
 spring up in countries enslaved by Turkish and antichristian 
 tyrants, whose souls and bodies languish under miserable 
 slavery. None know what mercy it is to live under a good 
 and wholesome law, that have n6t considered the sad con- 
 dition of being subject to the will of an unlimited man; and 
 surely it is too universal a sin in this nation, that the common 
 mercies of God to the whole land are so slightly regarded, 
 and so inconsiderately passed over ; certainly these are cir- 
 cumstances which much magnify God's loving-kindness and 
 his special favour to all that are of English birth, and call for 
 a greater return of duty from us than from all other people 
 of the world. 
 
 Nor is the place only, but the time of my coming into the 
 world, a considerable mercy to me. It was not in the mid- 
 night of popery, nor in the dawn of the gospel's restored 
 day, when light and shades were blended and almost undis- 
 tinguished, but when the Sun of truth was exalted in his 
 progress, and hastening towards a meridian glory. It was, 
 indeed, early in the morning, God being pleased to allow me 
 the privilege of beholding the admirable growth of gospel 
 light in my days : and oh ! that my soul may never forget to 
 bless and praise his name for the wonders of power and 
 goodness, wisdom and truth, which have been manifested in 
 this my time. 
 
 The next blessing I have to consider in my nativity is my
 
 LIFE OF MRS. HUTCHIXSON 
 
 parents, both of them pious and virtuous in their own con- 
 versation, and careful instructors of my youth, not only by 
 precept but example ; which, if I had leisure and ability, I 
 should have transmitted to my posterity, both to give them 
 the honour due from me in such a grateful memorial, and to 
 increase my children's improvement of the patterns they 
 set them ; but since I shall detract from those I would cele- 
 brate, by my imperfect commemorations, I shall content 
 myself to sum up some few things for my own use, and let 
 the rest alone, which I either knew not, or have forgotten, or 
 cannot worthily express. 
 
 My grandfather by the father's side was a gentleman of a 
 competent estate, about 700 or 800 a year, in Sussex. He 
 being descended of a younger house, had his residence at a 
 place called Pulborough ; the family out of which he came 
 was an Apsley of Apsley, a town where they had been seated 
 before the conquest, and ever since continued, till of late 
 the last heir male of that eldest house, being the son of 
 Sir Edward Apsley, died without issue, and his estate went 
 with his sister's daughters into other families. Particularities 
 concerning my father's kindred or country I never knew 
 much of, by reason of my youth at the time of his death, 
 and my education in far distant places ; only in general I have 
 heard, that my grandfather was a man well reputed and 
 beloved in his country, and that it had been such a continued 
 custom for my ancestors to take wives at home, that there 
 was scarce a family of any note in Sussex to which they were 
 not by intermarriages nearly related ; but I was myself a 
 stranger to them all, except my Lord Goring, who living at 
 court, I have seen with my father, and heard of him, because 
 he was appointed one of my father's executors, though he 
 declined the trouble. My grandfather had seven sons, of 
 which my father was the youngest ; to the eldest he gave his 
 whole estate, and to the rest, according to the custom of those
 
 HEK FATHEK'S BROTHERS. 9 
 
 times, slight annuities. The eldest brother married to a 
 gentlewoman of a good family, and by her had only one son, 
 whose mother dying, my uncle married himself again to one 
 of his own maids, and by her had three more sons, whom, 
 with their mother, my cousin William Apsley, the son of the 
 first wife, held in such contempt, that a great while after, 
 dying without children, he gave his estate of inheritance to 
 my father, and two of my brothers, except about 100 a year 
 to the eldest of his half brothers, and annuities of 30 a 
 piece to the three for their lives. He died before I was born, 
 but I have heard very honourable mention of him in our 
 family. The rest of my father's brothers went into the wars 
 in Ireland and the Low Countries, and there remained none 
 of them, nor their issues, when I was born, but only three 
 daughters who bestowed themselves meanly, and their gene- 
 rations are worn out, except two or three unregarded children. 
 My father, at the death of my grandfather, being but a youth 
 at school, had not patience to stay the perfecting of his 
 studies, but put himself into present action, sold his annuity, 
 bought himself good clothes, put some money in his purse, 
 and came to London ; and by means of a relation at court, 
 got a place in the household of Queen Elizabeth, where he 
 behaved himself so that he won the love of many of the 
 court ; but being young, took an affection to gaming, and 
 spent most of the money he had in his purse. About that 
 time, the Earl of Essex was setting forth on a voyage to Cadiz, 
 and my father, that had a mind to quit his idle court life, 
 procured an employment from the victualler of the navy, to go 
 along with that fleet. In which voyage he demeaned himself 
 with so much courage and prudence, that after his return he 
 was honoured with a very noble and profitable employment 
 in Ireland. There a rich widow, that had many children, cast 
 her affections upon him, and he married her ; but she not 
 living many years with him, and having no children by him,
 
 10 LIFE OF MBS. HUTCHINSOtf. 
 
 after her death he distributed all her estate among her 
 children, for whom he ever preserved a fatherly kindness, 
 and some of her grand-children were brought up in his 
 house after I was born. He, by God's blessing, and his 
 fidelity and industry, growing in estate and honour, received 
 a knighthood from king James soon after his coming to the 
 crown, for some eminent service done to him in Ireland, 
 which, having only heard in my childhood, I cannot perfectly 
 set down. After that, growing into a familiarity with Sir 
 George Carew, made now by the king Earl of Totness, a 
 niece of this earl's, the daughter of Sir Peter Carew, who 
 lived a young widow in her uncle's house, fell in love with 
 him, which her uncle perceiving, procured a marriage between 
 them. She had divers children by my father, but only two 
 of them, a son and daughter, survived her, who died whilst 
 my father was absent from her in Ireland. He led, all the 
 time of his widowhood, a very disconsolate life, careful for 
 nothing in the world but to educate and advance the son and 
 daughter, the dear pledges she had left him, for whose sake 
 he quitted himself of his employments abroad, and procured 
 himself the office of Victualler of the Navy, a place then 
 both of credit and great revenue. His friends, considering 
 his solitude, had procured him a match of a very rich widow, 
 who was a lady of as much discretion as wealth ; but while 
 he was upon this design he chanced to see my mother, at the 
 house of Sir William St. John, who had married her eldest 
 sister ; and though he went on his journey, yet something in 
 her person and behaviour, which he carried along with him, 
 would not let him accomplish it, but brought him back to my 
 mother. She was of a noble family, being the youngest 
 daughter of Sir John St. John, of Liddiard Tregooze in the 
 county of Wilts ; her father and mother died when she was 
 not above five years of age, and yet at her nurse's, from 
 whence she was carried to be brought up in the house of the
 
 HER MOTHER. 11 
 
 Lord Grandison, her father's younger brother ; an honourable 
 and excellent person, but married to a lady so jealous of him, 
 and so ill-natured in her jealous fits, to anything that was 
 related to him, that her cruelties to my mother exceeded the 
 stories of step-mothers. The rest of my aunts, my mother's 
 sisters, were dispersed to several places, where they grew up 
 till my uncle, Sir John St. John, being married to the 
 daughter of Sir Thomas Laten, they were all again brought 
 home to their brother's house. There were not in those 
 days so many beautiful women found in any family as these, 
 but my mother was by the most judgments preferred before 
 all her elder sisters, who, something envious at it, used her 
 unkindly. Yet all the suitors that came to them still turned 
 their addresses to her, which she in her youthful innocency 
 neglected, till one of greater name, estate, and reputation 
 than the rest, happened to fall deeply in love with her, and 
 to manage it so discreetly, that my mother could not but 
 entertain him. My uncle's wife, who had a mother's 
 kindness for her, persuaded her to remove herself from her 
 sisters' envy, by going along with her to the Isle of Jersey, 
 where her father was governor; which she did, and there 
 went into the town, and boarded in a French minister's 
 house, to learn the language, that minister having been, by 
 the persecution in France, driven to seek his shelter there. 
 Contracting a dear friendship with this holy man and his 
 wife, she was instructed in their Geneva discipline, which 
 she liked so much better than our more superstitious service, 
 that she could have been contented to have lived there, had 
 not a powerful passion in her heart drawn her back. But at 
 her return she met with many afflictions ; the gentleman 
 who had professed so much love to her, in her absence had 
 been, by most vile practices and treacheries, drawn out of his 
 senses, and into the marriage of a person, whom, when he 
 recovered his reason he hated. But that served only to aug
 
 12 LIFE OF MKS. HUTCHINSOX. 
 
 ment his misfortune, and the circumstances of that story not 
 being necessary to be here inserted, I shall only add that my 
 mother lived in my uncle's house, secretly discontented at 
 this accident, but was comforted by the kindness of my 
 uncle's wife, who had contracted such an intimate friendship 
 with her, that they seemed to have but one soul. And in 
 this kindness she had some time a great solace, till some 
 malicious persons had wrought some jealousies, which were 
 very groundless, in my uncle concerning his wife ; but his 
 nature being inclinable to that passion, which was fomented 
 in him by subtle wicked persons, and my mother endeavouring 
 to vindicate injured innocence, she was herself not well 
 treated by my uncle, whereupon she left his house, with a 
 resolution to withdraw herself into the island, where the 
 good minister was, and there to wear out her life in the 
 service of God. While she was deliberating, and had fixed 
 upon it in her own thoughts, resolving to impart it to none, 
 she was with Sir William St. John, who had married my 
 aunt, when my father accidentally came in there, and fell so 
 heartily in love with her, that he persuaded her to marry 
 him, which she did, and her melancholy made her conform 
 cheerfully to that gravity of habit and conversation, which 
 was becoming the wife of such a person, who was then forty- 
 eight years of age, and she not above sixteen. The first 
 year of their marriage was crowned with a son, called after 
 my father's name, and born at East Smithfield, in that house 
 of the king's which belonged to my father's employment in 
 the navy. The next year they removed to the tower of 
 London, whereof my father was made lieutenant, and there 
 had two sons more before me, and four daughters, and 
 two sons after ; of all which only three sons and two 
 daughters survived him at the .time of his death, which 
 was in the sixty-third year of his age, after he had three 
 years before languished of a consumption, that succeeded
 
 DEATH OF HER FATHEB. 13 
 
 a fever which he got in the unfortunate voyage to the Isle 
 of Rhee. 
 
 He died in the month of May, 1630, sadly bewailed by not 
 only all his dependants and relations, but by all that were 
 acquainted with him; for he never conversed with any to 
 whom he was not at some time or in some way beneficial ; 
 and his nature was so delighted in doing good, that it won 
 him the love of all men, even his enemies, whose envy and 
 malice it was his custom to overcome with obligations. He 
 had great natural parts, but was too active in his youth to 
 stay the heightening of them by study of dead writings ; but in 
 the living books of men's conversations he soon became so 
 skilful that he was never mistaken, but where his own good 
 would not let him give credit to the evil he discerned in 
 others. He was a most indulgent husband, and no less kind 
 to his children; a most noble master, who thought it not 
 enough to maintain his servants honourably while they were 
 with him, but, for all that deserved it, provided offices or 
 settlements, as for children. He was a father to all his 
 prisoners, sweetening with such compassionate kindness their 
 restraint, that the affliction of a prison was not felt in his 
 days. He had a singular kindness for all persons that were 
 eminent either in learning or arms, and when, through the 
 ingratitude and vice of that age, many of the wives and chil- 
 dren of Queen Elizabeth's glorious captains were reduced to 
 poverty, his purse was their common treasury, and they knew 
 not the inconvenience of decayed fortunes till he was dead : 
 many of those valiant seamen he maintained in prison, many 
 he redeemed out of prison, and cherished with an extra- 
 ordinary bounty. If among his excellencies one outshined 
 the rest, it was the generous liberality of his mind, wherein 
 goodness and greatness were so equally distributed that they 
 mutually embellished each other. Pride and covetousness 
 had not the least place in his breast. As be was in love with.
 
 14 LIFE OF MBS. HTTTCHINSON. 
 
 true honour, so he contemned vain titles ; and though in his 
 youth he accepted an addition to his birth, in his riper years 
 he refused a baronetcy, which the king offered him. He 
 was severe in the regulating of his family, especially would 
 not endure the least immodest behaviour or dress in any 
 woman under his roof. There was nothing he hated more 
 than an insignificant gallant, that could only make his legs 
 and prune himself, and court a lady, but had not brains to 
 employ himself in things more suitable to man's nobler sex. 
 Fidelity in his trust, love and loyalty to his prince, were not 
 the least of his virtues, but those wherein he was not 
 excelled by any of his own or succeeding times. The large 
 estate he reaped by his happy iadustry, he did many times 
 over as freely resign again to the king's service, till he left 
 the greatest part of it at his death in the king's hands. All 
 his virtues wanted not the crown of all virtue, piety and true 
 devotion to God. As his life was a continued exercise of 
 faith and charity, it concluded with prayers and blessings, 
 which were the only consolations his desolate family could 
 receive in his death. Never did any two better agree in mag- 
 nanimity and bounty than he and my mother, who seemed 
 to be actuated by the same soul, so little did she grudge 
 any of his liberalities to strangers, or he contradict any of 
 her kindness to all her relations ; her house being a common 
 home to all of them, and a nursery to their children. He 
 gave her a noble allowance of 300 a year for her own 
 private expense, and had given her all her own portion to 
 dispose of how she pleased, as soon as she was married ; 
 which she suffered to increase in her friend's hands ; and 
 what my father allowed her she spent not in vanities, 
 although she had what was rich and requisite upon occasions, 
 but she laid most of it out in pious and charitable uses. Sir 
 Walter Raleigh and Mr. Ruthin being prisoners in the 
 Tower, and addicting themselves to chemistry, she suffered
 
 CHARACTER OF HER MOTHER. 15 
 
 them ^o make their rare experiments at her cost, partly to 
 comfort and divert the poor prisoners, and partly to gain the 
 knowledge of their experiments, and the medicines to help 
 such poor people as were not able to seek physicians. 
 By these means she acquired a great deal of skill, which was 
 very profitable to many all her life.* She was not only to 
 these, but to all the other prisoners that came into the 
 Tower, as a mother. All the time she dwelt in the Tower, if 
 any were sick she made them broths and restoratives with 
 her own hands, visited and took care of them, and provided 
 them all necessaries ; if any were afflicted she comforted 
 them, so that they felt not the inconvenience of a prison who 
 were in that place. She was not less bountiful to many poor 
 widows and orphans, whom officers of higher and lower rank 
 had left behind them as objects of charity. Her own house 
 was filled with distressed families of her relations, whom she 
 supplied and maintained in a noble way. The worship 
 and service of God, both in her soul and her house, and 
 the education of her children, were her principal care. She 
 was a constant frequenter of week-day lectures, and a great 
 lover and encourager of good ministers, and most diligent in 
 her private reading and devotions. 
 
 When my father was sick she was not satisfied with the 
 attendance of all that were about him, but made herself his 
 
 * This anecdote of Sir Walter Raleigh will no doubt attract the notice 
 of the observant reader : it merits to be borne in mind, as it will account 
 for a passage in the memoirs, where Mrs. Hutchinson is represented as 
 acting the part of a surgeon in the siege of Nottingham Castle; and as the 
 treatment Sir Allen Apsley and his lady gave their prisoners forms a 
 striking contrast with that which it will appear at the end of the history 
 was practised by some of his successors, at a time when mildness seemed 
 most requisite, and was most professed. Perhaps prejudice will render it 
 incredible, that in the Bastile of Paris, which has become a proverbial 
 expression to signify cruel durance, the conduct of the murdered governor 
 resembled that of Sir Allen Apsley; it is nevertheless true.
 
 16 LIFE OF MBS. HUTCHINSON. 
 
 nurse, and cook, and physician, and, through the blessing of 
 God, and her indefatigable labours and watching, preserved 
 him a great while longer than the physicians thought it 
 possible for his nature to hold out. At length, when the 
 Lord took him to rest, she showed as much humility and 
 patience, under that great change, as moderation and bounty 
 in her more plentiful and prosperous condition, and died in 
 my house at Owthorpe, in the county of Nottingham, in the 
 year 1659. The privilege of being born of, and educated by, 
 such excellent parents, I have often revolved with great 
 thankfulness for the mercy, and humiliation that I did no 
 more improve it. After my mother had had three sons, she 
 was very desirous of a daughter, and when the women at my 
 birth told her I was one, she received me with a great deal 
 of joy ; and the nurses fancying, because I had more com- 
 plexion and favour than is usual in so young children, that I 
 should not live, my mother became fonder of me, and more 
 endeavoured to nurse me. As soon as I was weaned a 
 French woman was taken to be my dry-nurse, and I was 
 taught to speak French and English together. My mother, 
 while she was with child of me, dreamed that she was walk- 
 ing in the garden with my father, and that a star came down 
 into her hand, with other circumstances, which, though I 
 have often heard, I minded not enough to remember per- 
 fectly ; only my father told her, her dream signified she 
 should have a daughter of some extraordinary eminency; 
 which thing, like such vain prophecies, wrought as far as it 
 could its own accomplishment :* for my father and mother 
 
 * This is an ingenious way of accounting for the fulfilment of supersti- 
 tious predictions and expectations, which might frequently with close 
 attention be traced to their source, as is here done. It is clear that in the 
 present case it occasioned a peculiar care to be taken of her education ; and 
 this again caused her mind and disposition to take that singular stamp 
 which attracted the notice of Mr. Hutchinson, and led her to the highest
 
 HEK EARLY EDUCATION. 17 
 
 fancying me then beautiful, and more than ordinarily 
 apprehensive, applied all their cares, and spared no cost to 
 improve me in my education, which procured me the admira- 
 tion of those that flattered my parents. By the time I was 
 four years old I read English perfectly, and having a great 
 memory, I was carried to sermons ; and while I was very 
 'young could remember and repeat them exactly, and being 
 caressed, the love of praise tickled me, and made me attend 
 more needfully. When I was about seven years of age, I 
 remember I had at one time eight tutors in several qualities, 
 languages, music, dancing, writing, and needlework; but my 
 genius was quite averse from all but my book, and that I 
 was so eager of, that my mother thinking it prejudiced my 
 health, would moderate me in it ; yet this rather animated 
 me than kept me back, and every moment I could steal from 
 my play I would employ in any book I could find, when my 
 own were locked up from me. After dinner and supper I 
 still had an hour allowed me to play, and then I would steal 
 into some hole or other to read. My father would have me 
 learn Latin, and I was so apt that I outstripped my brothers 
 who were at school, although my father's chaplain, that was 
 my tutor, was a pitiful dull fellow. My brothers, who had 
 a great deal of wit, had some emulation at the progress I 
 made in my learning, which very well pleased my father; 
 though my mother would have been contented if I had not 
 so wholly addicted myself to that as to neglect my other 
 qualities. As for music and dancing, I profited very little in 
 them, and would never practise my lute or harpsichords but 
 when my masters were with me ; and for my needle I abso- 
 lutely hated it. Play among other children I despised, and 
 
 situation that she could wish for, that of the lady of a counsellor of state in 
 her beloved, but short-lived, republic. When the reader shall have 
 followed her to the end of her labours, let him judge whether there could 
 be any situation to which she was not adequate. 
 c
 
 18 LIFE OF MKS. HUTCHINSON. 
 
 when I was forced to entertain such as came to visit me, I 
 tired them with more grave instructions than their mothers, 
 and plucked all their babies to pieces, and kept the 
 children in such awe, that they were glad when I entertained 
 myself with elder company ; to whom I was very acceptable, 
 and living in the house with many persons that had a great 
 deal of wit, and very profitable serious discourses being 
 frequent at my father's table and in my mother's drawing- 
 room, I was very attentive to all, and gathered up things that 
 I would utter again, to great admiration of many that took 
 my memory and imitation for wit. It pleased God that, 
 through the good instructions of my mother, and the sermons 
 she carried me to, I was convinced that the knowledge of 
 God was the most excellent study, and accordingly applied 
 myself to it, and to practise as I was taught. I used to 
 exhort my mother's maids much, and to turn their idle dis- 
 courses to good subjects ; but I thought, when I had done 
 this on the Lord's day, and every day performed my due 
 tasks of reading and praying, that then I was free to any 
 thing that was not sin ; for I was not at that time convinced 
 of the vanity of conversation which was not scandalously 
 wicked. I thought it no sin to learn or hear witty songs and 
 amorous sonnets or poems, and twenty things of that kind, 
 wherein I was so apt that I became the confidant in all the 
 loves that were managed among my mother's young women; 
 and there was none of them but had many lovers, and some 
 particular friends beloved above the rest. Among these I 
 have* . . . Five years after me my mother had a daughter 
 that she nursed at her own breast, and was infinitely fond of 
 above all the rest ; and I being of too serious a temper was 
 not so pleasing to myf . . . 
 
 * At this place is a great chasm, many leaves being torn out, apparently 
 by the writer herself. 
 
 t Here the story of herself abruptly ends.
 
 MRS. HUTCHINSON TO HER CHILDREN 
 
 CONCERNING 
 
 THEIR FATHER. 
 
 "TO MY CHILDREN." 
 
 THEY who dote on mortal excellencies, when by the inevit- 
 able fate of all things frail, their adored idols are taken from 
 them, may let loose the winds of passion to bring in a flood 
 of sorrow ; whose ebbing tides carry away the dear memory 
 of what they have lost ; and when comfort is essayed to such 
 mourners, commonly all objects are removed out of their 
 view, which may with their remembrance renew the grief: 
 and in time these remedies succeed, and oblivion's curtain 
 is by degrees drawn over the dead face, and things less lovely 
 are liked, while they are not viewed together with that which 
 was most excellent. But I that am under a command not to 
 grieve at the common rate of desolate women,* while I am 
 
 * The command of her husband at his death. It will be readily ad- 
 mitted that she does indeed not grieve after any common rate, but with 
 that noble sorrow which raises instead of depressing the soul : it would be 
 an affront to the reader's taste to point out the beauties of this dirge; but 
 it is only a just commendation of our authoress's judgment and modesty to 
 observe, that having shown her ability to ornament and embellish, she 
 confines herself to such occasions as are most suitable, and employs the 
 greatest simplicity in her narrative. 
 
 c 2
 
 20 MBS. HUTCHIXSOK TO HEK CHILDREN. 
 
 studying which way to moderate my woe, and if it were pos- 
 sible to augment my love, can for the present find out none 
 more just to your dear father nor consolatory to myself than 
 the preservation of his memory; which I need not gild with 
 such flattering commendations as the hired preachers do 
 equally give to the truly and titularly honourable. A naked 
 undressed narrative, speaking the simple truth of him, will 
 deck him with more substantial glory, than all the pane- 
 gyrics the best pens could ever consecrate to the virtues of 
 the best men. 
 
 Indeed, that resplendent body of light, which the begin- 
 ning and ending of his life made up, to discover the defor- 
 mities of this wicked age, and to instruct the erring children 
 of this generation, will, through my apprehension and ex- 
 pression, shine as under a very thick cloud, which will ob- 
 scure much of their lustre ; but there is need of this medium 
 to this world's weak eyes, which I fear hath but few people 
 in it so virtuous as can believe (because they find themselves 
 so short), that any other could make so large a progress in the 
 race of piety, honour, and virtue : but I am almost stopped 
 before I set forth to trace his steps ; finding the number of 
 them, by which he still outwent himself, more than my im- 
 perfect arithmetic can count, and the exact figure of them 
 such as my unskilful pen cannot describe. I fear to injure 
 that memory which I would honour, and to disgrace his name 
 with a poor monument ; but when I have beforehand laid 
 this necessary caution, and ingenuously confessed that through 
 my inability either to receive or administer much of that 
 wealthy stock of his glory that I was intrusted with for the 
 benefit of all, and particularly his own posterity, I must 
 withhold a great part from them, I hope I shall be pardoned 
 for drawing an imperfect image of him ; especially when even 
 the rudest draft that endeavours to counterfeit him, will have 
 much delightful loveliness in it.
 
 MRS. HUTCHINSON TO HER CHILDREN. 21 
 
 Let not excess of love and delight in the stream make us 
 forget the fountain ; he and all his excellencies came from 
 God, and flowed back into their own spring : there let us 
 seek them, thither let us hasten after him; there having found 
 him, let us cease to bewail among the dead that which is 
 risen, or rather was immortal. His soul conversed with God 
 so much when he was here, that it rejoices to be now eter- 
 nally freed from interruption in that blessed exercise ; his 
 virtues were recorded in heaven's annals, and can never 
 perish; by them he yet teaches us and all those to whose 
 knowledge they shall arrive. It is only his fetters, his sins, 
 his infirmities, his diseases, that are dead never to revive 
 again, nor would we have them ; they were his enemies and 
 ours ; by faith in Christ he vanquished them. Our conjunc- 
 tion, if we had any with him, was indissoluble ; if we were 
 knit together by one spirit into one body of Christ, we are so 
 still ; if we were mutually united in one love of God, good 
 men, and goodness, we are so still. What is it then we 
 wail in his remove ? the distance ? Faithless fools ! sorrow 
 only makes it. Let us but ascend to God in holy joy for 
 the great grace given his poor servant, and he is there with 
 us. He is only removed from the malice of his enemies, for 
 which, in being afflicted, we should not express our love to 
 him we may mourn for ourselves that we come so tardily after 
 him ; that we want his guide and assistance in our way ; 
 and yet if our tears did not put out our eyes we should see 
 him even in heaven, holding forth his flaming lamp of virtu- 
 ous examples and precepts, to light us through the dark world. 
 It is time that I let in to your knowledge that splendour which 
 while it cheers and enlightens your heavy senses, should make 
 us remember to give all his and all our glory to God alone, 
 who is the father and fountain of all light and excellence. 
 
 Desiring, if my treacherous memory have not lost the 
 dearest treasure that ever I committed to its trust, to relate
 
 22 MRS. HUTCHIXSOX TO HER CHILDREN. 
 
 to you his holy, \irtuous, honourable life, I would put his 
 picture in the front of his book, but my unskilful hand will 
 injure him. Yet to such of you as have not seen him to re- 
 member his person, I leave this 
 
 HIS DESCRIPTION. 
 
 HE was of a middle stature, of a slender and exactly well- 
 proportioned shape in all parts, his complexion fair, his hair 
 of light brown, very thick set in his youth, softer than the 
 finest silk, and curling into loose great rings at the ends; his 
 eyes of a lively grey, well-shaped and full of life and vigour, 
 graced with many becoming motions; his visage thin, his 
 mouth well made, and his lips very ruddy and graceful, al- 
 though the nether chap shut over the upper, yet it was in such 
 a manner as was not unbecoming; his teeth were even and 
 white as the purest ivory; his chin was something long, and 
 the mould of his face ; his forehead was not very high ; his 
 nose was raised and sharp ; but withal he had a most amiable 
 countenance, which carried in it something of magnanimity 
 and majesty mixed with sweetness, that at the same time 
 bespoke love and awe in all that saw him ; his skin was 
 smooth and white, his legs and feet excellently well- 
 made ; he was quick in his pace and turns, nimble and active 
 and graceful in all his motions; he was apt for any bodily ex- 
 ercise, and any that he did became him; he could dance ad- 
 mirably well, but neither in youth nor riper years made any 
 practice of it; he had skill in fencing, such as became a gen- 
 tleman; he had a great love of music, and often diverted him- 
 self \vith a viol, on which he played masterly; and he had an 
 exact ear and judgment in other music ; he shot excellently in 
 bows and guns, and much used them for his exercise; he had 
 great judgment in paintings, graving, sculpture, and all 
 liberal arts, and had many curiosities of value in all kinds ;
 
 DESCRIPTION OF COL. HUTCHINSON. 23 
 
 he took great delight in perspective glasses, and for his other 
 rarities was not so much affected with the antiquity as the 
 merit of the work ; he took much pleasure in improvement 
 of grounds, in planting groves, and walks, and fruit-trees, in 
 opening springs and making fish-ponds ; of country recrea- 
 tions he loved none but hawking, and in that was very eager 
 and much delighted for the time he used it, but soon left it 
 off; he was wonderfully neat, cleanly, and genteel in his habit, 
 and had a very good fancy in it, but he left off very early the 
 wearing of anything that was costly, yet in his plainest negli- 
 gent habit appeared very much a gentleman ; he had more 
 address than force of body, yet the courage of his soul so 
 supplied his members that he never wanted strength when 
 he found occasion to employ it ; his conversation was very 
 pleasant, for he was naturally cheerful, had a ready wit and 
 apprehension ; he was eager in everything he did, earnest in 
 dispute, but withal very rational, so that he was seldom over- 
 come ; everything that it was necessary for him to do he did 
 with delight, free and unconstrained ; he hated ceremonious 
 compliment, but yet had a natural civility and complaisance 
 to all people ; he was of a tender constitution, but through 
 the vivacity of his spirit could undergo labours, watchings, 
 and journeys, as well as any of stronger compositions ; he 
 was rheumatic, and had a long sickness and distemper occa- 
 sioned thereby, two or three years after the war ended, but 
 else, for the latter half of his life, was healthy though tender ; 
 in his youth and childhood he was sickly, much troubled 
 with weakness and toothaches, but then his spirits carried 
 him through them; he was very patient under sickness or 
 pain, or any common accidents, but yet, upon occasions, 
 though never without just ones, he would be very angry, and 
 had even in that such a grace as made him to be feared, yet 
 he was never outrageous in passion ; he had a very good 
 faculty in pursuading, and would speak very well, pertinently,
 
 24 MRS. HTTTCHINSON TO HEK CHILDBEK. 
 
 and effectually without premeditation upon the greatest oc- 
 casions that could be offered, for indeed, his- judgment was 
 so nice, that he could never frame any speech beforehand 
 to please himself; but his invention was so ready, and 
 wisdom so habitual in all his speeches, that he never had 
 reason to repent himself of speaking at any time without 
 ranking the words beforehand ; he was not talkative, yet 
 free of discourse; of a very spare diet, not given to sleep, and 
 an early riser when in health ; he never was at any time idle, 
 and hated to see any one else so ; in all his natural and ordi- 
 nary inclinations and composure, there was something extra- 
 ordinary and tending to virtue, beyond what I can describe, or 
 can be gathered from a bare dead description ; there was a life 
 of spirit and power in him that is not to be found in any 
 copy drawn from him. To sum up, therefore, all that can be 
 said of his outward frame and disposition, we must truly 
 conclude, that it was a very handsome and well furnished 
 lodging prepared for the reception of that prince, who in 
 the administration of all excellent virtues reigned there a 
 while, till he was called back to the palace of the universal 
 emperor. 
 
 HIS VIRTUES. 
 
 To number his virtues is to give the epitome of his life, which 
 was nothing else but a progress from one degree of virtue to 
 another, till in a short time he arrived to that height which 
 many longer lives could never reach ; and had I but the power 
 of rightly disposing and relating them, his single example 
 would be more instructive than all the rules of the best 
 moralists, for his practice was of a more divine extraction, 
 drawn from the word of God, and wrought up by the assist- 
 ance of his Spirit ; therefore in the head of all his virtues I 
 shall set that which was the head and spring of them all, his
 
 CHAEAC1ER OF COL. HUTCHINSON. 25 
 
 Christianity for this alone is the true royal blood that runs 
 through the whole body of virtue, and every pretender to that 
 glorious family, who hath no tincture of it, is an impostor 
 and a spurious brat. This is that sacred fountain which 
 baptizeth all the gentle virtues that so immortalize the names 
 of Cicero, Plutarch, Seneca, and all the old philosophers ; 
 herein they are regenerated, and take a new name and 
 nature. Dug up in the wilderness of nature, and dipped in 
 this living spring, they are planted and flourish in the para- 
 dise of God. 
 
 By Christianity I intend that universal habit of grace which 
 is wrought in a soul by the regenerating Spirit of God, 
 whereby the whole creature is resigned up into the divine 
 will and love, and all its actions directed to the obedience 
 and glory of its Maker. As soon as he had improved his 
 natural understanding with the acquisition of learning, the 
 first studies in which he exercised himself were the principles 
 of religion, and the first knowledge he laboured for was a 
 knowledge of God, which by a diligent examination of the 
 Scripture, and the several doctrines of great men pretending 
 that ground, he at length obtained. Afterwards, when he had 
 laid a sure and orthodox foundation in the doctrine of the 
 free grae of God given us by Jesus Christ, he began to 
 survey the superstructures, and to discover much of the hay 
 and stubble of men's inventions in God's worship, which his 
 spirit burned up in the day of their trial. His faith being 
 established in the truth, he was full of love to God and all 
 his saints.* He hated persecution for religion, and was 
 always a champion for all religious people against all their 
 great oppressors. He detested all scoffs at any practice of 
 worship, though such a one as he was not persuaded of it. 
 
 * Saints. An expression commonly used in that time to signify good 
 and religious people.
 
 26 MRS. HUTCHJNSON TO HER CHILDREN. 
 
 Whatever he practised in religion was neither for faction nor 
 advantage, but contrary to it, and purely for conscience' sake. 
 As he hated outsides in religion, so could he worse endure 
 those apostacies and those denials of the Lord and base com- 
 pliances of his adversaries, which timorous men practise 
 under the name of prudent and just condescensions to avoid 
 persecution. Christianity being in him as the fountain of all 
 his virtues, and diffusing itself in every stream, that of his 
 prudence falls into the next mention. He from a child was 
 wise, and sought to by many that might have been his 
 fathers for counsel, which he could excellently give to him- 
 self and others ; and whatever cross event in any of his 
 affairs may give occasion to fools to overlook the wisdom of 
 the design, yet he had as great a foresight, as strong a judg- 
 ment, as clear an apprehension of men and things as any 
 man. He had rather a firm impression than a great memory, 
 yet he was forgetful of nothing but injuries. His own integrity 
 made him credulous of other men's, till reason and experience 
 convinced him ; and he was as unapt to believe cautions 
 which could not be received without entertaining ill opinions 
 of men ; yet he had wisdom enough never to commit himself 
 to a traitor, though he was once wickedly betrayed by friends 
 whom necessity and not mistake forced him to trust.* He 
 was as ready to hear as to give counsel, and never perti- 
 nacious in his will when his reason was convinced. There 
 was no opinion which he was most settled in, either concern- 
 ing divine or human things, but he would patiently and 
 impartially hear it debated. In matters of faith his reason 
 always submitted to the Word of God, and what he could not 
 comprehend, he would believe because it was written ; but 
 
 * It is not known what peculiar transaction this refers to, though it may 
 be conjectured to refer to the false protestations of Monk and Sir Ashley 
 Cooper at the Restoration; whom he and many others trusted much against 
 their will.
 
 CHAEACTEK OF COL. HUTCHINSOK. 27 
 
 in all other things, the greatest names in the world could 
 never lead him without reason : he would deliberate when 
 there was time, but never, by tedious dispute, lost an oppor- 
 tunity of any thing that Avas to be done. He would hear as 
 well as speak, and yet never spoke impertinently or unsea- 
 sonably. He very Avell understood his own advantages, na- 
 tural parts, gifts, and acquirements, yet so as neither to glory 
 of them to others, nor overvalue himself for them; for he 
 had an excellent virtuous modesty, which shut out all vanity 
 of mind, and yet admitted that true understanding of himself 
 which was requisite for the best improvement of all his 
 talents. He no less understood and was more heedful to 
 remark his defects, imperfections, and disadvantages, but 
 that too only to excite his circumspection concerning them, 
 not to damp his spirit in any noble enterprise. He had a 
 noble spirit of government, both in civil, military, and do- 
 mestic administrations, which forced even from unwilling 
 subjects a love and reverence of him, and endeared him to the 
 souls of those who rejoiced to be governed by him. He had 
 a native majesty that struck an awe of him into the hearts of 
 men, and a sweet greatness that commanded love. He had 
 a clear discerning of men's spirits, and knew how to give 
 every one their just weight. He contemned none that were 
 not wicked, in whatever low degree of nature or fortune they 
 were otherwise : wherever he saw wisdom, learning, or other 
 virtues in men, he honoured them highly, and admired them 
 to their full rate, but never gave himself blindly up to the 
 conduct of the greatest master. Love itself, which was as 
 powerful in his as in any soul, rather quickened than blinded 
 the eyes of his judgment in discerning the imperfections of 
 those that were most dear to him. His soul ever reigned as 
 king in the internal throne, and never was captive to his 
 sense ; religion and reason, its two favoured counsellors, took 
 order that all the passions kept within their own just bounds,
 
 28 MRS. HTJTCH1KSON TO HEB CHILDREN. 
 
 did him good service there, and furthered the public weal. 
 He found such felicity in that proportion of wisdom that he 
 enjoyed, as he was a great lover of that which advanced it- 
 learning and the arts ; which he not only honoured in others, 
 but had by his industry arrived to be himself a far greater 
 scholar than is absolutely requisite for a gentleman. He 
 had many excellent attainments, but he no less evidenced his 
 wisdom in knowing how to rank and use them, than in gain- 
 ing them. He had wit enough to have been subtle and 
 cunning, but he so abhorred dissimulation that I cannot say 
 he was either. Greatness of courage would not suffer him 
 to put on a vizor, to secure him from any ; to retire into the 
 shadow of privacy and silence was all his prudence could 
 effect in him. It will be as hard to say which was the pre- 
 dominant virtue in him, as which is so in its own nature. 
 He was as excellent in justice as in wisdom; nor could the 
 greatest advantage, or the greatest danger, or the dearest 
 interest or friend in the world, prevail on him to pervert 
 justice even to an enemy. He never professed the thing he 
 intended not, nor promised what he believed out of his own 
 power, nor failed the performance of anything that was in his 
 power to fulfil. Never fearing anything he could suffer for 
 the truth, he never at any time would refrain a true or give a 
 false witness ; he loved truth so much that he hated even 
 sportive lies and gulleries. He was so just to his own 
 honour that he many times forbore things lawful and de- 
 lightful to him, rather than he would give any one occasion 
 of scandal. Of all lies he most hated hypocrisy in religion; 
 either to comply with changing governments or persons, 
 without a real persuasion of conscience, or to practise holy 
 things to get the applause of men or any advantage. As in 
 religion so in friendship, he never professed love when he 
 had it not, nor disguised hate or aversion, which indeed he 
 never had to any party or person, but to their sins : and he 

 
 CHAEACTEB OF COL. HTJTCHIKSON. 29 
 
 loved even his bitterest enemies so well, that I am witness 
 how his soul mourned for them, and how heartily he desired 
 their conversion. If he were defective in any part of justice, 
 it was when it was in his power to punish those who had 
 injured him ; whom I have so often known him. to recompense 
 with favours instead of revenge, that his friends used to tell 
 him, if they had any occasion to make him favourably partial 
 to them, they would provoke him by an injury. He was as 
 faithful and constant to his friends as merciful to his enemies : 
 nothing grieved him more than to be obliged where he could 
 not hope to return it. He that was a rock to all assaults of 
 might and violence, was the gentlest, easiest soul to kindness, 
 of which the least warm spark melted him into anything 
 that was not sinful. There never was a man more exactly 
 just in the performance of duties to all relations and all persons. 
 Honour, obedience, and love to his father, were so natural and 
 so lasting in him, that it is impossible to imagine a better son 
 than he was ; and whoever would pray for a blessing in 
 children to any one, could but wish them such a son as he.* 
 He never repined at his father's will in anything, how much 
 soever it were to his prejudice, nor would endure to hear any 
 one say his father was not so kind to him as he might have 
 been; but to his dying day preserved his father's memory 
 with such tender affection and reverence as was admirable, 
 and had that high regard for his mother-in-law and the 
 children she brought his father, that he could not have been 
 more dearly concerned in all their interest if she had been his 
 own mother which, all things considered, although they 
 were deserving persons, was an example of piety and good- 
 ness that will not easily be matched. For conjugal affection 
 to his wife, it was such in him, as whosoever would draw out 
 
 * This we shall find called in question by his mother-in-law, and will be 
 discussed in the course of the history.
 
 30 MKS. HTJTCHINSON TO HEE CUIZDEEN. 
 
 a rule of honour, kindness, and religion, to be practised in 
 that estate, need no more, but exactly draw out his example ; 
 never man had a greater passion for a woman, nor a more 
 honourable esteem of a wife ; yet he was not uxorious, nor 
 remitted he that just rule which it was her honour to obey, 
 but managed the reins of government with such prudence 
 and affection that she who would not delight in such an 
 honourable and advantageable subjection, must have wanted 
 a reasonable soul. He governed by persuasion, which he 
 never employed but to things honourable and profitable for 
 herself; he loved her soul and her honour more than her 
 outside, and yet he had even for her person a constant indul- 
 gence, exceeding the common temporary passions of the 
 most uxorious fools. If he esteemed her at a higher rate 
 than she in herself could have deserved, he was the author 
 of that virtue he doated on, while she only reflected his own 
 glories upon him ; all that she was, was him, while he was 
 here, and all that she is now at best is but his pale shade. So 
 liberal was he to her, and of so generous a temper, that he 
 hated the mention of severed purses ; his estate being so 
 much at her disposal, that he never would receive an account 
 of anything she expended ; so constant was he in his love, 
 that when she ceased to be young and lovely, he began to 
 show most fondness ; he loved her at such a kind and gene- 
 rous rate as words cannot express ; yet even this, which was 
 the highest love he or any man could have, was yet bounded 
 by a superior, he loved her in the Lord as his fellow-creature, 
 not his idol, but in such a manner as showed that an affection, 
 bounded in the just rules of duty, far exceeds every way all 
 the irregular passions in the world. He loved God above 
 her, and all the other dear pledges of his heart, and at his 
 command and for his glory cheerfully resigned them. He 
 was as kind a father, as dear a brother, as good a master, and 
 as faithful a friend as the world had, yet in all these relations,
 
 CHARACTEK OP COL. HTJTCHINSO-N". 31 
 
 the greatest indulgence he could have in the world never 
 prevailed on him to indulge vice in the dearest person ; 
 but the more dear any were to him, the more was he offended 
 at anything that might take off the lustre of their glory. As 
 he had great severity against errors and follies pertinaciously 
 pursued, so had he the most merciful, gentle, and compas- 
 sionate frame of spirit that can be imagined to those who 
 became sensible of their errors and frailties, although they 
 had been ever so injurious to himself. 
 
 Nor was his soul less shining in honour than in love. 
 Piety being still the bond of all his other virtues, there was 
 nothing he durst not do or suffer, but sin against God ; and 
 therefore, as he never regarded his life in any noble and just 
 enterprise, so he never staked it in any rash or unwarrantable 
 hazard. He was never surprised, amazed, nor confounded 
 with great difficulties or dangers, which rather served to 
 animate than distract his spirits ; he had made up his accounts 
 with life and death, and fixed his purpose to entertain both 
 honourably, so that no accident ever dismayed him, but he 
 rather rejoiced in such troublesome conflicts as might sig- 
 nalise his generosity. A truer or more lively valour there 
 never was in any man, but in all his actions it ever marched 
 in the same file with wisdom. He understood well, and as 
 well performed when he undertook it, the military art in all 
 parts of it ; he naturally loved the employment, as it suited 
 with his active temper more than any, conceiving a mutual 
 delight in leading those men that loved his conduct ; and 
 when he commanded soldiers, never was man more loved and 
 reverenced by all that were under him ; for he would never 
 condescend to them in anything they mutinously sought, nor 
 suffer them to seek what it was fit for him to provide, but 
 prevented them by his loving care ; and while he exercised 
 his authority no way but in keeping them to their just duty, 
 they joyed as much in his commands as he in their obe-
 
 82 MKS. HTTTCHINSON TO HER CHILDREN. 
 
 dience. He was very liberal to them, but ever chose just 
 times and occasions to exercise it. I cannot say whether he 
 were more truly magnanimous or less proud ; he never dis- 
 dained the meanest person, nor flattered the greatest ; he had 
 a loving and sweet courtesy to the poorest, and would often 
 employ many spare hours with the commonest soldiers and 
 poorest labourers, but still so ordering his familiarity as it 
 never raised them to a contempt, but entertained still at the 
 same time a reverence with love of him ; he ever preserved 
 himself in his own rank, neither being proud of it so as to 
 despise any inferior, nor letting fall that just decorum which 
 his honour obliged him to keep up. He was as far from 
 envy of superiors as from contemning them that were under 
 him ; he was above the ambition of vain titles, and so well 
 contented with the even ground of a gentleman, that no 
 invitation could have prevailed upon him to advance one step 
 that way ; he loved substantial not airy honour. As he was 
 above seeking or delighting in empty titles for himself, so he 
 neither denied nor envied any man's due precedency, but 
 pitied those that took a glory in that which had no foun- 
 dation of virtue. As little did he seek after popular applause, 
 or pride himself in it, if at any time it cried up his just 
 deserts ; he more delighted to do well than to be praised, 
 and never set vulgar commendations at such a rate, as to act 
 contrary to his own conscience or reason for the obtaining 
 them ; nor would he forbear a good action which he was bound 
 to, though all the world disliked it, for he ever looked on 
 things as they were in themselves, not through the dim 
 spectacles of vulgar estimation. As he was far from a vain 
 affectation of popularity, so he never neglected that just care 
 that an honest man ought to have of his reputation, and was 
 as careful to avoid the appearances of evil as evil itself ; but 
 if he were evil spoken of for truth or righteousness' sake, he 
 rejoiced in taking up the reproach ; which all good men that
 
 CHAKACTEH OF COL. HUTCHINSON. 33 
 
 dare bear their testimony against an evil generation must 
 suffer. Though his zeal for truth and virtue caused the 
 wicked, with the sharp edges of their malicious tongues, to 
 shave off the glories from his head, yet his honour springing 
 from the fast root of virtue, did but grow the thicker and 
 more beautiful for all their endeavours to cut it off.* He 
 was as free from avarice as from ambition and pride. Never 
 had any man a more contented and thankful heart for 
 the estate that God had given, but it was a very narrow 
 compass for the exercise of his great heart. He loved hos- 
 pitality as much as he hated riot ; he could contentedly be 
 without things beyond his reach, though he took very much 
 pleasure in all those noble delights that exceeded not his 
 faculties. In those things that Avere of mere pleasure, he 
 loved not to aim at that he could not attain ; he would rather 
 wear clothes absolutely plain, than pretend to gallantry ; 
 and would rather choose to have none than mean jewels or 
 pictures, and such other things as were not of absolute 
 necessity. He would rather give nothing than a base reward 
 or present, and upon that score he lived very much retired, 
 though his nature was very sociable, and delighted in going 
 into and receiving company ; because his fortune would not 
 allow him to do it in such a noble manner as suited with his 
 mind. He was so truly magnanimous, that prosperity could 
 never lift him up in the least, nor give him any tincture of 
 pride or vain-glory, nor diminish a general affability, courtesy, 
 and civility, that he always showed to all persons. "When he 
 was most exalted, he was most merciful and compassionate to 
 those that were humbled. At the same time that he van- 
 quished any enemy, he cast away all his ill-will to him, and 
 entertained thoughts of love and kindness as soon as he 
 
 * Samson and Delilah, 
 D
 
 34 MRS. HUTCHINSON TO HEB CHILDREN. 
 
 ceased to be in a posture of opposition. He was as far from 
 meanness as from pride, as truly generous as humble, and 
 showed his noble spirit more in adversity than in his pros- 
 perous condition ; he vanquished all the spite of his enemies 
 by his manly suffering, and all the contempts they could cast 
 at him were their shame not his. 
 
 His whole life was the rule of temperance in meat, drink, 
 apparel, pleasure, and all those things that may be lawfully 
 enjoyed; and herein his temperance was more excellent than 
 in others, in whom it is not so much a virtue, but proceeds 
 from want of appetite or gust of pleasure ; in him it was a 
 true, wise, and religious government of the desire and delight 
 he took in the things he enjoyed. He had a certain activity 
 of spirit which could never endure idleness either in himself 
 or others, and that made him eager, for the time he indulged 
 it, as well in pleasure as in business ; indeed, though in youth 
 he exercised innocent sports a little while, yet afterwards his 
 business was his pleasure. But how intent soever he were in 
 anything, how much soever it delighted him', he could freely 
 and easily cast it away when God called him to something 
 else. He had as much modesty as could consist with a true 
 virtuous assurance, and hated an impudent person. Neither 
 in youth nor riper age could the most fair or enticing women 
 ever draw him into unnecessary familiarity or vain con- 
 verse or dalliance with' them, yet he despised nothing 
 of the female sex but their follies and vanities ; wise and 
 virtuous women he loved, and delighted in all pure, holy, and 
 unblameable conversation with them, but so as never to 
 excite scandal or temptation. Scurrilous discourse even 
 among men he abhorred ; and though he sometimes took 
 pleasure in wit and mirth, yet that which was mixed with 
 impurity he never would endure. The heat of his youth a 
 little inclined him to the passion of anger, and the goodness
 
 OHAKACTER OF COL. HtTTCHINSON. 35 
 
 of his nature to those of love and grief, but reason was never 
 dethroned by them, but continued governor and moderator 
 in his soul.* 
 
 * In this place Mrs. Hutchinson has written, " All this and more is 
 true, but I so much dislike the manner of relating it, that I will make 
 another essay." And accordingly she proceeds to write his character over 
 again, but it has the appearance of being much more laboured, and much 
 less characteristic) and therefore the former is preferred. 
 
 At the same place is written : " This book was written by Lucy, the 
 widow and relict of Col. John Hutchinson, of Owthorp." J. H. 
 
 (Julius Hutchinson, grandfather of the Editor.)
 
 THE 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN HUTCHINSON, 
 
 OF OWTHORPE, IN THE COUNTY OF NOTTINGHAM, ESQUIRE. 
 
 HE was the eldest surviving son of Sir Thomas Hutchinson. 
 and the Lady Margaret, his first wife, one of the daughters 
 of Sir John Biron, of Newstead, in the same county, two 
 persons so eminently virtuous and pious in their generations, 
 that to descend from them was to set up in the world upon a 
 good stock of honour, which obliged their posterity to 
 improve it, as much as it was their privilege to inherit their 
 parents' glories. Sir Thomas was he that removed his 
 dwelling to Owthorpe ; his father, though he was possessor 
 of that lordship, having dwelt at Cropwell, another town, 
 within two miles of which he had an inheritance, which, if I 
 mistake not, was the place where those of the family that 
 began to settle the name in this county, first fixed their 
 habitation. The family for many generations past have been 
 of good repute in Yorkshire, and there is yet a gentleman in 
 that county, descendant of the elder house, that possesses a 
 fair estate and reputation in his father's ancient inheritance.* 
 They have been in Nottinghamshire for generations ; wherein 
 I observe that as if there had been an Agrarian law in the 
 family, as soon as they arrived to any considerable fortune 
 beyond his who was first transplanted hither, they began 
 
 * At Wykeham Abbey, in the county of York, where it is believed 
 they still reside.
 
 1616. J HIS PARENTAGE. 37 
 
 other houses, of which one is soon decayed and worn out in 
 an unworthy branch, (he of Basford,) another began to 
 nourish, and long may it prosper.* It is further observable 
 in their descent that though none of them before Sir Thomas 
 Hutchinson advanced beyond an esquire, yet they successively 
 matched into all the most eminent and noble families in the 
 country ; which shows that it was the unambitious genius of 
 the family rather than their want of merit, which made them 
 keep upon so even a ground, after their first achievements had 
 set them on a stage elevated enough from the vulgar, to 
 perform any honourable and virtuous actions. I spoke with 
 one old man who had known five generations of them in 
 these parts, where their hospitality, their love to their 
 country, their plain and honest conversation with all men, 
 their generous and unambitious inclinations, had made the 
 family continue as well beloved and reputed as any of the 
 prouder houses in the country.f Although they changed 
 not their titles, yet every succession increased the real honour 
 of their house. One disadvantage they had, that few of 
 them were so long lived as to prevent their sons from the 
 bondage of wardship, whereby they fell into the hands of 
 wicked guardians, that defaced instead of cultivating their 
 seats, and made every heir a new planter. Sir Thomas 
 Hutchinson, as I have heard, was not above eight years of 
 age when his father died, and his wardship fell into the 
 hands of an unworthy person, Sir Germaine Poole, who did 
 him so many injuries, that he was fain, after he came of age, 
 to have suits with him. This so raised the malice of the 
 wicked man that he watched an opportunity to assassinate 
 
 * It stood only two generations ; the last possessor, who was the great 
 grandson of Sir Thomas Hutchinson, directing by his will the estate to be 
 sold, and the produce given to strangers. 
 
 f Sir Thomas Hutchinson's son and grandson fell no way short of him 
 in this.
 
 38 HEMOIES OF COL. HTTTCHINSON. [1616 
 
 him unawares, and as Sir Thomas was landing out of a boat 
 at the Temple stairs in London, Poole having on a private 
 coat, with some wicked assistants, before he was aware, gave 
 him some cuts on the head and his left hand that was upon 
 the boat; but he full of courage drew his sword, run at 
 Poole and broke his weapon, which could not enter his false 
 armour ; whereupon he run in to him, resolved not to be mur- 
 dered without leaving some mark on the villain, and bit off 
 his nose ; and then, by the assistance God sent him of an 
 honest waterman, being rescued, he was carried away so 
 sorely wounded that his life was in some danger : but the 
 fact being made public, his honorable carriage in it procured 
 him a great deal of glory, and his adversary carried the 
 mark of his shame to the grave.* After this, returning into 
 the country, he there lived with very much love, honour, and 
 repute ; but having been tossed up and down in his youth, 
 and interrupted in his studies, he grew into such an excessive 
 humour for books, that he wholly addicted himself to them ; 
 and deeply engaging in school divinity, spent even his hours 
 of meat and sleep among his books, with such eagerness, 
 that though he himself attained a high reputation of learning 
 thereby, and indeed a great improvement in wisdom and 
 piety, yet he too much deprived his dear friends and relations 
 
 * This is a singular tale, and savours almost two much of the ridiculous 
 for the gravity of an historian : however Rushworth recites a story of this 
 same man not a little resembling it, in the appendix to his 2nd vol. 
 " Sir German Poole vowed revenge against a Mr. Brighthouse, shot two 
 pistols at him out of a window, set two servants on him with swords, who 
 ran him through the cloak between the arm and body, but killed him not, 
 he defending himself effectually till Sir German came on, who wounded 
 him, and for which he and another were committed to the Fleet, fined 
 1100J. &c." This does not seem to have cured him ; perhaps the mark 
 set on him by Sir Thomas H. succeeded better. Did Charles the Second 
 take the hint from this when he set assassins to slit Mr. Coventry's nose, 
 which caused the Coventry act to pass ?
 
 1G16.J HIS FATHER. 39 
 
 of his conversation. When he was entered into this studious 
 life, God took from him his dear wife, who left him only two 
 weak children ; and then being extremely afflicted for so 
 deplorable a loss, he entertained his melancholy among the 
 old fathers and schoolmen, instead of diverting it; and having 
 furnished himself with the choicest library in that part of 
 England, it drew to him all the learned and religious men 
 thereabouts, who found better resolutions from him than from 
 any of his books. Living constantly in the country, he could 
 not be exempted from administering justice among them, 
 which he did with such equity and wisdom, and was such a 
 defender of the country's interest, that, without affecting it 
 at all, he grew the. most popular and most beloved man in 
 the country, even to the envy of those prouder great ones 
 that despised the common interest. What others sought, he 
 could not shun, being still sought by the whole county, to be 
 their representative, to which he was several times elected,* 
 and ever faithful to his trust and his country's interest, though 
 never approving violence and faction. He was a man of a 
 most moderate and wise spirit, but still so inclined to favour 
 the oppressed saints and honest people of those times, that, 
 though he conformed to the government, the licentious and 
 profane encroachers upon common native rights branded him 
 with the reproach of the world, though the glory of good 
 men Puritanism ; yet notwithstanding he continued con- 
 stant to the best interest, and died at London in the year 
 1643, a sitting member of that glorious Parliament that so 
 generously attempted, and had almost effected, England's 
 perfect liberty. He was a person of great beauty and come- 
 
 * He was omitted only in that parliament which was chosen at a time 
 when he and other patriots were imprisoned to prevent their being re-elected. 
 See note, page 48.
 
 40 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHIXSOX , [1616 
 
 liness in all ages,* of a bounteous and noble nature, of clear 
 courage, sweet and affable conversation, of a public spirit, of 
 great prudence and reputation, a true lover of all pious 
 learned persons, and no less of honest plain people; of a 
 most tender conscience, and therefore declaring much for and 
 endeavouring moderation, if it had been possible in the 
 beginning of our wars that the greatest wisdom could have 
 cast on any drops of healing counsel, to have allayed the 
 furious rage of both parties. Though never man was a 
 deeper nor truer mourner than he for his first wife, yet that 
 long dropping grief did but soften his heart for the impression 
 of a second love, which he conceived for a very honourable 
 and beautiful lady, who was Katherine the youngest daughter 
 of Sir John Stanhope, of Elvaston, a noble family in Derby- 
 shire, by whom he had a son and two daughters surviving 
 him, not unworthy of their family. 
 
 Mr. John Hutchinson, the eldest of his surviving sons, by 
 his first wife, was born at Nottingham in the month of 
 September, in the year 1616. That year there had been a 
 great drought, by reason of which the country would not 
 afford his father any provision for his stables, so that he was 
 forced to remove from Owthorpe to winter in the town of 
 Nottingham, somewhat before his lady's time of account. 
 She being in the coach on her way thither, and seeing her 
 husband in some danger by reason of a mettled horse he rode 
 
 * His picture remained at Owthorpe, and very well justified this des- 
 cription, and is now in the editor's possession in high preservation. For the 
 bounty and nobleness of his nature take this instance from Thoroton's 
 History of Notts. " Henry Sacheverell, Esq. being dissatisfied with his only 
 daughter for an improper marriage, left the whole estate at Ratcliff upon 
 Soar to Sir Thomas Hutchinson, his sister's son, who willingly divided it 
 with the disinherited lady." His moiety came afterwards to Alderman 
 Ireton, being sacrificed to him through necessity by Col. Hutchinson, as 
 will hereafter be shown.
 
 1619] HIS MOTHER. 41 
 
 upon, took a fright, and was brought to bed the next day, as 
 they imagined some three weeks before her time, and they 
 were confirmed in that opinion by the weakness of the child, 
 which continued all his infancy. "When he was born there 
 was an elder brother in the family, but he died a child. Two 
 years and a half after this Mr. George Hutchinson, his younger 
 brother, was born at Owthorpe ; and half a year after his 
 birth the two children lost their mother, who died of a cold 
 she had taken, and was buried at Owthorpe. She was a lady 
 of as noble a family as any in the county, of an incomparable 
 shape and beauty, embellished with the best education those 
 days afforded; and above all had such a generous virtue 
 joined with attractive sweetness, that she captivated the 
 hearts of all that knew her. She was pious, liberal, courteous, 
 patient, kind above an ordinary degree, ingenuous to all 
 things she would apply herself to ; and notwithstanding she 
 had had her education at court, was delighted in her own 
 country habitation, and managed all her family affairs better 
 than any of the homespun housewifes, that had been brought 
 up to nothing else. She was a most affectionate wife, a great 
 lover of her father's house, showing that true honour to 
 parents is the leading virtue, which seldom wants the con- 
 comitancy of all the rest of honour's train. She was a wise 
 and bountiful mistress in her family, a blessing to her tenants 
 and neighbourhood, and had an indulgent tenderness to her 
 infants ; but death veiled all her mortal glories in the 26th 
 year of her age. The stories I have received of her have 
 been but scanty epitaphs of those things which were worthy of 
 a large chronicle, and a better recorder than I can be ; I shall 
 therefore draw again the sable curtain before that image 
 which I have ventured to look at a little, but dare not 
 undertake to discover to others. One that was present at her. 
 death told me that she had an admirable voice, and skill to 
 manage it ; and that she went away singing a psalm, which
 
 42 MEMOIES OF COL. HtTTCHIXSOX. 11619 
 
 this maid apprehended she sung with so much more than 
 usual sweetness, as if her soul had already ascended into 
 the celestial choir. 
 
 There is a story of her father and mother so memorahle 
 that though it be not altogether pertinent to their grandchild's 
 affairs, Avhich I only intend to record, yet I shall here put it 
 in, since the third generation, for whom I make this collection, 
 is not altogether unconcerned in the great grandfather. He 
 the great grandfather) was not the eldest son of his father Sir 
 John Biron, but he had an elder brother who had married a 
 private gentleman's daughter in the country, and so displeased 
 his father in that match, that he intended an equal part of 
 his estate to this Sir John Biron, his younger son, and there- 
 upon married him to a young lady who was one of the 
 daughters of my lord Fitzwilliam, that had been deputy of 
 Ireland in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and lived as a prince 
 in that country.* This daughter of his having an honourable 
 aspiring to all things excellent, and being assisted by the 
 great education her father gave her, attained to a high degree of 
 learning and language, and to such an excellency in music and 
 poetry, that she made rare compositions in both kinds ; and 
 there was not any of those extraordinary qualities, which are 
 therefore more glorious because more rare in the female sex, 
 but she was excellent in them : and besides all these orna- 
 ments of soul, she had a body of as admirable a form and 
 beauty, which justly made her husband so infinitely enamoured 
 of her as never man was more. She could not set too high a 
 
 * By mistake Mrs. Hutchinson calls him lord. The person here meant 
 was Sir William Fitzwilliam, appointed governor of Ireland seven times 
 with the different titles of Lord Justice and Lord Deputy, by that dis- 
 tinguishing and judicious princess. A sufficient eulogy ! From him 
 descends in a direct line the present Earl Fitzwilliam. fortes creantur, 
 fortibus et Mortis. The reader will most likely find this episode too beautiful 
 and affecting to think it needs the apology the writer makes.
 
 1619.] HIS MATERNAL GRANDPARENTS. 43 
 
 varue on herself if she compared herself with other women of 
 those times ; yet it was an alloy to her glories that she was a 
 little grieved that a less woman, the elder brother's wife, was 
 superior to her in regard of her husband, though inferior in re- 
 gard of her birth and person ; but that grief was soon removed 
 by a sad accident. That marriage wherein the father had not 
 been obeyed was fruitless, and the young gentleman himself 
 being given to youthful vanity, as he was one day to go out a 
 hunting with his father, had commanded something to be put 
 under the saddle of a young serving man, that was to go out 
 with them, to make sport at his affright when his horse should 
 prove unquiet. The thing succeeded as it was designed, and 
 made them such sport, that the young gentleman, in the 
 passion of laughter, died, and turned their mirth into 
 mourning ; leaving a sad caveat by his example, to take heed 
 of hazarding men's precious lives for a little sport. The 
 younger brother by this means became the heir of the family, 
 and was father of a numerous and hopeful issue. But while 
 the incomparable mother shined in all the human glory she 
 wished, and had the crown of all outward felicity to the full, 
 in the enjoyment of the mutual love of her most beloved 
 husband, God in one moment took it away, and alienated her 
 most excellent understanding in a difficult child-birth ; 
 wherein she brought forth two daughters which lived to be 
 married, and one more that died I think as soon or before it 
 was born.* But after that, all the art of the best physicians 
 in England could never restore her understanding : yet she 
 was not frantic, but had such a pretty deliration, that her 
 ravings were more delightful than other women's most 
 
 * The twins here mentioned as daughters are said by Thoroton to have 
 been sons, viz. Sir John, presently herein spoken of as the brother-in-law 
 of Sir Thomas Hutchinson, and Sir Nicholas, who served Charles the Firsfc 
 with the same zeal as the rest of that family.
 
 44 MEMOIRS OF COL. HCJTCHINSON. [1619 
 
 rational conversations. Upon this occasion her husband 
 gave himself up to live retired with her, as became her 
 condition, and made haste to marry his son ; which he did so 
 young that I have heard say when the first child was born, 
 the father, mother, and child, could not make one-and-thirty 
 years old. The daughters and the rest of the children as 
 soon as they grew up were married and dispersed. I think 
 I have heard she had some children after that child-birth 
 which distempered her, and then my lady Hutchinson must 
 have been one of them, for she was the youngest daughter, 
 and at nine years old so taking, and of such an amiable con- 
 versation, that the lady Arabella* would needs take her from 
 her parents, along with her to the court ; where she minded 
 nothing but her lady, and grew up so intimate in all her 
 counsels, that the princess was more delighted in her than in 
 any of the women about her ; but when she (the princess) 
 was carried away from them to prison, my lady's brother 
 fetched her home to his house. There, although his wife, 
 a most prudent and virtuous lady, laboured to comfort her 
 with all imaginable kindness, yet so constant was her friend- 
 ship to the unfortunate princess, that I have heard her servants 
 say, she would steal many melancholy hours to sit and weep 
 in remembrance of her, even after her marriage. Mean- 
 while her parents were driving on their age, in no less 
 constancy of love to each other ; for even that distemper 
 which had estranged her mind in all things else, had left her 
 love and obedience entire to her husband, and he retained the 
 same fondness and respect for her, after she was distempered, 
 as when she was the glory of her age. He had two beds in 
 one chamber, and she being a little sick, two women watched 
 
 * By the lady Arabella is here meant the lady Arabella Stuart, whose 
 romantic and melancholy story is told by Rapin, vol. ii. p. 161 and 189, in 
 the reign of James the First. That mean-souled tyrant shut her up in the 
 Tower, where she died, not without suspicion of poison.
 
 1619.J HIS MATERNAL GRANDPAKENTS. 45 
 
 by her, some time before she died. It was his custom, as 
 soon as ever he unclosed his eyes, to ask how she did ; but 
 one night, he being as they thought in a deep sleep, she 
 quietly departed towards the morning. He was that day to 
 have gone a hunting, his usual exercise for his health, and it 
 was his custom to have his chaplain pray with him before he 
 went out ; and the women, fearful to surprise him with the ill 
 news, knowing his dear affection to her, had stolen out and 
 acquainted the chaplain, desiring him to inform him of it. 
 Sir John waking, did not on that day, as was his custom, ask 
 for her, but called the chaplain to prayers, and joining with 
 him, in the midst of the prayer, expired, and both of them 
 were buried together in the same grave. Whether he per- 
 ceived her death, and would not take notice, or whether some 
 strange sympathy in love or nature, tied up their lives in one, 
 or whether God was pleased to exercise an unusual providence 
 towards them, preventing them both from that bitter sorrow 
 which such separations cause, it can be but conjectured ; but 
 the thing being not ordinary, and having received it from the 
 relation of one of his daughters and his grandchild, I thought 
 it not impertinent here to insert it. I shall now proceed to our 
 own story. 
 
 As soon as my lady Hutchinson* was dead, her brother, 
 Sir John Biron, came over and found the most desolate 
 afflicted widower that ever was beheld, and one of his sisters, 
 the lady Ratcliffe, who was the dear sister of the dead lady, 
 scarce alive for sorrow ; and indeed such a universal lamen- 
 tation in the house and neighbourhood, that the protraction 
 of their griefs for such a funeral as was intended her, might 
 possibly have made them all as she : Sir John therefore the 
 next morning privately, unknown to her husband, with only 
 her own family, carried her to the church, which was but the 
 next door, and interred her without further ceremony, it 
 * The mother of Col. Hutchinson, see page 41.
 
 46 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTJTCHIN8ON. [1619 
 
 booted not Sir Thomas to be angry at her brother's care of 
 him ; who pursued it so far, that the next day he carried away 
 Sir Thomas, lady Radcliffe, and Mr. John Hutchinson, 
 towards his own house at Bulwell, leaving Mr. George at his 
 nurse's. But the horses of the coach being mettled, in the 
 halfway between Owthorpe and Nottingham they ran away, 
 overthrew it, and slightly hurt all that were in the coach ; 
 who all got out, one by one, except the maid that had the 
 child in her arms, and she stayed as long as there was any 
 hope of preventing the coach from being torn to pieces : but 
 when she saw no stop could be given to the mad horses, she 
 lapped him as close as she could in the mantle, and flung him 
 as far as she could from the coach into the ploughed lands, 
 whose furrows were at that time very soft ; and by the good 
 providence of God the child, reserved to a more glorious 
 death, had no apparent hurt. He was taken up and carried 
 to Bulwell, where his aunt had such a motherly tenderness 
 for him that he grew and prospered in her care. As the 
 fresh memory and excessive love they bore the mother, 
 endeared the young child to all her relations at the first ; so 
 as he grew, he discovered so much growing wisdom, agility, 
 and pretty sprightfulness, had such a natural gravity without 
 sullenness, and such sweet innocence, that every child of the 
 family loved him better than their own brothers and sisters, 
 and Sir John Biron and my lady were not half so fond of 
 any of their own. When it was tune for them to go to 
 school, both the brothers were sent to board with Mr. 
 Theobalds, the master of the free school at Nottingham, who 
 was an excellent scholar ; but having no children, some 
 wealth, and a little living that kept his house, he first grew 
 lazy, and afterwards left off his school. Sir Thomas then re- 
 moved his sons to the free school at Lincoln, where there was a 
 master very famous for learning and piety, Mr. Clarke ; but 
 he was such a supercilious pedant, and so conceited of his
 
 1619 36.] HIS CHILDHOOD. 47 
 
 own pedantic forms, that he gave Mr. Hutchinson a disgust 
 of him, and he profited very little there. At this place it 
 was that God began early to exercise him with affliction and 
 temptation ; he was deprived of the attendance and care he 
 had been used to, and met with many inconveniences un- 
 suitable to his tender and nice constitution ; but this was 
 little, for he had such discretion in his childhood that he 
 understood what was fit for him to require, and governed 
 wherever he lived ; for he would not be denied what was 
 reasonable, and he would not ask other things. He was as a 
 father over his brother, and having some advantage of years, 
 took upon him to be the guide of his youth, yet with such 
 love, that never were children more commendable and happy 
 in mutual affections. But it pleased God to strike his brother 
 with a sad disease, the falling sickness, wherein Mr. Hut- 
 chinson most carefully attended him while he continued at 
 Lincoln ; which his father permitted him to do, for the oppor- 
 tunity of Dr. Pridgeon, one of the best physicians in those 
 parts. When he had in vain exercised all his art on the 
 young gentleman, and found no success in it, he advised he 
 should return to his father's house, and be entertained with 
 all the sports that could be found to delight his mind or 
 exercise his body. Accordingly he was carried home, and 
 had a pack of hounds, huntsmen, and horses kept for him, 
 and was something recreated, but not cured thereby ; till 
 afterwards it pleased God to effect that cure by a young 
 practitioner, which the ablest physicians of the country could 
 not work. This separation from his brother, to whom he 
 had such an entire affection, considered with the sad occasion 
 of it, was a great affliction to the elder brother ; who re- 
 mained in a place where he had little to delight him, having 
 an aversion to his austere, pedantic master, increased by an 
 opinion that his severity had been the cause of his dear 
 brother's distemper.
 
 48 MEM01KS OF COL. HUTCHINSON. 1619 C6. 
 
 The great encouragement Sir Thomas had to trust his sons 
 in this town was, because at that time a gentleman inha- 
 bited it who had married his uncle's widow, and had 
 been his fellow-sufferer in a confinement in Kent, when 
 King Charles the First had broken up a parliament to the 
 disgust of the people, and durst not trust those gentlemen 
 that had been most faithful defenders of their country's 
 interest, to return for some time to their own counties, for 
 which they served.* Of these worthy patriots, Sir Thomas 
 Hutchinson and Sir Thomas Grantham, the gentleman of 
 whom I am speaking, were confined from Nottingham and 
 Lincolnshire to the house of one Sir Adam Newton in Kent ; 
 the good father little thinking then, that in that fatal country 
 his son should suffer an imprisonment upon the same account, 
 to the destruction of his life and family. Sir Thomas 
 Grantham was a gentleman of great repute in his country, 
 and kept up all his life the old hospitality of England, having 
 a great retinue and a noble table, and a resort for all the 
 nobility and gentry in those parts. He had only two sons, 
 whereof the eldest was a fine gentleman, bred beyond the 
 seas, according to the best education of those times ; the 
 other was a foolish youth, schoolfellow with Mr. Hutchinson, 
 who every Saturday night was fetched from school to Sir 
 Thomas Grantham's, and returned again the Monday morn- 
 ing. Upon the intimate friendship between Sir Thomas 
 Hutchinson and this gentleman, Sir Thomas Hutchinson 
 had a lodging always kept for him at Lincoln, and was very 
 
 * This piece of history is mentioned by Rapin; Sir Thomas Grantham 
 is named, but Sir Thomas Hutchinson and many others not named. It 
 appears, in Thoroton's History of Nottingham, edited by Throsby, that this 
 confinement so far answered the purpose of Charles the First, that it 
 caused another to be chosen instead of Sir Thomas Hutchinson, knight of 
 the shire; but as soon as Sir Thomas got free lie was again chosen, and 
 continued to represent the county till his death.
 
 1019 36.] DESIGN FOB HIS MARRIAGE. 49 
 
 often there. My Lady Grantham had with her a very pretty 
 young gentlewoman, whom she brought with her out of 
 Kent, the daughter of Sir Adam Newton ; my lady's design was 
 to begin an early acquaintance, which might afterwards draw 
 on a marriage between her and Mr. Hutchinson, and it took 
 such effect that there was a great inclination in the young 
 gentlewoman to him ; and there was so much good nature on 
 his side, as amounted to a mutual respect, and to such a friend- 
 ship as their youth was capable of, which the parents and others 
 that wished so, interpreted to be a passion of love ; but if it 
 were so, death quenched the flame, and ravished the young 
 lady from him in the sweet blooming of her youth. That 
 night she died, he lay in his father's chamber, and by accident 
 being yery sick, it was imputed to that cause ; but he himself 
 least perceived he had any more of love for her than gratitude 
 for her kindness to him, upon which account her death was 
 an affliction to him, and made that house which had been his 
 relief from his hated school less pleasant to him ; especially 
 when he met there continual solicitations to sin by the 
 travelled gentleman, who, living in all seeming sobriety before 
 his father, was in his own chamber not only vicious himself, 
 but full of endeavour to corrupt Mr. Hutchinson, who by the 
 grace of God resisted, and detested hisfrequent temptations of 
 all kinds. An advantage he had at this school, was that there 
 being very many gentlemen's sons there, an old Low-country 
 soldier was entertained to train them in arms, and they all 
 bought themselves weapons ; and, instead of childish sports, 
 when they were not at their books, they were exercised in all 
 their military postures, and in assaults and defences ; which 
 instruction was not useless a few years after, to some of 
 them. Colonel Thornhagh, who was now trained in this 
 sportive militia, with Colonel Hutchinson, afterwards was his 
 fellow soldier in earnest, when the great cause of God's and 
 England's rights came to be disputed with swords against
 
 50 MEMOIRS OF COL. HCTCHINSOK. [1619 36. 
 
 encroaching princes. Sir Thomas Grantham dying, Mr. 
 Hutchinson was removed from Lincoln to the free-school at 
 Nottingham, where his father married a second wife, and for 
 a while went up to London with her ; leaving his son at board 
 in a very religious house, where new superstitions and phari- 
 saical holiness, straining at gnats and swallowing camels, 
 gave him a little disgust, and was for a while a stumbling-hlock 
 in his way of purer profession, when he saw among professor? 
 such unsuitable miscarriages. There was now a change in 
 the condition and contentment of his life ; he was old enough 
 to be sensible that his father's second love and marriage to a 
 person of such quality, as required a settlement for her son, 
 must needs be a lessening to his expectation ; but he was so 
 affectionate to his father that he received it very contentedly, 
 and rejoiced in his removal, coming from a supercilious 
 pedant to a very honest man, who using him with respect, 
 advanced him more in one month than the other did in a 
 year. This tied him to no observation, and restrained him 
 from no pleasure, and needed not, for he was so moderate 
 when he was left at his liberty, that he needed no regulation. 
 The familiar kindness of his master made him now begin to 
 love that which the other's austerity made him loath ; and in 
 a year's time he advanced exceedingly in learning, and was 
 sent to Cambridge. He was made a fellow-commoner of 
 Peter House, under the tuition of one Mr. Norwich, an 
 admirable scholar, who by his civil demeanour to him won so 
 much upon his good nature, that he loved and reverenced 
 him as a father, and betook himself with such delight to his 
 studies that he attained to a great height of learning, per- 
 formed public exercises in his college with much applause, 
 and upon their importunity took a degree in the university ; 
 whereof he was at that time the grace, there not being any 
 gentleman in the town that lived with such regularity in 
 himself, and such general love and good esteem of all persons
 
 1619 36.J HIS CONDUCT AT IHE UNIVERSITY. 51 
 
 as he did. He kept not company with any of the vain young 
 persons, but with the graver men, and those by whose con- 
 versation he might gain improvement. He was constant at 
 their chapel, where he began to take notice of their stretching 
 superstition to idolatry ; and was courted much into a more 
 solemn practice of it than he could admit, though as yet he 
 considered not the emptiness and carnality, to say no more, 
 of that public service which was then in use. For his ex- 
 ercise he practised tennis, and played admirably well at it ; 
 for his diversion, he chose music, and got a very good hand, 
 which afterwards he improved to a great mastery on the viol. 
 There were masters that taught to dance and vault, whom he 
 practised with, being very agile and apt for all such becoming 
 exercises. His father stinted not his expense, which the 
 bounty of his mind made pretty large, for he was very liberal 
 to his tutors and servitors, and to the meaner officers of the 
 house. He was enticed to bow to their great idol, learning, 
 and had a higher veneration for it a long time than can 
 strictly be allowed ; yet he then looked upon it as a hand- 
 maid to devotion, and as the great improver of natural reason. 
 His tutor and the masters that governed the college while he 
 was there, were of Arminian principles, and that college was 
 noted above all for popish superstitious practices ; yet through 
 the grace of God, notwithstanding the mutual kindness the 
 whole household had for him and he for them, he came away, 
 after five years' study there, untainted with those principles or 
 practices, though not yet enlightened to discern the spring of 
 them in the rites and usages of the English church. 
 
 When he came from the university, he was about twenty 
 years of age, and returned to his father's house, who had 
 now settled his habitation at Nottingham ; but he there 
 enjoyed no great delight, another brood of children springing 
 up in the house, and the servants endeavouring with tales 
 and flatteries to sow dissension on both sides. Therefore. 
 E 2
 
 52 MEMOIBS OF COL. HTTTCHINSON. [1636 38. 
 
 haiing a great reverence for his father, and being not willing 
 to disturb him with complaints, as soon as he could obtain 
 his leave he went to London. In the mean time the best 
 company the town afforded him, was a gentleman of as ex- 
 quisite breeding and parts as England's court ever enjoyed, 
 one that was now married, and retired into this town ; 
 one of such admirable power of language and persuasion 
 as was not any where else to be found ; but after all this, 
 discontents, or the debaucheries of the times, had so infected 
 him, that he would not only debauch himself, but make a 
 delight to corrupt others for his sport. Some he would com- 
 mend into such a vain-glorious humour, that they became 
 pleasantly ridiculous ; some he would teach apish postures, 
 and make them believe themselves rare men ; some he would 
 encourage to be poets, and laugh at their ridiculous rhymes ; 
 some young preachers he would make stage-players in their 
 pulpits ; and several ways sported himself with the follies of 
 most of the young men that he conversed with. There was 
 not any way which he left unpractised upon Mr. Hutchinson; 
 but when, with all his art and industry he found he could 
 not prevail, then he turned seriously to give him such excel- 
 lent advice and instructions for living in the world, as were 
 not afterwards unuseful to him.* There was besides this 
 gentleman, a young physician, who was a good scholar and 
 had a great deal of wit, but withal a professed atheist, and so 
 proud, insolent, and scurrilous a fellow, daring to abuse all 
 persons how much soever above him, that he was thrown out 
 of familiarity with the great people of the country, though 
 his excellency in his profession made him to be taken in 
 again. There was also an old man, who had been Mr. 
 Hutchinson's first schoolmaster, a person once of great 
 
 * Who the first gentleman was does not appear. The physician here 
 meant is Dr. Plumtre, of whom much more idll be said in this work.
 
 1636 38.] HIS RESIDENCE IN LONDON. 53 
 
 learning, but afterwards becoming a cynic, yet so pleasantly 
 maintaining that kind of humour, that his conversation was 
 sometimes a good diversion. These were Mr. Hutchinson' s 
 companions, yet, through the grace of God, they had not power 
 to infect him, who, like a bee, sucked a great deal of honey 
 from these bitter flowers. At that time there was in the 
 town a young maid, beautiful, and esteemed to be very rich, 
 but of base parentage and penurious education, though else 
 ingenuous enough. She was the grandchild of an old phy- 
 sician, and from her childhood having been acquainted with 
 Mr. Hutchinson, who used to visit her grandmother, she had 
 conceived a kindness for him, which though he civilly re- 
 sented,* his great heart could never stoop to think of marry- 
 ing into so mean a stock ; yet by reason of some liking he 
 showed for her company, and the melancholy he had, with 
 some discontents at home, she was willing to flatter herself 
 it was love for her, wherein, when she discovered her mis- 
 take, it was a great grief. However, she was, without much 
 love on either side, married to an earl's son, and both of 
 them, wanting the ground of happiness in marriage, mutual 
 love, enjoyed but little felicity, either in their great fortunes 
 or in one another, f 
 
 In the house with Mr. Hutchinson there was a young 
 gentlewoman of such admirable tempting beauty, and such 
 excellent good nature, as would have thawed a rock of ice, 
 
 * Resent, in English, never used but in a bad sense; in French, ressentir 
 is used to signify a reciprocal sentiment of kindness as well as unkindness. 
 
 t It is written in the margin by Julius Hutchinson, Esq., probably from 
 the information given him by Lady Catharine Hutchinson, that this lady's 
 name was Martin, and the gentleman who married her Mr. Pierrepont. It 
 would not have been thought worth while to inform the reader of these 
 minute particulars in a note, but for the sake of pointing out the accuracy 
 with which Mr. Julius Hutchinson read and remarked upon this history, 
 and the full knowledge he had of all the circumstances of Colonel Hutchin- 
 son's life.
 
 54 MEMOIES OF COL. HTTTCHINSON. [1P3G 38. 
 
 yet even she could never get an acquaintance with him. 
 Wealth and beauty thus in vain tempted him, for it was not 
 yet his time of love; but it was not far off. He was now 
 sent to London, and admitted of Lincoln's Inn, where he was 
 soon coveted into the acquaintance of some gentlemen of the 
 house ; but he found them so frothy and so vain, and could so 
 ill centre with them in their delights, that the town began to 
 be tedious to him, who was neither taken with wine, nor gaming, 
 nor the converse of wicked or vain women ; to all which he 
 wanted not powerful tempters, had not the power of God's 
 grace in him been above them. He tried a little the study 
 of the law, but finding it unpleasant and contrary to his 
 genius, and the plague that spring beginning to drive people 
 out of the town, he began to think of leaving it, but had no 
 inclination to return home, finding his father's heart so set 
 upon his second family, that his presence was but dis- 
 turbance : yet his father was wonderfully free and noble to 
 him in allowance, at all places, as large as any of his quality 
 had made to them ; and it was very well bestowed on him, 
 who consumed nothing in vain expense, but lived to the 
 honour of his friends and family. For his diversion he 
 exercised himself in those qualities he had not had such good 
 opportunities for in the country, as dancing, fencing, and 
 music, wherein he had great aptness and address ; and 
 entertaining the best tutors, was at some expense that way, 
 and loth to leave them off before he had perfected himself. 
 However, many things putting him into thoughts of quit- 
 ting the town, while he was in deliberation how to dis- 
 pose of himself, and had some reflections upon travel, a 
 cousin-german of his, a French merchant, came to visit him 
 one morning, and told him he was immediately going into 
 France, and understanding Mr. Hutchinson had some such 
 inclination, had almost persuaded him to go along with him. 
 The only obstacle in the way, was that his father could not
 
 1636 38.] EEMOVES TO KICHMOND. ft Ft 
 
 be acquainted with it time enough to receive his answer 
 before they went. While he was in this deliberation, his 
 music-master came in, to whom he communicated his 
 thoughts ; and the man told him it was better to go into 
 France at the latter end than the beginning of summer, and 
 that if he pleased, in the mean time, to go to Richmond, 
 where the Prince's court was, he had a house there, where 
 he might be accommodated ; and there was very good com- 
 pany and recreations, the king's hawks being kept near the 
 place, and several other conveniences. Mr. Hutchinson con- 
 sidering this, resolved to accept his offer ; and that day 
 telling a gentleman of the house whither he was going, the 
 gentleman bid him take heed of the place, for it was so fatal 
 for love, that never any young disengaged person went 
 thither, who returned again free. Mr. Hutchinson laughed 
 at him, but he to confirm it told him a very true story 
 of a gentleman who not long before had come for some time 
 to lodge there, and found all the people he came in company 
 with, bewailing the death of a gentlewoman that had lived 
 there. Hearing her so much deplored, he made inquiry after 
 her, and grew so in love with the description that no other 
 discourse could at first please him, nor could he at last 
 endure any other ; he grew desperately melancholy, and 
 would go to a mount where the print of her foot was cut, and 
 lie there pining and kissing of it all the day long, till at 
 length death, in some months' space, concluded his languish- 
 ment. This story was very true ; but Mr. Hutchinson was 
 neither easy to believe it, nor frighted at the example, think- 
 ing himself not likely to make another. He therefore went 
 to Richmond, where he found a great deal of good young 
 company, and many ingenuous persons that, by reason of the 
 court, where the young princes were bred, entertained them- 
 selves in that place, and had frequent resort to the house 
 where Mr. Hutchinson tabled. The man being a skilful
 
 56 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHIKSON. [1636 3S 
 
 composer in music, the rest of the king's musicians often met 
 at his house to practise new airs and prepare them for the 
 king ; and divers of the gentlemen and ladies that were 
 affected with music, came thither to hear ; others that were 
 not, took that pretence to entertain themselves with the com- 
 pany. Mr. Hutchinson was soon courted into their acquaint- 
 ance, and invited to their houses, where he was nobly treated^ 
 with all the attractive arts that young women and their 
 parents use to procure them lovers ; but though some of them 
 were very handsome, others wealthy, witty, and well qualified, 
 and all of them set out with all the gaiety and bravery that vain 
 women put on to set themselves off, yet Mr. Hutchinson 
 could not be entangled in any of their fine snares ; but without 
 any taint of incivility, he in such a way of handsome raillery 
 reproved their pride and vanity, as made them ashamed of 
 their glory, and vexed that he alone, of all the young gentle- 
 men that belonged to the court or neighbourhood, should be 
 insensible of their charms. In the same house with him 
 there was a younger daughter of Sir Allen Apsley, late 
 lieutenant of the Tower, tabled for the practice of her lute, 
 staying till the return of her mother ; who was gone into Wilt- 
 shire for the accomplishment of a treaty that had been made 
 some progress in, about the marriage of her elder daughter with 
 a gentleman of that country, out of which my lady herself 
 came, and where her brothers, Sir John St. John and Sir 
 Edward Hungerford, living in great honour and reputation, 
 had invited her to visit them. This gentlewoman, that was 
 left in the house with Mr. Hutchinson, was a very child, her 
 elder sister being at that time scarcely passed it ; but a child 
 of such pleasantness and vivacity of spirit, and ingenuity in 
 the quality she practised, that Mr. Hutchinson took pleasure 
 in hearing her practise, and would fall in discourse with her. 
 She having the keys of her mother's house, some half a mile 
 distant, would sometimes ask Mr. Hutchinson, when she
 
 1636 38.] HEARS OF MRS. APSLEY. 57 
 
 went over, to walk along with her. One clay when he was 
 there, looking upon an odd by-shelf in her sister's closet, he 
 found a few Latin books ; asking whose they were, he was 
 told they were her elder sister's ; whereupon, inquiring more 
 after her, he began first to be sorry she was gone, before he 
 had seen her, and gone upon such an account that he was not 
 likely to see her. Then he grew to love to hear mention of 
 her, and the other gentlewomen who had been her com- 
 panions used to talk much to him of her, telling him how 
 reserved and studious she was, and other things which they 
 esteemed no advantage. But it so much inflamed Mr. 
 Hutchinson's desire of seeing her, that he began to wonder 
 at himself, that his heart, which had ever entertained so much 
 indifference for the most excellent of womankind, should have 
 such strong impulses towards a stranger he never saw ; and 
 certainly it was of the Lord (though he perceived it not), 
 who had ordained him, through so many various providences, 
 to be yoked with her in whom he found so much satisfaction. 
 There scarcely passed any day but some accident or some dis- 
 course still kept alive his desire of seeing this gentlewoman ; 
 although the mention of her, for the most part, was inquiries 
 whether she had yet accomplished the marriage that was in 
 treaty. One day there was a great deal of company at Mr. 
 Coleman's, the gentleman's house where he tabled, to hear 
 the music; and a certain song was sung, which had been 
 lately set, and gave occasion to some of the company to 
 mention an answer to it, which was in the house, and upon 
 some of their desires, read. A gentleman saying it was be- 
 lieved that a woman in the neighbourhood had made it, it 
 was presently inquired who ; whereupon a gentleman, then 
 present, who had made the first song, said, there were but 
 two women that could be guilty of it, whereof one was a lady 
 then among them, the other Mrs. Apsley. Mr. Hutchinson, 
 fancying something of rationality in the sonnet beyond the
 
 58 MEMOIKS OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1636 38. 
 
 customary reach of a she-wit, although, to speak truth, it 
 signified very little, addressed himself to the gentleman, and 
 told him he could scarcely believe it was a woman's ; where- 
 upon this gentleman, who was a man of good understanding 
 and expression, and inspired with some passion for her him- 
 self, which made him regard all her perfections through a 
 multiplying-glass, told Mr. Hutchinson, that though, for 
 civility to the rest, he entitled another lady to the song, yet 
 he was confident it was Mrs. Apsley's only, for she had sense 
 above all the rest ; and fell into such high praises of her, as 
 might well have begotten those vehement desires of her 
 acquaintance, which a strange sympathy in nature had before 
 produced. Another gentleman, that sat by, seconded this 
 commendation Avith such additions of praise as he would not 
 have given if he had known her. Mr. Hutchinson hearing 
 all this, said to the first gentleman, " I cannot be at rest till 
 this lady's return, that I may be acquainted with her." The 
 gentleman replied, " Sir, you must not expect that, for she is 
 of a humour she will not be acquainted with any of mankind ; 
 and however this song is stolen forth, she is the nicest crea- 
 ture in the world of suffering her perfections to be known ; 
 she shuns the converse of men as the plague ; she only lives 
 in the enjoyment of herself, and has not the humanity to 
 communicate that happiness to any of our sex." " Well," 
 said Mr. Hutchinson, " but I will be acquainted with her :" 
 and indeed the information of this reserved humour pleased 
 him more than all else he had heard, and filled him now with 
 thoughts how he should attain the sight and knowledge of her. 
 While he was exercised in this, many days passed not, but a foot- 
 boy of my lady her mother's came to young Mrs. Apsley* as 
 they were at dinner, bringing news that her mother and sister 
 
 It was the cu?tom at that time to call young ladies Mistress, not Miss. 
 Shakespeare calls Ann Page, Mrs. Ann.
 
 1636 38.] DESIRES TO SEE MRS. APSLEY. 59 
 
 would in a few days return ; and when they inquired of him, 
 whether Mrs. Apsley was married ; having before been in- 
 structed to make them believe it, he smiled, and pulled out some 
 bride laces, which were given at a wedding, in the house where 
 she was, and gave them to the young gentlewoman and the 
 gentleman's daughter of the house, and told them Mrs. Apsley 
 bade him tell no news, but give them those tokens, and 
 carried the matter so, that all the company believed she had 
 been married. Mr. Hutchinson immediately turned pale as 
 ashes, and felt a fainting to seize his spirits in that extraor- 
 dinary manner, that, finding himself ready to sink at table, 
 he was fain to pretend something had offended his stomach, 
 and to retire from the table into the garden ; where the gen- 
 tleman of the house going with him, it was not necessary for 
 him to feign sickness, for the distemper of his mind had 
 infected his body with a cold sweat, and such a depression 
 of spirit, that all the courage he could at present collect, 
 was little enough to keep him alive. His host was very 
 troublesome to him, and to be quit of him he went to his 
 chamber, saying he would lie down. Little did any of the 
 company suspect the true cause of his sudden qualm, and 
 they were all so troubled at it, that the boy then passed with- 
 out further examination, When Mr. Hutchinson was alone 
 he began to recollect his wisdom and his reason, and to won- 
 der at himself, why he should be so concerned in an unknown 
 person ; he then remembered the story that was told him when 
 he came down, and began to believe there was some magic 
 in the place, which enchanted men out of their right senses ; 
 but it booted him not to be angry at himself, nor to set wis- 
 dom in her reproving chair, nor reason in her throne of 
 council, the sick heart could not be chid nor advised into 
 health. This anxiety of mind affected him so, that it sent him 
 to his bed that afternoon, which indeed he took to entertain 
 his thoughts alone that night, and having fortified himself
 
 60 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTJTCHINSON. [1636 3S. 
 
 with resolution, he got up the next day ; but yet could not 
 quit himself of an extravagant perplexity of soul concerning 
 this unknown gentlewoman, which had not been remarkable in 
 another light person, but in him, who was from his childhood 
 so serious and so rational in all his considerations, it was the 
 effect of a miraculous power of Providence, leading him to 
 her that was destined to make his future joy. While she so 
 ran in his thoughts, meeting the boy again, he found out, 
 upon a little stricter examination of him, that she was not 
 married, and pleased himself in the hopes of her speedy 
 return; when one day, having been invited by one of the 
 ladies of that neighbourhood to a noble treatment at Sion 
 Garden, which a courtier, that was her servant, had made for 
 her and whom she would bring, Mr. Hutchinson, Mrs. Apsley, 
 and Mr. Coleman's daughter were of the party, and having 
 spent the day in several pleasant divertisements, at evening 
 when they were at supper, a messenger came to tell Mrs. 
 Apsley her mother was come. She would immediately have 
 gone, but Mr. Hutchinson, pretending civility to conduct her 
 home, made her stay till the supper was ended, of which he 
 ate no more, now only longing for that sight which he had 
 with such perplexity expected. This at length he obtained ; 
 but his heart, being prepossessed with his own fancy, was 
 not free to discern how little there was in her to answer so 
 great an expectation. She was not ugly in a careless riding- 
 habit, she had a melancholy negligence both of herself and 
 others, as if she neither affected to please others, nor took 
 notice of anything before her ; yet, in spite of all her indiffe- 
 rence, she was surprised with some unusual liking in her 
 soul when she saw this gentleman, who had hair, eyes, shape, 
 and countenance enough to beget love in any one at the first, 
 and these set off with a graceful and generous mien, which 
 promised an extraordinary person. He was at that time, and 
 indeed always very neatly habited, for he wore good and
 
 1636 38.] ACQUAINTED WITH MRS. APSLEY. 6l 
 
 rich clothes, and had a variety of them, and had them well 
 suited and every way answerable ; in that little thing, showing 
 both good judgment and great generosity, he equally be- 
 coming them and they him, which he wore with such equal 
 unaffectedness and such neatness as we do not often meet in 
 one. Although he had but an evening sight of her he had so 
 long desired, and that at disadvantage enough for her ; yet the 
 prevailing sympathy of his soul made him think all his pains 
 well paid, and this first did whet his desire to a second sight, 
 which he had by accident the next day, and to his joy 
 found that she was wholly disengaged from that treaty, 
 which he so much feared had been accomplished ; he found 
 withal, that though she was modest, she was accostable, and 
 willing to entertain his acquaintance. This soon passed into 
 a mutual friendship between them, and though she innocently 
 thought nothing of love, yet was she glad to have acquired 
 such a friend, who had wisdom and virtue enough to be 
 trusted with her councils, for she was then much perplexed 
 in mind. Her mother and friends had a great desire she 
 should marry, and were displeased that she refused many 
 offers which they thought advantageous enough ; she was 
 obedient, loth to displease them, but more herself, in marry- 
 ing such as she could find no inclination to. The trouble- 
 some pretensions of some of the courtiers, had made her 
 willing to try whether she could bring her heart to her 
 mother's desire ; but being, by a secret working which she 
 then understood not, averted, she was troubled to return, lest 
 some might believe it was a secret liking for them which had 
 caused her dislike for others ; and being a little disturbed with 
 these things and melancholy, Mr. Hutchinson, appearing, as 
 he was, a person of virtue and honour, who might be safely 
 and advantageously conversed with, she thought God had 
 sent her a happy relief. Mr. Hutchinson, on the other side, 
 having been told, and seeing how she shunned all other men,
 
 62 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHIXSOX. [1636 38. 
 
 and how civilly she entertained him, believed that a secret 
 power had wrought a mutual inclination between them ; and he 
 daily frequented her mother's house, and had the opportunity 
 of conversing with her in those pleasant walks, which, at 
 that sweet season of the spring, invited all the neighbouring 
 inhabitants to seek their joys ; where, though they were 
 never alone, yet they had every day opportunity for converse 
 with each other, which the rest shared not in, while everj 
 one minded their own delights. 
 
 They had not six weeks enjoyed this peace, but the young 
 men and women, who saw them allow each other that kind- 
 ness which they did not afford commonly to others, first began 
 to grow jealous and envious at it, and afterwards to use all 
 the malicious practices they could invent to break the friend- 
 ship. Among the rest, that gentleman who at the first had 
 so highly commended her to Mr. Hutchinson, now began to 
 caution him against her, and to disparage her, with such 
 subtle insinuations, as would have ruined any love less con- 
 stant and honourable than his. The women, with witty spite, 
 represented all her faults to him, which chiefly terminated in 
 the negligence of her dress and habit, and all womanish 
 ornaments, giving herself wholly up to study and writing. 
 Mr. Hutchinson, who had a very sharp and pleasant wit, 
 retorted all their malice with such just reproofs of their idle- 
 ness and vanity, as made them hate her, who, without affection 
 it, had so engaged such a person in her protection, as they 
 with all their arts could not catch. He, in the meanwhile, 
 prosecuted his love with so much discretion, duty, and 
 honour, that at the length, through many difficulties, he ac- 
 complished his design. I shall pass by all the little amorous 
 relations, which, if I would take the pains to relate, would 
 make a true history of a more handsome management of love 
 than the best romances describe ; but these are to be forgotten 
 as the vanities of youth, not worthy of mention among the
 
 1636 38.] CHARACTER OF HIS LOVE. 63 
 
 greater transactions of his life. There is this only to be 
 recorded, that never was there a passion more ardent and less 
 idolatrous ; he loved her better than his life, with inexpress- 
 ible tenderness and kindness, had a most high obliging 
 esteem of her, yet still considered honour, religion, and duty 
 above her, nor ever suffered the intrusion of such a dotage as 
 should blind him from marking her imperfections ; these he 
 looked upon with such an indulgent eye as did not abate his 
 love and esteem of her, while it augmented his care to blot 
 out all those spots which might make her appear less worthy 
 of that respect he paid her ; and thus indeed he soon made 
 her more equal to him than he found her ; for she was a 
 very faithful mirror, reflecting truly, though but dimly, his 
 own glories upon him, so long as he was present ; but she, 
 that was nothing before his inspection gave her a fair figure, 
 when he was removed, was only filled with a dark mist, and 
 never could again take in any delightful object, nor return 
 any shining representation. The greatest excellency she had 
 was the power of apprehending and the virtue of loving his ; 
 so as his shadow she waited on him everywhere, till he was 
 taken into that region of light which admits of none, and then 
 she vanished into nothing. It was not her face he loved, 
 her honour and her virtue were his mistresses ; and these 
 (like Pygmalion's) images of his own making, for he polished 
 and gave form to what he found with all the roughness of 
 the quarry about it ; but meeting with a compliant subject 
 for his OAvn wise government, he found as much satisfaction 
 as he gave, and never had occasion to number his marriage 
 among his infelicities. That day that the friends on both 
 sides met to conclude the marriage, she fell sick of the 
 small pox, which was in many ways a great trial upon him. 
 First, her life was almost in desperate hazard, and then the 
 disease, for the present, made her the most deformed person 
 that could be seen, for a great while after she recovered ; yet
 
 64 MEMOIRS OP COI,. HTTTCHINSON. [1636 38. 
 
 he was nothing troubled at it, but married her as soon as she 
 was able to quit the chamber, when the priest and all that 
 saw her were affrighted to look on her ; but God recom- 
 pensed his justice and constancy by restoring her, though she 
 was longer than ordinary before she recovered to be as well 
 as before. One thing is very observable, and worthy imi- 
 tation in him : although he had as strong and violent affec- 
 tions for her, as ever any man had, yet he declared it not to her 
 till he had acquainted first his father ; and afterwards he never 
 would make any engagement but what his love and honour 
 bound him in ; wherein he was more firm and just than all the 
 promissory oaths and ties in the world could have made him, 
 notwithstanding many powerful temptations of wealth and 
 beauty, and other interests, that were laid before him. For 
 his father had concluded another treaty, before he knew his 
 son's inclinations were this way fixed, with a party in many 
 things much more advantageous for his family, and more 
 worthy cf his liking ; but his father was no less honourably 
 indulgent to his son's affection, than the son was strict in the 
 observance of his duty ; and at length, to the full content of 
 all, the thing was accomplished, and on the third day of July, 
 in the year 1638, he was married to Mrs. Lucy Apsley, the 
 second daughter of Sir Allen Apsley, late lieutenant of the 
 Tower of London, at St. Andrew's church in Holborn. He 
 lived some time in this neighbourhood with her mother, but 
 four months were scarcely past after their marriage before 
 he was in great danger of losing her, when she lost two 
 children she had conceived by him. Soon after conceiving 
 again she grew so sickly, that her indulgent mother and 
 husband, for the advantage of her health, removed their 
 dwelling out of the city, to a house they took in Enfield 
 Chace, called the Blue House, where, upon the third of Sep- 
 tember, 1639, she was brought to bed of two sons, whereof the 
 elder he named after his own father, Thomas, the younger was
 
 163941.] STUDIES DIVINITY. 65 
 
 called Edward, who both survived him. September, 1641, 
 she brought him another son, called by his own name, John, 
 who lived scarce six years, and was a very hopeful child, full 
 of his father's vigour and spirit, but death soon nipped that 
 blossom. 
 
 Mr. Hutchinson, after about fourteen months' various ex- 
 ercise of his mind, in the pursuit of his love, being now at 
 rest in the enjoyment of his wife, his next design was to draw 
 her into his own country ; but he would not set upon it too 
 roughly, and therefore let her rest a while, when he had 
 drawn her ten miles nearer it, out of the city where she had 
 her birth and education, and where all her relations were 
 most conversant, and which she could not suddenly resolve 
 to quit altogether, to betake herself to the north, which 
 was a formidable name among the London ladies. While 
 she was weaning from the friends and places she had so long 
 conversed in, Mr. Hutchinson employed his time in making 
 an entrance uuon the study of school divinity, wherein his 
 father was the most eminent scholar of any gentleman in 
 England, and had a most choice library,* valued at a thou- 
 sand pounds ; which Mr. Hutchinson, mistakingly expecting 
 to be part of his inheritance, thought it would be very inglo- 
 rious for him not to understand how to make use of his fa- 
 ther's books. Having therefore gotten into the house with 
 him an' excellent scholar in that kind of learning, he for two 
 years made it the whole employment of his time. The gen- 
 tleman that assisted him he converted to a right belief in that 
 
 * This is spoken of in the preface, and did in fact remain at Owthorpe } 
 but probably was placed there by Charles, the son of Sir Thomas Hutch 
 inson by his second wife : it was of excessively small value when taken 
 possession of in the year 1776. 
 
 It is apparent, from Sir Thomas Hutchinson being upon all the commit- 
 tees for religion, as may be seen in Rushworth's collection, that he was ic 
 repute for this kind of knowledge. 
 
 F
 
 66 MEMOIRS OP COL. HUTCHINSON. [163941. 
 
 great point of predestination, he having been before of the 
 Arminian judgment, till, upon the serious examination of both 
 principles, and comparing them with the Scriptures, Mr. 
 Hutchinson convinced him of the truth, and he grew so well 
 instructed in this principle, that he was able to maintain it 
 against any man. At that time, this great doctrine grew 
 much out of fashion with the prelates, but was generally em- 
 braced by all religious and holy persons in the land. Mr. 
 Hutchinson being desirous to inform himself thoroughly of it, 
 when he was able to manage the question, offered it to his 
 father; but Sir Thomas would not declare himself on the point 
 to him, nor indeed in any other, as we conceived, lest a 
 father's authority should sway against his children's light, 
 who he thought ought to discern things with their own eyes, 
 and not with his. Mr. Hutchinson, taking delight in the 
 study of divinity, presently left off all foolish nice points, that 
 tended to nothing but vain brangling, and employed his whole 
 study in laying a foundation of sound and necessary princi- 
 ples, among which he gave the first place to this of God's ab- 
 solute decrees. This was so far from producing a careless- 
 ness of life in him, a thing generally objected against this 
 faith,* that, on the other side, it excited him to a more strict 
 
 * Mrs. Hutchinson, in exculpating her husband, goes no part of the way 
 towards showing that the natural tendency of this principle differs from that 
 which is objected against it, but merely that he resisted this bias from another 
 consideration. This is certainly not a suitable place to discuss such a subject; 
 and It is therefore dismissed with this remark, that the partisans of the two 
 opposite, or supposed opposite, principles of predestination and free will, 
 while they endeavour to implicate each other in absurdity and irreligion, 
 agree in practice, and, guiding their actions by the best discretion they are 
 masters of, end with referring the event to Providence, and praying to God 
 for a blessing on their endeavours much more rational in so doing than 
 farther exposing the weakness of human understanding by disquisitions far 
 too refined for its reach. The conduct of modem times is in this respect 
 more commendable than that of the past.
 
 1039 -11.^ SEEKS OFFICE IN THE STAB-CHAMBER. 67 
 
 and holy walking in thankfulness to God, who had been 
 pleased to choose him out of the corrupted mass of lost man- 
 kind, to fix his love upon him, and give him the knowledge 
 of himself by his ever-blessed Son. This principle of love 
 and life in God, which had been given him when he discerned 
 not what it was in himself, had from a child preserved him 
 from wallowing in the mire of sin and wickedness,wherein most 
 of the gentry of those times were miserably plunged, except a 
 few, that were therefore the scorn of mankind ; and there were 
 but few of those few, that had not natural and superstitious 
 follies, that were in some kind justly ridiculous and con- 
 temptible. It was a remarkable providence of God in his 
 life, that must not be passed over without special notice, that 
 he gave him these two years' leisure, and a heart so to em- 
 ploy it, before the noise of war and tumult came upon him. 
 Yet about the year 1639, the thunder was heard afar off' 
 rattling in the troubled air, and even the most obscured woods 
 were penetrated with some flashes, the forerunners of the 
 dreadful storm which the next year was more apparent; but 
 Mr. Hutchinson was not yet awakened till it pleased God to 
 deliver him from a danger into which he had run himself, 
 had not mercy prevented him. His wife having already two 
 sons, and being again with child, considered that it would be 
 necessary to seek an augmentation of revenue, or retire into 
 a cheaper country ; and more inclining to the first, than to leave 
 at once her mother, and all the rest of her dear relations, she 
 had propounded to him to buy an office, which he was not of 
 himself very inclinable to ; but, to give her and her mother sa- 
 tisfaction, he hearkened to a motion that was made him in that 
 kind. Sir William Pennyman, who had married his cousin- 
 german, a very worthy gentleman, who had great respect 
 both for and from his father, had purchased the chief office in 
 the Star-chamber; the gentleman who held the next to him 
 was careless and debauched, and thereby a great hindrance
 
 68 MEMOIKS OF COL. HTJTCHINSON. [1639 41. 
 
 of Sir William's profits, who apprehended that if he could 
 get an honest man into that place, they might mutually much 
 advantage each other; whereupon he persuaded Mr. Hutch - 
 inson to buy the place, and offered him any terms, to go any 
 share with him, or any way he could desire. Mr. Hutchin- 
 son treated with the gentleman, came to a conclusion, went 
 down into the country, provided the money, and came up 
 again, thinking presently to enter into the office; lut the 
 gentleman that should have sold it, being of an uncertain 
 humour, thought to make the benefit of another term before 
 he sold his place ; and it pleased God, in the mean time, that 
 arbitrary court was, by the parliament then sitting, taken 
 away. Mr. Hutchinson was very sensible of a peculiar pro- 
 vidence to him herein, and resolved to adventure no more 
 such hazards ; but to retire to that place whither God seemed to 
 have called him by giving him so good an interest there, and 
 to study how he was to improve that talent. His wife, con- 
 vinced by this kind check which God had given to her desires, 
 that she ought to follow her husband where the Lord seemed 
 to call him, went along with him, and about October 1641, they 
 came to their house at Owthorpe. Here Mr. George Hutch- 
 inson (Sir Thomas being then chosen knight for Nottingham- 
 shire, and sitting in the parliament at London,) came and 
 gave a glad entertainment of his brother and sister into the 
 country', by his good company; and they were, for a few 
 months' peaceful and happy in their own house, till the king- 
 dom began to blaze out with the long-conceived flame of civil 
 war. But here I must make a short digression from our 
 particular actions, to sum up the state of the kingdom at that 
 time, which though I cannot do exactly, yet I can truly relate 
 what I was then able to take notice of; and if any one have a 
 desire of more particular information, there were so many 
 looks then written, as will sufficiently give it them. And 
 although those of our enemies are all fraught with abo-
 
 1639 41.] CHARACTEK OF THE TIMES. 69 
 
 minable lies, yet if all ours were suppressed, even their 
 own writings, impartially considered, would be a sufficient 
 chronicle of their injustice and oppression; but I shall only 
 mention what is necessary to be remembered, for the better 
 carrying on of my purpose.* 
 
 When the dawn of the gospel began to break upon this 
 isle, after the dark midnight of papacy, the morning was 
 more cloudy here than in other places by reason of the state- 
 interest, which was mixing and working itself into the 
 interest of religion, and which in the end quite wrought it 
 out. King Henry the Eighth, who, by his royal authority 
 cast out the pope, did not intend the people of the land 
 should have any ease of oppression; but only changed then- 
 foreign yoke for home-bred fetters, dividing the pope's spoils 
 between himself and his bishops, who cared not for their 
 father at Rome, so long as they enjoyed their patrimony and 
 their honours here under another head: so that I cannot 
 subscribe to those who entitle that king to the honour of the 
 reformation. But even then there wanted not many who 
 discerned the corruptions that were retained in the church, 
 and eagerly applied their endeavours to obtain a purer refor- 
 mation ; against whom, those who saw no need of further refor- 
 mation, either through excess of joy for that which was already 
 
 * In a small book, entitled, a Parallel of Clarendon and Whitelock, 
 this is set in the clearest light possible, and in a variety of instances the 
 unfaithfulness of Clarendon's testimony made evident by the production ot 
 palpable self-contradictions. Most of those who read the summary account 
 Mrs. Hutchinson gives of the public transactions, will extremely regret that 
 she was not much more full in it, seeing the candour and perspicuity with 
 which she writes: short as it is, however, it will be found to throw light 
 upon many obscure points; and, from being so much concentrated, will 
 be useful and acceptable to many, as serving to fix a general and just 
 idea of the public mind, as well as transactions, in the times of which she 
 treats.
 
 70 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTJTCHINSON. [ 1639 41 
 
 brought forth, or else through a secret love of superstition 
 rooted in their hearts thought this too much, were bitterly 
 incensed, and, hating that light which reproved their darkness, 
 everywhere stirred up spirits of envy and persecution against 
 them. Upon the great revolution which took place at the 
 accession of Queen Elizabeth to the crown, the nation became 
 divided into three great factions, the papists, the state pro- 
 testants, and the more religious zealots, who afterwards were 
 branded with the name of Puritans. In vain it was for 
 these to address the queen and the parliament; for the 
 bishops, under the specious pretences of uniformity and obe- 
 dience, procured severe punishments to be inflicted on such 
 as durst gainsay their determinations in all things concerning 
 worship, whereupon some even in those godly days lost their 
 lives. 
 
 The papists had a most inveterate hatred to all the protest- 
 ants, but especially to those who were godly;* and they again 
 many of them suffered their zeal to run out into bitter per- 
 sonal hate. Between these two extremes, the common pro- 
 testants were in the middle, though I cannot reckon them as a 
 virtuous medium; for of them the more profane and ignorant 
 only left popery because it grew out of fashion, but in their 
 hearts inclined that way; those who were peaceable, consci- 
 entious, or moral persons, inclined to the puritans, of whom 
 there were many that unwillingly bore the burden of the 
 ceremonies, for quietness' sake, and through false doctrine of 
 their unfaithful teachers, as well as some that discerned the 
 base and carnal minds of those seducers, and would not be 
 persuaded by them to defile their consciences. The former 
 sort of these, in zeal to reduce the whole land from their 
 
 * Godly. The name always given by the puritans to those of their 
 own party, and not unfrequently so used by different sectaries at the pre- 
 sent day.
 
 1639 41.] THE REFOKMATION. 71 
 
 idolatrous practices, procured laws and invented oaths to 
 suppress popery, which they little thought, but we now sadly 
 find, are the bitterest engines to batter down the pure worship 
 and destroy the pure worshippers of God; which I have often 
 looked upon as an -evidence that God is not pleased with the 
 conversions that are enforced by men's laws. We have 
 spiritual weapons given us for spiritual combats, and those 
 who go about to conquer subjects for Christ with swords of 
 steel, shall find the base metal break to shivers when it is 
 used, and hurtfully fly in their own faces. 
 
 About the time of the reformation, there was a great 
 change in the civil interest of all that part of the world 
 which had long lain under the bondage of the Roman prelate 
 and his tyrannical clergy. These had by degrees so encroached 
 xipon all the secular princes, that they were nothing but vas- 
 sals and hangmen to the proud insolent priest. Obtaining 
 his empire by fraud, false doctrine, lies, and hypocrisy, he 
 maintained it by blood and rapine, till it pleased God to 
 cause that light to break forth about Luther's time, which 
 hath ever since been increasing ; and, notwithstanding all the 
 attempts of Satan and his ministers, it will in the end grow up 
 to a glorious flame and quite devour that bloody city. When 
 the wrath of princes and priests was in vain at first blown 
 up against the professors of the gospel, and their blood and 
 ashes became fruitful seed in God's field, then the old fox 
 comes into the fold as a lamb, and seduces some of them that 
 saw the approach of Christ's kingdom, to set it up irregularly; 
 and, indeed (though I know not whether they perceived their 
 own delusion), to set up themselves in Christ's throne, cast- 
 ing down the thrones of all other magistrates, and destroying 
 the properties of men, and ruling by their own arbitrary lust, 
 which they brought forth in the name of God's law.* This 
 
 * A description of the principles of the most extravagant of those whom 
 in history they call Fifth Monarchy Men, from their affecting to set up the
 
 72 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHIN SON. [1639 41. 
 
 example was so threatening to all mankind, that the gospel 
 itself, from the adversaries thereof, suffered much reproach 
 upon this miscarriage; whereupon the protestants, in all 
 places, to clear themselves from the just aspersions which 
 the Munster anabaptists and others had occasioned, fell into 
 an error on the other hand, not much less hurtful hi the con- 
 sequence; for to flatter the princes of the world, whether 
 popish or protestant, they invested them with God's pre- 
 rogative, and preached to them and the people such doc- 
 trines as only changed the idol, but left the idolatry still 
 in practice.* 
 
 The popes of Rome had for many ages challenged and 
 practised a power to dethrone princes, to give away their 
 realms, to interdict whole kingdoms and provinces, and 
 devote them to slaughter, to loose subjects from all bonds 
 and oaths of allegiance to their sovereigns, and to stir up 
 both princes and people to the mutual murder of each 
 other; which abominable courses, had been justly cast up- 
 on them as reproach, they pretending to do all these 
 
 empire of Christ as the fifth ; the Assyrian, Persian, Grecian, and Roman, 
 being the first four. 
 
 * This could hardly be carried further any where than in England, 
 where in all cases passive, in most cases active, obedience was indiscrimi- 
 nately inculcated; where two divines stating in their discourses, one, " that 
 it was the king's duty to make laws, and the subject's to obey them ;" an- 
 other, that " the king is not bound to observe the laws of the realm, but 
 that his royal will and command in imposing taxes and loans without con- 
 sent of parliament, doth oblige the subject's conscience, upon pain of eternal 
 damnation." For refusing to license the publication of the first sermon, 
 the good Archbishop Abbot was banished, and confined to a bad and un- 
 healthy country-house. For the latter, the preacher, though sentenced by 
 the lords to be fined and imprisoned, was by the king pardoned, and pro- 
 moted to a bishoprick. After this, let it be decided whether Charles rever- 
 enced episcopacy as a divine institution, or valued it as an engine of state ? 
 and in what light he caused his subjects to view it ?
 
 1639 41.] PERSECUTIONS IN FBANOE. 73 
 
 things for the propagation of the true worship and the ad- 
 vance of God's glory. This reproach they retorted when 
 some protestants, upon the same pretence, did maintain that 
 idolatrous princes were to be removed, and such magistrates 
 set up as feared God, who were guardians of both tables, 
 and were bound to compel all their people to the right reli- 
 gion. This confusion was there among the sons of darkness 
 at the first appearance of gospel light. 
 
 About this time in the kingdom of Scotland there was a 
 wicked queen, daughter of a mother that came out of the 
 bloody house of Guise,* and brought up in the popish re- 
 ligion, which she zealously persevered in, as most suitable 
 to her bloody lustful temper; she being guilty of murders 
 and adulteries, and hateful for them to the honestest of 
 the people, was deposed, imprisoned, and forced to fly for 
 her life ; but her son was received upon the throne, and 
 educated after the strictest way of the protestant religion 
 according to Calvin's form. Those who were chiefly active 
 and instrumental in the justice executed on this wicked 
 queen, were the reformers of religion in Scotland, which 
 made the neighbouring idolatrous princes fear them of the 
 same faith. About the same time likewise, the provinces of 
 the Netherlands united themselves in a resistance against the 
 king of Spain, and cast off that yoke wherewith he had most 
 barbarously galled them. The king of France, persecuting 
 his protestant subjects with much inhuman violence, forced 
 them to defend themselves against his unsanctified league, 
 and much blood was shed in those civil wars ; till at length 
 those who had had so much experience of God's providence 
 in delivering them from their cruel princes, were persuaded 
 to make up an alliance with the enemies of God and reli- 
 gion, and by the treacherous foe drawn into his snares, 
 
 * Mary, Q.ueen of Scots.
 
 74 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHINSOX. [1639 41. 
 
 where they were most wickedly and barbarously massacred.* 
 Now, although religion was the main ground of those bloody 
 quarrels, yet there were, in all these countries, many dis- 
 putes of civil right, which for the most part were borne on 
 the face of the wars, whereat I have only hinted, in this 
 survey of the condition of other states, and their interests 
 in those days and since ; which is something necessary to 
 be known for the better understanding of our own, with 
 which I shall now proceed. 
 
 The civil government of England, from the time called 
 the Conquest, had been adminstered by a King, Lords, and 
 Commons, in a way of Parliaments ; the parliament entrusted 
 with the legislative, and the king with the executive power ; 
 but several of the kings, not satisfied with their bounded 
 monarchy, made attempts to convert it into an absolute 
 sovereignty, attempts fatal both to themselves and their 
 people, and ever unsuccessful. For the generous people of 
 England, as they were the most free and obsequious subjects 
 in the world to those princes that managed them with a 
 kind and tender hand, commanding them as freemen, not as 
 slaves, so were they the most untameable, invincible people, 
 in defence of their freedoms against all those usurping lords 
 that scorned to allow them liberty. The nobility of the 
 realm having at first the great balance of the lands, and 
 retaining some of that free honourable virtue, for which they 
 were exalted above the vulgar, ever stood up in the people's 
 defence and curbed the wild ambition of the tyrants, whom they 
 sometimes reduced to moderation, and sometimes deposed 
 for their misgovernments ; till, at length the kings, eager to 
 break this yoke, had insensibly worn out the interest of the 
 nobility, by drawing them to their courts, where luxuries 
 melted away the great estates of some, others were destroyed 
 
 * The famous massacre on St. Bartholomew's dav at Paris.
 
 1639 41.] RISE OF THE PEOPLE. 75 
 
 by confiscations in divers civil wars, and others otherwise 
 mouldered with time. While the kings were glad to see 
 the abatement of that power, which had been such a check 
 to their exorbitancies, they perceived not the growing of 
 another more dangerous to them; and that when the nobi- 
 lity shrunk into empty names, the throne lost its supporters, 
 and had no more but a little puff of wind to bear it up, 
 when the full body of the people came rolling in upon it.* 
 The interest of the people, which had been many years 
 growing, made an extraordinary progress in the days of 
 King Henry the Eighth, who returning the vast revenues 
 of the church into the body of the people, cast the balance 
 clear on their side, and left them now only to expectf an op- 
 portunity to resume their power into their own hands ; and 
 had not differences in religion divided them among them- 
 selves, and thereby prolonged the last gasps of expiring 
 monarchy, they had long since exercised it in a free com- 
 monwealth. 
 
 England was not an idle spectator of the great contest 
 between the papist and protestant, in which all Christendom 
 
 * It is wonderful that the experience of so many ages and so many 
 other states had not been sufficient to warn the princes of the house of 
 Bourbon of this fatal error ! From the moment of Cardinal Richelieu's 
 coming into power under Louis XIII. to Neckar's return to power after his 
 rustication under Louis XVI. the plan of lowering the power of the 
 noblesse of France had been systematically pursued. The last stroke was 
 given to it when this delusive and deluded minister advised that unfortunate 
 monarch to give to the commons a double number of representatives in the 
 states general, and to blend the noblesse with them. It was in vain that 
 the Prince of Conti gave him a short note of admonition, written on the 
 spur of the occasion upon his hat : " Sire, the moment you sign this 
 arret your throne is overturned." He rejected the advice, and betrayed 
 the author. 
 
 t Expect, a Latinism ; expectare, to wait for ; or, Italian, aspet- 
 tare, id.
 
 76 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHINSOX. [1639 41. 
 
 seemed to be engaged. During the reign of Queen Eliza- 
 beth, the protestant interest, being her peculiar interest, that 
 princess became not only glorious in the defence of her own 
 realm, but in the protection she gave to the whole protestant 
 cause in all the neighbouring kingdoms ; wherefore, as if it 
 had been devolved upon her person, the pope shot all his 
 arrows at her head, and set on many desperate assassinations 
 against her, which, by the good providence of God, were all 
 frustrated, and she, not only miraculously delivered from those 
 wretches, but renowned at home and abroad for successes 
 against her rebellious subjects in England and Ireland, and 
 for the assistance of her distressed neighbours ; but, above 
 all, for the mercy which it pleased God to afford her and this 
 realm in the year 1588, when the invading Spaniard had 
 devoured us in his proud hopes, and by the mighty hand of 
 God was scattered as a mist before the morning beams. 
 That which kept alive the hopes of the papists, most part of 
 her reign, was the expectation of the Queen of Scots, who, 
 entering into confederacy with them, lost her head for the 
 forfeit, wherein the duke of Norfolk suffered also for her 
 the loss of his. The Queen of England was very loath to 
 execute this necessary justice ; but the true-hearted pro- 
 testants of her council, foreseeing the sad effects that might 
 be expected if ever she arrived to thfe crown, urged it on ;* 
 and after the death of Queen Elizabeth, the wiser of them 
 much opposed the admission of her son. But he, dissembling 
 the resentment of his mother's death, by bribes and greater 
 
 * The signing and expediting the warrant for the execution of Mary 
 Queen of Scots is an enigma which has employed the wits of many to 
 solve perhaps this may be the true solution of it; it is at least clear, 
 that it thus appeared to well-informed persons, living in times when the 
 thing was recent, and accounts for it more naturally than the mean jealousy 
 attributed to Queen Elizabeth, which would in fact have been a better 
 reason for putting her to death many years sooner.
 
 1609 41.] SPEEAD OF ABMINIANISM. 77 
 
 promises, managed a faction in the court of the declining queen, 
 which prevailed on her dotage to destroy the Earl of Essex, 
 the only person who would have had the courage to keep out 
 him they thought it dangerous to let in.* So subtlely brought 
 they their purpose about, that wise counsel was in vain to a 
 blinded and betrayed people. The anti-prelatical party hoping 
 that, with a king bred up among the Calvinists,they should now 
 be freed from the episcopal yoke, were greedy of entertaining 
 him, but soon cured of their mistake ; when, immediately after 
 his entry into the kingdom, himself being moderator at a dis- 
 pute between both parties, the nonconformists were cast out of 
 doors, and the offensive ceremonies, instead of being removed, 
 were more strictly imposed ; the penalties against papists were 
 relaxed, and many of them taken into favour ; whilst those fa- 
 milies who suffered for his mother were graced and restored as 
 far as the times would bear, and those who consented any way 
 to the justice done upon her, disfavoured. A progress was made 
 suitable to this beginning, the protestant interest abroad was 
 deserted and betrayed, the prelates at home daily exalted 
 in pride and pomp, and declining in virtue and godliness. 
 Arminianismf crept in to the corruption of sound doctrine, 
 till at length they had the impudence to forbid the preaching 
 of those great and necessary truths concerning the decrees 
 of God ; secret treaties were entertained with the court of 
 Rome ;J and, notwithstanding that hellish powder plot, the 
 
 * In Heylin's History of the Presbyterians, it is said that the Earl of 
 Essex was much courted by the puritans, and in return caressed them; 
 that a title to the crown was drawn out for him, and he began to look up 
 to it; that he encouraged an opinion, that inferior magistrates might curb 
 and control their sovereign ; that he was outwitted and brought to the 
 scaffold by Cecil and Raleigh, very opportunely for king James, whose 
 entrance might have been opposed and his title questioned. 
 
 t James, however, professed himself a great enemy to it. 
 
 J The first volume of Clarendon's State Papers is half filled with them.
 
 78 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTJTCHINSON. [1639 41. 
 
 papists lost not their credit at court, where they now wrought 
 no longer by open and direct ways, but humouring the king and 
 queen in their lusts and excesses, they found the most ready 
 way to destroy the doctrine of the gospel was to debauch 
 the professors. The court of this king was a nursery of lust 
 and intemperance ; he had brought in with him a company 
 of poor Scots, who, coming into this plentiful kingdom, were 
 surfeited with riot and debaucheries, and got all the riches of 
 the land only to cast away. The honour, wealth, and glory 
 of the nation, wherein Queen Elizabeth left it, were soon pro- 
 digally wasted by this thriftless heir; and the nobility of the 
 land was utterly debased by setting honours to public sale, and 
 conferring them on persons that had neither blood nor merit 
 fit to wear, nor estates to bear up their titles, but were fain 
 to invent projects to pill* the people, and pick their purses 
 for the maintenance of vice and lewdness. The generality of 
 the gentry of the land soon learned the court fashion, and 
 every great house in the country became a sty of uncleanness. 
 To keep the people in their deplorable security, till vengeance 
 overtook them, they were entertained with masks, stage plays, 
 and various sorts of ruder sports. Then began murder, incest, 
 adultery, drunkenness, swearing, fornication, and all sort of 
 ribaldry, to be no concealed but countenanced vices, because 
 they held such conformity with the court example. Next to 
 this, a great cause of these abominations was the mixed 
 marriages of papist and protestant families, which, no 
 question, was a design of the popish party to compass and 
 procure ; and so successful, that I have observed that there 
 was not one house in ten, where such a marriage was made, 
 but the better party was corrupted, the children's souls were 
 sacrificed to devils, the worship of God was laid aside in that 
 family, for fear of distasting the idolater; the kindred* 
 
 * Pill pillage, plunder.
 
 1639 41.] EISE OF IHE PURITANS. 79 
 
 tenants, and neighbours, either quite turned from it, or cooled 
 in their zeal for religion. As the fire is most fervent in a 
 frosty season, so the general apostacy from holiness, if I may 
 so call it, and defection to lewdness, stirred up sorrow, indig- 
 nation, and fear, in all that retained any love of God in the 
 land, whether ministers or people ; the ministers warned the 
 people of the approaching judgments of God, which could 
 not be expected but to follow such high provocations ; God 
 in his mercy sent his prophets into all corners of the land, 
 to preach repentance, and cry out against the ingratitude 
 of England, who thus requited so many rich mercies that no 
 nation could ever boast of more ; and by these a few Avere 
 every where converted and established in faith and holiness ; 
 but at court they were hated, disgraced, and reviled, and in 
 scorn had the name of Puritan* fixed upon them. And now 
 the ready way to preferment there, was to declare an oppo- 
 sition to the power of godliness, under that name ; so that 
 their pulpits might justly be called the scorner's chair, those 
 
 * This artifice of affixing a name of reproach on those of an opposite 
 party, in order indiscriminately to subject them to hatred or ridicule, could 
 hardly be better exposed than it is here. That Mrs. Hutchinson is guilty 
 of no exaggeration, may well be conjectured from some speeches in par- 
 liament preserved by Rushworth, peculiarly one of Sir Benjamin Rudyard, 
 at least a moderate man, if not a favourer of the king, complaining of the 
 very same thing, Rushworth, vol. ii. 1355, "It is the artifice of the 
 favourers of the catholic and of the prelatical party to call all who are 
 sticklers for the constitution in church or state, or would square their 
 actions by any rule, human or divine, Puritans." In the petition and 
 remonstrance this is stated nearly in the same manner. It was no way 
 inconsistent with the other injustices of the French revolutionists to invent 
 the term of Aristocrat, and mark out by it every one whom the populace 
 or their demagogues designed to plunder or destroy; it would not be so 
 excusable if in this country we should suffer cant terms or nicknames to 
 pass for reasoning or proof. For the rest, the name of Puritan should 
 have no bad meaning.
 
 80 MEMOIRS OF COI,. IIUTCHINSOX. [1039 41. 
 
 sermons only pleasing that flattered them in their vices, and 
 told the poor king that he was Solomon, and that his sloth 
 and cowardice, by which he betrayed the cause of God and 
 honour of the nation, was gospel meekness and peaceableness ; 
 for which they raised him up above the heavens, while he lay 
 wallowing like a swine in the mire of his lust. He had a 
 little learning, and this they called the spirit of wisdom, and 
 so magnified him, so falsely flattered him, that he could not 
 endure the words of truth and soundness, but rewarded these 
 base, wicked, unfaithful fawners with rich preferments, at- 
 tended with pomps and titles, which heaped them up above 
 a human height. With their pride, their envy swelled 
 against the people of God, whom they began to project how 
 they might root out of the land ; and when they had once 
 given them a name, whatever was odious or dreadful to the 
 king, they fixed upon the puritan, who, according to their 
 character, was nothing but a factious hypocrite. 
 
 The king had upon his heart the dealings both of England 
 and Scotland with his mother, and harboured a secret desire 
 of revenge upon the godly in both nations, yet had not 
 courage enough to assert his resentment like a prince, but 
 employed a wicked cunning he was master of, and called 
 king-craft, to undermine what he durst not openly oppose, 
 the true religion ; this was fenced with the liberty of the 
 people, and so linked together, that it was impossible to make 
 them slaves, till they were brought to be idolaters of royalty 
 and glorious lust ; and as impossible to make them adore 
 these gods, while they continued loyal to the government of 
 Jesus Christ. The payment of civil obedience to the king 
 and the laws of the land satisfied not ; if any durst dispute 
 his impositions in the worship of God, he was presently 
 reckoned among the seditious and disturbers of the public 
 peace, and accordingly persecuted ; if any were grieved at 
 the dishonour of the kingdom, or the griping of the poor, or
 
 1689 41.] THE PURITAN PARTY. 81 
 
 the unjust oppressions of the subject, by a thousand ways, 
 invented to maintain the riots of the courtiers, and the swarms 
 of needy Scots the king had brought in to devour like locusts 
 the plenty of this laud, he was a puritan ; if any, out of mere 
 morality and civil honesty, discountenanced the abominations 
 of those days, he was a puritan, however he conformed to 
 their superstitious worship ; if any showed favour to any 
 godly honest persons, kept them company, relieved them in 
 want, or protected them against violent or unjust oppression, 
 he was a puritan ; if any gentleman in his country main- 
 tained the good laws of the land, or stood up for any public 
 interest, for good order or government, he was a puritan : in 
 short, all that crossed the views of the needy courtiers, the 
 proud encroaching priests, the thievish projectors, the lewd 
 nobility and gentry whoever was zealous for God's glory or 
 worship, could not endure blasphemous oaths, ribald conver- 
 sation, profane scoffs, sabbath breaking, derision of the word 
 of God, and the like whoever could endure a sermon, 
 modest habit or conversation, or anything good, all these 
 were puritans ; and if puritans, then enemies to the king and 
 his government, seditious, factious hypocrites, ambitious dis- 
 turbers of the public peace, and finally, the pest of the 
 kingdom. Such false logic did the children of darkness use 
 to argue with against the hated children of light, whom they 
 branded besides as an illiterate, morose, melancholy, dis- 
 contented, crazed sort of men, not fit for human conver- 
 sation ;* as such they made them not only the sport of the 
 
 * Such is the idea entertained of them in general even at this day ; 
 whoever shall read these memoirs will be well convinced that not one of 
 these qualities needs or does by any natural consequence accompany the 
 character. It is a great misfortune that many of the zealous professors 
 of piety should give it so austere an aspect, and this can never be better 
 contrasted than by the cheerful and amiable one this professed puritan 
 gives it. 
 
 G
 
 82 MEMOIRS OF COL. BTTTTCHINSON. [1639 41. 
 
 pulpit, which was become but a more solemn sort of stage, 
 but every stage, and every table, and every puppet-play, 
 belched forth profane scoffs upon them, the drunkards made 
 them their songs, and all fiddlers and mimics learned to abuse 
 them, as finding it the most gameful way of fooling. Thus 
 the two factions in those days. grew up to great heights and 
 enmities one against the other ; while the papist wanted not 
 industry and subtlety to blow the coals between them, and 
 was so successful that, unless the mercy of God confound 
 them by their own imaginations, we may justly fear they will 
 at last obtain their full wish. 
 
 But to deal impartially, we must, with sadness enough, 
 confess, that the wolf came into the fold in a sheep's 
 clothing, and wrought more slaughter that way among the 
 lambs than he could have done in his own skin ; for it is true 
 that many of wit and parts, discontented when they could 
 not obtain the preferments their ambition gaped at, would 
 declare themselves of the puritan party. And such were 
 either bought off, or, if the adversary would not give their 
 price, seduced their devout hearers sometimes into indiscreet 
 opposition to work out their own revenge ; others, that had 
 neither learning, nor friends, nor opportunities to arrive to 
 any preferments, would put on a form of godliness, finding 
 devout people that way so liberal to them, that they could 
 not hope to enrich themselves so much in any other way. 
 Some that had greater art and parts, finding there was no 
 inconsiderable gain to be made of the simple devotion of 
 men and women, applied their wits to it, and collected great 
 sums for the advancement of the religious interest, of which 
 they converted much to their own private uses. Such a 
 these tempted the people of God to endeavour to shelter 
 themselves in human policies, and found out ways, by bribes 
 and other not less indirect courses, to procure patrons at 
 court, and to set up against the prelates with countermines
 
 1639 41.] IHE PUBITAN PAKTY. 83 
 
 and other engines, which, being of man's framing, were all at 
 last broken. 
 
 The puritan party being weak and oppressed, had not faith 
 enough to disown all that adhered to them for worldly in- 
 terests, and indeed it required more than human wisdom to 
 discern at the least all of them ; wherefore they, in their low 
 condition, gladly accepted any that would come over to them, 
 or incline towards them ; and their enemies, through envy at 
 them, augmented much their party, while, with injuries and 
 reproaches, they drove many, that never intended it, to take 
 that party ; which in the end got nothing but confusion by 
 those additions. While these parties were thus counter- 
 working, the treasure of the kingdom being wasted by court- 
 caterpillars, the parliaments were called to re-supply the royal 
 coffers, and therein there wanted not some, that retained so much 
 of the English spirit as to represent the public grievances, 
 and desire to call the corrupt ministers of state to an account. 
 But the king, grudging that his people should dare to gainsay 
 his pleasure, and correct his misgovernment in his favourites, 
 broke up parliaments, violated their privileges, imprisoned 
 their members for things spoken in the house, and grew 
 disaffected to them, and entertained projects of supply by 
 other grievances of the people. The prelates, in the mean 
 time, finding they lost ground, meditated reunion with the 
 popish faction, who began to be at a pretty agreement with 
 them ;' ;>i and now there was no more endeavour in their 
 public sermons to confute the errors of that church, but to 
 reduce our doctrines and theirs to an accommodation. The 
 king, to bring it about, was deluded f into the treaty of a 
 match for his son with the Infanta of Spain ; and the prince, 
 
 * The first volume of Clarendon's State Papers abounds with instances. 
 
 j- It is very rare to see a delusion so long and successfully carried on as 
 this appears to have been, at the expense of this modern Solomon, in the 
 State Papers just mentioned. 
 
 G 2
 
 84 MEMOIBS OP COL. HtJTCHINSOtf. [1639 41 
 
 with the Duke of Buckingham, was privately sent into Spain, 
 from whence he came back with difficulty, but to the great 
 rejoicing of the whole people in general, who were much 
 afflicted at his going thither. During this treaty the papists 
 got many advantages of the king, to the prejudice of the 
 protestant interest at home and abroad, and the hearts of all 
 but the papists were very much saddened ; and the people loath 
 to lay the miscarriages of things at the king's own door, 
 began to entertain a universal hatred of the Duke of Buck- 
 ingham, raised from a knight's fourth son to that pitch of 
 glory, and enjoying great possessions, acquired by the favour of 
 the king, upon no merit but that of his beauty and his prosti- 
 tution. The parliament had drawn up a charge against him, 
 and though the king seemed to protect him, yet knowing the 
 fearfulness of his nature, and doubting bis constancy, it was 
 believed he added some help to an ague that killed that king ; 
 however the king died, and the duke continued as high in 
 the favour of the next succeeding as of the deceased prince ; 
 whereupon one, not unaptly, says of him, " he seemed as an 
 unhappy exhalation, drawn up from the earth, not only to 
 cloud the setting, but the rising sun."* 
 
 The face of the court was much changed in the change of 
 the king, for King Charles was temperate, chaste, and serious ; 
 so that the fools and bawds, mimics and catamites, of the 
 former court, grew out of fashion ; and the nobility and 
 courtiers, who did not quite abandon their debaucheries, 
 yet so reverenced the king as to retire into corners to practise 
 them. Men of learning and ingenuity in all arts were in 
 esteem, and received encouragement from the king, who was 
 a most excellent judge and a great lover of paintings, carvings, 
 gravings, and many other ingenuities, less offensive than the 
 
 * The justice of the character here given of James, as well as the can- 
 dour of that about to be given to Charles, will, it is hoped, be recognized 
 by every reader.
 
 1639 41.] CHARACTER OF CHARLES I. 85 
 
 bawdry and profane abusive wit which, was the only exercise 
 of the other court. But, as in the primitive times, it is observed 
 that the best emperors were some of them stirred up by Satin 
 to be the bitterest persecutors of the church, so this king was 
 a worse encroacher upon the civil and spiritual liberties of his 
 people by far than his father. He married a papist, a French 
 lady, of a haughty spirit, and a great wit and beauty, to whom 
 he became a most uxorious husband. By this means the court 
 was replenished with papists, and many who hoped to advance 
 themselves by the change, turned to that religion. All the 
 papists in the kingdom were favoured, and, by the king's 
 example, matched into the best families ; the puritans were 
 more than ever discountenanced and persecuted, insomuch that 
 many of them chose to abandon their native country, and 
 leave their dearest relations, to retire into any foreign soil or 
 plantation, where they might, amidst all outward incon- 
 veniences, enjoy the free exercise of God's worship. Such 
 as could not flee were tormented in the bishops' courts, fined, 
 whipped, pilloried, imprisoned, and suffered to enjoy no rest, so 
 that death was better than life to them ; and notwithstanding 
 their patient sufferance of all these things, yet was not the 
 king satisfied till the whole land was reduced to perfect 
 slavery. The example of the French king was propounded 
 to him, and he thought himself no monarch so long as his 
 will was confined to the bounds of any law ; but knowing 
 that the people of England were not pliable to an arbitrary 
 rule, he plotted to subdue them to his yoke by a foreign 
 force, and till he could effect it, made no conscience of grant- 
 ing anything to the people, which he resolved should not 
 oblige him longer than it served his turn ; for he was a 
 prince that had nothing of faith or truth, justice or generosity, 
 in him. He was the most obstinate person in his self-will 
 that ever was, and so bent upon being an absolute, uncon- 
 trollable sovereign, that he was resolved either to be such a
 
 86 MEMOIES OF COL. HT5TCHINSO^. [1639 41. 
 
 king or none. His firm adherence to prelacy was not for 
 conscience of one religion more than another, for it was his 
 principle that an honest man might be saved in any profession ; 
 but he had a mistaken principle that kingly government in 
 the state could not stand without episcopal government in 
 the church ; and, therefore, as the bishops flattered him with 
 preaching up his sovereign prerogative, and inveighing 
 against the puritans as factious and disloyal, so he protected 
 them in their pomp and pride, and insolent practises against 
 all the godly and sober people of the land.* In the first 
 parliament after he came to the crown, the Duke of Bucking- 
 ham was impeached concerning the death of King James, 
 and other misdemeanors ; but the present king, who had 
 received him into the same degree of favour that he was with 
 the former, would not endure the question of his favourite, 
 and, to deliver him from it, broke up the parliament, which 
 gave too just a suspicion that he favoured the practice ; for 
 it is true that the duke's mother, without the consent of the 
 physicians, had made an application to the wrists of the king 
 for his ague, after which he died in his next fit. Some other 
 parliaments there were, but still abruptly broken up when 
 
 * In note, page 72, it has been shown that their political, not their 
 religious principles, were the criterion whereby the king judged the prelates 
 of the church of England. That the same served for the church of Rome 
 is shown pretty clearly in the first volume of Clarendon's State Papers, 
 where Mr. Courtenay having refused some compliances against conscience, 
 and giving as his reason that " the king was not the law-maker, but the 
 king and parliament, and that the king has not a dispensing power;" and 
 father Scudamore, alias Leander, asserting that he has, Courtenay is com- 
 mitted to prison, held there, and a trial refused him; Leander protected, 
 encouraged, and rewarded ; and it is stated that " Laud was at the helm of 
 the king's counsel in these matters." This opinion of the king's candour, 
 or even indifference, as to the mode of religion, is stated in nearly the same 
 manner in Rushworth, but it is not said on what authority. The Stuarts 
 sported with and ruined all religions, and in turn were ruined by them.
 
 1639- -41.] DTJKE OF BUCKINGHAM. 87 
 
 they put forth any endeavour to redress grievances. The 
 protestants abroad were all looked upon as puritans, and 
 their interests, instead of being protected, sadly betrayed ; ships 
 were let out to the French king to serve against them ; and all 
 the flower of the English gentry were lost in an ill-managed 
 expedition to the Isle of Rhee, under pretence of helping them, 
 but so ordered that it proved the loss of Rochelle, the strong 
 fort and best defence of all the protestants in France. Those 
 in Germany were no less neglected in all treaties, although 
 his own sister and her children were so highly concerned. 
 The whole people were sadly grieved at these misgovern- 
 ments, and, loath to impute them to the king, cast all the 
 odium upon the Duke of Buckingham, whom at length a 
 discontented person stabbed, believing he did God and his 
 country good service by it. All the kingdom, except the 
 duke's own dependents and kindred, rejoiced in the death of 
 this duke ; but they found little cause, for after it the king 
 still persisted in his design of enslaving them, and found 
 other ministers ready to serve his self-willed ambition, such 
 as were Noy, his attorney-general, who set on foot that 
 hateful tax of ship-money, and many more illegal exactions ; 
 and ten of the judges, who perverted judgment in the cause 
 of those who refused the illegal imposition ; although there 
 were, even in that time, found two honest judges, who durst 
 judge rightly against the king, although he had changed the 
 words usual in their commissions, which were Quamdiu bene 
 se gesserint* into another form, Durante bene placito. Besides 
 these, and a great rascally company of flatterers and pro- 
 jectors, there were all the corrupted, tottering bishops, and 
 others of the proud, profane clergy of the land, who, by their 
 insolencies, grown odious to the people, bent their strong 
 
 * " Quamdiu bene se gesserint," during good behaviour, as long as they 
 act right. " Durante bene placito," during the king's good pleasure.
 
 88 MEMOIBS OF COL. HTTTCHINSON. [1639 41. 
 
 endeavours to disaffect the prince to his honest, godly sub- 
 jects, and to get a pretence of power from him, to afflict those 
 who would not submit to their insolent dominion. But there 
 were two above all the rest, who led the van of the king's 
 evil counsellors, and these were Laud, archbishop of Canter- 
 bury, a fellow of mean extraction and arrogant pride, and the 
 Earl of Strafford, who as much outstripped all the rest in 
 favour as he did in abilities, being a man of deep policy, 
 stern resolution, and ambitious zeal to keep up the glory of 
 his own greatness. In the beginning of this king's reign, 
 this man had been a strong asserter of the liberties of the 
 people, among whom he had gained himself an honourable 
 reputation, and was dreadful to the court party ; who, there- 
 upon strewed snares in his way, and when they found a 
 breach at his ambition, his soul was that way entered and 
 captivated. He was advanced first to be lord president of the 
 council in the north, to be a baron, afterwards an earl, and then 
 deputy of Ireland ; he was the nearest to a favourite of any man 
 since the death of the Duke of Buckingham, who was raised 
 by his first master, and kept up by the second, upon no 
 account of personal worth or any deserving abilities in him, 
 but only from the violent and private inclinations of the princes. 
 But the Earl of Strafford wanted not any accomplishment 
 that could be desired in the most serviceable minister of 
 state : besides, he having made himself odious to the people 
 by his revolt from their interest to that of the oppressive 
 court, he was now obliged to keep up his own interest with 
 his new party, by all the malicious practices that pride and 
 revenge could inspire him with.* But above all these the 
 king had another instigator "of his own violent purpose, more 
 powerful than all the rest, and that was the queen, who, 
 grown out of her childhood, began to turn her mind from 
 
 * Called by Lord Digby the grand apostate of the Commonwealth.
 
 1639 41.1 TTXORIOtrSNESS OF CHARLES I. 89 
 
 those vain extravagancies she lived in at first, to that which 
 did less become her, and was more fatal to the kingdom ; 
 which is never in any place happy where the hands which 
 were made only for distaffs affect the management of 
 sceptres. If any one object the fresh example of Queen 
 Elizabeth, let them remember that the felicity of her reign 
 was the effect of her submission to her masculine and wise 
 counsellors ; but wherever male princes are so effeminate as 
 to suffer women of foreign birth and different religions to 
 intermeddle with the affairs of state, it is always found to 
 produce sad desolations ; and it hath been observed that a 
 French queen never brought any happiness to England. 
 Some kind of fatality, too, the English imagined to be in her 
 name of Marie, which, it is said, the king rather chose to 
 have her called by than her other, Henrietta, because the 
 land should find a blessing in that name, which had been 
 more unfortunate ; but it was not in his power, though a 
 great prince, to control destiny. This lady being by her 
 priests affected with the meritoriousness of advancing her 
 own religion, whose principle it is to subvert all other, 
 applied that way her great wit and parts, and the power her 
 haughty spirit kept over her husband, who was enslaved in 
 his affection only to her, though she had no more passion for 
 him than what served to promote her designs. Those 
 brought her into a very good correspondence with the arch- 
 bishop and his prelatical crew, both joining in the cruel 
 design of rooting the godly out of the land. The foolish 
 protestants were meditating reconciliations with the church 
 of Rome, who embraced them as far as they would go, carry- 
 ing them in hand, as if there had been a possibility of bring- 
 ing such a thing to pass ; meanwhile they carried on their 
 design by them, and had so ripened it, that nothing but the 
 mercy of God prevented the utter subversion of protestantism 
 in the three kingdoms. But how much soever their designs
 
 90 .MEMOIRS OF COL. HtriCHINSOIf. [1639 41. 
 
 were framed in the dark, God revealed them to his servants, 
 and most miraculously ordered providences for their pre- 
 servation. About the year 1639, the Scots, having the 
 English service-book obtruded upon them violently, refused 
 it, and took a national covenant against it, and entered 
 England with a great army, to bring their complaints to the 
 king, which his unfaithful ministers did, as they sup- 
 posed, much misreport. The king himself levied an army 
 against them, wherein he was assisted by the nobility and 
 gentry, but most of all by the prelates, insomuch that the war 
 got the name of bellum episcopale, or " bishops' war ;" but 
 the commonalty of the nation, being themselves under griev- 
 ous bondage, were loath to oppose a people that came only 
 to claim their just liberties. When the king was at York, 
 the chief of the Scotch covenanters came, under a pretence of 
 treating with the king, but their principal intent was to dis- 
 abuse the nobility of England, and to take off their edge against 
 them, by remonstrating upon those grievances and oppres- 
 sions of the prelatical innovators, which had forced them thus 
 to defend their religion and liberties. This they did so 
 effectually, that the hearts of the English were much moved 
 towards them, and the king perceiving it, by their mediations, 
 consented to a dissembled peace for that time, and returned 
 home. But the Scots, unsatisfied in the performance of their 
 articles, made preparation for a second return into England ; 
 whereupon the king, in his anger and necessity, was forced to 
 have recourse to the long neglected remedy of parliaments, 
 and assembled one at Westminster the 13th of April, 1640, 
 which he suffered to sit but twenty-one days, and broke it up 
 again, apprehending that if he had suffered them to sit a day 
 longer, they would have voted against the war with Scotland, 
 which he was violently bent to prosecute. 
 
 The bishops at that time devised as an anti-covenant, in their 
 convocation house, that execrable oath known by the name
 
 1639 41. J EARL OF STRAFFORD'S IMPEACHMENT. 91 
 
 of the et c&tera, wherein all ministers were required to swear 
 to uphold the government of the church of England by 
 archbishops, deans, archdeacons, &c. After this the Scots 
 enter England, the king makes a second expedition into the 
 north against them, and sends part of his army to keep the 
 passes upon the river Tyne ; but the soldiers being raw and 
 heartless in this war, and the commanders themselves inex- 
 perienced, they were vanquished, and the Scots forced their 
 way, after they had been refused to pass quietly by, with 
 their petitions in their hands, and thus possessed them- 
 selves of Newcastle and Durham. At that time the Scots 
 had put forth a declaration, wherein they had affirmed their 
 intentions not to lay down arms till the reformed religion 
 was settled in both nations upon sure grounds, and the 
 causers of these present troubles brought to public jus- 
 tice, and that in a parliament. This was so plausible to the 
 English, that the king, finding both the hearts and hands of 
 his people fail him on this occasion, was induced to grant the 
 petition of twelve noble lords, who at that time interposed ; 
 and, calling together all his lords at York, agreed upon a 
 parliament to be convened at London on the third of Novem- 
 ber following. In the mean time, a treaty was condescended 
 to, by sixteen lords of each side, Scotch and English, who 
 agreed upon a cessation between both armies for the present, 
 in order to a peace, to be concluded at London with the par- 
 liament, who met, as appointed, in November. 
 
 They began with throwing down monopolies, and then 
 impeached the Earl of Strafford of high treason, who, after a 
 solemn trial and hot disputes on both sides, was at length 
 attainted of treason, and the king, against his own mind, to 
 serve his ends, gave him up to death.* The archbishop of 
 
 * Whoever has read the propositions delivered to his majesty by the 
 Earl of Strafford, for bridling parliaments and increasing his revenue, 
 which is preserved in the third volume of Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 322, in-
 
 92 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTTTCHINSON. [1639 41. 
 
 Canterbury was also made prisoner upon an accusation of 
 high treason, for which he afterwards suffered;* Wren, bishop 
 of Norwich, was likewise committed to the Tower; several 
 other prelatical preachers were questioned for popish and 
 treasonable doctrines; the Star Chamber, an unjust and ar- 
 bitrary court, was taken away, and also the High Commission 
 Court; an act was procured for a triennial parliament, and 
 another for the continuation of this, that it should not be 
 broken up without their own consent. There were great neces- 
 sities for money by reason of the two armies that were then 
 maintained in England, and the people would give the king 
 no money without some ease of grievances, which forced 
 
 genious, bold, and dangerous beyond example, will think him richly to 
 have deserved his fate, but not at the hand of Charles, who herein acted 
 so treacherously to his friends, that theii very adversaries are shocked at 
 it, and fixed on his reputation a deep and indelible stain; accordingly he 
 seems all his life long to have borne in mind an incessant regret of this 
 crime. As it was a thing thought of but little consequence at the time, 
 perhaps it will ere long be forgotten that Louis the Sixteenth suffered sen- 
 tence of death to be executed on a Mr. De Favras for planning to assist 
 him, or his brother, or both to escape, but When he did really effect hia 
 escape in part, there appeared great earnestness and zeal in stopping him ! 
 Did he not merit this ? 
 
 May says, that the cause of Lord Strafford's condemnation was a note 
 produced by Sir H. Vane, proving that as a privy counsellor he had pro- 
 posed to the king to bring his army from Ireland to reduce this kingdom to 
 obedience ; but Ludlow's seems the stronger reason. 
 
 * It may well be doubted whether it was justifiable to change the pro- 
 ceedings against Laud from impeachment to attainder, in order to vote hia 
 death, which the law would not have condemned him to; but certainly 
 deposition and banishment at least were due to the man who brought ruin 
 and disgrace upon that pure and moderate system of religion of which he 
 was the unworthy head: that to his conduct its ruin was principally attri- 
 butable may be clearly seen by the speeches preserved by Rushworth, in 
 his fourth volume, of Lord Digby, Falkland, Fiennes, and especially Grim- 
 pton. At this day there is perhaps hardly to be found a son of the church 
 who would condescend to meddle in such base projects as this archbishop 
 assiduously employed himself in.
 
 1639 41.] PLOTS AGAINST THE PAELIAMENT. 93 
 
 him, against his inclination, to grant those bills, with which, 
 after he had granted, he found he had bound up his own* 
 hands, and therefore privately encouraged plots that were in 
 those times contrived against the parliament. One of them was 
 to have rescued the Earl of Strafford out of prison, and put 
 him at the head of eight thousand Irish, which the king 
 would not consent to disband, when the parliament had 
 some time before moved him to it: then the English army 
 in the north was to have been brought up and engaged 
 against the parliament itself upon a pretence of maintaining 
 the king's prerogative, episcopacy, and some other such things. 
 This plot was managed by Percy, Germyn, Goring, Wilmot, 
 Ashburnham, Pollard, Suckling, O'Neale, and others, of 
 whom some confessed and impeached their fellows, others 
 fled, others were put in prison. While this parliament was 
 sitting, the king would needs, contrary to their desires, take 
 a journey to Scotland, and passed by the two disbanding 
 armies in his journey, where some report that he secretly 
 attempted to urge the Scotch army against the parliament, 
 which then succeeded not. The houses had adjourned for 
 some time, and left a standing committee of fifty to prepare 
 business. About that time a plot was discovered to them 
 from Scotland, against the lives of some of the greatest 
 peers of that kingdom; the committee, fearing the like at- 
 tempts from the same spring, placed strong guards in divers 
 parts of the city of London. The king's design in going to 
 
 * This act for perpetuating the parliament was, in fact, that which gave 
 them a clear ascendancy over the king. The proposing this, as it showed 
 the ingenuity and judgment of Mr. Pierrepont, to whom Mrs. Hutchinsou 
 attributes it, so does it the weakness of the king and his counsellors, who 
 having granted this, had no longer any power of refusal left. For extraor- 
 dinary evils extraordinary remedies are often sought; but this, as it soon 
 proved too strong for the king, so was it at last thought too strong for the 
 people. The omnipotence of parliament would be indeed dreadful alike 
 to both, if, instead of being immovable, it was permanent.
 
 94 MEMOIKS OP COL. HTJTCHIXSON. [1639 41. 
 
 Scotland was variously conjectured ; but this was a certain 
 effect of it, that it retarded all the affairs of the government 
 of England, which the king had put into such disorder that 
 it was not an easy task to reform what was amiss, and redress 
 the real grievances of the people; but yet the parliament 
 showed such a wonderful respect to the king, that they never 
 mentioned him, as he was the sole author of all those mis- 
 carriages, but imputed them to evil counsellors, and gave him 
 all the submissive language that could have been used to a 
 good prince, fixing all the guilt upon his evil counsellors 
 and ministers of state, which flattery I fear they have to an- 
 swer for: I am sure they have thereby exposed themselves to 
 much scandal.* While the king was in Scotland, that cursed 
 rebellion in Ireland broke out, wherein above 200,000 were 
 massacred in two months' space, being surprised, and many of 
 them most inhumanly butchered and tormented; and besides 
 the slain, abundance of poor families stripped and sent naked 
 away out of all their possessions ; and, had not the providence 
 of God miraculously prevented the surprise of Dublin Castle 
 the night it should have been seized, there had not been any 
 remnant of the protestant name left in that country. As 
 soon as this sad news came to the parliament, they vigorously 
 set themselves to the work of relieving them; but then the 
 king returned from Scotland, and being sumptuously wel- 
 comed home by the city, took courage thereby against the 
 parliament, and obstructed all its proceedings for the 
 effectual relief of Ireland. Long was he before he could 
 be drawn to proclaim these murderers rebels, and when he 
 did, by special command, there were but forty proclamations 
 
 * This is an oversight of Mrs. Hutchinson's, of which she is seldom 
 guilty. Good policy required then, as it does now, that the king should 
 be held incapable of wrong, and the criminality fixed on ministers, who are 
 amenable to the law. If the patriots of that day were the inventors of 
 this maxim, we are highly obliged to them.
 
 1641.] CHARLES I. AND HIS PARLIAMENT. 95 
 
 printed, and care was taken that they should not be much dis- 
 persed; which courses afflicted all the good protestants in Eng- 
 land, and confirmed them that the rebellion in Ireland received 
 countenance from the king and queen of England.* The 
 parliament, beset Avith so many difficulties, were forced for 
 their own vindication to present the king with a petition and 
 a remonstrance on the state of the kingdom, wherein they 
 spared him as much as truth would bear, and complained 
 only of his ill counsellors and ministers ; but this, instead of 
 admonishing, exasperated him, and was answered with an- 
 other declaration of his ; and upon several occasions the par- 
 liament being enforced to justify their proceedings publicly, 
 and the king setting forth replies, these open debates were 
 but the prologue to the ensuing tragedy. The city, declaring 
 their good affections to the parliament by a petition, gave the 
 king distrust, and he was observed to entertain an extraordi- 
 nary guard of cavaliers, who killed and wounded some of 
 the poor unarmed men that passed by his house at White- 
 hall; and the parliament, conceiving themselves not safe, 
 desired a guard might be allowed them under the command 
 of the Earl of Essex; but he refused it, with an assurance 
 that he would command such a guard to wait upon them 
 
 * It would be difficult to draw a distinction so nice as would discrimi- 
 nate between the countenance shown to the rebels both before and after 
 the rebellion breaking out, and the encouraging the rebellion itself : now 
 that passion and prejudice have subsided there are probably many more 
 that condemn than acquit the king and queen; but whilst the blood of 
 the massacred protestants yet reeked, and indignation glowed, it was 
 neither to be wondered at nor blamed that persons the most tolerant, as the 
 independents professed to be, and Mrs. Hutchinson especially, should speak 
 with enmity of the queen and catholics, and attribute to them those prin- 
 ciples of intolerance and antipathy to protestants which, whether they 
 professed or not, they practised. It will hereafter been seen that, when 
 they ceased to be dangerous, Mr. Hutchinson did not persecute, but pro- 
 tect them.
 
 96 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHIXSOX. [1641. 
 
 as he would be responsible to Almighty God for, and that 
 the safety of all and every one of them was as dear to him 
 as that of his own person and children. Yet the very next day 
 after this false message, he came to the House of Commons, 
 attended with his extraordinary guard, of about four hundred 
 gentlemen and soldiers, armed with swords and pistols, and 
 there demanded five of their members, whom not finding there 
 (for a great lady at court had before informed one of them 
 of his coming, and the house ordered them to retire,) he 
 returned, leaving the house under a high sense of this breach 
 of their privilege.* At this time the people began in great 
 numbers to bring petitions to the king and parliament, to beg 
 a more cheerful concurrence between them for the relief of 
 Ireland, and to encourage the parliament in their honourable 
 
 The force of opinion being the only real force of any prince, and the 
 notion of inviolability his best protection, it was a strange infatuation in 
 him to overthrow them both. 
 
 Turno tempos erit magno cdm optaverit emptum 
 
 Intactum Pallanta, et cum spolia ista diemque 
 
 Oderit VIEG. JEn. 10. 
 
 The time shall come when Turnus, but in vain, 
 Shall wish untouched the trophies of the slain, 
 And curse the dire remembrance of that day. 
 
 DRYDE.V. 
 
 An English gentleman, who was resident in France at the time that Louis 
 the Sixteenth sent his guards to the parliament of Paris to seize some f 
 the members (one of whom was the famous Duval Despresmenil), and 
 sent out decrees and manifestoes, as has been here just before related, made 
 this remark, " He has entered upon the career of Charles the First, and he 
 will follow it to the end." // est entr dans la carriere de Charles I. et 
 il la suivra jusqu'au bout. When he saw again in England, as emigrants, 
 the same French gentlemen before whom he had made this remark, they 
 reminded him of it ; saying how little probable this had seemed to them 
 at the period of its being spoken, a year before the holding of the states 
 general.
 
 1641. j PETITIONS TO PARLIAMENT. 97 
 
 endeavours for the relief of both kingdoms. The king was 
 offended at this, and retired first to Hampton Court, then 
 went with the queen to Canterbury, whom he sent from 
 thence into Holland with her daughter, lately married to the 
 Prince of Orange, under pretence of conducting her to her 
 own court, but really to manage his business abroad, and 
 procure arms to be employed against the parliament, by the 
 sale of the crown jewels, which she carried over with her. 
 After her departure, the king, taking the prince and the Duke 
 of York with him, went to Theobalds, whither the parlia- 
 ment sent a petition to him to return to his parliament and 
 abide near London, and that he would not carry the prince 
 away with him, and that he would grant the militia of the 
 kingdom to be put into such hands as the parliament should 
 recommend, and might confide in; all which he denied, and 
 went immediately to Newmarket, and from thence to York; 
 all this while, by many false pretences, really obstructing the 
 relief of bleeding Ireland, and seducing many of the poor 
 people of England into blood and ruin. 
 
 In conducting the state of England, in those days, wherein 
 he, whose actions I am tracing, began to enter into his part 
 in this great tragedy, I have been too long for that I intended, 
 and too short to give a clear understanding of the righteous- 
 ness of the parliament's cause;* which I shall desire you to 
 inform yourselves better of by their own printed papers, and 
 Mr. May's history, which I find to be impartially true, so far as 
 he hath carried it on, saving some little mistakes in his OWD 
 judgment, and misinformations which some vain people gave. 
 
 * Probably few people will think Mrs. Hutchinson has been too prolix, 
 many will think that she has been too concise. Mr. May's history comes down 
 only to September, 1643, which is much to be regretted, as he may justly 
 be called an impartial and clear historian, but is little read, probably 
 because his history finishes before that 'period which was the moist 
 interesting.
 
 98 MEMOIKS OF COL. HUTCHIXSON. [1641. 
 
 of the state, and more indulgence to the king's guilt than can 
 justly be allowed. 
 
 To take up my discourse of Mr. Hutchinson where I left 
 it : he was now come to his own house at Owthorpe, about 
 the time when the Irish massacre was acted, and finding 
 humours begin to be very stirring, he applied himself to 
 understand the things then in dispute, and read all the public 
 papers that came forth between the king and parliament, 
 besides many other private treatises, both concerning the 
 present and foregoing times. Hereby he became abundantly 
 informed in his understanding, and convinced in conscience 
 of the righteousness of the parliament's cause in point of 
 civil right; and though he was satisfied of the endeavours to 
 reduce* popery and subvert the true protestant religion, 
 which indeed was apparent to every one that impartially con- 
 sidered it, yet he did not think that so clear a ground for the 
 war as the defence of the just English liberties ; and 
 although he was clearly swayed by his own judgment and 
 reason to the parliament, he, thinking he had no warrant- 
 able call at that time, to do anything more, contented him- 
 self with praying for peace. At that time Mr. Henry Ireton 
 was in the country, and being a kinsman of Mr. Hutchinson's, 
 and one that had received so much advantage to himself and 
 his family in the country by Sir Thomas Hutchinson's coun- 
 tenance and protection, that he seemed a kind of dependent 
 upon him, and being besides a very grave, serious, religious, 
 person, there was a great league of kindness and good- will 
 between them.f Mr. Ireto'n being very active in promoting 
 the parliament, and the godly interest in the country, found 
 
 * Reduce, Latin redueere, to bring back, restore, revive. 
 
 f As it will be seen in the sequel that Mr. Hutchinson reposed a very 
 great confidence in Ireton, and even allowed to the information he received 
 from him such weight in forming bis judgment as he did to that of no one
 
 1641.] MR. HENRY IRETON. 99 
 
 great opposition from some projectors, and others of corrupt 
 interest that were in the commission of the peace ; whereupon, 
 making complaint at the parliament, he procured some of 
 them to be put out of the commission, and others, better 
 affected, to be put in their rooms, of which Mr. Hutchinson 
 was one ; but he then forbore to take his oath, as not willing 
 to launch out rashly into public employments, while such a 
 
 else, it may be well to examine how far the one was deserving, and the other 
 discerning, in this. 
 
 The question will be probably decided to general satisfaction upon the 
 testimony of Whitelock and Ludlow, men of very different dispositions, but 
 both of great good sense and knowledge of their subject. Whitelock, in 
 speaking of some reforms proposed in the election and composition of the 
 House of Commons, says, " Ireton was chiefly employed in them, having 
 learned some grounds of law, and having a laborious and working brain and 
 fancy." When he comes to speak of the reforms of the law which Ireton 
 likewise meditated, he says, " he was a man full of invention and industry, 
 who had a little knowledge of the law, which led him into the more errors." 
 But when by his death the jealousy lest he should bring about those re- 
 forms which Whitelock, and most of the lawyers, were averse to, had ceased, 
 he says of him, page 516, "this gentleman was a person very active, 
 industrious, and stiff in his ways and purposes; he was of good abilities for 
 council as well as action, made much use of his pen, and was very forward 
 to reform the proceedings in law, wherein his having been bred a lawyer 
 was a great help to him. He was stout in the field, and wary and prudent 
 in councils; exceedingly forward as to the business of a commonwealth. 
 Cromwell had a great opinion of him, and no man could prevail so much, 
 nor order him so far, as Ireton could." But Ludlow, who viewed him. 
 more constantly and closely in a post of great power and temptation, that 
 of deputy of Ireland, being himself next in command to him, gives the 
 following account of his conduct in one instance, which will render all 
 others superfluous. " The parliament also ordered an act to be brought in 
 for settling two thousand per annum on the lord-deputy Ireton, the news 
 of which being brought over was so unacceptable to him, that he said, they 
 had many just debts, which he desired they would pay before they made 
 any such presents; that he had no need of their land, and would not have 
 it; and that he should be more contented to see them doing the serviff 
 of the nation, than so liberal in disposing of the public treasure." 
 H2
 
 100 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTTTCHINSON. [1641 
 
 storm hung threatening over head. Yet his good affections 
 to godliness and the interest of his country, being a glory 
 that could not be concealed, many of his honest neigh- 
 bours made applications to him, and endeavoured to learn his 
 conduct, which he at first in modesty and prudence would not 
 too hastily rush into.* The parliament had made orders to 
 deface the images in all churches. Within two miles of his 
 house there was a church, where Christ upon the cross, the 
 virgin, and John, had been fairly set up in a window over the 
 altar, and sundry other superstitious paintings, of the priest's 
 own ordering, were drawn upon the walls. When the order 
 for rasing out those relics of superstition came, the priest 
 only took down the heads of the images, and laid them care- 
 fully up in his closet, and would have had the church offi- 
 cers to have certified that the thing was done according to 
 order; whereupon they came to Mr. Hutchinson, and desired 
 him that he would take the pains to come and view their 
 church, which he did, and upon discourse with the parson, 
 persuaded him to blot out all the superstitious paintings, and 
 break the images in the glass; which he consented to, but 
 being ill-affected, was one of those who began to brand Mr. 
 Hutchinson with the name of Puritan. 
 
 At that time most of the gentry of the country were dis- 
 affected to the parliament ; most of the middle sort, the able 
 substantial freeholders, and the other commons, who had not 
 their dependence upon the malignant nobility and gentry, 
 adhered to the parliament. These, when the king was at 
 York, made a petition to him to return to the parliament, 
 which, upon their earnest entreaty, Mr. Hutchinson went, 
 
 * Mr. Hutchinson being born in the latter end of the year 1616, was 
 only about three and twenty years old at this period; when some may think 
 this modesty became him. It was not the fashion of those times to arrive 
 at the perfection of wisdom and judgment so early as in our days !
 
 Ib42.] GOES TO THE MAYOR OF NOTTINGHAM. lOl 
 
 with some others, and presented at York ;* where, meeting 
 his cousins the Byrons, they were extremely troubled to see 
 him there on that account. After his return, Sir John Byron 
 being likewise come to his house at Newstead, Mr. Hutchin- 
 son went to visit them there, and not finding him, returned 
 to Nottingham, five miles short of his own house. There, 
 going to the mayor to hear some news, he met with such as 
 he expected not, for as soon as he came in, the mayor's wife 
 told him, that the sheriff of the county was come to fetch 
 away the magazine that belonged to the trained bands of the 
 county, which was left in her husband's trust ; and that her 
 husband had sent for the country to acquaint them, but she 
 
 * Persons of the description which now bears the name of yeomanry, 
 seem to have been passed over by Charles and his advisers as of little con- 
 sequence, and perhaps this was the real ground of the grand error they 
 were in of supposing they had all or most of the strength of the nation 
 with them, because they had most of the nobility and richer gentry; where- 
 as it was found, when a general movement took place, that the great bulk 
 of the people was against them, and, like an overwhelming tide, bore down 
 all before it. Yet he and they had abundant warnings by this and such 
 like petitions, and by associations which began very early to be entered 
 into; or still earlier in the expedition against the Scots, wherein the averse- 
 ness of the common soldiers to the war was so evident, that it compelled 
 the patching up a peace. " And, astonishing as it might be (says May, p, 
 64), it was seen that the common people were sensible of public interest 
 and religion, when lords and gentlemen seemed not to be." It is true that 
 the mass of the people, having little time for contemplation, are content to 
 let those to whom affluence gives leisure think for them; but when they 
 do think for themselves, and strongly adopt a sentiment, he is a bold man, 
 and ought to have astonishing resources, who contravenes it. That will be 
 generally, if not always, found the wiser government which informs itself 
 well as to the real bent of the public mind; and if it is misled by a faction, 
 takes the way of candour and frankness to dispel the mist of error or pre- 
 judice, but avoids to do violence to the general opinion. The editor of this 
 work is proud of being the first person who, two years before its adoption, 
 suggested an appeal to the sense and spirit of the nation by the association 
 of armed volunteers.
 
 102 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTJTCHINSON. [1642. 
 
 feared it would be gone before they could come in. Where- 
 upon Mr. Hutchinson, taking his brother from his lodgings 
 along with him, presently went to the town-hall, and going 
 up to my Lord Newark,* lord lieutenant, told him, that 
 
 * Eldest son of the Earl of Kingston, and brother of two Mr. Pierre- 
 ponts mentioned in this work; this nobleman was afterwards created Mar- 
 quis of Dorchester, and will be spoken of under that title in the sequel. 
 In the diary mentioned in the second page of the preface, the dialogue be- 
 tween Lord Newton and Mr. Hutchinson, is set down at full length, and as 
 it may be an object of curiosity to some of our readers, it is here inserted in 
 smaller type. 
 
 Mr. Hutchinson asking wtn> were above, was told that the lord lieu- 
 tenant, my Lord Newark, was there, to whom he sent his name and desired 
 to speak with him ; and being come up, found in the room, where the 
 powder was weighing, my Lord Newark, the sheriff Sir John Digby, and 
 two or three captains : Mr. Hutchinson, addressing himself to my lord only, 
 spoke to him : 
 
 H. My lord, hearing that there were some question concerning the coun- 
 ty's powder, I am come to kiss your lordship's hands, and to beseech you 
 that 1 may know what your desires and intents are concerning it ! 
 
 N. Cousin, the king desires to borrow it of the country, to supply his 
 great necessities. 
 
 H. I beseech your lordship, what commission have you to demand 
 this? 
 
 N. Upon my honour, I have a commission from his majesty, but it is 
 left behind me ; but I will engage my honour it shall be repaid the 
 country. 
 
 H. Your lordship's honour as an engagement, would be accepted for 
 more than I am worth; but in such an occasion as this, the greatest man's 
 engagement in ,the kingdom, cannot be a satisfaction to the country. 
 
 N. The king's intents are only to borrow it, and if the country will not 
 lend it, he will pay for it. 
 
 H. My lord, it is not the value of the powder we endeavour to preserve, 
 but in times of danger, as these are, those things which serve for our defence, 
 are not valuable at any price, should you give as many barrels of gold ao 
 you take barrels of powder. 
 
 N. Upon my faith and honour, cousin, it shall be restored in ten days.
 
 1642.] WAITS ON LORD NEWAHK. 103 
 
 hearing some dispute concerning the country's powder, he was 
 come to wait on his lordship, to know his desires and intents 
 
 H. My lord, such is the danger of the times, that for aught we know, 
 we may in less than four days be ruined for want of it; and I beseech your 
 lordship to consider how sad a thing it is in these times of war, to leave a 
 poor country and the people in it, naked and open to the injury of every 
 passenger; for if you take our powder, you may as well take our arms, 
 without which we are unable to make use of them, and I hope your lord- 
 ship will not disarm the country. 
 
 N. Why, who should the country fear ? I am their lord-lieutenant, and 
 engaged with my life and honour to defend them ! What danger are they 
 in ? 
 
 If. Danger ! yes, my lord, great danger; there is a troop of horse now in 
 the town, and it hath often happened so that they have committed great 
 outrages and insolencies, calling divers honest men puritans and rogues, 
 with divers other provoking terms and carriages. I myself was abused by 
 some of them, as I passed on the road. I chanced to meet some of these 
 gentlemen, who, as soon as I was past, inquired my name, and being told 
 it, gave me another, saying among themselves, that I was a puritan and a 
 traitor; as two or three honest men that came behind told me. Besides, 
 your lordship may be far off, and we ruined before you can come to us, 
 being unarmed, and not able to defend ourselves from any body, and this 
 country being a road through which, under the name of soldiers, rude 
 people daily pass from the north to south, and terrify the country; which 
 if they knew to be naked and unarmed) they would thereby be encouraged 
 to greater insolencies and mischiefs. 
 
 N. The king's occasions are such, and so urgent, as I cannot dispense 
 with it for any reasons, but must needs have it. 
 
 H. I hope your lordship will not deny that the country hath a right, 
 interest, and property in it, 
 
 N. I do not deny it. 
 
 H. Then, my lord, I hope his majesty will not command it from them. 
 
 N. No, he doth but desire to borrow it. 
 
 H. Then, I hope, if he do but desire to borrow it, his majesty hath 
 signified his request to those that have interest in it, under his hand. 
 
 N. Upon my honour he hath, but I left it behind me. 
 
 H. I beseech your lordship, then, that you would not take it away till 
 you have acquainted the country with it, who only have power to lend it; 
 and if your lordship be pleased to do this, I will engage myself that by
 
 104 MEMOIES OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1642. 
 
 concerning it. My lord answered him, that the king, having 
 great necessities, desired to borrow it of the country. Mr. 
 
 to-morrow at twelve of the clock, that part of the country who have interest 
 in the powder shall all wait on your lordship, and give you their resolutions. 
 
 .W. The king's occasions cannot admit of that delay. 
 
 H. I beseech of your lordship, yet be pleased to consider the dangerous 
 consequence of taking it without the country's consent, and be pleased but 
 to stay till they can come in. 
 
 N. That time is more than his majesty's necessities can dispense withal. 
 
 With that Mr. Hutchinson went down stairs, where by that time a good 
 company of the country were gathered together, to whom Mr. Hutchinson 
 told what my lord had said to him, and they desired him that he would 
 but stand to them, and they would part with every drop of blood out of 
 their bodies before he should have it; and said besides, that they would go 
 up and break my lord's neck and the sheriff's out of the windows: but 
 Mr. Hutchinson desired them to stay below, till he had once more spoken 
 to my lord, and then, taking only one or two more with him, went up and 
 spoke to iny lord. 
 
 H. My lord, I am again, at the request of the country, that are below, 
 come to your lordship, and do once more humbly beseech you to consider 
 the business you are about, before you proceed further in it, for it may 
 prove of dangerous consequence if you go on. 
 
 N. Cousin, I am confident it cannot, for the country will not deny this 
 to the king. 
 
 H. It's very probable they will not, if your lordship please to have 
 patience till they can be called in, that they may be acquainted with his 
 majesty's desire . 
 
 N. His majesty is very well assured of the willingness and cheerfulness 
 of the greater part of the country to it. 
 
 H. My lord, I do not know what assurance his majesty hath of it, but if 
 vou please to look out of this window (pointing to the countrymen below 
 in the streets), you will see no inconsiderable number gathered, who, I fear, 
 will not be willing to part with it. 
 
 N. Those are but some few factious men, not to be considered. 
 
 H. My lord, we have been happy yet, in these unhappy differences, to 
 have had no blood shed, and I am confident your lordship is so noble and 
 tender of your country, that it would very much trouble you to have a 
 hand in the first man's blood that should be spent in this quarrel. 
 
 N. Cousin, it cannot come to that, fear it not (this was spoken very
 
 1642.] CONFERENCE WITH LOED NEWAEK. 105 
 
 Hutchinson asked my lord what commission lie had from his 
 majesty. My lord told him he had one, but he had left it 
 
 slightly and contemptuously), his majesty's occasions are urgent, and must 
 be served. 
 
 (With that, the country came very fast up, which when the cavalier 
 captains saw, they slunk down.) 
 
 H. Why then, my lord, I must plainly tell you, not one here but will 
 lose every drop of blood in his body, before he will part with one corn of 
 it, without your lordship can show either a command or a request for it 
 under his majesty's hand and seal, or that the country be called together 
 to give their free consent to it, for we have all property and interest in it ? 
 being members of this county, and it being bought with our money, for the 
 particular defence and safety of the same. 
 
 My lord desired to borrow part of it, but that being denied, he turned 
 to Sir John Digby and took him to the window, where, after he had whis- 
 pered with him a while, Sir John Digby laid down his pen, ink, and paper, 
 with which he had been taking an account of the powder, match, and 
 bullet. The countrymen desired my lord aloud, that he would not take 
 away their powder out of the country ; upon which, turning to them, he 
 thus spoke : 
 
 " Gentlemen, His majesty was assured by some of the cheerfulness of 
 this country's affections to him, which I am very sorry to see them so much 
 failing in, and that the country should come so much short of this town, 
 which hath cheerfully lent his majesty one barrel of powder, but it seems 
 he can have none from you; I pray God you do not repent this carriage of 
 yours towards his majesty, which he must be acquainted withal." 
 
 A countryman, standing forth, asked his lordship this question, " Whether, 
 if he were to take a journey into a place where probably he might be set 
 upon by thieves and robbers, and having a charge about him, if any friend 
 should ask him to lend his sword, he would part with it and go himself 
 without ?" My lord, the case is ours; our wives, children, and estates, all 
 depend upon this country's safety; and how can it be safe in these dan- 
 gerous times, when so many troops and companies pass through and commit 
 outrages and abuses among us, if we have not arms and powder wherewith 
 to defend us ? 
 
 My lord made no reply, but bade the men whom he had employed to 
 weigh up the powder desist; and so went down the stairs. Mr. Hutchinson 
 followed him, and as he went, an ancient gentleman, who was with my 
 .ord, whose face and name were both unknown to him, came to him and
 
 106 KEMOIES OF COI,. HUTCHINSON. [1642. 
 
 behind. Mr. Hutchinson replied, that my lord's affirmation 
 was satisfactory to him, but the country would not be willing 
 
 said these words : " Stand to it; I'll warrant you, gentlemen, it is well 
 done." And as they passed through a low room, my lord took Mr. Hut- 
 chinson aside, and said, 
 
 N. Cousin, I must acquaint the king with this ! 
 
 H. My lord, it is very likely you must, being employed upon his 
 majesty's service, give him an account. 
 
 N. Nay, cousin (smiling), I mean not so ; but I must acquaint him, and 
 I am sorry I must, that you are the head and ringleader of a faction, 
 whereby you hinder his majesty's service. 
 
 H. My lord, I do not conceive how this can be a faction, I speaking 
 only, out of the noble respect and honour I bear your lordship, in private 
 to you, to prevent a mischief, the sense of these men, who I perceived 
 were come to know by what authority, and why, their powder, which is 
 their proper goods, and only means of safety in these times of danger, 
 should be taken from them ; and if it were a faction, I am not the head of 
 it; I, accidentally coming to town from Sir John Byron's last night, and 
 neither knowing nor imagining any of this business, was this morning im- 
 portuned to wait on your lordship, at the town's hall, by many countrymen, 
 who informed me you were taking away their powder out of the country. 
 
 N. Cousin, if you can answer it I shall be glad of it ; but I will assure 
 you I must let his majesty know. 
 
 H. If his majesty must know it, I am very happy I spoke to none but 
 your lordship; who, I am confident, is so noble, that you will neither add 
 nor diminish anything to my prejudice; and then I am confident the just- 
 ness and reasonableness of what I have said, with my own innocency in 
 speaking it, will bear me out. 
 
 N. I, cousin, but your name is up already. 
 
 H. It may be so, my lord; and I beh'eve those that set it up had no 
 good wishes to me; and as it rose, so, in the name of God let it fall; for 
 1 know my own clearness and innocency in anything that can be objected 
 against me. 
 
 N. Well, cousin, well; I am glad of your good resolution. 
 
 And so my lord left him. The gentlemen of the country that were 
 there, upon consideration, what they should do with their powder, deter- 
 mined to return my lord thanks for sparing it, and to lock it up with two 
 locks, whereof the sheriff should have one key, and the mayor another; 
 which accordingly was done; but Mr Hutchinson came no more to my lord.
 
 1642.J CONFEEENCE WITH LOSD NEWARK. 107 
 
 to part with their powder in so dangerous a time, without an 
 absolute command. My lord urged that he would restore it 
 in ten days. Mr. Hutchinson replied, they might have use for 
 it sooner, and he hoped my lord Avould not disarm his country 
 in such a time of danger. My lord contemned the mention 
 of danger, and asked what they could fear while he was their 
 lord-lieutenant, and ready to serve them with his life. Mr. 
 Hutchinson told him they had some grounds to apprehend 
 danger by reason of the daily passing of armed men through 
 .the country, whereof there was now one troop in the town, and 
 that before they could repair to my lord, they might be 
 destroyed in his absence, and withal urged to him examples 
 of their insolence ; but my lord replied to all, the urgency of 
 the king's occasions for it, which were such that he could not 
 dispense with it. It was in vain to argue with him the pro- 
 perty the country had in it, being bought with their money, 
 and therefore not to be taken without their consent ; my lord 
 declared himself positively resolved to take it, whereupon 
 Mr. Hutchinson left him. There were in the room with him 
 Sir John Digby, the high sheriff of the county, who was 
 setting down the weight of the powder and match, and two 
 or three captains and others, that were busy weighing the 
 powder. By the time Mr. Hutchinson came down, a good 
 company of the country was gathered together ; whom 
 Mr. Hutchinson acquainted with what had passed between him 
 and my lord, and they told him that if he would but please 
 to stand by them, they would part with all their blood 
 before he should have a corn of it ; and said, moreover, they 
 would go up and tumble my lord and the sheriff out of the 
 windows. Mr. Hutchinson, seeing them so resolved, desired 
 them to stay below while he went up yet once again to my 
 lord, which they did ; and he told my lord some of the 
 country were come in, at whose request he was again come 
 to beseech his lordship to desist from his design, which if pur-
 
 108 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTTTCHIXSOX. [1642 
 
 sued might be of dangerous consequence. My lord replied, 
 it could not be, for the king was very well assured of the 
 cheerful compliance of the greatest part of the country with 
 his service. Mr. Hutchinson told him, whatever assurance 
 his majesty might have, if his lordship pleased to look out, 
 he might see no inconsiderable number below that would not 
 willingly part with it. My lord replied, they were but a few 
 factious men ; whereupon Mr. Hutchinson told him, since it 
 was yet the happiness of these unhappy times that no blood 
 had been spilt, he should be sorry the first should be shed 
 upon my lord's occasion, in his own country. My lord scorn- 
 fully replied, Fear it not, it cannot come to that, the king's 
 occasions are urgent and must be served. Whereupon Mr. 
 Hutchinson, looking out at the countrymen, they came very 
 fast up the stairs ; and Mr. Hutchinson told him, however he 
 slighted it, not one was there but would part with every drop 
 of his blood before they would part with it, except he could 
 show a command or request for it under the king's hand, or 
 would stay till the country were called in to give their con- 
 sent ; for it was their property, and all had interest in it, as 
 bought with their money for the particular defence of the 
 country. Then my lord fell to entreaties to borrow part of 
 it, but that being also denied, he took the sheriff aside, and, 
 after a little conference, they put up their books and left the 
 powder ; when my lord, turning to the people, said to them, 
 " Gentlemen, his majesty was by some assured of the cheer- 
 fulness of this country's affections to him, whereof I am 
 sorry to see so much failing, and that the county should fall 
 so much short of the town, who have cheerfully lent his 
 majesty one barrel of powder, but it seems he can have none 
 from you ; I pray God you do not repent this carriage of 
 yours towards his majesty, which he must be acquainted 
 withal." A bold countryman then stepping forth, by way of 
 reply, asked my lord, whether, if he were to take a journey
 
 J CONFEBENCE WITH LORD NEWARK. 109 
 
 with a charge into a place where probably he should be set 
 upon by thieves, if any friend should ask to borrow a sword 
 he would part with it : my lord, said he, the case is ours ; 
 our lives, wives, children, and estates, all depend upon this 
 country's safety; and how can it be safe in these dangerous 
 times, when so many rude armed people pass daily through 
 it, if we be altogether disarmed ? My lord made no reply, 
 but bade the men who were weighing the powder desist, and 
 went down. Mr. Hutchinson followed him down the stairs, 
 when an ancient gentleman, that was sitting with my lord, 
 came and whispering him, commended his and the country's 
 zeal, and bade them stand to it, and they would not be foiled. 
 As they passed through a long room below, my lord told 
 Mr. Hutchinson he was sorry to find him at the head of a 
 faction. Mr. Hutchinson replied, he could not tell how his 
 lordship could call that a faction which arose from the acci- 
 dent of his being at that time in the town; where, hearing 
 what was in hand, and out of respect to his lordship, he only 
 came to prevent mischief and danger, which he saw likely to 
 ensue. My lord replied, he must inform the king, and told 
 him his name was already up ; to which Mr. Hutchinson an- 
 swered, that he was glad, if the king must receive an inform- 
 ation of him, that it must be from so honourable a person ; 
 and for his name, as it rose, so in the name of God let it 
 fall : and so took his leave and went home. The rest of the 
 country that were there, determined to give my lord thanks 
 for sparing their ammunition, and locked it up with two 
 locks, whereof the key of the one was entrusted with the 
 mayor of Nottingham, the other with the sheriff of the 
 county, which accordingly was done.* 
 
 * How my lord may have reported this matter to the king signifies 
 little ; but he probably remembered as a kindness Mr. Hutchinson's inter- 
 position between him and the more rough arguments of the countrymen ;
 
 110 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTTTCHINSON. [1642. 
 
 In the mean time, at York, the king had sent the parlia- 
 ment a message, that he intended to go in person to Ireland, 
 and to raise a guard for his own person, about West Chester, 
 which he would arm out of his magazine at Hull. But the 
 parliament, having before intercepted a letter of the Lord 
 Digby's, sent to the queen from Middleburgh in Zealand, 
 wherein he intimated, that, if the king would retire to some 
 safe place, and declare himself, he should be able to wait 
 upon him from thence, &c. Upon this letter, and other 
 presumptions, they suspected that the chief end of the king's 
 going northward was to seize the magazine at Hull, and arm. 
 himself from thence against them ; wherefore they sent, a 
 petition, for leave to remove that magazine to the tower of 
 London, and accordingly had sent Sir John Hotham thither 
 to do it. Sir John prevented the Earl of Newcastle, whom 
 the king had sent for the same purpose, to seize the maga- 
 zine, and kept him out; at which the king was much in- 
 censed, and on the 23d of April, 1642, went himself to Hull, 
 attended with some noblemen, gentlemen, and soldiers, and 
 demanded entrance ; but the gates were shut ; and Hotham, 
 kneeling upon the wall, entreated the king not to command 
 that which, without breach of trust, he could not obey. 
 
 In conclusion, the king not getting entrance, proclaimed 
 Hotham a traitor, and sent a complaint of the affront to the 
 parliament. The parliament justified Hotham. Many de- 
 clarations about it were published on both sides, and many 
 cross-commands ; the parliament authorizing Hotham to 
 issue out warrants to constables and other officers, to come in 
 armed to the defence of Hull, and the king forbidding it. 
 The king meanwhile in the north, summoned divers of the 
 nobility and gentry to attend him, and made speeches to 
 them to desire a guard for his person, pretending danger from 
 
 for there appears to have existed, on all suitable occasions, an intercourse 
 of friendship during the remainder of their lives.
 
 1642. J IHE PARLIAMENT'S MESSAGE TO THE KING. Ill 
 
 the parliament. He then began to entertain soldiers, and 
 was much encouraged by the defection of divers lords and 
 many of the Commons' house, who forsook their trust and 
 came to him at York ; whereupon he called those who re- 
 mained only a faction, a pretended parliament, and such 
 names ; but they continued still petitioning to him, and the 
 well-affected and godly, in all countries, did the like, that he 
 would return to his parliament. The papists all over Eng- 
 land were high partakers with him and promoters of his 
 designs, and all the debauched nobility and gentry, and their 
 dependents, and the lewder rout of people ; yet even of 
 these there were some that had English hearts, who came 
 in to the parliament ; but finding afterwards that the advance 
 of liberty and righteousness could not consist with riot and 
 ungodliness, they forsook their party, and were content to be 
 the king's slaves rather than divorce themselves from those 
 lusts, which found countenance from both priests and princes 
 on one side, and on the other were preached down by the 
 ministers, and punished by the magistrates.* 
 
 Towards the end of May, the parliament sent the king 
 word, that if he would not disband his forces, and rely upon 
 the laws and affections of his people for his security, as all 
 good princes before him had done, they held themselves 
 bound in duty to God and the people's trust reposed in them, 
 and by the fundamental laws, to employ their utmost care 
 and power for securing the parliament and preserving the 
 
 * Whatever may be said at this day of the hypocrisy of the religionists 
 of those times, the most that can possibly be allowed is, that their pro- 
 fessions might somewhat outgo their practice; but this must in some degree 
 befall every Christian. No one can deny that, instead of captivating vulgar 
 minds by breaking the bonds of morality, as modern demagogues have 
 done, the forefathers of our liberties set the pattern of a religious and 
 decent conduct, and caused the same to be observed in their armies with 
 an exactness that surprises us, and of which rigour many striking examples 
 are to be found in Whitelock's Memorials.
 
 112 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTTTCHIXSON. [1642. 
 
 kingdom's peace. Whereupon they voted, " That it seems that 
 the king, seduced by wicked counsel, intends a war against 
 the parliament, &c. 
 
 " That whensoever the king makes war upon the parlia- 
 ment, it is a breach of the trust reposed in him by the people, 
 contrary to his oath, and lending to the dissolution of this 
 government. 
 
 " That whosoever shall assist him in such wars are traitors, 
 by the fundamental laws of this kingdom, and have been so 
 adjudged in two acts of parliament, 11 Richard II. and 
 1 Henry IV. ; and that such persons ought to suffer as 
 traitors." 
 
 Hereupon nine of the lords, that first went to the king, 
 were summoned to return ; who, sending a letter of denial, 
 were, by the whole house of peers, sentenced to be incapable 
 of ever sitting again as members of that house, or of benefit 
 or privilege of parliament, and to suffer imprisonment during 
 pleasure. Then the lord keeper, who had appeared firm to 
 the parliament, and voted with them, for settling the militia 
 by ordinance of parliament, ran away to the king, after he 
 had delivered up his seal, the day before, to one the king sent 
 for it. The king, having this, issued out many proclamations, 
 and among the rest, one that no man should obey the parlia- 
 ment's warrants about settling the militia. The parliament, 
 on the other side, made ordinances forbidding all men to 
 raise arms, by warrant from the king, without authority of 
 parliament. And now they began to settle the kingdom's 
 militia, both by land and sea, and made the Earl of Warwick 
 admiral ; which place the king had conferred upon Sir John 
 Pennington, in the room of the Earl of Northumberland, and 
 commanded my lord of Warwick to resign ; but he chose 
 to obey the parliament, and got the fleet at length wholly 
 into his hands, and took a ship with ammunition coming to 
 the king out of Holland. The parliament now, despairing
 
 1642.J THE KING BESIEGES HULL. 113 
 
 of the king's return, made an ordinance for money and plate 
 to be brought in, and for raising arms for the cause ; which 
 came in, in great abundance, upon public faith, and likewise 
 horses and arms for the service. The king, who had received 
 money, arms, and ammunition, which the queen had procured 
 in Holland, by pawning the crown jewels, sent out com- 
 missions of array, to arm the people in all counties ; and 
 mocked the parliament, using their own words, wherein 
 they invited men to arm for the defence of the protestant 
 religion, the king's person, dignity, and authority, the laws 
 of the land, the peace of the kingdom, and privilege of 
 parliament ; and thus he deceived many people, and got 
 contributions of plate, money, and arms in the country. 
 While these things were in transaction, the king made a 
 solemn protestation before the lords, as in the presence of 
 God, declaring that he would not engage them in any war 
 against the parliament, but only for his necessary defence ; 
 that his desire was to maintain the protestant religion, the 
 liberties of the subject, and privilege of parliament. But 
 the next day he did some action, so contrary to this protest- 
 ation, that two of the lords durst not stay with him, but re- 
 turned to the parliament ; and one of them, coming back 
 through Nottinghamshire, acquainted Mr. Hutchinson with 
 the sad sense he had in discovering that falsehood in the 
 king. 
 
 Now had the king raised an army of three thousand foot 
 and one thousand horse, with which he went to Beverley, in 
 order to besiege Hull. When he was within two hours' 
 march of the place, Sir John Hotham floated the country 
 about it, and Sir John Meldrum, sallying out of the town, 
 with five hundred townsmen, made the king's party retreat to 
 Beverley. But, however, they beleaguered the town, into 
 which the parliament sent a relief of five hundred men, by 
 water, with whom Meldrum made another sally, routed the 
 I
 
 114 JIEMOIHS OP COL. HTTTCHIN8ON. [1642. 
 
 leaguer-soldiers, killed some, made others prisoners, took the 
 magazine of arms and ammunition, which was in a barn, with 
 their fire-balls, and fired the barn. Hereupon the king's 
 council of war broke up the siege, from whence the king 
 went back to York, and about the middle of August came to 
 Nottingham, where he set up his standard royal ; and hither 
 his two nephews, Prince Rupert and Prince Maurice, came 
 to him, and were put into commands. The king, marching 
 through Nottingham, Derby, and Leicestershire, called together 
 the trained bands, to attend him, disarmed those counties, 
 and marched to Shrewsbury, and there set up a mint, and 
 coined the plate that had been brought in to him. Here a 
 great many men came in to him, with whom, marching into 
 Warwickshire, he there fought his first battle at a village 
 called Keynton;* it not being yet agreed who gained the 
 victory that day. 
 
 As the king, on his part, made this progress, so the parlia- 
 ment, on theirs, upon the twelfth of July, voted an army to 
 be raised, and the Earl of Essex to be general of it. Divers 
 of the lords, and several members of the House of Commons, 
 took commissions, and raised regiments and companies under 
 his command, who marched with his army of about fourteen 
 thousand horse and foot to his rendezvous at Northampton, 
 whither the parliament sent a petition to him, to be delivered 
 to the king, in a safe and honourable way ; the sum of which 
 was, to beseech him to forsake those wicked people with 
 whom he was, and not to mix his danger with theirs, but to 
 return to his parliament, &c. The king, intending to make 
 Worcester a garrison, sent Prince Rupert thither ; the Earl 
 of Essex, to prevent him, sent other forces, between whom 
 
 * Commonly called Edge-hill fight. Both king and parliament claimed 
 the victory, but our authoress shows rather more candour than either. The 
 king's main design of marching to London was however frustrated, and 
 therefore the parliament might be most properly termed gainers.
 
 1642.] THE KING RETIRES TO OXFORD. 115 
 
 there was some skirmish, but the prince left the town at their 
 approach. My lord of Essex left a garrison in Northampton, 
 put others into Coventry and Warwick, and went to Wor- 
 cester. Here he made some stay, till the king, marching 
 from Shrewsbury, occasioned some apprehension of his going 
 up to London ; for which cause my lord left part of his 
 artillery behind him, and followed the king's motions, which 
 the king perceiving, took an opportunity, before his artillery 
 and the foot left with it were come up to him, and resolved 
 to give him battle, which was not declined on the other side, 
 but fought with doubtful success, the circumstances whereof 
 may be read at large in the stories of those things. The 
 king's general was slain, and his standard was taken though not 
 kept ; but on the other side also there were many brave men 
 slain and prisoners. My lord of Essex marched to Coven- 
 try; the king took up his winter quarters at Oxford, from 
 whence Prince Rupert flew about the country with his body 
 of horse, plundered and did many barbarous things ; insomuch 
 that London, growing into apprehensions of the king's army, 
 the parliament called back the Earl of Essex to quarter about 
 London ; and he being returned thither, the king was ad- 
 vanced as far as Colebrooke, where he was presented with a 
 petition from the parliament for accommodation, to which he 
 answered, with a protestation to God, how much he was 
 grieved for his subjects' sufferings, and, in order to peace, 
 was willing to reside near London, to receive their proposi- 
 tions, and to treat with them. As soon as ever the com- 
 missioners were gone, the king advanced, with his horse and 
 artillery, towards London, and, taking the advantage of a 
 great mist, fell upon a broken regiment of Colonel Hollis's, 
 quartered at Brentford, and killed many of them, and had 
 destroyed them all, but that Brooke's and Hampden's regi- 
 ments, by Providence, came seasonably to their rescue ; and 
 then so many forces flocked with the general, out of London, 
 r 2
 
 11C MEMOIKS OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1642. 
 
 that the king was enclosed, and the war had been ended, but 
 that, I know not how, three thousand of the parliament's 
 forces were called aAvay by their procurement who designed 
 the continuance of the war ; and so the king had a way of 
 retreat left open, by which he got back to Oxford, and the 
 parliament's general was sent out again* with their army; 
 whose proceedings I shall take up again in their due places, 
 so far as is necessary to be remembered, for the story I most 
 particularly intend. 
 
 Before the flame of the war broke out in the top of the 
 chimneys, the smoke ascended in every country; the king 
 had sent forth commissions of array, and the parliament had 
 given out commissions for their militia, and sent off their mem- 
 bers into all counties to put them in execution. Between 
 these, in many places, there were fierce contests and disputes, 
 almost to blood, even at the first ; for in the progress every 
 county had the civil war, more or less, within itself. Some 
 counties were in the beginning so wholly for the parliament, 
 that the king's interest appeared not in them ; some so wholly 
 for the king, that the godly, for those generally were the 
 parliament's friends, were forced to forsake their habitations, 
 and seek other shelters : of this sort was Nottinghamshire. 
 All the nobility and gentry, and their dependents, were 
 generally for the king ; the chief of whose names I shall sum 
 up here, because I shall often have occasion to mention them. 
 The greatest family was the Earl of Newcastle's,! a lord once 
 
 * The account Mrs. Hutchinson gives of the affair of Brentford is much 
 more clear and probable than that given by llapin, vol. ii. p. 465. Indeed, 
 he himself seems dissatisfied with those varying accounts he could collect 
 of that business from Clarendon and others; but Ludlow, who was a military 
 man and an eye-witness, gives a clear account, agreeing with that of Mrs. 
 Hutchinson. 
 
 t This title was at that time in the family of Cavendish, of which thi? 
 line ceased with the nobleman here mentioned.
 
 1642.] THE ROYALIST PARTY. 117 
 
 so much beloved in his country, that when the first expedi- 
 tion was against the Scots, the gentlemen of the country set 
 him forth two troops, one all of gentlemen, the other of their 
 men, who waited on him into the north at their own charges. 
 He had, indeed, through his great estate, his liberal hospi- 
 tality, and constant residence in his country, so endeared them 
 to him, that no man was a greater prince in all that northern 
 quarter ; till a foolish ambition of glorious slavery carried him 
 to court, where he ran himself much into debt, to purchase 
 neglects of the king and queen, and scorns of the proud 
 courtiers. Next him was the Earl of Kingston, a man of vast 
 estate, and no less covetous, who divided his sons between 
 both parties, and concealed himself; till at length his fate 
 drew him to declare himself absolutely on the king's side, 
 wherein he behaved himself honourably, and died remarkably. 
 His eldest son* was lord-lieutenant of the county, and at that 
 time no nobleman had a greater reputation in the court for 
 learning and generosity than he ; but he was so high in the 
 king's party, that the parliament was very much incensed 
 against him. Lord Chesterfield, and all his family, were high 
 in the royal party ; so was the Lord Chaworth. The Earl of 
 Clare was very often of both parties, and, I think, never 
 advantaged either. All the popish gentry were wholly for 
 the king, whereof one Mr. Golding, next neighbour to Mr. 
 Hutchinson, had been a private collector of the catholics' 
 contributions to the Irish Rebellion, and for that was, by the 
 queen's procurement, made a knight and baronet. Sir John 
 Byron, afterwards Lord Byron, and all his brothers, bred up in 
 arms, and valiant men in their own persons, were all passion- 
 ately the king's. Sir John Savill, a man of vast estate, was 
 the like : so were Sir Gervas Eyre, Sir John Digby, Sir 
 
 Lord Newark, before spoken of. In Collins's Peerage, under the title 
 of Duke of Kingston, there are cited singular proofs of this nobleman's 
 learning.
 
 118 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHIXSOX. [1642. 
 
 Matthew Palmer, Sir Thomas Williamson, Sir Roger Cowper, 
 Sir W. Hickman, Sir Hugh Cartwright, Sir T. Willoughby, 
 Sir Thomas Smith, Sir Thomas Blackwell, Markham, Per- 
 kins, Tevery, Pearce, Pahne, Wood, Sanderson, Moore, 
 Mellish, Butler, with divers others. Of the parliament men, 
 Mr. Sutton, afterwards Lord Lexington, and Sir Gervas 
 Clifton, forsook the parliament, went to the king, and exe- 
 cuted his commission of array. Mr. W^illiam Stanhope left the 
 parliament, and came home disaffected to them ; whose eldest 
 son was afterwards slain in the king's service. Mr. William 
 Pierrepont,* second son of the Earl of Kingston, was of the 
 parliament, though he served not for his own country, to 
 which notwithstanding he was an ornament, being one of the 
 wisest counsellors and most excellent speakers in the house, 
 and by him was that bill promoted and carried on which passed 
 for the continuation of this parliament. He had a younger 
 brother living at Nottingham, who coldly owned the parlia- 
 ment. Sir Thomas Hutchinson continued with the parlia- 
 
 * From this gentleman the late Duke of Kingston and the present Earl 
 Manvers are lineally descended. His wisdom as a politician is sufficiently 
 evinced by this masterly stroke, which decided the fate of the king and the 
 parliament. Of his moderation Whitelock speaks repeatedly. Of his elo- 
 quence there are preserved by Rushworth some specimens, from one of which 
 is extracted this as a singular trait of candour and delicacy: " It is pleasing 
 to the nature of man that others should obey his will, and well-framed dis- 
 positions of princes may easily be persuaded their power is unlimited, when 
 they are also put in mind that they have therefore more cause to do well, 
 and for doing well are more renowned. For the most oppressive designs 
 we have suffered under, the pretences to his majesty have been the good of 
 his subjects : his is the sin, who is to judge by the laws, who knows the 
 laws are to the contrary, yet puts and confirms such thoughts in his prince. 
 He that incites another to arbitrary government usually doth it for self- 
 ends, and when they are compassed, hates him for taking that power he 
 himself persuaded him unto." This will be found an elegant solution of 
 the paradox which appears in the character given by Mrs. Hutchinson of 
 Charles the First, "that so good a man should make so bad a prince."
 
 1642.] SIR THOMAS HUTCHINSO^. 119 
 
 ment, was firm to their cause, but infinitely desirous that the 
 difference might rather have been composed by accommoda- 
 tion, than ended by conquest ; and therefore did not improve 
 his interest to engage the country in the quarrel, Avhich, if he 
 could have prevented, he would not have had come to a war. 
 He was, however, clearly on the parliament's side, and never 
 discouraged his two sons, who thought this prudential tardi- 
 ness in their father was the declension of that vigour which 
 they derived from him, and which better became their youth. 
 It is true, they were the foremost in point of time and in 
 degree, except a piece of a nobleman that was afterwards 
 drawn in, who owned the parliament's interest in their country. 
 Mr. Henry Ireton, their cousin, was older than they, and 
 having had an education in the strictest way of godliness, and 
 being a very grave and solid person, a man of good learning, 
 great understanding, and other abilities, to which was joined 
 a willing and zealous heart in the cause and his country, he 
 was the chief promoter of the parliament's interest in the 
 county ; but finding it generally disaffected, all he could do, 
 when the king approached it, was to gather a troop of those 
 godly people which the cavaliers drove out, and with them 
 to go into the army of my lord of Essex ; which he, being 
 a single person, could better do. Mr. Hutchinson was not 
 willing so soon to quit his house, to which he was so lately 
 come, if he could have been suffered to live quietly in it ; 
 but his affections to the parliament being taken notice of, he 
 became an object of envy to the other party. 
 
 Sir Thomas Hutchinson, a little before the standard was 
 set up, had come to Nottingham, where his house was, to 
 see his children and refresh himself; when, hearing of the 
 king's intentions to come to the town, he, some days before 
 his coming, went over to Owthorpe, his son's house, to remain 
 there till he could fit himself to return to the parliament. 
 One day, as Mr. Hutchinson was at dinner, the mayor of
 
 120 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1642. 
 
 Nottingham sent him word that the high-sherifi' had broken 
 open the lock of the country's ammunition, which was left in 
 his trust, and was about to take it away. Mr. Hutchinson 
 immediately went in all haste to prevent it, but before he 
 came to the town it was gone, and some of the king's soldiers 
 were already come to town, and were plundering all the 
 honest men of their arms. As one of them had taken a 
 musket, seeing Mr. Hutchinson go by, he said he wished it 
 loaded for his sake, and hoped the day would shortly come 
 when all such roundheads would be fair marks for them. 
 This name of roundhead coming so opportunely in, I shall 
 make a little digression to tell how it came up. When puri- 
 tanism grew into a faction, the zealots distinguished them- 
 selves, both men and women, by several affectations of habit, 
 looks, and words, which, had it been a real forsaking of vanity, 
 and an embracing of sobriety in all those things, would have 
 been most commendable ; but their quick forsaking of those 
 things, when they had arrived at their object, showed that 
 they either never took them up for conscience, or were cor- 
 rupted by their prosperity to take up those vain things they 
 durst not practice under persecution. Among other affected 
 habits, few of the puritans, what degree soever they were of, 
 wore their hair long enough to cover their ears, and the 
 ministers and many others cut it close round their heads, with 
 so many little peaks, as was something ridiculous to behold ; 
 whereupon Cleaveland, in his Hue and Cry after them, 
 begins, 
 
 With hayre in Characters and Luggs in Text," &c. 
 
 From this custom of wearing their hair, that name of round- 
 head became the scornful term given to the whole parliament 
 party, whose army indeed marched out as if they had been 
 only sent out till their hair was grown. Two or three years
 
 1642.] ORIGIN OF ROUNDHEADS. 121 
 
 after, any stranger that had seen them, would have inquired 
 the reason of that name. It was very ill applied to Mr. 
 Hutchinson, who, having naturally a very fine thickset head 
 of hair, kept it clean and handsome, so that it was a great 
 ornament to him ; although the godly of those days, when he 
 embraced their party, would not allow him to be religious 
 because his hair was not in their cut, nor his words in their 
 phrase, nor such little formalities altogether fitted to their 
 humour ; who were, many of them, so weak as to esteem such 
 insignificant circumstances, rather than solid wisdom, piety, 
 and courage, which brought real aid and honour to their 
 party. But as Mr. Hutchinson chose not them, but the God 
 they served, and the truth and righteousness they defended, 
 so did not their weaknesses, censures, ingratitude, or dis- 
 couraging behaviour, with which he was abundantly exercised 
 all his life, make him forsake them in any thing wherein they 
 adhered to just and honourable principles or practices ; but 
 when they apostatised from these, none cast them off with 
 greater indignation, how shining soever the profession was 
 that gilt, not a temple of living grace, but a tomb, which 
 only held the carcase of religion. Instead of digressing, I 
 shall ramble into an inextricable wilderness, if I pursue this 
 sad remembrance : to return therefore to his actions at that 
 time. 
 
 When he found the powder gone, and saw the soldiers 
 taking up quarters in the town, and heard their threats and 
 revilings, he went to his father's house in the town, where 
 he had not been long before an uncivil fellow stepped into the 
 house, with a carabine in his hand. Mr. Hutchinson asked 
 what he would have ; the man replied, he came to take pos- 
 session of the house ; Mr. Hutchinson told him, he had the 
 possession of it, and would know on what right it was 
 demanded from him ; the man said, he came to quarter the 
 general there ; Mr. Hutchinson told him, except his father
 
 '22 MEMOIBS OF COL. HUTCHIXSOX. [1642. 
 
 and mother, and their children, were turned out of doors, 
 there was no room. The quarter-master, upon this, growing 
 insolent, Mr. Hutchinson thrust him out of the house, and 
 shut the doors upon him. Immediately my lord of Lindsey 
 came himself, in a great chafe, and asked who it was that 
 denied him quarter? Mr. Hutchinson told him, he that 
 came to take it up for him deserved the usage he had, for his 
 uncivil demeanour ; and those who had quartered his lordship 
 there had much abused him, the house being no ways fit to 
 receive a person of his quality, which, if he pleased to take a 
 view of it, he would soon perceive. Whereupon my lord, 
 having seen the rooms, was very angry they had made no 
 better provision for him, and would not have lain in the 
 nouse, but they told him the town was so full that it was 
 impossible to get him room any where else. Hereupon he 
 told Mr. Hutchinson, if they would only allow him one room, 
 he would have no more ; and when he came upon terms of 
 civility, Mr. Hutchinson was as civil to him, and my lord only 
 employed one room, staying there, with all civility to those 
 that were in the house. As soon as my lord was gone, Mr. 
 Hutchinson was informed by a friend, that the man he had 
 turned out of doors was the quarter-master general, who, 
 upon his complaint, had procured a warrant to seize his 
 person ; whereupon Mr. Hutchinson, with his brother, went 
 immediately home to his own house at Owthorpe. About 
 four or five days after, a troop of cavaliers, under the command 
 of Sir Lewis Dives, came to Stanton, near Owthorpe, and 
 searched Mr. Needham's house, who was a noted puritan in 
 those days, and a colonel in the parliament's service, and 
 governor of Leicester : they found not him, for he hid him- 
 self in the gorse, and so escaped them. His house being 
 lightly plundered, they went to Hickling, and plundered 
 another puritan house there, and were coming to Owthorpe, 
 of which Mr. Hutchinson having notice, went away to
 
 1642.] -WABRANT TO SEIZE HIM. 123 
 
 Leicestershire; but they, though they had orders to seize 
 Mr. Hutchinson, came not at that time because the night 
 grew on. But some days after he was gone, another company 
 came and searched for him and for arms and plate, of which 
 finding none, they took nothing else. 
 
 Two days after Mr. Hutchinson was in Leicestershire, he 
 sent for his wife, who was then big with child, to come thither 
 to him; where she had not been a day, but a letter was 
 brought him from Nottingham, to give him notice that there 
 was a warrant sent to the sheriff of Leicestershire to seize his 
 person. Upon this he determined to go the next day into 
 Northamptonshire, but at five of the clock that evening, the 
 sound of their trumpets told him a troop was coming into the 
 town. He stayed not to see them, but went out at the other 
 end as they came in ; who, by a good providence for his wife 
 (somewhat afflicted to be so left alone in a strange place), 
 proved to be commanded by her own brother, Sir Allen 
 Apsley, who quartered in the next house to that where she 
 was, till about two or three days before all the king's horse 
 that were thereabouts marched away, being commanded upon 
 some service to go before the rest. 
 
 Mr. Hutchinson, in the mean time, was carried by a servant 
 that waited on him, to the house of a substantial honest 
 yeoman, who was bailiff to the lord of the town* of Kelmarsh, 
 in Northamptonshire. This man and his wife, being godly, 
 gave Mr. Hutchinson very kind entertainment, and prevailed 
 upon him to be acquainted with their master, who had just 
 then made plate and horses ready to go in to the king, that 
 had now set up his standard at Nottingham ; but Mr. Hut- 
 chinson diverted him, and persuaded him and another gentle- 
 man of quality, to carry in those aids they had provided for 
 the king, to my lord general Essex, who was then at North- 
 
 * It is customary, in Nottinghamshire, to call every village of any size 
 a town.
 
 124 MEHOIBS OF COI,. HTTTCHIX80N. [1642. 
 
 ampton, where Mr. Hutchinson visited him, and would 
 gladly at that time have engaged with him, but that he did 
 not then find a clear call from the Lord; and therefore, 
 intelligence being brought of the king's removal, he was now 
 returning to his wife, when unawares he came into a town, 
 where one of Prince Rupert's troops was ; which he narrowly 
 escaped, and returning to his former honest host, sent a letter 
 to his wife, to acquaint her what hazard he was in by 
 attempting to come to her, but that as soon as the horse was 
 marched away, he would be with her. This letter was in- 
 tercepted at Prince Rupert's quarters, and opened and sent 
 her. There was with Prince Rupert, at that time, one Captain 
 Welch, who having used to come to Captain Apsley, and 
 seen Mrs. Hutchinson with him, made a pretence of civility 
 to visit her that day that all the prince's horse marched 
 away. They marched by the door of the house where she 
 was, and all the household having gone out to see them, 
 had left her alone in the house, with Mr. George Hutchinson, 
 who was in her chamber when Captain Welch came in, and 
 she went down into the parlour to receive him. He, taking 
 occasion to tell her of her husband's letter, by way of com- 
 pliment, said it was a pity she should have a husband so 
 unworthy of her, as to enter into any faction which should 
 make him not dare to be seen with her ; whereat she being 
 piqued, and thinking they were all marched away, told him 
 he was mistaken, she had not a husband that would at any 
 time hide himself from him, or that durst not show his face 
 where any honest man durst appear; and to confirm you, 
 said she, he shall now come to you. With that she called 
 down her brother, who, upon a private hint, owned the name 
 of husband, which she gave him, and received a compliment 
 from Welch, that in any other place he had been obliged to 
 make him a prisoner, but here he was in sanctuary ; and so, 
 after some little discourse, went away. When the gentleman
 
 1642.] AEBEST OF MR. G. HTJTCHINSON. 125 
 
 of the house and the rest of the family, that had been seeing 
 the march, were returned, and while they sat laughing 
 together, at those that went to see the prince, telling how 
 some of the neighbouring ladies were gone along with him, 
 and Mrs. Hutchinson telling how she had abused the captain, 
 with Mr. Hutchinson instead of her husband, the captain 
 came back, bringing another gentleman with him ; and he told 
 Mr. Hutchinson, that his horse having lost a shoe, he must 
 be his prisoner till the smith released him. But they had not 
 sat long, ere a boy came in with two pistols, and whispered 
 the captain, who desiring Mr. Hutchinson and the gentleman 
 of the house to walk into the next room, seized Mr. George, 
 in the name of Mr. John Hutchinson. It booted not for them 
 both to endeavour to undeceive him, by telling him Mr. 
 John was still at Northampton, for he would not, at least 
 would seem not, to believe them, and carried him away, to 
 be revenged of Mrs. Hutchinson, at whom he was vexed for 
 having deluded him. So, full of wicked joy, to have found 
 an innocent gentleman, whom he knew the bloodhounds were 
 after, he went and informed the prince, and made it of such 
 moment, as if they had taken a much more considerable 
 person. The prince had sent back a troop of dragoons to 
 guard him to them, which troop had beset the house and 
 town, before Welch came in to them the second time ; and, 
 notwithstanding all informations of his error, he carried away 
 Mr. Hutchinson, and put his sister into affright and distemper 
 with it ; which, when the women about her saw, they railed 
 at him for his treachery and baseness, but to no purpose. As 
 soon as he overtook the body of horse with his prisoner, there 
 was a shout from one end to the other of the soldiers. Mr. 
 Hutchinson, being brought to the prince, told him he Avas 
 the younger brother, and not the person he sent for, which 
 three or four of the Byrons, his cousin- germans, acknowledged 
 to be so ; yet Welch outswore them all that it was Mr. John
 
 126 MEMOIBS OF COL. HTTTCHINSON. [1642. 
 
 Hutchinson. The Lord Viscount Grandison, a cousm-gennan 
 of Mrs. Hutchinson's, was then in the king's army, to whom 
 she immediately despatched a messenger, to entreat him to 
 oblige her by the procurement of her brother's liberty, who, 
 upon her imprudence, had been brought into that trouble. 
 My lord sent her word, that, for the present, he could not 
 obtain it, but he would endeavour it afterwards ; and in the 
 meantime he gave her notice that it was not safe for her 
 husband to return, there being forty men left to lie close in 
 the country, and watch his coming to her. So Mr. George 
 Hutchinson was carried to Derby, and there, with some diffi- 
 culty, his liberty was obtained by the interposition of my Lord 
 Grandison and the Byrons. They would have had him give 
 them an engagement, that he would not take arms with the par- 
 liament ; but he refused, telling them that he lived peaceably 
 at home, and should make no engagement to do anything 
 but what his conscience led him to ; that if they pleased, 
 they might detain him, but it would be no advantage to them, 
 nor loss to the other side ; upon which considerations they 
 were persuaded to let him go. Immediately after his release, 
 he went to London to his father, where his elder brother was 
 before him ; for as soon as he understood from his wife what 
 his brother suffered in his name, he took post to London to 
 procure his release ; and there they both stayed till they re- 
 ceived assurance that the king's forces were quite withdraw]? 
 from the country, and then they together returned to Leices- 
 tershire, where Mrs. Hutchinson, within a few days after her 
 brother was taken, was brought to bed of her eldest daughter; 
 which, by reason of the mother's and the nurse's griefs and 
 frights, in those troublesome times, was so weak a child that 
 it lived not four years, dying afterwards in Nottingham Castle. 
 When Mr. Hutchinson came to his wife, he carried her and 
 her children, and his brother, back again to his house, about 
 the time that the battle was fought at Edge Hill. After this
 
 1642.] CHAEACTEE OF 81E JOHN GELL. 127 
 
 the two brothers, going to Nottingham, met there most of the 
 godly people, who had been driven away by the rudeness of 
 the king's army, and plundered on account of their godliness, 
 who now returned to their families, and were desirous to live 
 in peace ; but having, by experience, found they could not do 
 so, unless the parliament interest was maintained, they were 
 consulting how to raise some recruits for the Earl of Essex, 
 to assist in which, Mr. Hutchinson had provided his plate 
 and horses ready to send in. 
 
 About this time Sir John Gell, a Derbyshire gentleman, 
 who had been sheriff of the county, at that time when the 
 illegal tax of ship-money was exacted, and was so violent in 
 the prosecution of it, that he starved Sir John Stanhope's 
 cattle in the pound, and would not suffer any one to relieve 
 them there, because that worthy gentleman stood out against 
 that unjust payment; and he had by many aggravating cir- 
 cumstances, not only concerning his prosecution of Sir John 
 Stanhope, but others, so highly misdemeaned himself that he 
 looked for punishment from the parliament ; to prevent it, 
 he very early put himself into their service, and after the king 
 was gone out of these countries, he prevented the cavalier 
 gentry from seizing the town of Derby, and fortified it, and 
 raised a regiment of foot. These were good, stout, fighting 
 men, but the most licentious, ungovernable wretches, that 
 belonged to the parliament. As regards himself, no man 
 knew for what reason he chose that side; for he had not un- 
 derstanding enough to judge the equity of the cause, nor 
 piety or holiness; being a foul adulterer all the time he 
 served the parliament, and so unjust, that without any re- 
 morse, he suffered his men indifferently to plunder both 
 honest men and cavaliers; so revengeful, that he pursued 
 his malice to Sir John Stanhope, upon the forementioned 
 account, with such barbarism after his death, that he, pretend- 
 ing to search for arms and plate, came into the church and de-
 
 128 MEMOIES OF COL. HUTCHIXSOK. [1642. 
 
 faced his monument that cost six hundred pounds, breaking off 
 the nose and other parts of it. He dug up a garden of flowers, 
 the only delight of his widow, upon the same pretence ; and 
 then wooed that widow, who was by all the world believed 
 to be the most prudent and affectionate of womankind, till, 
 being deluded by his hypocrisies, she consented to marry 
 him, and found that was the utmost point to which he could 
 carry his revenge, his future carriage making it apparent he 
 sought her for nothing else but to destroy the glory of her 
 husband and his house. This man kept the journalists* 
 in pension, so that whatever was done in the neighbouring 
 counties, against the enemy, was attributed to him; and thus 
 he hath indirectly purchased himself a name in story, which 
 he never merited. He was a very bad man, to sum up all in 
 that word, yet an instrument of service to the parliament in 
 those parts. I thought it necessary to insert this little ac- 
 count of him here, because there will be often occasion to 
 mention him in my following discourse; and because, al- 
 though there never was any personal acquaintance between 
 him and Mr. Hutchinson, yet that natural antipathy which 
 is between good and evil, rendered him a very bad neigh- 
 
 * Sir John Gell succeeded so far as to get some of his puffing intelli- 
 gence introduced even into his Memorials by Whitelock; who, p. 186, 
 talks of an expedition where he killed five of the enemy ! He likewise 
 gives him the honour of taking Shelford Manor, at least two years before 
 it was really taken by Colonel Hutchinson. It is very much to be won- 
 dered at, that Mrs. Hutchinson nowhere speaks of this trial and condem- 
 nation for misprison of treason, which Whitelock notes in the year 1650, 
 during the time of Mr. Hutchinson's being in the second council of state. 
 He is said to have been convicted on the full evidence of Bernard and 
 Titus. Colonel Andrews, who was condemned along with him, gave an 
 attestation on his behalf a little before his death. Whitelock does not 
 say what this treason consisted in, but he was pardoned by the third council, 
 just before Cromwell's usurpation ; and was among those members of par- 
 liament who opposed him boldly.
 
 1642.] HIS STJPEEIOKITY TO GELL. 129 
 
 hour to Mr. Hutchinson' s garrison, and one that, under the 
 name of a friend and assistant, spoiled our country, as much 
 as our enemies. He indeed gave his men leave to commit 
 all insolences without any restraint; whereas Mr. Hutchin- 
 son took up arms to defend the country as much as was 
 possible from being a prey to rude soldiers, and did often- 
 times preserve it both from his and other rude troops,* 
 which stirred up in him envy, hate, and ill-will against 
 his neighbour. He was not wise in ordering the scouts 
 and spies he kept out, and so had the worst intelligence 
 in the world. Mr. Hutchinson, on the other side, em- 
 ployed ingenuous persons, and was better informed of 
 the true state of things, so that oftentimes he communicated 
 those informations to the chief commanders, which proved 
 the falsehood of his; and that was another cause of envy. 
 Some that knew him well, said he was not valiant, though 
 his men once held him up, among a stand of pikes, while 
 they obtained a glorious victory, when the Earl of North- 
 ampton was slain; certain it is he was never by his good 
 will in a fight, but either by chance or necessity ; and 
 that which made his courage the more questioned was, the 
 care he took, and the expense he was at, to get it weekly 
 mentioned in the journals, so that when they had nothing 
 else to renown him for, they once put in that the troops of 
 that valiant commander, Sir John Gell, took a dragoon with 
 a plush doublet. Mr. Hutchinson, on the other side, that 
 did well for virtue's sake, and not for the vainglory of it, 
 never would give anything to buy the flatteries of those 
 scribblers ; and when one of them had once, while he was in 
 town, made mention of something done at Nottingham, with 
 
 * To the interposition of such men as Colonel Hutchinson we must 
 attribute the proportionally small quantity of mischief that was suffered 
 by this nation, in so long and sharp a civil war as this was.
 
 130 MEMOIES OF COL. HTJTCHINSON. [1639 41. 
 
 falsehood, and had given Gell the glory of an action wherein 
 he was not concerned, Mr. Hutchinson rebuked him for it, 
 whereupon the man begged his pardon, and told him he 
 would write as much for him the next week ; but Mr. Hutch- 
 inson told him he scorned his mercenary pen, warning 
 him not to dare to lie in any of his concernments, where- 
 upon the fellow was awed, and he had no more abuse of 
 that kind. 
 
 But to turn out of this digression into another, not alto- 
 gether impertinent to the story which I would carry on. In 
 Nottinghamshire, upon the edge of Derbyshire, there dwelt 
 a man, who was of mean birth and low fortunes, yet had 
 kept company with the underling gentry of his neighbour- 
 hood. This man had the most factious, ambitious, vainglori- 
 ous, envious, and malicious nature imaginable; but he was 
 the greatest dissembler, flatterer, traitor, and hypocrite that 
 ever was, and herein had a kind of wicked policy; know- 
 ing himself to be inferior to all gentlemen, he put on a vizard 
 of godliness and humility, and courted the common people 
 with all the plausibility and flattery that could be practised. 
 All this while he was addicted to many lusts, especially to 
 that of women, but practised them so secretly, that they 
 were not vulgarly taken notice of, though God, to shame 
 him, gave him up to marry a wench out of one of the ale- 
 houses he frequented ; but to keep up a fame of godliness, 
 he gave large contributions to puritan preachers, who had 
 the art to stop the people's mouths from speaking ill of their 
 benefactors. By a thousand arts this fellow became popular, 
 and so insinuated himself into all the gentlemen that owned 
 tne parliament's party, that till he was discovered some 
 years after, they believed him a most true-hearted, faithful, 
 vigilant, active man for the godly interest; but he could never 
 climb higher than a presbyterian persecutor, and in the end, 
 fell quite off to a declared cavalier. In Sir George Booth's
 
 1642."] DESIGN OF SIE JOH3ST DIGBY. 131 
 
 business, thinking he could sway the scales of the country, 
 he raised a troop, brought them into Derby, and published 
 a declaration of his own for the king ; then ran away to Not- 
 tin^ham, and lost all his troop in the route there, and hid 
 himself till the king* came in, when he was rewarded for 
 his revolt with an office, which he enjoyed not many months, 
 his wife and he, and some of his children, dying altogether 
 in a few days of a fever little less than a plague. This man, 
 called Charles White, at trie beginning of the civil war, got 
 a troop of dragoons, who armed and mounted themselves out 
 of devotion to the parliament's cause, and being of his 
 neighbourhood, marched forth in his conduct, he having 
 procured a commission to be their captain ; but they, hav- 
 ing stocks and families, were not willing to march as far as 
 the army, but joined themselves to those who were already in 
 arms at Derby. 
 
 After the battle at Edge-hill, Sir John Digby, the high 
 sheriff of Nottinghamshire, returned from the king, and had 
 a design of securing the county against the parliament; 
 whereupon he sent out summons to all the gentlemen resi- 
 dent in the country to meet him at Newark. Mr. Hutchin- 
 son was at the bouse of Mr. Francis Pierrepont, the Earl of 
 Kingston's third son, when the letter was delivered to him, 
 and another of the same to Mr. Pierrepont; and while 
 they were reading them, and considering what might be 
 the meaning of this summons, an honest man, of the 
 sheriff's neighbourhood, came and gave them notice, that 
 the sheriff had some design in agitation ; for he had 
 assembled and armed about fourscore of his neighbours, 
 to go out with him to Newark, and, as they heard, from 
 thence to Southwell, and from thence to Nottingham, 
 through which town many armed men marched day and 
 
 * By the king is here meant Charles the Second; the Rebellion under 
 Sir George Booth having taken place in 1659, after the death of Cromwell. 
 It 2
 
 132 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHIX SOX. [1642. 
 
 night, to their great terror. Mr. Hutchinson, upon this 
 intimation, went home, and, instead of going to meet the 
 sheriff, sent an excuse by an intelligent person, well ac- 
 quainted with all the country, who had orders to find out their 
 design ; which he did so well, that he assured Mr. Hutchin- 
 son if he and some others had gone in, they would have 
 been made prisoners; for the sheriff came into Newark with 
 a troop of eighty men, with whom he was gone to South- 
 well, and was to go the next day to Nottingham, to secure 
 those places for the king. Mr. Hutchinson immediately 
 went with his brother and acquainted them at Nottingham 
 with his intelligence, which they had likewise received from 
 other hands. Although the town was generally more malig- 
 nant than well affected, yet they cared not much to have 
 cavalier soldiers quarter with them, and therefore agreed to 
 defend themselves against any force which should come 
 against them ; and being called hastily together, as the exi- 
 gence required, about seven hundred listed themselves, and 
 chose Mr. George Hutchinson for their captain, who having 
 lived among them, was very much loved and esteemed by 
 them. The sheriff hearing this, came not to Nottingham, but 
 those who were now there thus became engaged to prosecute 
 the defence of themselves, the town, and country, as far as 
 they could. They were but few, and those not very consider- 
 able, and some of them not very hearty; but it pleased God 
 here, as in other places, to carry on his work by weak and 
 unworthy instruments. There were seven aldermen in the 
 town, and of these only Alderman James, then mayor, owned 
 the parliament. He was a very honest, bold man, but had 
 no more than a burgher's discretion ; he was yet very well 
 assisted by his wife, a woman of great zeal and courage, and 
 with more understanding than women of her rank usually 
 have. All the devout people of the town were very vigorous 
 and ready to offer their lives and families, but there was
 
 1642.] CHAKACTEP. OF PLUMPTEE. 133 
 
 not a quarter of the town that consisted of these ; the ordi- 
 nary civil sort of people coldly adhered to the better, but 
 all the debauched, and such as had lived upon the bishops' 
 persecuting courts, and had been the lackeys of projectors and 
 monopolizers and the like, they were all bitterly malignant ; 
 yet God awed them, that they could not at that time hinder 
 his people, and he overruled some of their greatest enemies 
 to assist them, such as were Chadwick and Plumptre, 
 who, at the first, put themselves most forward in the 
 business. Plumptre was a doctor of physic, an inhabitant 
 of Nottingham, who had learning, natural parts, and under- 
 standing enough to discern between natural civil righteous- 
 ness and injustice ; but he was a horrible atheist, and had 
 such an intolerable pride that he brooked no superiors, and 
 having some wit, took the boldness to exercise it in the 
 abuse of all gentlemen wherever he came.* Sir Thomas 
 Hutchinson first brought him into credit and practice in 
 the country, it having pleased God to make him instru- 
 mental in the cure of Mr. George Hutchinson, who had in 
 vain tried the skill of the best doctors in England against an 
 epileptic disease, under which he laboured for some years. 
 Upon this occasion, Sir Thomas and both his sons paid him 
 much respect, and this cure gave him reputation, and intro- 
 duced him into practice in all the gentlemen's houses in the 
 country ; which he soon lost again by his most abusive 
 tongue and other ill carriages, and was even got out of favour 
 with Sir Thomas Hutchinson himself, for some abusive scoffs 
 
 * It said of him, in Thoroton's History of Notts, " He was a person 
 eminent in his profession, of great note for wit and learning, as he had 
 formerly been for poetry, when he printed a book of epigrams :" a species 
 of composition which the more it pleases the reader, the less it renders the 
 author beloved. This inclination to sport with the feelings of others was 
 not at all likely to recommend him to Mr. Hutchinson, nor make him n 
 i*ood associate in weighty and serious business.
 
 134 MEHOIKS OF COL. HTTTCHIXSON. [1642. 
 
 given out against his lady. But Mr. Hutchinson and his brother, 
 in pity to him, and in remembrance of what God had done 
 through him, still owned him, and protected him a little against 
 the bitter zealots, though it was impossible for his darkness and 
 their light long to continue mixed. This man had seen enough 
 to approve the parliament's cause, in point of civil right, 
 and pride enough to desire to break the bonds of slavery, 
 whereby the king endeavoured to chain up a free people ; 
 and upon these scores, appearing high for the parliament's 
 interest, he was admitted into the consultations of those who 
 were then putting the country into a posture of defence.* 
 Chadwick was a fellow of a most pragmatical temper, and, 
 to say truth, had strangely wrought himself into a station 
 
 * Doubtless many adhered to the parliament's side merely on a civil and 
 political account, and these would naturally unite with the independents, 
 as having no inclination to support the pretensions of the presbyterians- 
 It is said by Clarendon, that many deists took part with the independents; 
 and it is not improbable that Dr. Plumptre might have an inclination at 
 least to scepticism, as sarcasm was his talent, and for this he was termed 
 an atheist by Mrs. Hutchinson, who was a rigorist. 
 
 After the deaths of Colonel Hutchinson and Dr. Plumptre, there began 
 a great friendship between their families, which lasted many generations. 
 Charles, the half-brother of Colonel Hutchinson, and his successor in his 
 estate at Owthorpe and in the borough of Nottingham, was guardian of 
 Dr. Plumptre's son, and is represented by Thoroton to have executed his 
 trust with great fidelity. 
 
 The Editor has in his possession several pieces, in verse and prose, written 
 by the late Dr. Charles Hutchinson, in favour of the last Mr. Plumptre, 
 who represented the town of Nottingham, and in vindication of him against 
 a party headed by Langford Collin, Esq., a lineal descendant of Colonel 
 Hutchinson 'a master gunner, who will be spoken of hereafter; they are all 
 in a jocose or satirical style; but one of them, a short advertisement, which 
 too well described Mr. Collin, was deemed libellous, and cost Dr. Hutchin- 
 son 500, which was well repaid by Mr. Plumptre's obtaining for him a 
 king's living of 350 per annum. At this time Mr. Plumptre and Mr. Hut- 
 chinson's families were of the Whig or Hanover party, Mr. Collin of the 
 Tory or Jacobite.
 
 1642.] CHARACTER OF CHADW1CK. 135 
 
 unfit for him. He was at first a boy that s craped trenchers 
 in the house of one of the poorest justices in the county, but 
 yet such a one as had a great deal of formality and under- 
 standing of the statute law, from whom this boy picked such 
 ends of law, that he became first the justice's, then a lawyer's 
 clerk. He then, I know not how, got to be a parcel -judge in 
 Ireland, and came over to his own country swelled with the 
 reputation of it, and set on foot a base, obsolete, arbitrary 
 court there, which the Conqueror of old had given to one 
 Beverel, his bastard, which this man entitling my lord Goring 
 unto, executed the office under him, to the great abuse of 
 the country. At the beginning of the parliament they would 
 have prosecuted him for it, but my lord Goring begged of 
 Sir Thomas Hutchinson to spaje him, and promised to lay it 
 down for ever ; so from the beginning of the parliament he 
 executed not that office, but having an insinuating wit and 
 tongue, procured himself to be deputy recorder of Notting- 
 ham, my lord of Clare being chief. When the king was in 
 town a little before, this man so insinuated himself into the 
 court, that, coming to kiss the king's hand, the king told him 
 he was a very honest man ; yet by flatteries and dissimu- 
 lations he kept up his credit with the godly, cutting his hair, 
 and taking up a form of godliness, the better to deceive. In 
 some of the corrupt times he had purchased the honour of a 
 barrister, though he had neither law nor learning, but he had 
 a voluble tongue, and was crafty ; and it is almost incredible 
 that one of his mean education and poverty should arrive to 
 such things as he reached. He was very poor, although he 
 got abundance of money by a thousand cheats and other 
 base ways, wherein he exercised all his life ; but he was as 
 great a prodigal in spending as knave in getting. Among 
 other villanies which he secretly practised, he was a libidinous 
 goat, for which his wife, they say, paid him with making 
 him a cuckold ; yet were there not two persons to be found
 
 136 MEMOIES OF COL. HTTTCHINSON. [1642' 
 
 that pretended more sanctity than these two, she having a 
 tongue no less glavering and false than his. Such baseness 
 he had, that all the just reproaches in the world could not 
 move him, but he would fawn upon any man that told him 
 of his villanies to his face, even at the very time. Never 
 was a truer Judas, since Iscariot's time, than he, for he would 
 kiss the man he had in his heart to kill ; he naturally de- 
 lighting in mischief and treachery, and Avas so exquisite a 
 villain, that he destroyed those designs he might have thriven 
 by, with overlaying them with fresh knaveries. I have been 
 a little tedious in these descriptions, yet have spoken very 
 little in comparison of what the truth would bear ; indeed, 
 such assistants as these were enough to disgrace the best 
 cause by their owning of it ; but the truth of God being 
 above the testimony of men, could neither receive credit from 
 the good, nor discredit from the worst men ; but they were 
 not all such, who first offered themselves to carry on the Lord's 
 work with him of whom we chiefly treat. There was then 
 dwelling at Nottingham a third son of the Earl of Kingston, 
 a man of good natural parts, but not of education according 
 to his quality, who was in the main well affected to honest 
 men and to righteous liberty ; a man of a very excellent 
 good nature, and full of love to all men ; but his goodness 
 received a little allay by a vain-glorious pride, which could 
 not well brook that any other should outstrip him in virtue 
 and estimation.* Mr. Francis Thornhagh, the eldest son of 
 Sir Francis Thornhagh, was a man of the most upright 
 faithful heart to God and his people, and to his country's 
 true interest, comprehended in the parliament's cause ; a man 
 of greater valour or more noble daring, fought not for them, 
 
 * Sir. Francis Pierrepont, who will frequently be mentioned again in 
 the course of the story, when it will be clearly seen that Mrs. Hutchinson 
 here speaks with candour, or rather favour of him, though he was her 
 husband's opponent.
 
 1642.] CHARACTERS OF THORNHAGH. PIGOTT, ETC. 137 
 
 nor indeed ever drew sword in any cause ; he was of a most 
 excellent good nature to all men, and zealous for his friend ; 
 he wanted counsel and deliberation, and was sometimes too 
 facile to flatterers, but had judgment enough to discern his 
 eiTors when they were represented to him, and worth enough 
 not to persist in an injurious mistake because he had once 
 entertained it.* Mr. Pigott was a very religious, serious, 
 wise gentleman, true-hearted to God and his country, of a 
 generous and liberal nature, and who thought nothing too 
 dear to expose, nor too difficult to undertake, for his friend ; 
 one that delighted not in the ruin of his neighbours, but 
 could endure it, rather than the destruction of religion, la\v, 
 and liberty ; one that wanted not courage, yet chose rather to 
 venture himself as a single person than as a leader in arms, 
 and to serve his country in counsel rather than in action ; no 
 man in his nature, and his whole deportment, showed himself 
 more of a gentleman than he.f There was one Mr. Widmer- 
 
 * Colonel Thornhagh is often mentioned by other writers, and always 
 with praise in his military capacity, in which only he was known to the 
 public. Mrs. Hutchinson here delineates with a masterly hand a frank, 
 open, unsuspecting, amiable soldier. The family of Colonel Thornhagh 
 continued to flourish in the county of Nottingham so late as the year 
 1750, at which time one of them represented the county; they are believed 
 to be now extinct in the male line, and their possessions to have centered 
 in a female who was the lady of Francis Ferrand Foljambe, Esq. 
 
 t Mr. Pigott survived Colonel Hutchinson about five years. He was 
 summoned to parliament by Cromwell, but it is very uncertain whether he 
 condescended to sit or not to sit. Thoroton, in his History of Nottingham- 
 shire, says of him that " he was a person of great parts, natural and acquired ; 
 he was sheriff of the county in 1669, and died presently after the summer 
 assizes ; at which time, being in mourning for his daughter Mary, wife of 
 Robert, eldest son of Sir Francis Burdett, of Formark, he gave his at- 
 tendants black liveries with silver trimmings, which served for his own 
 funeral. His sobriety, ingenuity, generosity, piety, and other virtues, few 
 of his rank will ever exceed, if any equal." 
 
 It is thought necessary to take more particular notice of what may ap-
 
 138 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [16*12. 
 
 poole, a man of good extraction, but reduced to a small 
 fortune, in whom had declined all the splendour of an old 
 house, and who had sunk into the condition of the middle 
 men of the country, yet had a perfect honest heart to God, 
 his country, and his friend ; he had a good discretion, and 
 though older than all the rest, was so humble as to be content 
 to come in the rear of them all ; having through the declining 
 of his family, the slenderness of his estate, and the parsi- 
 mony of his nature, less interest in the country.* To yoke 
 with him, there was a very honest man, who could not be 
 reckoned among the gentry, though he was called by the 
 name of Mr. Lomax ; he was in the strength and perfection 
 of his age, a stout and an understanding man, plain and 
 blunt, but withal godly, faithful to his country, and honest 
 to all men. There lived at Nottingham, a man called Mr. 
 Salisbury, who had very good abilities with his pen, upon 
 which he was taken in to be their secretary ; but he proved 
 ambitious and froward, and being poor, when he was afterwards 
 made treasurer, he fell into some temptation ; but carried at 
 first a fair colour of religion and honesty. These were they 
 with whom Mr. Hutchinson was first mated, whose character 
 it was necessary thus far to hint at, for the better carrying 
 on of his story. 
 
 Sir John Digby having notice that they had prevented 
 him, by getting arms in their hands before, came not to 
 Nottingham ; where they, having now taken up the sword, 
 saw it was not safe to lay it down again, and hold a naked 
 throat to their enemy's whetted knives. Wherefore, upon 
 
 pertain to Ireton, Colonel Thomhagh, and Mr. Pigott, because they are the 
 three persons who enjoyed the greatest share in the friendship and esteem 
 of Colonel Hutchinson, and made him a due return. 
 
 * The pedigree of the family of Widmerpoole, in Thoroton, shows him 
 to have been of very ancient and good descent; his ancestor represented 
 *he town of Nottingham in the reign of Edward the Third.
 
 1642.] EAISING TKOOPS FOK THE PARLIAMENT. 139 
 
 the parliament's commission for settling the militia sometime 
 before, there having heen three colonels nominated, viz. Sir 
 Francis Thornhagh, Sir Francis Molineux, and Mr. Francis 
 Pierrepont, they propounded to them to raise their regiments. 
 Sir Francis Molineux altogether declined ; Sir Francis 
 Thornhagh appointed his son for his lieutenant-colonel, and 
 began to raise a regiment of horse, with whom many of the 
 honest men that first enlisted themselves with Mr. George 
 Hutchinson, became troopers. Mr. John Hutchinson and 
 his brother were persuaded to be lieutenant- colonel and 
 major to Colonel Pierrepont's regiment of foot ; and accord- 
 ingly Mr. George Hutchinson had immediately a very good 
 standing company of foot, formed out of those townsmen 
 who first came in to enlist under him. Mr. John Hutchinson 
 had a full company of very honest, godly men, who came for 
 love of him and the cause, out of the country. It was six 
 weeks before the colonel could be persuaded to put on a 
 sword, or to enlist any men, which at length he did, of sub- 
 stantial honest townsmen ; and Mr. Poulton, a nephew of 
 Sir Thomas Hutchinson, a stout young gentleman, who had 
 seen some service abroad, was his captain-lieutenant. There 
 were two companies more raised, one under Captain Lomax, 
 and another under one Captain Scrimpshire. The first thing 
 these gentlemen did was to call home Captain White with his 
 dragoons, raised in Nottinghamshire, to the service of his 
 own country ; for Sir John Gell, at Derby, had received from 
 Hull a regiment of grey coats, who were at first sent down 
 from London, for the assistance of that place, when the king 
 attempted it. They also sent to the Earl of Essex, to desire 
 that Captain Ireton, with a troop of horse, which he had 
 carried out of the country into his excellency's army, might 
 be commanded back, for the present service of his country, 
 till it was put into a posture of defence ; which accordingly 
 he was, and was major of the horse regiment. They sent
 
 140 MEMOIKS OF COI,. HTTTCHIXSON. [1642. 
 
 also to the parliament, and received from them a commission, 
 with instructions, whereby they were empowered to levy 
 forces and to raise contributions for maintaining them ; with 
 all authority for seizing delinquents, sequestrating, and 
 the like. The committee appointed were the parliament-men 
 that served for the county, Mr. Francis Pierrepont, Mr. John 
 Hutchinson, Mr. Francis Thornhagh, Mr. Gervas Pigott, 
 Mr. Henry Ireton, Mr. George Hutchinson, Mr. Joseph Wid- 
 merpoole, Mr. Gervas Lomax, Dr. Plumptre, the mayor of 
 Nottingham, Mr. James Chadwick, and Mr. Thomas Salisbury. 
 Then did neighbouring counties everywhere associate for the 
 mutual assistance of each other ; and the parliament com- 
 missioned major-generals, who commanded in chief, and gave 
 out commissions to the several commanders of the regiments. 
 Nottinghamshire was put into the association with Leicester- 
 shire and other counties, whereof Lord Grey of Grooby, 
 eldest son of the Earl of Stamford, was commander-in-chief, 
 and from him the gentlemen of Nottingham took their first 
 commissions. 
 
 The high sheriff and the malignant gentry, finding an 
 opposition they expected not, wrote a letter to Mr. Francis 
 Pierrepont and Mr. John Hutchinson, excusing the sheriff's 
 force, that he brought with him, and desiring a meeting with 
 them, to consult for the peace" of the country, security of 
 their estates, and such like fair pretences ; which letter was 
 chilly answered them again, and the treaty kept on foot 
 some fourteen days, by letters signed by the Lord Chaworth, 
 Sir Thomas Williamson, Mr. Sutton, Sir Gervas Eyre, Sir 
 John Digby, Sir Roger Cooper, Mr. Palmer, Mr. John Mil- 
 lington. At length a meeting \vas appointed at a village in 
 the country, on the forest side, where Mr. Sutton should 
 have met Mr. John Hutchinson. Mr. Hutchinson came to 
 the place, but found not Mr. Sutton there, only the Lord 
 Chaworth came in and called for sack, and treated Mr. Hut-
 
 1642.1 DEFENCE OF NOTTINGHAM:. 141 
 
 chinson very kindly ; when Mr. Hutchinson, telling my lord 
 he was come according to appointment, to conclude the treaty 
 which had been between Nottingham and Newark, my lord 
 told him he knew nothing of it. Whereupon, Mr. Hut- 
 chinson being informed that some of my Lord Newcastle's 
 forces were to be in that town that night, and that Mr. Sutton 
 was gone to meet them, and conduct them into the country, 
 returned to Nottingham, where he received a kind of lame 
 excuse from Mr. Sutton for his disappointing of him, and for 
 their bringing strange soldiers into Newark, which they 
 pretended was to save the town from the plunder of some 
 Lincolnshire forces. But Mr. Hutchinson, seeing all their 
 treaties were but a snare for him, would no longer amuse 
 himself about them ; but being certainly informed that 
 Henderson, who commanded the soldiers at Newark, if he 
 were not himself a papist, had many Irish papists in his 
 troops, he, with the rest of the gentlemen, sent notice to all 
 the towns about Nottingham, desiring the well-affected to 
 come in to their assistance ; which the ministers pressing 
 them to do, upon Christmas-day, 1642, many came to them, 
 and stayed with them till they had put themselves into some 
 posture of defence. 
 
 As soon as these strange soldiers were come into Newark, 
 they presently began to block up and fortify the town, as on 
 the other side, they at Nottingham began works about that 
 town ; but neither of them being yet strong enough to 
 assault each other, they contented themselves to stand upon 
 their own defence. The Earl of Chesterfield had raised some 
 horse for the king, and was in the vale of Belvoir with them, 
 where he had plundered some houses near Mr. Hutchinson's ; 
 whereupon Mr. Hutchinson sent a troop of horse in the 
 night, for they were not strong enough to march in the day, 
 and fetched away his wife and children to Nottingham. 
 
 The preservation of this town was a special service to the
 
 142 MEMOIBS OF COL. HUTCHIXSCX. [1642. 
 
 parliament, it being a considerable pass into the north, which, 
 if the enemy had first possessed themselves of, the parliament 
 would have been cut off from all intercourse between the 
 north and south ; especially in the winter time, when the river 
 Trent is not fordable, and only to be passed over by the 
 bridges of Nottingham and Newark, and higher up at a 
 place called Wilden Ferry, where the enemy also had a gar- 
 rison.* The attempting to preserve this place, in the midst 
 of so many potent enemies, was a work of no small difficulty ; 
 and nothing but an invincible courage, and a passionate zeal 
 for the interest of God and his country, could have engaged 
 Mr. Hutchinson, who did not, through youthful inconsider- 
 ation and improvidence, want a foresight of those dangers 
 and travails he then undertook. He knew well enough that 
 the town was more than half disaffected to the parliament ; 
 that had they been all otherwise, they were not half enough 
 to defend it against any unequal force ; that they were far 
 from the parliament and their armies, and could not expect 
 any timely relief or assistance from them ; that he himself 
 was the forlorn hope of those who were engaged with him, 
 and had then the best stake among them ; that the gentle- 
 men who were on horseback, when they could no longer 
 defend their country, might at least save their lives by a 
 handsome retreat to the army ; but that he must stand vic- 
 torious, or fall, tying himself to an indefensible town. Al- 
 though his colonel (Pierrepont) might seem to be in the 
 same hazard, yet he was wise enough to content himself with 
 the name, and leave Mr. Hutchinson to act in all things, the 
 
 * In the place of Wilden Ferry has been substituted in modern days 8 
 very beautiful bridge, called Cavendish Bridge, with a good and firm road 
 of considerable length at each end to approach it; it is about midway on 
 the high road between Loughborough and Derby. There is near to it a 
 place called Sawley Ferry, little used, and hardly at all practicable in 
 winter.
 
 1643.] DIFFICULTIES AT NOTTINGHAM. 143 
 
 glory of which, if they succeeded, he hoped to assume ; if 
 they failed, he thought he had a retreat. But Mr. Hutchin- 
 son, though he knew all this, yet was he so well persuaded 
 in his conscience of the cause, and of God's calling him to 
 undertake the defence of it, that he cast by all other con- 
 siderations, and cheerfully resigned up his life, and all other 
 particular interests, to God's disposal, though in all human 
 probability he was more likely to lose than to save them. 
 
 He and his brother were so suddenly called into this work, 
 that they had not time beforehand to consult their father ; 
 but they sent to him to buy their armour and useful swords, 
 which he did, giving them no discouragement, but promoting 
 all their desires to the parliament very effectually.* 
 
 By reason of the coldness of the colonel, the affairs of the 
 war at Nottingham went on more tardily than otherwise 
 they would have done ; but the gentlemen there, thinking it 
 would be easier to prevent Newark from being made a for- 
 tified garrison, than to take it when it was so, sent over to 
 Lincoln and Derby, to propound the business to them. At 
 length, about Candlemas, it was agreed and appointed that 
 the forces of Nottingham and Derby should come on their 
 side of the town, and those of Lincoln on the other. All 
 the disaffected gentry of both those countries, were at that 
 time gone into Newark, and one Ballard, a gentleman who, 
 decayed in his family, and owing his education to many of 
 them, had been bred up in the wars abroad, was com- 
 mander-in-chief for the parliament in Lincolnshire. Much 
 
 * The reader is desired to bear this in mind, as it tends much to invali- 
 date the credibility of an assertion made by the stepmother of these gen- 
 tlemen, which will be noticed in its proper place. It is said, in a note by 
 Julius Hutchinson, Esq., that Sir Thomas Hutchinson bought his two sons 
 armour, though he knew not of their accepting commissions against the 
 king. What was the armour for ! Was it to serve the king against the 
 parliament ?
 
 144 ME5IOIBS OF COL. HTJTCHIXSOX. [1643. 
 
 ado had the gentlemen of that county to engage him in the 
 design against Newark ; but when he could not divert them, 
 he was resolved to cast them away rather than ruin his old 
 benefactors. He had appointed the forces of Nottingham 
 and Derby to come to a rendezvous within a mile of Newark, 
 upon Saturday, upon which day, all the persuasion the 
 Lincolnshire gentlemen could use, could not prevail with 
 him to march out, according to appointment; which those 
 at Newark had notice of, and had prepared an ambuscade 
 to have cut off all those forces if they had then come to the 
 place ; but by providence of an extraordinary stormy season, 
 they marched not till the next day, and so were preserved 
 from that danger, which no doubt was treacherously contrived. 
 As soon as they came, being about a thousand horse, foot, 
 and dragoons, the Lincolnshire commanders informed ours 
 of the sloth and untoward carriage of Ballard, and told them 
 how that day he had played his ordinance at a mile's dis- 
 tance from the town; and how, when the Newark horse 
 came out to face them, upon the Beacon Hill, he would not 
 suffer a man of the Lincolnshire troops to fall upon them, 
 though the Lincoln horse were many more in number than 
 they, and in all probability might have beaten them. The 
 next day, notwithstanding Mr. Hutchinson went to him, to 
 give him an account of the forces they had brought, and to 
 receive orders, he could have none, but a careless answer to 
 stand at such a side of the town and fall on as they saw 
 occasion. Accordingly they did, and beat the enemy from 
 their works, with the loss of only four or five men, and en- 
 trenched themselves; the night coming on upon them, they 
 provided straw to have lodged in their trenches all the 
 night. On the other side of the town, Captain King, of 
 Lincolnshire, had taken a street, cut up a chain, and placed 
 a drake* in a house ; whereupon the Newark gentlemen 
 * Drake, a piece of cannon so called.
 
 1643. J DESIGN AGAINST NEWARK. 145 
 
 were aanost reserved to yield up the town, and some of them 
 began to fly out of it, but Ballard would not suffer the 
 horse to pursue them ; only one captain went out without 
 his leave and took fifty horses, and turned back Mr. Sutton 
 and many others that were flying out of the town. At length, 
 when he could no other way preserve his old patrons, but by 
 betraying his friends, he ordered Captain King to retreat ; 
 whereupon the whole force of Newark fell upon the forces of 
 Nottingham and Derby, in their trenches, where they fought 
 very resolutely, till a Lincolnshire trooper came and bade 
 them fly for their lives, or else they were all lost men. At 
 this, two hundred Lincolnshire men, whom Ballard with 
 much entreaty had sent to relieve them, first ran away, and 
 then Sir John Gell's grey coats made their retreat after them. 
 Major Hutchinson and Captain White all this while kept their 
 trenches, and commanded their Nottingham men not to stir, 
 who accordingly shot there, till all their powder was spent. 
 The lieutenant- colonel in vain importuned Ballard to send them 
 ammunition and relief, but could obtain neither, and so they 
 were forced, unwillingly, to retreat, which they did in such 
 good order, the men first, and then their captains, that they lost 
 not a man in coming off. The town was sallying upon them, but 
 they discharged a drake and beat them back. The next day all 
 the captains importuned Ballard that they might fall on again, 
 but he would neither consent nor give any reason for his denial ; 
 so that the Nottingham forces returned with great dissatis- 
 faction, though Ballard, to stop their mouths, gave them 
 two pieces of ordnance. 
 
 It being necessary to carry on the main story, for the better 
 understanding the motion of those lesser wheels that moved 
 within the great orb, I shall now name in what posture things 
 were abroad in the kingdom, while these affairs I relate were 
 transacted at Nottingham. After the retreat from Brainford 
 fight, a treaty was ineffectually carried on between the king and
 
 146 ME-MOIES OF COL. HTJTCHINSON. [1643. 
 
 parliament from the 31st of January, 1642, to the 17th of 
 April, 1643 ; after which my Lord of Essex marched to Read- 
 ing, where the king had a garrison, and besieged it. The king's 
 horse came to relieve it, and had an encounter with my lord's 
 army, wherein many gentlemen of quality fell on the king's 
 side, the king himself being in a place where he saw them. 
 A few days after, Reading was yielded upon composition 
 to the Earl of Essex, whose soldieis having been promised 
 their pay and a gratuity to spare the plunder of the town, 
 fell into a mutiny upon the failing of the performance, and 
 many of them disbanded. Among those who remained there 
 was a great mortality, occasioned by the infected air in the 
 town of Reading ; insomuch that my lord was forced to 
 return and quarter his sick and weak army about Kingston 
 and those towns near London. And now were all the coun- 
 tries in England no longer idle spectators, but several stages, 
 whereon the tragedy of the civil war was acted ; except the 
 eastern association, where Mr. Oliver Cromwell, by his dili- 
 gence, prevented the designs of the royal party ; these were 
 so successful the first year in all other places, and the parlia- 
 ment's condition appeared so desperate, that many of the 
 members of both houses, ran away to Oxford to the king, 
 and others sat among them conspiring against them. One 
 plot, conducted by Mr. Waller, and carried on among many 
 disaffected persons in the city, was near taking effect, to the 
 utter subversion of the parliament and people ; but that God, 
 by his providence, brought it timely to light, and the authors 
 were condemned, and some of them executed ; but Waller, for 
 being more a knave than the rest, and impeaching his accom- 
 plices, was permitted to buy his life for ten thousand pounds. 
 This summer all the west was reduced by the king, the Earl 
 of Stamford yielding up Exeter, and Colonel Fiennes Bris- 
 tol. Sir William Waller had lost all his army, which 
 had been victorious in many encounters. The king was 
 master of all or most part of Wales, and the parliament
 
 1543.] SEIGE OF GLOUCESTER. 147 
 
 had no army left in the field, so that had he taken the opportu- 
 nity to have gone immediately to London that summer, he had 
 accomplished his design ; but being denied the town of 
 Gloucester, and taking it in disdain, that that town, in the 
 heart of the land, should make a resistance when the greater 
 cities were yielded to him, he stopped his course to take in 
 that place, where he stayed to turn the tide of his good 
 fortune, as his general, my Lord of Newcastle did at the 
 siege of Hull.* My Lord Newcastle was general of the 
 north, and master of all the strong places to the very bor- 
 ders of Scotland, and formidable to all the neighbouring 
 counties. Only the Lord Fairfax, with his son Sir Thomas, 
 headed all the religious, honest Englishmen they could raise 
 in those parts, and with a far inferior force, kept him in 
 
 * The impolicy of this measure is more fully noticed and explained, and 
 the cause of it set down by Sir Philip Warwick, in his Memoirs, p. 260. 
 " One or the like counsel in both quarters, north and west, soon blasted 
 the prosperity in each place, for the king pitched upon that fatal resolu- 
 tion, recommended to him by Lord Culpeper, of besieging Gloucester, 
 thinking it a good policy not to leave a strong town behind him : but the 
 counsel proved fatal, for had the king at that time resolved in himself to 
 have struck at the proud head of London, and had had authority enough 
 at that time to have required the Earl of Newcastle to have joined with 
 him, humanly speaking, he had raised such confusion among the two houses 
 and the Londoners, that they had either sent him his own terms, or if they 
 had fought him, most probably he had been victorious. But the king 
 fixes on Gloucester and the Earl of Newcastle upon Hull, upon the ad- 
 vice of his Lieutenant-General King, who was suspected." 
 
 A few pages further, he reckons among the king's misfortunes the Earl 
 of Newcastle's too much affecting independency, which may serve to ac- 
 count for some other matters which will occur ; but it is here natural to 
 observe, that the king having, by separating himself from his parliament, 
 lost his acknowledged and unquestionable authority, he retained only a 
 very precarious one over the different chiefs of his party : which, on many 
 occasions, turned to the disadvantage of his cause. After all, it is in no way 
 certain that his march to London would have been so effectual and so little 
 opposed, as it is here taken for granted it would have been. 
 T- 2
 
 148 MEMOIBS OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1643. 
 
 play, and in several skirmishes came off conquerors.* But 
 as the fortune of the parliament declined in other places, so 
 those who had not principle strong enough to hold them 
 fast to a just, though falling cause, sought early to secure 
 their lives by treasons which destroyed them. The Earl of 
 Newcastle's army was judged to be about eight thousand, 
 horse and foot ; my Lord Fairfax had not above two thou- 
 sand one hundred foot, and seven troops of horse. After 
 this there was a great accession of strength to my Lord 
 Newcastle, by the coming, first of the Lord Goring, with 
 many old commanders ; then of General King, with six 
 thousand arms, from beyond the seas ; then of the queen 
 herself, who, in February 1642,f landed near Sunderland, 
 coming out of Holland, with large provisions of arms, am- 
 munition, and commanders of note, with which she was con- 
 voyed, by the Earl of Newcastle, to York. Thither came to 
 her the Earl of Montrose, out of Scotland, with a hundred 
 and twenty horse: then Sir Hugh Cholmly, governor of 
 Scarborough, revolted from the parliament, whereof he was 
 a member, and came to the queen, with three hundred men. 
 Browne Bushell also, who was left in charge of the town, 
 yielded it up. Then had the queen's practices wrought so 
 upon the two Hothams, that their treason was not altogether 
 undiscerned; but my Lord Fairfax, having only strong 
 presumptions, and no power to secure them, while they had 
 the strong town of Hull in their hands, all he could do 
 was to be vigilant and silent, till God should give opportu- 
 nity to secure that great danger. My Lord of Newcastle had 
 
 * In fact, the resistance so long maintained, and frequently with such 
 success, by Lord Fairfax and his sons, against so superior a force, has 
 been always thought next to miraculous, and marked out Sir Thomas as 
 the fittest man in the kingdom to command the forces and fix the fortunes 
 of the parliament. 
 
 J- Clarendon says February, 1643.
 
 1643.] PAPISTS JOIN THE EARL OF NEWCASTLE. 149 
 
 given the papists in. the north commissions to arm in the 
 king's defence,* and now the queen was preparing to march 
 up with the assistance she had gotten to the king. Those 
 countries through which she was to pass, could not but be 
 sensible of their danger, especially the gentlemen at Not- 
 tingham, who were but a few young men, environed with 
 garrisons of the enemy, and scarcely firm among them- 
 selves, and hopeless of relief from above, where the par- 
 liament, struggling for life, had not leisure to bind up a cut 
 finger. But God was with them in these difficulties, and 
 gave an unexpected issue. 
 
 The Earl of Kingston a few months stood neuter, and would 
 not declare himself for either party, and being a man of great 
 wealth and dependencies, many people hung in suspense, by 
 his example ; whereupon the gentlemen of Nottingham often 
 spoke to his son, to persuade his father to declare himself ; 
 but he told them, he knew his father's affections were firm to 
 the parliament, that he had encouraged him to join with them, 
 and promised him money to carry it on, and such like things, 
 which he continually assured them; till the colonel's cold 
 behaviour, and some other passages, made them at length, 
 those at least who were firm to the cause, jealous both of the 
 father and the son. Hereupon, when the danger grew more 
 imminent, and my lord lay out a brave prey to the enemy, 
 they sent Captain Lomax, one of the committee, to under- 
 stand his affections from himself, and to press him to declare 
 for the parliament, in that so needful a season. My lord, 
 
 * The king pretended never to do this himself ; but the Earl of New- 
 castle did it, as most people would in his place, and avowed it as it became 
 him. Sir Philip Warwick recites a witticism of his on the occasion of 
 his going to see him at the siege of Hull, where his men being very 
 badly entrenched, he said to Sir Philip, who remarked it, " You hear us 
 often called the popish army, but you see we trust not in our good 
 works."
 
 150 MEMOIKS OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1643. 
 
 professing himself to him as rather desirous of peace, and 
 fully resolved not to act on either side, made a serious impre- 
 cation on himself in these words : " When," said he, "I take 
 arms with the king against the parliament, or with the parlia- 
 ment against the king, let a cannon-bullet divide me between 
 them ;" which God was pleased to bring to pass a few months 
 after ; for he, going to Gainsborough, and there taking up 
 arms for the king, was surprised by my Lord Willoughby, 
 and, after a handsome defence of himself, yielded, and was 
 put prisoner into a pinnace, and sent down the river to Hull; 
 when my Lord Newcastle's army marching along the shore, 
 shot at the pinnace, and being in danger, the Earl of King- 
 ston went up on the deck to show himself and to prevail 
 with them to forbear shooting ;* but as soon as he appeared, 
 a cannon-bullet flew from the king's army, and divided him 
 in the middle, and thus, being then in the parliament's pin- 
 nace, he perished according to his own unhappy imprecation. 
 His declaring himself for the king, as it enforced the royal, 
 so it weakened the other party. 
 
 Sir Richard Byron was come to be governor of Newark. 
 A house of my Lord Chaworth's in the vale was fortified, and 
 some horse put into it, and another house of the Earl of 
 Chesterfield's, both of them within a few miles of Nottingham.f 
 Ashby de la Zouch, within eighteen miles of Nottingham, on 
 the other side, was kept by Mr. Hastings. On the forest side 
 of the country, the Earl of Newcastle's house had a garrison, 
 and another castle of his, within a mile, was garrisoned. Sir 
 Roger Cooper's house, at Thurgaton, was also kept ; so that 
 Nottingham, thus beleaguered with enemies, seemed very 
 
 " This is a most singular story, and no doubt peculiarly gratifying to a 
 fatalist to recite; it is however assuredly true, being mentioned by several 
 historians, with only the difference of his being said to be under, instead of 
 on, the deck; the latter of which is by far the most probable. 
 
 t Wiverton-house and Shelford manor.
 
 1643.] NOTTINGHAM IN DISTRESS. 151 
 
 unlikely to be able either to resist the enemy or suppo-t 
 itself.* Therefore the gentlemen, upon the news of my Lord 
 Newcastle's intended approach that way, sent up Mr. John 
 Hutchinson to acquaint the parliament with their condition; 
 who so negotiated their business that he procured an order 
 for Colonel Cromwell, Colonel Hubbard, my Lord Grey, and 
 Sir John Gell, to unite their forces, and rendezvous at Not- 
 tingham, to prevent the queen from joining with the king, and 
 to guard those parts against the cavaliers. Accordingly, in 
 the Whitsun holidays, 1643, they all came, and the younger 
 Hotham also brought some more rude troops out of Yorkshire, 
 and joined himself to them. The forces now united at Not- 
 tingham were about five or six thousand, my Lord Grey being 
 their commander-in-chief. Upon the urgency of the gentle- 
 men at Nottingham, he drew them out against Wiverton- 
 house in the vale, but, upon a groundless apprehension, quitted 
 it, when they might in all probability have taken it, and re- 
 treated to Nottingham, where, two or three days after, the 
 enemy's horse faced them ; but they would not be prevailed 
 upon to go out, though they were not inferior to them. Young 
 Hotham, at that time, carried on a private treaty with the 
 queen, and every day received and sent trumpets, of which he 
 would give no account. Then was Nottingham more sadly dis- 
 tressed by their friends than by their enemies ; for Hotham's and 
 Gell's men not only lay upon free quarter, as all the rest did, 
 but made such a havoc and plunder of friend and foe, that it was 
 a sad thing for any one that had a generous heart to behold 
 it. When the committee offered Hotham to assign him quar- 
 ters for his men, because they were better acquainted with the 
 country, he would tell them he was no stranger in any English 
 ground. He had a great deal of wicked wit, and would make 
 
 * In a letter to the king, the queen writes from Newark that " all the 
 force the parliament had in those parts was only one thousand men in 
 Nottingham."
 
 152 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTJTCHIXSOX. [1643. 
 
 sport with the miseries of the poor country ; and, having treason 
 in his heart, licensed his soldiers, which were the scum of 
 mankind, to all the villanies in the country that might make 
 their party odious. Mr. Hutchinson was much vexed to see 
 the country wasted, and that little part of it, which they could 
 only hope to have contribution from, eaten up by a com- 
 pany of men who, instead of relieving, devoured them ; and 
 Hotham's soldiers, having taken away goods from some honest 
 men, he went to him to desire restitution of them, and that 
 he would restrain his soldiers from plunder ; whereupon 
 Hotham replied, " he fought for liberty, and expected it in all 
 things." Replies followed, and they grew to high language; 
 Hotham bidding him, if he found himself grieved, to complain 
 to the parliament. Mr. Hutchinson was passionately con- 
 cerned, and this being in the open field, Colonel Cromwell, 
 who had likewise had great provocations from him, began to 
 show himself affected with the country's injuries, and the idle 
 waste of such a considerable force, through the inexperience 
 of the chief commander, and the disobedience and irregulari- 
 ties of the others. So they, at that time, being equally zealous 
 for the public service, advised together to seek a remedy, and 
 despatched away a post to London, who had no greater joy 
 in the world than such employments as tended to the dis- 
 placing of great persons, whether they deserved it or not; 
 him they sent away immediately from the place, to inform 
 the parliament of Hotham's carriages, and the strong pre- 
 sumptions they had of his treachery, and the ill management 
 of their forces. This they two did, without the privity of any 
 of the other gentlemen or commanders ; some of whom were 
 little less suspected themselves, and others, as my Lord Grey, 
 through credulous good nature, were too great favourers of Ho- 
 tham. The messenger was very diligent in his charge, and re- 
 turned, as soon as it was possible, with a commitment of Ho- 
 tham ; who accordingly was then made prisoner in Nottingham
 
 1643.] ESCAPE OF HOTHAM. 153 
 
 Castle, and Sir John Meldrum was sent down to be com- 
 mander-in-chief of all those united forces. When they 
 marched away, a troop of my Lord Grey's, having the charge 
 of guarding Hotham towards London, suffered him to escape, 
 and thereby put the town of Hull into a great hazard ; but 
 that the father and son were there unexpectedly surprised, 
 sent up prisoners to London, and after some time executed. 
 Those who knew the opinion Cromwell afterwards had of Mr. 
 Hutchinson, believed he registered this business in his mind 
 as long as he lived, and made it is care to prevent him from 
 being in any power or capacity to pursue him to the same 
 punishment, when he himself deserved it ; but from that time, 
 growing into more intimate acquaintance with him, he always 
 used to profess the most hearty affections for him, and the 
 greatest delight in his plainness and open-heartedness imagin- 
 able.* 
 
 * Those who consider and represent Cromwell as a prodigy not only of 
 treachery, design, ambition, and artifice, but likewise of sagacity and fore- 
 knowledge, will deem this a proof of his having thus early conceived his 
 scheme of aggrandizement; but to those who are better satisfied with the 
 probable than the marvellous it will seem to prove no such thing; they 
 must well know that if he had so soon any great views, they must have 
 been very distant and indistinct; they will find here only the first of a long 
 series of instances, wherein will be seen the quick and clear discernment, 
 the strong and well-poised judgment, the promptitude and firmness of 
 decision, which enabled him to seize and convert to his advantage every 
 opportunity that presented itself, and even the actions, thoughts, and incli- 
 nations, of other men; and they will see united to these such a command 
 over his own thoughts and passions as permitted exactly so much, and no 
 more of them than was convenient, to appear : these qualities, though lesa 
 astonishing than the prescience and almost the power of creating events, 
 which is attributed to him, would and did equally well answer the purpose 
 of his progression; which he effected in such a manner as to fill with the 
 greatest propriety all the intermediate situations through which he passed, 
 to take as it were a firm footing at each gradation, and to arrive at the 
 pinnacle of power without having once run any considerable risk of an
 
 154 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTTTCHINSOX. [1643. 
 
 As soon as Sir John Meldrum came down to his charge at 
 Nottingham, the queen's forces came and faced the town ; 
 whereupon the cannon discharging upon them, the Duke of 
 Vendome's son and some few others were slain. The par- 
 liament horse drew out of Nottingham to receive the queen's, 
 but they came not on, after this execution of the cannon, for 
 in the meantime the queen was passing by, and although the 
 parliament horse pursued them, yet they would not engage, 
 for it was not their business ; so when they saw they had lost 
 their design, the horse returned again to Nottingham, where 
 the foot had stayed all the while they were out. When the 
 Earl of Kingston declared himself for the king, he raised 
 what forces he could, and went into Gainsborough, a town in 
 Lincolnshire, situated upon the river Trent. There, before 
 he was fortified, my Lord Willoughby, of Parham, surprised 
 the town and all his soldiers, who disputed it as long as they 
 could, but being conquered, were forced to yield ; and the 
 earl himself retreated into the strongest house, which he kept 
 till it was all on flame round him, and then giving himself up 
 only to my Lord Willoughby, he was immediately sent prisoner 
 to Hull, and shot according to his own imprecation. Imme- 
 diately part of my Lord Newcastle's army, with all that 
 Newark could make, besieged my Lord Willoughby in Gains- 
 borough ; and General Essex sent a command to Sir John 
 Meldrum to draw all the horse and foot he could out of 
 Nottingham, to relieve my lord, leaving only a garrison in 
 the castle of Nottingham. Sir John Meldrum called the 
 
 overthrow in his career. Such rational observers will likewise see here, 
 what will in the sequel still more strikingly appear, that if he must be called 
 a traitor, he was not of that paltry treachery which sacrifices a man's party 
 to self; he was steadily bent on procuring the triumph of his own party 
 over their opponents, but too covetous of commanding his party himself. 
 It may be thought there wanted but little, perhaps only the survivance o! 
 Ireton, to have made Cromwell intrinsically as well as splendidly great.
 
 1643.] TAKES CHAKGE OF KOTTINGHAM CASTLE. 155 
 
 committee of Nottingham together, to consult what was to be 
 done for the settlement of the place, which upon deliberation 
 he had judged it not fit to leave in the hands it was, nor in 
 Colonel Pierrepont's, who, with some appearance, lay under 
 suspicion at that time; and therefore conceiving Mr. Hut- 
 chinson the most able to manage, and the most responsible 
 for it, both Sir John and the whole committee ordered him to 
 take the castle into his charge ; which, though there were 
 many causes why he should decline, yet believing that God 
 hereby called him to the defence of his country, and would 
 protect him in all the dangers and difficulties he led him into, 
 he accepted it, and on the 29th June, 1643, received an order 
 for that government from Sir John Meldrum and the whole 
 committee. Whereunto Col. Pierrepont subscribed, though 
 with a secret discontent in his heart ; not from any ill opinion 
 or ill affection he had to Mr. Hutchinson's person, but because 
 he resented it as a great affront that himself should be passed 
 by. It is true that this discontent produced some envious and 
 malicious practices, secretly in him, against Mr. Hutchinson, 
 who however in the end overcame him, with so many good 
 offices, in requital of his bad ones, that he lived and died full 
 of love, and acknowledgment of kindness to him. 
 
 The castle was built upon a rock, and nature had made it 
 capable of very strong fortification, but the buildings were 
 very ruinous and uninhabitable, neither affording room to 
 lodge soldiers nor provisions. The castle stands at one end 
 of the town, upon such an eminence as commands the chief 
 streets of the town. There had been enlargements made to 
 this castle after the first building of it. There was a strong 
 tower, which they called the old tower, built upon the top of 
 all the rock, and this was that place where Queen Isabel, the 
 mother of King Edward the Third, was surprised with her 
 paramour Mortimer, who, by secret windings and hollows in 
 the rock, came up into her chamber from the meadows lying
 
 156 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTTTCHIXSOX. [1043. 
 
 low under it, through which there ran a little rivulet, called 
 the Line, almost under the castle rock. At the entrance of 
 this rock there was a spring, which was called Mortimer's 
 Well, and the cavern Mortimer's Hole. The ascent to the 
 top is very high, and it is not without some wonder that at 
 the top of all the rock there should be a spring of water. In 
 the midway to the top of this tower there is a little piece of 
 the rock, on which a dove-coat had been built, but the 
 governor took down the roof of it, and made it a platform for 
 two or three pieces of ordnance, which commanded some 
 streets and all the meadows better than the higher tower. 
 Under that tower, which was the old castle, there was a larger 
 castle, where there had been several towers and many noble 
 rooms, but the most of them were down ; the yard of that 
 was pretty large, and without the gate there was a very large 
 yard that had been walled, but the walls were all down, only 
 it was situated upon an ascent of the rock, and so stood a 
 pretty height above the streets ; and there were the ruins of 
 an old pair of gates, with turrets on each side. 
 
 Before the castle, the town was on one side of a close, 
 which commanded the fields approaching the town ; which 
 close the governor afterwards made a platform. Behind it 
 was a place called the Park, that belonged to the castle, but 
 then had neither deer nor trees in it, except one tree, growing 
 under the castle, which was almost a prodigy, for from the 
 root to the top, there was not a straight twig or branch ic 
 it ; some said it was planted by King Richard the Third, and 
 resembled him that set it. On the other side the castle, was 
 the little river of Line, and beyond that, large flat meadows, 
 bounded by the river Trent. In the whole rock there were 
 many large caverns, where a great magazine and many hundred 
 soldiers might have been disposed, if they had been cleansed 
 and prepared for it ; and they might have been kept secure 
 from any danger of firing the magazines by any mortar-pieces
 
 1643.J MUTINY CONCERNING THE ORDNANCE. 157 
 
 shot against the castle. In one of these places, it is reported, 
 that one David, a Scotch king, was kept in cruel durance, and 
 with his nails, had scratched on the wall the story of Christ 
 and his twelve apostles. The castle was not defended by 
 lateral fortifications, and there were no works about it, when 
 Mr. Hutchinson undertook it, but only a little breastwork, 
 before the outermost gate. It was as ill provided as fortified, 
 there being but ten barrels of powder, eleven hundred and 
 fifty pounds of butter, and as much cheese, eleven quarters of 
 bread corn, seven beeves, two hundred and fourteen flitches 
 of bacon, five hundred and sixty fishes, and fifteen hogsheads 
 of beer. As soon as the governor received his charge, he 
 made proclamation in the town, that whatsoever honest persons 
 desired to secure themselves or their goods in the castle, 
 should have reception there, if they would repair their quar- 
 ters ; which divers well-affected men accepting, it was pre- 
 sently made capable of receiving 400 men commodiously. 
 
 In the beginning of July, 1643, Sir John Meldrum, with 
 all the force that was quartered in Nottingham, marched forth 
 to the relief of Gainsborough, leaving the town to be guarded 
 by few more than the very townsmen. There had been large 
 works made about it, which would have required at least three 
 thousand men to man and defend well, and upon these works 
 there were about fourteen guns, which the governor, when 
 the forces were marching away, before they went, drew up to 
 the castle ; whereupon the townsmen, especially those that 
 were ill-affected to the parliament, made a great mutiny, 
 threatening they would pull the castle down, but they would 
 have their ordnance again upon their works, and wishing it on 
 fire, and not one stone upon another. Hereupon the governor 
 sent Alderman Drury, with fourteen more, who were heads of 
 this mutiny, prisoners to Derby, whither Major Ireton convoyed 
 them with his troop. The reasons which made the governor 
 carry the ordnance from the town- works up into the castle
 
 158 MEMOIKS OF COL. HtTTCHINSON. [1643. 
 
 were, 1st. That the town, being so ill affected, the ordnance 
 remaining in it, would but be an invitation to the enemy to 
 come to take them away, and a booty for them if they should. 
 2ndly. He had often visited the guards, and found them 
 much exposed by their carelessness, wherefore he thought it 
 his duty to preserve them, by soldiers more under his com- 
 mand. 3rdly. Intelligence was brought to the committee, by 
 a friend, then with the Earl of Newcastle, that Mr. Francis 
 Pierrepont kept intelligence with his mother, the Countess of 
 Kingston, carrying on a design for betraying the town to 
 the earl ; and that letters were carried between them by a 
 woman, who often came to town to the colonel ; and that two 
 aldermen and a chief officer, employed about the ordnance, 
 were confederates in the plot ; whereupon a suspected can- 
 nonier was secured, who, as soon as he obtained his liberty, 
 ran away to Newark. 4thly. When the town was full of 
 troops, there had been several attempts to poison and betray 
 them, which, if it should be again attempted, after the 
 most of the forces were gone, might prove effectual. 5thly. 
 The main reason was, that if the town should be surprised or 
 betrayed (which Avas then most to be feared), the ordnance 
 would be useless ; if any considerable force came against the 
 town, it was impossible then to keep the works against them, 
 with so few men, and it would be difficult, at such a time, to 
 draw off the artillery; if any force they were able to deal 
 with came, it would then be time enough, after the alarm 
 was given, to draw them to the works, unless they were 
 surprised. 
 
 It was not only the town malignants that murmured at the 
 drawing up of the ordnance, but Dr. Plumptre, hearing that 
 the forces were to march away, was raging at it ; whereupon 
 being answered, that it was more for the public interest of the 
 cause, in great passion he replied, " "What is the cause to me 
 if my goods be lost?" The governor told him, he might
 
 1643.] CONDUCT OF DR. PLTJMPTHE. 159 
 
 prevent that hazard and secure them in the castle. He replied, 
 " It pitied him to soil them, and he had rather the enemy 
 had them, than they should be spoiled in removing." While 
 this was boiling upon his spirit, he met the governor, with 
 some other gentlemen, in the street, and began to rail at him 
 for countenancing the godly townsmen, whom he called a 
 company of puritanical prick-eared rascals, and said, that the 
 worst of the malignants the governor had sent out of the 
 town, were honester men than the best of those he favoured ; 
 and in spite of his teeth he would have three of the most 
 eminent of them turned out of the castle. The governor telling 
 him, he would maintain them as the most faithful friends to 
 the cause, Plumptre replied he was as honest to the cause as 
 the governor. " No," said the governor (who was not ignorant 
 of his atheism), " that you cannot be, for you go not upon the 
 same principles." The doctor told him, it was false, with 
 such uncivil insolence, that the governor struck him, at which 
 he departed quietly home ; and after two or three days, retired 
 with his wife and children to the house of Mr. Parkyns of 
 Bunney, who was at that time in arms against the parliament, 
 where he stayed till the parliament-forces were routed, and 
 Nottingham castle summoned and preparing for a siege ; and 
 then he sent a ridiculous challenge to the governor, with all 
 the foolish circumstances imaginable, which the governor, at 
 that present, only answered with contempt. The pretence he 
 made was a distress, wherein the committee had employed 
 some of the governor's soldiers, for the levying of an assess- 
 ment, which his brother would not pay, and this distress he 
 called the governor's affront to his family. Though these 
 passages may seem too impertinent here, yet as they have 
 been grounds and beginnings of injurious prosecutions, where- 
 with the governor was afterwards much exercised, it was not 
 altogether unnecessary to insert them ; since even these little
 
 160 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1643. 
 
 things were links in the chain of providences which measured 
 out his life.* 
 
 All the horse that had been raised in Nottinghamshire, 
 marched away with Sir John Meldrum, namely, the troops of 
 Colonel Thornhagh, Major Ireton, Captain White, and Cap- 
 tain Farmer ; which, together with Captain Lomax and 
 Captain Schrimpshire's foot companies, joining with Colonel 
 Cromwell's men, marched to Gainsborough^ and engaged 
 those that besieged it, and were victorious, killing their 
 general, Sir Charles Cavendish, with many more commanders, 
 and some hundreds of soldiers ; and this was opportunely 
 done, as my Lord Newcastle was hastening to come over 
 the water and join them, and who, by a bridge of boats, passed 
 all his army over, and came near Gainsborough, just in a season 
 to behold the rout of all his men. The parliament's forces 
 expected he would have fallen upon them, and drew up in a 
 body and faced him, but he advanced not ; so they contented 
 themselves by relieving Gainsborough, and made a very honour- 
 able retreat to Lincoln ; but Gainsborough not being fortified, 
 nor provided, this relief did not much advantage them, for 
 my Lord Newcastle again besieged it, which was rendered to 
 him, after eight days, upon conditions honourable for the 
 defendants, though they were not performed by the besiegers ; 
 for all my Lord Willoughby's men were disarmed contrary to 
 to articles,! and with them, some of the Nottingham soldiers, 
 that had gone into the town to refresh themselves, and so 
 were shut up with them, when my lord laid siege to it ; the 
 rest had gone to Lincoln. They had behaved themselves 
 
 * To some readers the recital of these bickerings and intrigues may seem 
 little interesting, to others highly so; certain it is, that whoever refuses to 
 read them, refuses to acquaint himself with the temper of those times, 
 which they characterise in the most peculiar manner. 
 
 f Particularly noticed by Whitelock.
 
 1643.] PREPARATIONS IN NOTTINGHAM CASTLE. 161 
 
 very well in the fight, when Captain White received a wound 
 in his hand in the forlorn hope ; Colonel Thornhagh, who 
 had fought very gallantly, was taken prisoner, and after he 
 was stripped of his arms and coat, a major of the enemy's, 
 whom the colonel had slightly wounded in the fervour of the 
 fight, came and basely wounded the colonel, being disarmed, 
 so that he left him for dead. But by the good providence of 
 God, that wound, by which the enemy intended to give him 
 death, gave him liberty; for coming to himself a little after 
 his hurt, he crept into one of his own tenant's houses, and 
 there had his wounds bound up, and found means to get to 
 Lincoln, from whence all the forces that went from Notting- 
 ham dispersed into different services. Major Ireton quite left 
 Colonel Thornhagh's regiment, and began an inseparable 
 league with Colonel Cromwell, whose son-in-law he afterwards 
 was. None of them could return to Nottingham, by reason 
 of my Lord Newcastle's army, which lay between them and 
 their home. 
 
 And now it was time for them at Nottingham to expect 
 my Lord Newcastle, which the governor made provision for 
 with all the diligence that it was possible under so many 
 difficulties and obstacles, which would to any one else have 
 been discouragements ; but he had so high a resolution that 
 nothing conquered it. The townsmen, through discontent 
 at the drawing out of the forces, whereby their houses, 
 families, and estates were exposed, began to envy, then to 
 hate the castle, as grieved that anything should be preserved 
 when all could not ; and indeed those who were more con- 
 cerned in private interests than in the cause itself, had some 
 reason, because the neighbourhood of the castle, when it 
 was too weak to defend them, would endanger them. In this 
 hate and discontent, all the soldiers being townsmen, except 
 some of the governor's own company, they resolved they 
 would not go into the castle to behold the ruin of their 
 
 51
 
 162 MEMOIBS OF COL. HT7TCHINSON. [1643. 
 
 houses ; little considering that when the governor first came 
 into Nottingham to defend them, at their earnest desire, he 
 left a house and a considerable estate to the mercy of the 
 enemy, rather desiring to advance the cause than to secure 
 his own stake ; but their mean and half-affected hearts were 
 not capable of such things. The governor, perceiving this 
 defection, set some of the most zealous honest men to find 
 out how many there were in the town who, neglecting all 
 private interests, would cheerfully and freely come in and 
 venture all with him ; intending, if he could not have found 
 enough to defend the place, that he would have sent to other 
 neighbouring garrisons to have borrowed some. Upon this 
 inquiry, it was found that many of Colonel Pierrepont's own 
 company were desirous to come in, but first wished to know 
 their colonel's resolution as to how he would dispose of them; 
 whereupon a hall was called, and the danger of the place 
 declared to the whole town, that they might have time to 
 provide for their goods and persons before the enemy came 
 upon them. The colonel being present, his company asked 
 him what he would advise them to do ; to whom his answer 
 was, " You have but three ways to choose, either leave the 
 town and secure yourselves in some other parliament- gar- 
 risons, or list into the castle,* or stand on the works and 
 have your throats cut." Two or three days after this he went 
 to his mother's, and carried his children with part of his 
 goods, and sent his wife to Sir Gervas Clifton's house. Not- 
 withstanding this public resolution in the hall to his com- 
 pany, he told them, and many others in private, that ne 
 preferred the interest of the town above that of his life, and 
 
 * The particular account which has before been spoken of, has in this 
 place a little difference of expression, which yet perhaps signifies much. 
 There Colonel Pierrepont says, " List into the castle with John, for BO in a 
 jesting way he used to call Colonel Hutchinson," alluding no doubt to his 
 frank and downright mode of speaking and acting.
 
 1643.] PKEPABATIONS FOE A SIEGE. 163 
 
 would expose his life for the good of it, and stand on the 
 works of the town as long as they could be defended, and 
 when they could no longer be kept, he would retire to some 
 other parliament-garrison. Others he told, he scorned that his 
 colours should serve in the castle ; that if his company went 
 up thither he would get him a new one, which should follow 
 him wherever he went, and many more such things in private ; 
 but he openly, both to the governor and others, approved and 
 encouraged their going into the castle. According to his 
 advice, the townsmen, as they were diversely affected, dis- 
 posed of themselves ; the malignants all laid down their arms 
 and stayed in the town, but some honest and well-affected, 
 not bold enough to stand the hazard, went to other par- 
 liament-garrisons and served there ; others secured them- 
 selves, their goods, and families in the country; some enlisted 
 into the castle ; one Alderman Nix, captain of two hundred, 
 gave up his commission, and disbanded all his men except 
 about forty, who came into the castle and filled up the broken 
 companies there. At length, out of all the four companies 
 and the whole town, about 300 men enlisted into the castle. 
 
 The governor had procured forty barrels of powder, and 
 two thousand weight of match from London, and had in- 
 creased the store of provision as much as the present poverty 
 of their condition would permit him. Then the committee 
 of Nottingham, so many of them as were remaining in the 
 town, and all the ministers of the parliament's party there, 
 came up to the castle, and, with the officers of the garrison, 
 ate at the governor's, to his very great charge ; considering 
 that he was so far from receiving pay at that time, that all 
 the money he could procure of his own credit, or take up 
 with others, he was forced to expend for the several neces- 
 sities of the soldiers and garrison ; yet were the soldiers tnen, 
 and a long time after, kept together as long as they 
 
 30. 2
 
 164 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUXCHIN SOX. [1643. 
 
 live, without any pay, and afterwards paid part in victuals, 
 and the rest run on in arrears.* 
 
 The townsmen who came into the castle disposed their 
 families into several villages in the country ; and at length a 
 trumpet was sent, for a safe conduct for a gentleman, from 
 my Lord Newcastle ; and having it, Major Cartwright came 
 from him, with a summons for the delivery of the town and 
 castle, to which the committee for the town, and the governor 
 for the castle, returned a civil defiance in writing, about the 
 10th day of August. Cartwright, having received it, and 
 being treated with wine by the governor and the rest of the 
 officers, grew bold in the exercise of an abusive wit he had, 
 and told both the Mr. Hutchinsons that they were sprightly 
 young men, but when my lord should come with his army, 
 he would find them in other terms, beseeching my lord to 
 spare them, as misled young men, and to suffer them to 
 march away with a cudgel, and " then," said he, " shall I 
 stand behind my lord's chair and laugh." At which the 
 governor, being angry, told him he was much mistaken, for 
 he scorned ever to yield on any terms, to a papistical army 
 led by an atheistical general.f Mr. George Hutchinson told 
 
 * In all the histories of those times we read so much of the soldiers' 
 complaints of want of pay, and of auditing their officers' accounts, which 
 being no way reconcilable with modern practice, makes one suppose the offi- 
 cers fraudulent, and the soldiers mutinous; but this opinion will be corrected 
 by observing what is here recited. Hence we shall likewise conceive a high 
 idea of the virtue of those men, who started forth out of every rank of 
 life to devote themselves to the service of God and their country, and per- 
 severed through such privations and difficulties; and consider their inter- 
 ference in the settling the constitution of their country, for which they had 
 fought, in a far different light from the tumult and mutiny of mercenary 
 soldiers. 
 
 t Charles the First, when accused of retaining papists, denied having 
 :my in his army, and tried to have it believed that those which the Earl of
 
 1643.] HIS CHARGE TO HIS SOLDIERS. 165 
 
 him, " If my lord would have that poor castle he must wade 
 to it in blood." Which words they say he told his general. 
 After these summonses were received, the governor drew all 
 his soldiers into the castle, and committed the guard of the 
 town to the aldermen, who were to set guards of fifty in a 
 night, according to their wards. Then calling together his 
 soldiers, he once again represented to them their condition, 
 and told them, that being religious and honest men, he could 
 be assured no extremity would make them fail in what they 
 found themselves strong enough to undertake ; and therefore 
 he should not fear to let them freely understand their danger, 
 which yet they had power to shun, and therefore whatever 
 misery might be the issue of their undertaking, they could 
 not justly impute it to him, it being their own election. For 
 after this summons they must expect the enemy, and to be 
 reduced to the utmost extremity by them that thought could 
 reach. It must not move them to see their houses naming, 
 <ind, if need were, themselves firing them for the public 
 advantage, or to see the pieces of their families cruelly 
 abused and consumed before them ; they must resolve upon 
 hard duty, fierce assaults, poor and sparing diet, perhaps 
 famine, and the want of all comfortable accommodations. Nor 
 was there very apparent hope of relief at last, but more than 
 common hazard of losing their lives, either in defence of their 
 fort or of the place ; which, for want of good fortifications, 
 and through disadvantage of a neighbouring mount and 
 building, was not, in human probability, tenable against such 
 an army as threatened it. All which, for his own part, he 
 
 Newcastle had enlisted were unknown to him, although there is ample proof 
 that it was done by his order; that nobleman acted in a much more inge- 
 nuous manner, and, as is before related in a quotation from Sir P. Warwick's 
 Memoirs, turned the imputation into a jest; probably his indifference about 
 the religion of his soldiers caused the epithet of atheistical to be applied 
 to him, certainly without sufficient reason.
 
 166 MEMOIRS OF COL. HITTCHIKSON. [1643. 
 
 was resolved on ; and if any of them found their courage 
 failing, he only desired they would provide for their safety in 
 time elsewhere, and not prejudice him and the public interest 
 so highly, as they would do, to take upon them the defence 
 of the castle, except they could be content to lay down their 
 lives and all their interests in it. The soldiers were none of 
 thpm terrified at the dangers which threatened their under- 
 taking ; but at the latter end of August took, upon the 
 solemn fast-day, the national covenant, and besides it, a par- 
 ticular mutual covenant between them and the governor, to 
 be faithful to each other, and to hold out the place to the 
 death, without entertaining any parley, or accepting any 
 terms from the enemy. This the governor was forced to do 
 to confirm them, for he had his experience not only of the 
 ungodly and ill-affected, but even of the godly themselves, 
 who thought it scarcely possible for any one to continue a 
 gentleman, and firm to a godly interest, and therefore repaid 
 all his vigilancy and labours for them with a very unjust 
 jealousy.* The governor of Newark was his cousin-german, 
 to whom he was forced, against his nature, to be more un- 
 civil than to any others that were governors in that place. 
 Whether it was that the dissension of brethren is always 
 most spitefully pursued, or that Sir Richard Byron, as it was 
 reported, suffered under the same suspicions on his side, it is 
 true they were to each other the most uncivil enemies that 
 can be imagined. After this summons, my Lord Newcastle 
 came not, according to their bravadoes, but diverted his army 
 to Hull, to besiege my Lord Fairfax there ; they of Newark 
 
 * It passes for a saying of Charles the Second, that the presbyterian 
 might be a very good religion, but it was not the religion of a gentleman; 
 these good folks seem to have been of the same mind. The French have 
 taken care not to fall short in imitating this malicious prejudice, but 
 stamp with the hated name of Aristocrat every person at all elevated 
 above the vulgar, though ever so generous a friend of liberty.
 
 1643.J DEATH OF SIR THOMAS HITTCHINSON. 167 
 
 having gotten him to send this summons upon confidence, 
 knowing the condition of the place, that it would have been 
 yielded to a piece of paper. The governor immediately set 
 upon the fortification of his castle, made a work behind it, 
 another on the Line side, turned the dovecote into a platform, 
 and made a court of guard in Mortimer's Hole. 
 
 At this time Sir Thomas Hutchinson died in London,* 
 and gave all his personal estate, and all that was unsettled 
 at Mr. Hutchinson's marriage, to his second wife and her 
 children ; at which his two sons had not the least repining 
 thought, but out of tender love, were very much afflicted for 
 his loss, and procured a pass from Newark for Mr. George 
 Hutchinson, to go to London, to visit his mother and fetch 
 mournings, which accordingly he did; and upon a letter the 
 committee sent up by him, he brought down an order of 
 parliament to allow a table to the governor and committee, 
 whom Mr. Hutchinson had till that time entertained at his 
 own cost, with all the officers of the garrison and the min- 
 isters, which was no small charge to him ; but he had a noble 
 heart, and could not basely evade the expense, which that 
 place necessarily drew upon him, not only by the constant 
 entertainment of the committee, officers, and ministers, and 
 all parliament officers, that came and went through the 
 garrison, but by relieving the poor soldiers, who had such 
 short pay, that they were, for the most part, thirty weeks 
 and more behind; and when they marched out at any 
 time, the governor would not suffer them to take a cup 
 of drink, unpaid for, in the country, but always, wherever 
 
 * August 18, 1643, as appeared by his tombstone, under the communion 
 table in St. Paul's, Covent Garden, London, and that he was 55 when he 
 died. J. H. 
 
 A marginal note, written by Julius Hutchinson, grandfather of the 
 editor.
 
 168 MEMOIKS OF COL. HTJTCHINSON. [1643. 
 
 they took any refreshment in their marches, paid it himself. 
 He gave them besides much from his own house, especi- 
 ally when any of them were sick or wounded, and lent 
 money to those who were most necessitous. All this run 
 him into a great private debt, besides many thousands of 
 pounds, which he engaged himself in with other gentle- 
 men, and took up for the supply of the garrison and carry- 
 ing on of the public service. Although the allowance for his 
 table was much envied by those mean fellows, that never 
 knew what the expense of a table was, and although it was 
 to him some ease, yet it did not defray the third part of his 
 expense in the service, being but ten pounds a week allowed 
 by the state ; and his expenses all that time, in the public 
 service only, and not at all in any particular of his own 
 family, being, as it was kept upon account, above fifteen 
 hundred pounds a year. As soon as his father was dead, 
 and rents became due to him, the enemies, in the midst of 
 whom his estate lay, fetched in his tenants and imprisoned 
 them, and took his rents ; his estate was begged and promised 
 by the king ; those who lived not upon the place, flung up his 
 grounds, and they lay unoccupied, while the enemy prevailed in 
 the country. He was not so cruel as others were to their ten- 
 ants, who made them pay over again those rents with which 
 the enemy forced them to redeem themselves out of prison, 
 but lost the most part of his rents, all the while the country was 
 under the adverse power. He had some small stock of his own 
 plundered, and his house, by the perpetual haunting of the 
 enemy, defaced, and for want of inhabitation, rendered almost 
 uninhabitable. For these things he had some subscrip- 
 tions,* but never received one penny of recompense; and 
 
 * By subscriptions are here meant acknowledgments or certificates given 
 by the committees, which parliament professed to make good, but many 
 times did not. But Col. Hutchinson's disinterestedness aud devotion to the
 
 1643.] CHARACTER OF SIR JOHN HTTTCHINSON. 169 
 
 his arrears of pay, which he received after all the war was 
 done, did not half pay the debts of those services contracted. 
 But when he undertook this engagement, it was for the 
 defence of his country's and God's cause, and he offered him- 
 self and all he had a willing sacrifice in the service ; and rather 
 praised God for what was saved, than repined at Avhat was 
 spent, it being above his expectation, that deliverance which 
 God gave him out of his enemies' hands. He might have 
 made many advantages by the spoil of his enemies, which 
 was often brought in, and by other encroachments upon the 
 country, which almost all the governors, on both sides, 
 exacted everywhere else, but his heart abhorred it : the sol- 
 diers had all the prizes, and he never shared with them ; all 
 the malignants' goods the committee disposed off; and it ever 
 grieved his heart to see the spoil of his neighbours, how 
 justly soever they deserved it ; but he chose all loss, rather 
 than to make up himself* by violence and rapine. If in a 
 judicial way, he was forced at any time, in discharge of his 
 trust, to sign any harsh orders against any of the gentlemen 
 of the country, it was with grief that they should deserve 
 that severity ; but this testimony is a truth of him, that in 
 
 cause did not suffice to exempt him from calumny, for in Walker's His- 
 tory of Independency, p. 166, et seq a list is given of members of parlia- 
 ment, who were unduly returned, who held commands contrary to the self- 
 denying ordinance, or had moneys or offices given them. And Colonel 
 Hutchinson is accused of all three ; how absurdly and unjustly every one 
 must perceive. He was regularly elected to parliament in place of his 
 father deceased : he had a regiment which he raised, and in a great degree 
 subsisted himself ; he had a government, which at the time of his under- 
 taking it, was a charge others feared to accept, and which for a long time 
 was a loss and a detriment to him, and at the end of all he fell far short of 
 receiving as much as he had expended. In the same place, Mr. William 
 Pierrepont is most invidiously accused of getting 40,000. but how ? it 
 was the personal estate of his own father ! 
 
 * Make himself up, make himself whole, reimburse himself.
 
 170 MEMOIBS OF COL. HUTCHIKSON. [1643, 
 
 his whole actings in this cause, he never prosecuted any 
 private lust, either of revenge, ambition, avarice, or vain 
 glory, under a public vizard, but was most truly public- 
 spirited. Conscience to God, and truth and righteousness, 
 according to the best information he could get, engaged him 
 in that party he took ; that which engaged him, carried him 
 through all along, though he encountered no less difficul- 
 ties and contradictions from those of his own party, that 
 were not of the same spirit he was, than he did from his 
 enemies. 
 
 The death of Sir Thomas Hutchinson made every way a 
 great reverse in the affairs of his eldest son, who had before 
 been looked upon as his father's heir, and reverenced as 
 much, or rather more, upon his father's score, than his own, 
 so that no man durst attempt to injure him, whom they 
 looked upon as under such a powerful protection. Sir Thomas 
 and his fathers before him had ever deserved very Avell of 
 their country, and, as lovers of their country, their neigh- 
 bours had an implicit faith in all their dictates and actions, 
 insomuch that Sir Thomas Hutchinson' s single authority 
 swayed with many, more than all the greater names of the 
 country. But he at his death having divided, all things con- 
 sidered, his estate between the children of his two wives, 
 though it be true the latter deserved more than they had, yet 
 it is as true the first deserved not to be so much lessened as 
 they were : and Mr. Hutchinson having been known to be 
 the most pious and obedient son, from his childhood, that 
 ever any father was blessed with, when it came to be known 
 that his father had given away all that was in his power to 
 give from him, those that had a great reverence and esteem 
 for Sir Thomas would not believe him to be so defective in 
 justice as to do this without some secret cause; and therefore 
 it was given out that he was displeased with his son's engage 
 ment, and for that cause disposed away so much of his estate
 
 1643.] HIS POKTION ON HIS FATHER'S DEATH. 171 
 
 from them. But that was not so ; indeed, at the time of his 
 death the parliament's interest was so low, that he might well 
 look upon them as lost persons, and so what he gave away 
 to the unengaged infant he might well look upon as all that 
 could be preserved. Mr. Hutchinson had only an allowance 
 from his father, while he lived, which was duly paid him ; 
 but as soon as he died all his estate was seized by the enemy, 
 who had so much desire not to injure publicly a person so 
 popular, that they disturbed not Sir Thomas's tenants while 
 he lived, though he continued with the parliament, and faith- 
 ful to their interest ; because he was moderate, and one that 
 applied all his endeavours to peace, which he did not out of 
 policy, but out of conscience to his country, and by a wise 
 foresight of the sad consequences of a conquest by either side ; 
 for he had often expressed, that accommodation was far 
 more desirable than war, and he dreaded that the spirits of 
 those men Avould become most insolent after conquest, who 
 were so violently bent to prosecute a war ; that some of them 
 whom we have since known to be vile apostates, then pro- 
 fessed that they abhorred accommodation. This report of Sir 
 Thomas's dislike of his son's engagement was raised and 
 dispersed by those who themselves were ill-affected to it; 
 but, however, it abated all the respect men had for him, upon 
 every account but his own. Those who had entertained a 
 secret envy of him, now feared not to manifest it, and be- 
 gan to work secret mines, to blow him up on all sides ; but 
 God was with him, and disappointed all his enemies, and 
 made his virtues more illustrious by the oppositions they 
 encountered, and by the removal of all those props of 
 wealth and power which are necessary to hold up weaker 
 fabrics.* 
 
 * Here is in the original a marginal note in the following words: " The di- 
 vision of Sir Thomas Hutchinson's estate. Sir Thomas Hutchinson being
 
 172 MEMOIKS OF COZ. HTTTCHINSON. [1643. 
 
 Soon after the death of his father, one Mr. Ayscough, a 
 gentleman of the country, allied to Sir Richard, since Lord 
 Byron, then governor of Newark, came to the governor of 
 Nottingham, and told him that Sir Richard Byron, out of 
 that tender, natural affection which he ever had for him, and 
 still preserved, desired him now to consider his wife and 
 
 mightily beloved in the country, and a moderate man, using all his en- 
 deavours for peace, his estate was never plundered in his lifetime ; and 
 though it is here falsely insinuated that he approved of his son's conduct 
 in taking arms against the king, it is most true that he was extremely 
 afflicted at it, being altogether for peace, and condemned such rash coun- 
 sels as arms on both sides ; and the miseries he saw his king and country 
 involved in were certainly the occasion of his death : and though Sir 
 Thomas Hutchinson sat longer in the house than many honest men, it was 
 only hi hopes by his moderate counsels to effect a happy peace between 
 his king and country. All this I have heard attested by his lady and 
 relict, my grandmother. Teste J. Hutchinson." This is that testimony 
 of Lady Katharine Hutchinson which was spoken of in the preface, and 
 which, in attempting to impeach the veracity of the author in a single 
 point, contributes largely to corroborate it in all. In the very instance be- 
 fore us there seems much more reason for the opinion of Mrs. Hutchinson 
 than of Lady Katharine : Sir Thomas Hutchinson had before been im- 
 prisoned for his opposition to the court ; was in this parliament on all com- 
 mittees for the reform of religion ; sat with the parliament after the war 
 was deeply engaged in ; sent his sons arms, and promoted their desires to 
 the parliament : it is incredible that he should have any great objection to 
 the part they took, other than the general one of regretting that arms 
 were taken on either side. The most probable thing is that this lady, being 
 of the same party and opinion as her brother and family, and jealous of 
 Sir Thomas Hutchinson's children by his former wife, influenced him to 
 their disadvantage in the making of his will, and set up these reasons to 
 countenance it after his death. The other estates of Sir T. Hutchinson in 
 Nottinghamshire were fully equal, if not superior, in value to that of 
 Owthorpe. This being the only instance wherein the truth of the nar- 
 rative is called in question, and this certainly invidiously, if not unjustly, 
 we may safely say we have the testimony of an adversary in our favour to 
 all the rest.
 
 1643.] SIR R. BYRON'S MESSAGE. 173 
 
 children, and the loss of his whole estate, which was inevi- 
 table, if he persisted in the engagement he was in ; that 
 some had already been suing to the Earl of Newcastle for 
 it ; but if he would return to his obedience to the king, he 
 might not only preserve his estate, but have what reward he 
 pleased to propound for so doing. To which the governor 
 telling him this was a thing he ought to scorn, Mr. Ays- 
 cough told him that Sir Richard had, only out of love and 
 tender compassion to him, given him this employment, with 
 many protestations how much Sir Richard desired to employ 
 all his interest to save him, if it were possible, and there- 
 fore begged of him that if he would still persist in this party, 
 that he would yet quit himself of this garrison, and go into 
 my Lord of Essex's army ; for there, he said, Sir Richard 
 would find pretence to save his rents for him for the present, 
 and his estate for the future ; for, said he, he can plead, " yon 
 were an inconsiderate young man, rashly engaged, and dares 
 assure himself of your pardon ; but to keep a castle against 
 your king is a rebellion of so high a nature, that there will 
 be no colour left to ask favour for you." The governor told 
 him he should deliver the same propositions, and receive his 
 answer, before some witnesses ; whereupon he carried the 
 gentleman to two of the committee, before whom he repeated 
 his message, and the governor bade him return Sir Richard 
 this answer, "That except he found his own heart prone to 
 such treachery, he might consider there was, if nothing else, 
 so much of a Byron's blood in him, that he should very 
 much scorn to betray or quit a trust he had undertaken ; but 
 the grounds he went on were such, that he very much de- 
 spised such a thought as to sell his faith for base rewards or 
 fears, and therefore could not consider the loss of his estate, 
 which his wife was as willing to part with as himself in 
 this cause, wherein he was resolved to persist, in the same
 
 174 MEMOIKS OF COL HUTCHIXSON. [1643. 
 
 place in which it had pleased God to call him* to the 
 defence of it." 
 
 About this time a woman was taken, whereof the com- 
 mittee had before been informed that she carried intelligence 
 between Colonel Pierrepont and his mother, the countess of 
 Kingston. The woman was now going through Nottingham, 
 with letters from the old countess to her daughter-in-law, the 
 colonel's wife, who was then at Clifton, Sir Gervas Clifton's 
 house. In this packet there was a letter drawn, which the 
 countess advised her daughter to sign, to be sent to Colonel 
 Stanton, one of the king's colonels, to entreat back from him 
 some goods of her husband's, which he had plundered; 
 wherein there were these expressions : " That though her 
 husband was unfortunately engaged in the unhappy rebellion, 
 she hoped ere long he would approve himself a loyal subject 
 to his majesty." The committee having read these letters, 
 sealed them up again, and inclosed them in another to the 
 colonel, then at Derby, telling him, that having intercepted 
 such letters, and not knowing whether his wife might follow 
 her mother's advice, which if she should would prove very 
 dishonourable to him, they had chosen rather to send the 
 letters to him than to her. The colonel was vexed that they 
 had opened them, but for the present took no notice of it. 
 All the horse having been drawn out of Nottingham to the 
 relief of Gainsborough, and the Newarkers, knowing that the 
 garrison was utterly destitute, plundered all the country 
 even to the walls of Nottingham ; upon which some godly 
 
 * Notice is taken by Whitelocke of several attempts to prevail on Colonel 
 Hutchinson to betray his trust, and of his steady adherence to it : there 
 will be seen other instances more remarkable than this ; but here are two 
 things extremely well worth notice ; this elegant and forcible apostrophe 
 to Sir Richard Byron ; and the patriotic and disinterested devotion of Mrs. 
 Hutchiuson to the cause, at least a rare example in her sex.
 
 1643.] A COMMISSION GIVEN 1O PALMEK. 175 
 
 men offered themselves to bring in their horses, and form a 
 troop for the defence of the country, and one Mr. Palmer, a 
 minister, had a commission to be their captain.* This man 
 had a bold, ready, earnest way of preaching, and lived holily 
 and regularly as to outward conversation, whereby he got a 
 great reputation among the godly ; and this reputation swelled 
 his spirit, which was very vain-glorious, covetous, contentious, 
 and ambitious. He had so insinuated himself as to make 
 these godly men desire him for their captain, which he had 
 more vehement longing after than they, yet would have it 
 believed that it was rather pressed upon him, than he pressed 
 into it ; and therefore being at that time in the castle with 
 his family, and feeding at the governor's table, who gave him 
 room in his own lodgings, and all imaginable respect, he 
 came to the governor and his wife, telling them that these 
 honest people pressed him very much to be their captain, and 
 desiring their friendly and Christian advice whether he should 
 accept or refuse it. They freely told him, that having en- 
 tered into a charge of another kind, they thought it not fit 
 for him to engage in this ; and that he might as much 
 advance the public service, and satisfy the men, in marching 
 with them in the nature of a chaplain as in that of a captain. 
 He, that asked not counsel to take any contrary to his first 
 resolve, went away confused when he found he was not 
 advised as he would have been, and said he would endeavour 
 to persuade them to be content ; and afterwards said, they 
 would not be otherwise satisfied, and so he was forced to 
 accept the commission. The governor, having only declared 
 his own judgment when he was asked, as a Christian ought 
 to do according to his conscience, left the captain to act 
 according to his own, and censured him not, but entertained 
 him with the same freedom and kindness he had done before ; 
 
 * This, if not unique, is at least a singular trait.
 
 176 MEM01ES OF COL. HTJTCHIXSON. [1643. 
 
 but the man, being guilty of the avarice and ambition of his 
 own heart, never afterwards looked upon the governor with 
 a clear eye, but sought to blow up all factions against him 
 whenever he found opportunity, and in the meantime dis- 
 sembled it as well as he could. And now, before his troop 
 was well raised, Colonel Thornhagh being recovered, brought 
 back his troop from Lincoln, and both the troops quartered 
 in the town ; which being a bait to invite the enemy, the 
 governor gave charge to all that belonged to the castle, being 
 about three hundred men, that they should not upon any 
 pretence whatever be out of their quarters ; but they having, 
 many of them, wives and better accommodations in the town, 
 by stealth disobeyed his commands, and seldom left any more 
 in the castle than what were upon the guard. 
 
 The townsmen were every night out upon the guard of the 
 town, according to the wards of the aldermen ; but the most 
 of them being disaffected, the governor, fearing treachery, 
 had determined to quarter the horse in those lanes which 
 were next to the castle, and to block up the lanes for the 
 better securing them. Just the night before these lanes 
 should have been blocked up, Alderman Toplady, a great 
 malignant, having the watch, the enemy was, by treachery, 
 let into the town, and no alarm given to the castle. Though 
 there were two muskets at the gate where they entered, both 
 of them were surrendered without one shot to give notice ; 
 and all the horse, and about two parts of the castle soldiers, 
 were betrayed, surprised, and seized on in their beds, but 
 there were not above fourscore of the castle foot taken ; the 
 rest hid themselves, and privately stole away, some into the 
 country, some by night came up to the castle and got in, in 
 disguises, by the river side ; but the cavaliers were possessed 
 of the town, and no notice at all given to the castle. When, 
 at the beating of reveille, some of the soldiers, that had been 
 on the watch all night, were going down into the town to
 
 1643. J THE GOYERNOB, PLAYED ON THE TOWN. 177 
 
 refresh themselves, they were no sooner out of the castle 
 gates but some of the enemy's musketeers discharged upon 
 them, and they hasting back, got in with such care that the 
 enemy was prevented of their design of falling in with them. 
 They brought a strong alarm into the castle, when the 
 governor coming forth, was exceedingly vexed to find that 
 his men were, so many of them, contrary to his command, 
 wanting in their quarters ; but it was no time to be angry, 
 but to apply himself to do what was possible to preserve the 
 place ; wherefore he immediately despatched messengers by a 
 private sally-port, to Leicester and Derby, to desire their 
 assistance, either to come and help to beat the enemy out of 
 the town, or to lend him some foot to help keep the castle, in 
 which there were but fourscore men, and never a lieutenant 
 nor any head officer but his brother, nor so much as a surgeon 
 among them. As soon as the governor had despatched his 
 messengers he went up to the towers, and from thence played 
 his ordnance into the town, which seldom failed of execution 
 upon the enemy ; but there was an old church, called St. 
 Nicholas Church, whose steeple so commanded the platform 
 that the men could not play the ordnance without woolpacks 
 before them. From this church the bullets played so thick 
 into the outward castle-yard, that they could not pass from 
 one gate to the other, nor relieve the guards, but with very 
 great hazard ; and one weak old man was shot the first day, 
 who, for want of a surgeon, bled to death before they could 
 carry him up to the governor's wife, who at that time sup- 
 plied that want as well as she could ; but at night the go- 
 vernor and his men dug a trench between the two gates, 
 through which they afterwards better secured their passage. 
 In the meantime the cavaliers that came from Newark, being 
 about six hundred, fell to ransack and plunder all the honest 
 men's houses in the town, and the cavaliers of the town, who 
 had called them in, helped them in this work. Their pri- 
 
 N
 
 178 MEMOTBS OF COL. HUTCHINSOIf. [1643. 
 
 soners they at first put into the sheep-pens in the market-place,* 
 whereupon an honest townsman, seeing four or five com- 
 manders go into his own house, procured a cunning boy that 
 came with him, while the enemy regarded more their plunder 
 than their prisoners, to run privately up to the castle and 
 give them notice, who presently sent a cannon bullet into the 
 house. The cavaliers called in all the country as soon as 
 they were in the town, and made a fort at the Trent bridges, 
 and thither they carried down all their considerable plunder 
 and prisoners. The next day after Sir Richard Byron had 
 surprised the town, Mr. Hastings, since made lord of Lough- 
 borough, then governor of Ashby-de-la-Zouch, came with a 
 body of about four hundred men ; but being displeased that 
 the plunder was begun before he came, he returned again 
 and left the Newark gentlemen to themselves ; who, as they 
 made a fort at the bridges, threw down the half moons and 
 bulwarks that had been raised about the town. They stayed 
 five days, but very unquietly, for the cannon and muskets 
 from the castle failed not of execution daily upon many of 
 them, and they durst not in all that time go to bed. The 
 third day Major Cartwright sent a letter, desiring the go- 
 vernor or his brother to come and meet him in St. Nicholas 
 church, and promised them safe passage and return ; but the 
 governor read the letter to his soldiers, and commanded a 
 red flag to be set upon the tower to bid them defiance, and 
 shot three pieces of cannon at the steeple in answer to his 
 desired parley. 
 
 Five days the enemy stayed in the town, and all that time 
 the governor and his soldiers, were none of them off from the 
 guard, but if they slept, which they never did in the night, it 
 was by the side of them that watched. At length, on Saturday, 
 September 23d, in the afternoon, the governor saw a great 
 
 * It appears, by Deering's account of Nottingham, that these once 
 occupied a considerable portion of the market-place.
 
 THE ENEMY DRIVEN FROM THE TOWN. 179 
 
 many goods and persons going over the Line bridge, and not 
 knowing what it meant, sent some cannon bullets after them ; 
 when on the other side of the town he discerned a body of men, 
 whom he knew not at first, whether to be friends or foes, but 
 having at that time about eightscore men in the castle, for in 
 that five days' space fourscore were come in by stealth, he 
 caused them all to be drawn out in the castle-yard, and per- 
 ceiving that those he last saw were friends, he sent out his 
 brother, Major Hutchinson, with all the musketeers that 
 could be spared, to help drive the enemy out of the town. 
 They having effected what they came for, in fortifying the 
 bridges, had nothing more to do but to get safe off, which 
 they endeavoured with more haste and disorder than became 
 good and stout soldiers. When Major Hutchinson came into 
 the town with his men, they, greedy of knowing what was 
 become of their wives and houses, dropped so fast from 
 behind him to make the inquiry, that they had left him at 
 the head of only sixteen men, when Sir Richard Byron, with 
 Captain Hacker, followed by a whole troop of horse and a 
 company of foot , came upon him. The major commanded his 
 men to charge them, which they did, but shot over ; yet 
 falling in with them pell-mell, they had gotten Sir Richard 
 Byron down, and they had his hat, but he escaped, though 
 his horse was so wounded that it fell dead in the next street. 
 These men that came to the governor's relief were Captain 
 White with his troop, who were quartered at Leicester, on his 
 return from Lincolnshire, from whence he was coming back 
 to Nottingham ; and at Leicester he met the messenger the 
 governor had sent for assistance, which he prosecuted so 
 well, that from the two garrisons of Leicester and Derby, 
 with his own troop, he brought about four hundred men. 
 As soon as they were come into the town, Sir John GeLTs 
 men, seeing the cavaliers had a mind to be gone, interrupted 
 them not, but being as dexterous at plunder as at fight, they 
 y 2
 
 180 MEMOIES OF COL. HTTTCHINSON. [1643. 
 
 presently went to Toplady's house, who had betrayed the 
 town, and plundered it and some others, while the governor's 
 soldiers were busy in clearing the town of the enemy. When 
 they had done this, the governor did what he could to re- 
 strain the plunder ; but the truth is, Cell's men were nimble 
 youths at that work, yet there was not very much mischief 
 done by them. Toplady's house fared the worst, but his 
 neighbours saved much of his goods ; he himself, with 
 several other townsmen and countrymen, who had been very 
 active against the well-affected, at this time were brought up 
 prisoners to the castle. There were not above five-and- 
 twenty of the Newark soldiers taken ; how many were slain 
 at their going off, and during the time of their stay, we 
 could not certainly tell, because they had means of carrying 
 them off by the bridge, where they left Captain Hacker 
 governor* of their new fort with fourscore men. Their pri- 
 soners and plunder they sent away in boats to Newark ; 
 many of the townsmen went with them, carrying away not 
 only their own but their neighbours' goods ; and much more 
 had been carried away, but that the unexpected sally from the 
 castle prevented them. Dr. Plumptre, one of the committee 
 of Nottingham, whom they found prisoner at the marshal's 
 house in the town, and released, went out of the town with 
 them. This man, when he had provoked the governor to 
 strike him, for his malicious and uncivil railings against him 
 for the respect he showed to the godly men of the town, had 
 retired to the house of a malignant gentleman in arms against 
 
 * The brother of Colonel Hacker, who was tried, condemned, and exe- 
 cuted for attending the execution of Charles the First. This brother, who 
 served the king during the whole war with great zeal, could not obtain the 
 pardon of Colonel Hacker, nor prevent the confiscation of his family 
 estate, which was granted to the Duke of York, the king's brother, from 
 whom he was obliged to ransom it at a high rate. It lay at Colston Basset, 
 joining to Owthorpe.
 
 1643.J DR. PLTTMPTRE'S BEHAVIOUR. JRJ 
 
 the parliament ; had received a protection from the governor 
 of Newark, and had divers meetings with the Newark 
 officers ; yet after all this had the impudence to come into 
 the town of Nottingham : and in all the taverns and ale- 
 houses he came into, he belched out abominable scoffs and 
 taunts against the governor and the committee-men, befoie 
 Colonel Thornhagh's face, who commanded him out of the 
 room for it; and upon information of these things to the 
 governor and the committee, he was sent for by some mus- 
 keteers, and the enemy's protection for himself and his goods 
 being found about him, he was ccmmitted prisoner, but 
 there being no good accommodation for him in the castle, 
 the governor, in more civility than he deserved, suffered him 
 to be in the town, whence he went with them, and afterwards 
 retired to Derby. At the same time, the cavaliers having 
 taken some prisoners upon the parliament's score who lived 
 quietly in the country, the committee had fetched in sorae 
 gentlemen's sons of their party, who were left at their fathers' 
 houses ; whereof one was remaining at the marshal's house 
 when the cavaliers came into the town, whom the governor 
 suffered to be there upon his parole, there being no good 
 accommodation for him in the castle. Him the cavaliers 
 would have had to have gone away with them, but he would 
 not ; which handsome behaviour so pleased the governor, 
 that he freely gave him his liberty without exchange.* 
 
 As soon as the enemy was driven out of the town, the 
 governor brought down two pieces of ordnance to the market- 
 place, and entreated the soldiers that were come from Leicester 
 and Derby to march with him immediately, to assault them 
 in their fort at the bridges, before they had time to put them- 
 selves in order, and re-collect their confused souls, after their 
 
 * This story resembles some of those recited in the early and virtuous 
 times of the Roman republic. Such anecdotes serve to relieve the mind, 
 fatigued with reading of the crimes and follies of mankind.
 
 182 MEMOIUS OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1643 
 
 chase ; but the mayor of Derby, an old dull-headed Dutchman, 
 said ten thousand men could not do it, and could by no means 
 be entreated to go on, nor to stay one day longer, but to stand 
 by, while the governor made the attempt, with his own men. 
 He, when he saw he could not prevail, thought it not con- 
 venient, at that time, to urge his men beyond their power, 
 after they had had a week of such sore labour, and so, much 
 discontented that he could not effect his desire, he drew back 
 his ordnance into the castle. Here his women, while the men 
 were all otherwise employed, had provided him as large a 
 supper as the time and present condition would permit, at 
 which he entertained all the strangers, and his own officers 
 and gentlemen. 
 
 There was a large room, which was the chapel, in the 
 castle : this they had filled full of prisoners, besides a very 
 bad prison, which was no better than a dungeon, called the 
 Lion's Den ; and the new Captain Palmer, and another minister, 
 having nothing else to do, walked up and down the castle- 
 yard, insulting and beating the poor prisoners as they were 
 brought up. In the encounter, one of the Derby captains 
 was slain, and five of our men hurt, who for want of another 
 surgeon, were brought to the governor's wife, and she having 
 some excellent balsams and plasters in her closet, with the 
 assistance of a gentleman that had some skill, dressed all their 
 wounds, whereof some were dangerous, being all shots, with 
 such good success, that they were all well cured in convenient 
 time.* After oxir wounded men were dressed, as she stood 
 
 * The reader will remember that the mother of Mrs. Hutchinson had 
 patronized and assisted Sir Walter Raleigh, when prisoner in the Tower, in 
 his chemical experiments, and had acquired a little knowledge of medicine; 
 whether her daughter had obtained instructions from her mother, or the 
 mother herself was here (for she passed the latter part of her life with her 
 daughter, and died in her house at Owthorpe), is uncertain. . Mrs. Hutchin- 
 son was certainly an extraordinary woman, and this is not one of the least 
 singular, nor least amiable instances of it.
 
 1643.J HUMANITY TO THE PEISONERS. 183 
 
 at her chamber- door, seeing three of the prisoners sorely cut, 
 and carried down bleeding into the Lion's Den, she desired 
 the marshal to bring them in to her, and bound up and dressed 
 their wounds also : which while she was doing, Captain Pal- 
 mer came in and told her his soul abhorred to see this favour 
 to the enemies of God ; she replied, she had done nothing 
 but what she thought was her duty, in humanity to them, as 
 fellow-creatures, not as enemies. But he was very ill satisfied 
 with her, and with the governor presently after, when he 
 came into a very large room where a very great supper was 
 prepared, and more room and meat than guests ; to fill up 
 which the governor had sent for one Mr. Mason, one of the 
 prisoners, a man of good fashion, who had married a relation 
 of his, and was brought up more in fury, than for any proof 
 of guilt in him, and I know not whether two or three others, 
 the governor had not called to meat with them ; for which 
 Captain Palmer bellowed loudly against him, as a favourer of 
 malignants and cavaliers.* Who could have thought this 
 godly, zealous man, who could scarce eat his supper for grief 
 to see the enemies of God thus favoured, should have after- 
 wards entered into a conspiracy, against the governor, with 
 those very same persons, who now so much provoked his 
 zeal ? But the governor took no notice of it, though he set 
 the very soldiers a muttering against himself and his wife, for 
 these poor humanities. 
 
 The next day the neighbouring forces returned home. 
 Colonel Thornhagh having lost most of his troop, went to 
 London to get another. Captain White -stayed at Not- 
 tingham with his, where intelligence being given that the 
 cavaliers intended to possess themselves of Broxtowe and 
 Woollerton (two gentlemen's houses each within two miles 
 of Nottingham), Captain Palmer was sent, with the remainder 
 of his men to keep Broxtowe-house, and the governor's 
 Behold a presbyterian and a sectary, a Levite and a Samaritan !
 
 184 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHINSOJT. [1643. 
 
 captain-lieutenant, with his company, to Woollerton. The 
 governor, at Nottingham, hroke up the Line Bridge to prevent 
 the cavaliers coming suddenly hy that way into the town ; 
 then he blocked up the lanes next the castle, and cut up all 
 the hedges, that were dangerous to make approaches to the 
 castle ; and having the experience of the mischief of it, 
 pulled down St. Nicholas's church by the advice of the com- 
 mittee. * 
 
 Presently after the cavaliers were gone out of town, some 
 naughty people, set on by them, fired the town, but it was 
 quenched without burning above two or three houses ; yet for 
 a fortnight together it was perpetually attempted, fire being 
 laid to hay-barns and other combustible places, insomuch that 
 the women were forced to walk nightly by fifties to prevent 
 the burning;! which the committee perceiving to be attempted 
 by the instigation of the Newark gentlemen, they wrote them 
 word, that if they forbade not their instruments, if so much 
 as one house were fired, they would fire all the cavaliers' 
 houses near them. The gentlemen returned them a scornful 
 letter, full of taunts and disdain, but after that no more houses 
 were attempted with fire. 
 
 * It is said, in Deering's History of Nottingham, that this church was 
 pulled down by Colonel Hutchinson, and the bells carried to Owthorpe; 
 which last was at that time impossible, the enemy being in possession of the 
 Vale of Belvoir and the ways to it. And moreover, the church at Owthorpe 
 was, as Deering in another place observes, too small to contain them. In 
 Throsby's edition of Thoroton, he remarks that neither Deering nor Thoro- 
 ton were properly acquainted with the circumstances of that affair, and 
 mentions, that in digging near the foundation of the present tower (for the 
 church has been rebuilt), a bell was found, evidently broken to pieces at 
 the demolition of the church; probably by the cannon-shot which was sent 
 in answer to Major Cartwright's message. The situation of this church was 
 both very near to the castle, and on a parallel height. 
 
 t This is a curious fact, and points out a way of turning to use and prof t 
 the timorousness and watchfulness of her sex.
 
 1643.] PREPARES TO ATTACK THE FORT- 185 
 
 The Derby soldiers, when they returned home, being asked 
 why they left the cavaliers at the bridges unassaulted, made 
 answer, they would have beaten them out, but the governor 
 would not lend them a piece of ordnance out of his castle ; 
 which false report, when the governor heard, piqued him 
 heartily, being so notorious a lie; for he drew down two 
 pieces of ordnance, and could not entreat them to do more 
 than stand by, while he attempted it with his own men ; but 
 their Major Molanus, being an old soldier, discouraged our 
 soldiers, and told them it was a vain and impossible attempt. 
 For this cause, the governor resolved he would set upon it 
 alone, whenever it was seasonable ; and watching an oppor- 
 tunity, he soon took it, at a time when intelligence was 
 brought him that all the forces Newark could send forth, 
 were gone upon a design into Lincolnshire. Then, on the 
 Lord's day, under colour of hearing a sermon at the great 
 church in the town, he went thither, and after sermon, from 
 the steeple, took a view of the fort at the bridges ; no one 
 perceiving his design, but his engineer, who was with him, 
 and took a full survey of Hacker's works. Then, after sup- 
 per, he called the committee together, and communicated his 
 intentions to them, which they approved of. So all that night 
 he spent in preparations against the next morning ; he sent 
 away orders to the horse and foot that lay at Broxtowe to 
 come to him in the morning by eight o'clock, with all the 
 pioneers they could gather up in the country ; he sent into 
 the town, and caused all the pioneers there to be brought up, 
 under pretence of making a breastwork before the castle-gates, 
 and pretending to set them upon the platforms, caused all the 
 cannon-baskets to be filled, which he intended for rolling 
 trenches. All things, betimes in the morning, being gotten 
 into perfect readiness, and so discreetly ordered, that the 
 enemy had no notice from any of their friends in town, nor 
 knew anything of the design, till it was ready ; the governor,
 
 186 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTJTCHITTSOX. [1643. 
 
 about eleven o'clock on Monday morning, marched out, 
 although the weather at that time, being very tempestuous 
 and rainy, seemed to have combined with his enemies to 
 withstand the attempt ; but the soldiers were rather animated 
 than discouraged, thinking that difficulties, after they were 
 vanquished, would increase their glory. So when the ugly 
 storm had, for three or four hours, wasted itself in its fury on 
 them, it fell at their feet, and no more envious clouds obscured 
 the cheerful face of heaven, so long as they continued in the 
 field. The governor's own company marched through the 
 meadows, and gave the alarm to the enemy's foot, while Mr. 
 George Hutchinson's company went through the lanes, to 
 gain a nook, which was very advantageous for the approaches 
 of our men, and of which they easily possessed themselves, 
 and then advancing, planted their colours within musket-shot 
 of the fort. Although they planted so many colours, the 
 governor had but eightscore foot, and a hundred horse, in all 
 that went with him out of the castle, but he set the pioneers 
 fairly among them to make the better show. 
 
 When the colours were thus planted, the pioneers were set 
 at work to cast up a breastwork ; and being left in a safe 
 posture with the inferior officers, the governor and his brother 
 went up to the castle, to order the drawing down of the 
 ordnance. Meanwhile the cavaliers sallied out of their fort 
 to gain the colours, at whose approach all the pioneers ran 
 away from their works ; but the soldiers kept their ground 
 and their colours, and beat back the enemy into their own 
 fort, killing some of them, whereof two were left dead before 
 our men, whom they thought it not safe to carry off. Our 
 horse meeting the flying pioneers, brought them back again 
 to their works, which they continued all that day, and the 
 cavaliers attempted no more sallies. At evening the ord- 
 nance were brought down and planted within musket-shot 
 of the fort, and then the governor despatched a messenger to
 
 1643.] PREPARATIONS FOK*ASSAU I/TING THE FORT. 187 
 
 Derby to tell Sir John Gell, if he pleased to send any of his 
 men, they might come and see the fort taken. Accordingly, 
 on Tuesday the Dutch major came, with about sixscore foot 
 and dragoons. Hard by the fort at the bridges, and at that 
 side which our men approached, there were two houses full 
 of coals, into which, if the cavaliers had put any men, they 
 might have done much mischief to the assailants ; wherefore 
 the governor sent two or three soldiers, who very boldly went 
 almost under their works and fired them both, by the light of 
 which, they burning all night, the governor's men wrought 
 all that night in their trenches, and cut a trench in the 
 meadows, some of them calling to the cavaliers in the fort, 
 and keeping them in abusive replies, one upon another, while 
 the pioneers carried on their works. The governor and his 
 brother, and all the other officers, continuing ail night in the 
 trenches with them, they behaved themselves so cheerfully, 
 that the governor gave them the next morning twenty pounds ; 
 and they had very good drink and provisions brought them 
 out of the garrison, which much encouraged them, but the 
 governor's presence and alacrity among them much more. 
 When the Derby men came on Tuesday, the Dutch major 
 came down to the trenches, and told the governor that he 
 wondered he would attempt the fort, for it was impregnable, 
 and therefore much dissuaded him from going on, and said 
 that he and his men would return. The governor told him 
 that he and the soldiers with him were resolved to leave their 
 lives rather than their attempt ; and if they failed for want of 
 seconding by that force which was sent with him to their 
 assistance, let the blame lie on him. When the Derby officers 
 saw him so resolute to persist, they, after much dissuasion 
 and dispute, determined to stay, and the officers went up with 
 the governor to supper in the castle, and the soldiers to quar- 
 ters provided for them in the town: but after supper, the 
 governor went down again, and stayed all night in the trenches
 
 188 KEMOIES OF COIi. ^UTCHINSON. [1643. 
 
 with his men, and left them not as long as they stayed there, 
 but only to fetch down what was necessary for them. He, 
 his brother, and all the officers, were every night with them, 
 and made them continue their custom of railing at each other 
 in the dark, while they carried on their approaches. There 
 was in the Trent, a little piece of ground of which, by damming 
 up the water, the cavaliers had made an island ; and while 
 some of the soldiers held them in talk, others on Wednesday 
 night cut the sluice, and by break of day on Thursday morn- 
 ing had pitched two colours in the island, within carbine-shot 
 of the fort, and the governor's company had as much advanced 
 their approach on the other side. When they in the fort 
 saw, in the morning, how the assailants had advanced, while 
 they were kept secure in talk all the night, they were extremely 
 mad, and swore like devils, which made the governor and his 
 men great sport : and then it was believed they in the fort 
 began to think of flight ; which the besiegers not expecting, 
 still continued their approaches, and that day got forty yards 
 nearer to the island and also to the other side. Although Sir 
 John Gell's men came but on Tuesday, on Thursday the second 
 messenger came from him, to call them back. The governor 
 entreated them to stay that night and keep the trenches, 
 while his men refreshed themselves : which they did, but his 
 men would not go out of their trenches, but slept there to fit 
 themselves for the assault, which the governor had resolved on 
 for the morning, and for that purpose, after he had left them 
 with all things provided in their trenches, he went to the 
 castle to see the fire-balls and other necessaries for the assault 
 brought down, and at three in the morning came to them, 
 when the soldiers told him the cavaliers in the fort had for 
 two hours left off shooting. He sent some soldiers then to 
 the work sides to discover what this meant ; but they, per- 
 ceiving the place empty, went in and found that all the garrison 
 had stolen away, and had left behind them fourscore sheep,
 
 1643.] PROPOSAL TO HIM TO GIVE TTP THE CASTLE. 189 
 
 a hundred loads of coals, twenty quarters of oats, much hay, 
 a great deal of plundered lead, and a fort so strong, that if 
 they had had such courage as became men of their profession, 
 they would never have quitted it. They left all their works 
 standing, and only broke up two arches of the Trent bridges, 
 to hinder the governor's men from following them. Their 
 flight was by that means secured, the river being so out that 
 the horse could not ford over. Mr. George Hutchinson and 
 his company were appointed to possess and keep the fort at 
 the bridges, which he did ; and the next week the garrison 
 kept a day of solemn thanksgiving to God, for this success 
 and the mercy in it, whereby all their men were preserved, 
 notwithstanding their very bold adventures, so that not one of 
 them was slain, and but four of them wounded, whereof three 
 were so slightly hurt, that they returned again next day into 
 the field. To increase their thanks to God, news was brought 
 them that the same week the forces that went out from 
 Newark, joined with Henderson's, had received a great over- 
 throw by Cromwell ; and that my Lord Newcastle had been 
 forced to raise his siege of Hull with great loss and dishonour. 
 Some time after the bridge was recovered, the horse went 
 forth and brought in some oxen of Mr. John Wood's, a justice 
 of the county, disaffected to the parliament, but not in action 
 against them. He, following his oxen, came to the governor, 
 and, after he had despatched his business, told him how Mr. 
 Sutton would have once employed him on a message, to offer 
 the governor any terms he would ask the king, to come over 
 to his side and deliver up the castle to his use. Mr. Wood 
 told him (Sutton), that such a message would not obtain 
 credit, unless he had some propositions in writing ; where- 
 upon Sutton called for pen and ink, and wrote that he should 
 offer the governor, if he would resign his castle, not only to 
 be received into favour, but to have what reward of honour, 
 money, or command, he himself would propound ; which paper
 
 190 MEMOIRS OP COL. HTTTCHINSON. [1643. 
 
 when Mr. "Wood had received, Sir Richard Byron came in, 
 and Mr. Sutton told him the business ; to which Sir Richard 
 answered, he believed it would not take effect, for he himself 
 had made the like offers to him, and been rejected :* which 
 Mr. Wood hearing, would not undertake the employment, 
 but the governor made him declare the story to two of the 
 gentlemen of the committee. 
 
 The governor not growing secure by his successes, was but 
 stirred up to more active preparations for the defence of the 
 place he had undertaken ; and having a very ingenious per- 
 son, Mr. Hooper, who was his engineer, and one that under- 
 stood all kind of operations, in almost all things imaginable, 
 they procured some saltpetre men and other necessary labourers, 
 and set up the making of powder and match in the castle, 
 both of which they made very good ; they also cast mortar 
 pieces in the town, and finished many other inventions for 
 the defence of the place. The governor also caused a mount 
 near the castle to be bulwarked, and made a platform for 
 ordnance, and raised a new work before the castle-gates, to 
 keep off approaches, and made a new in- work in the fort at 
 the bridges. 
 
 Sir Thomas Fairfax, being overmastered in the north, by 
 the Earl of Newcastle's great army, after his father was 
 retired into Hull, came with those horse that were left him, 
 into the Vale of Belvoir, and so visited Nottingham Castle; 
 where he and the commanders that were with him, consider- 
 ing of what advantage it was to the parliament to keep that 
 place, by reason of the commodious situation of it, and the 
 pass which might be there maintained, between the north and 
 south, and the happy retreat it might afford to their northern 
 forces, very much pressed the governor and the committee 
 
 * This is the second instance of attempting Colonel Hutchinson's 
 fidelity, but the most remarkable one will be found in the sequel.
 
 1643.] KAISES A BEGIMENT. 191 
 
 to raise all the force they could, offering arras and commis- 
 sions for them : especially he pressed the governor to com- 
 plete a regiment for himself, which at that time he would 
 not accept, because Colonel Pierrepont had not yet declared 
 what he would do with his regiment. The colonel was then 
 at Derby, whither some of his officers going to him, to 
 know what they should do, he dismissed them ; yet com- 
 ing to the town, he gave out strange envious whispers, and 
 behaved himself so disingenuously to the governor, that he 
 had just cause to have no more regard for him ; and being 
 again importuned by Sir Thomas Fairfax, he received a com- 
 mission to raise a regiment of twelve hundred. He presently 
 recruited his own companies, and began to raise more : Mr. 
 George Hutchinson was his lieutenant-colonel, and one Mr. 
 Widmerpoole his major ; there was a company raised by one 
 Captain Wright ; there remained a broken piece of Colonel 
 Pierrepont's company, and Captain Poulton, who had been 
 their captain-lieutenant, being dismissed by the colonel, had 
 a new commission under the governor for a company; and 
 those soldiers of Colonel Pierrepont's not knowing what 
 to do, it was determined at a council of ,war of stran- 
 gers, whereof Sir William Fairfax was president, that they 
 should enlist under Captain Poulton. Sir William and Sir 
 Thomas Fairfax, both of them, when the governor made 
 scruple of passing by Colonel Pierrepont, assured him that 
 they had intelligence given them in the north of his inten- 
 tions to deliver over Nottingham to the king. 
 
 About this time Chadwick, the deputy recorder of Notting- 
 ham, and one of the committee, came to Nottingham, from 
 whence he had gone, when the soldiers were all drawn out, and 
 all that were fearful went to other places to secure themselves. 
 This fellow being sent on a message to the Lord Fairfax, 
 general of the north, had received letters of credence from 
 the committee; but instead of prosecuting their business,
 
 192 MEMOIES OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1643. 
 
 which was to have procured some force from my lord to help 
 keep the place, when my Lord Newcastle was daily expected 
 to come against it, he procured himself a commission for a 
 regiment, and a joint commission for himself and Colonel 
 Pierrepont to be governors of the town and castle. The last 
 he kept very private; the first he bragged of as a thing, 
 which, my lord considering his great abilities, would needs 
 enforce upon him. In execution of this, he raised seven 
 men, who were his menial servants, went into Staffordshire, 
 possessed a papist's fine house, and fired it to run away 
 by the light, when the enemy was thirty miles off from it ; 
 and he also cheated the country of pay for I know not how 
 many hundred men : for which, if he had not stolen away 
 in the night, he had been stoned ; and as his wife passed 
 through the towns, she was in danger of her life, the women 
 flinging scalding water after her. But before this, he came 
 to Nottingham at the time the governor raised his regiment, 
 and coming up to the castle, behaving himself somewhat in- 
 solently, and casting out mysterious words of his authority ; 
 the governor set on a person to find out his meaning, to 
 whom he showed a commission he had privately obtained 
 some four months before, for himself and Colonel Pierrepont 
 to be joint governors of the county, town, and castle ; but 
 neither did he now declare this to any of the committee, but 
 only made some private brags in the town, that he would 
 shortly come and take order for the safety of the place, and 
 so went out of town again. The governor acquainted the 
 committee with this, who seemed to have great indignation 
 at it, and wrote immediately to Mr. Millington, burgess of the 
 town of Nottingham, to have the government of the castle 
 confirmed to Colonel Hutchinson by authority of parliament. 
 Mr. Salisbury, their secretary had also put in " the govern- 
 ment of the town," but Colonel Hutchinson caused him to 
 put it out ; and the governor, being informed that Colonel
 
 1643.] APPOIHTED GOVERNOR BY PARLIAMENT. 193 
 
 Pierrepont, at London, was labouring to obtain a regiment, 
 and to be sent down as governor of the town, he for the 
 more speedy despatch, sent his own chaplain with the com- 
 mittee's letters to London, and sent other letters of his own 
 to Sir Thomas Fairfax, to acquaint him how Chadwick had 
 abused my lord, his father, in the surreptitious procurement 
 of this dormant commission ; which, during all the time of 
 danger, had lain asleep in his pocket, and now was men- 
 tioned, as a thing, whereby he might, when he would, take 
 that place out of Colonel Hutchinson's hands, which he had 
 with so many labours and dangers preserved, by God's bless- 
 ing, for the parliament's service ; he therefore desired a com- 
 mission for the castle only. 
 
 As soon as Mr. Allsop came to London, he was immedi- 
 ately despatched again to Nottingham, with an order of 
 parliament, dated November 20, 1643, for Colonel Hutchin- 
 son to be governor both of the town and castle of Notting- 
 ham, with an acknowledgment of the good service he had 
 done in preserving the place ; and Mr. Millington said he 
 should likewise have a commission from the Earl of Essex. 
 At Leicester, Mr. Allsop met letters, directed to the governor, 
 from Sir Thomas Fairfax, wherein was a commission enclosed 
 from his father, then general of all the north, for the govern- 
 ment of both the town and castle. These coming both 
 together, although the general and the parliament had added 
 the government of the town to that of the castle, as more 
 honour to him, Colonel Hutchinson was for many reasons 
 much troubled at it, among which these were some of his 
 considerations. First, they were almost all malignants, there 
 being scarcely a man left who was to be confided in, except 
 those who had already enlisted into the castle. Secondly, they 
 were not so much open, professed enemies, as close, hypocri- 
 tical, false-hearted people ; amongst whom were some lead- 
 ing eminent men, so subtle in their malignity, that though 
 o
 
 194 MEilOIES OF COL. HUTCHIXSOX. [1643. 
 
 their actions were most prejudicial to the public service, yet 
 did they cast such cunning, specious pretences over them of 
 public good, that even the most upright men of the garrison 
 were often seduced by their fair colours. Thirdly, the most 
 religious and the best people were so pragmatical, that no 
 act, nor scarcely word, could pass without being strictly 
 arraigned and judged at the bar of every common soldier's 
 discretion, and thereafter censured and exclaimed at. Fourthly, 
 the townsmen, being such as had lived free and plentifully 
 by themselves, could not subject themselves to government ; 
 but were so saucy, so negligent, and so mutinous, that the 
 most honourable person in the world, could expect nothing 
 but scandal, reproach, and ingratitude, for the payment 
 of his greatest merit ; and this the worthy governor found 
 sufficiently from them. Lastly, the few good men were so 
 easily blown up into causeless suspicions and jealousies, 
 and there were so many malignant whispers daily spread 
 abroad of every one in office, that it was impossible for any 
 man so worthily to demean himself, but that a jealous mis- 
 construction of some inconsiderable trifle, was enough to 
 blast the esteem of all his actions, though never so pious and 
 deserving ; and of all things in the world, nothing was so 
 contrary to the governor's clear and generous heart, as a base 
 and causeless jealousy of him.* But notwithstanding these 
 and many other reasons, such as the unprofitable expense of 
 his time, estate, and labours, where he should reap neither 
 glory nor advantage to himself, he considered, that since he had 
 rather declined than sought the enlargement of his power 
 and command, and that the parliament and generals had, 
 at such a distance been moved to put it, unsought, upon 
 him, it was a work which God called him to, and that the 
 
 * In effect it will be seen that this gave him more uneasiness than his 
 icmies, in the plenitude of power, were ever able to do.
 
 1643.] JEALOUSIES OP THE COMMITTEE. 195 
 
 Lord, who set him into the employment, would conquer all 
 the difficulties. For the unjust thoughts or reports of men 
 or their ungrateful returns, he was as much above the grief 
 of that, as the vain-glory of mutable popular applause. It 
 was in all things his endeavour to do and deserve well ; and 
 then he never regarded the praise or dispraise of men, for 
 he knew that it was impossible to keep on a constant career of 
 virtue and justice, and to please all. It sufficed him, for 
 his inward peace, that he did not thrust himself into this 
 and other employments, for any popular, ambitious, or 
 advantageous interest of his own ; but that he was called of 
 God, to the carrying on of the interests of truth, righteous- 
 ness, and holiness, and to the defence of his country, wherein 
 he was faithful, and found the Lord's protection and glori- 
 ous presence, not only in all he did, but in all he suffered for 
 him and from him. 
 
 As soon as the governor had received his commission, he 
 thought it his duty to put it into execution, and to arm and 
 fortify the town ; but my Lord Newcastle coming with all 
 his forces into Nottingham and Derbyshire, the governor, 
 by the advice of the committee, forbore to publish his new 
 commissions, lest the enemy, perceiving an intent to enlarge 
 the garrison, should utterly destroy the town, before they 
 were able to defend it. At the reading of his commission in 
 the committee chamber, Colonel Thornhagh showed much dis- 
 content and was melancholy after it ; whereupon the governor 
 told him, that as he had not sought that enlargement of com- 
 mand, so if any of them thought themselves abridged by 
 it, or of any other inconvenience to the public service, he 
 would resign it, and never make use of his commission. The 
 colonel answered with much kindness, that he only wondered 
 how the town came to be added, when they wrote for the 
 castle; but he was well satisfied with it, and forced himself to 
 a seeming content, though the truth is he had some emulation 
 o 2
 
 I 
 
 196 MEMOIES OF COL. HTTTCHINSOir. [1643. 
 
 but not malice, towards the governor ; and being of a nature 
 a little jealous and easy to be wrought upon, the wicked 
 enemies of the cause endeavoured, all they could, by insinu- 
 ations to work disaffection and division between these two 
 gentlemen, who were the most faithfi 1, unbiassed, and zeal- 
 ous champions of the public interest, in their country. But 
 after Colonel Thornhagh had been wrought up to declare his 
 discontent, there were many odd passages, by which others 
 also of the comm'ttee, who durst not before reveal their 
 envious hearts, showed themselves displeased. Whereupon, 
 when they were all together, the governor, who hated secret 
 heart-boilings, spoke to them, and told them that their car- 
 riages since the commission came to him, did manifest their 
 dissatisfaction in it; and if they would deal ingenuously with 
 him and let him know it, as he had not sought the addi- 
 tional government of the town, so he would never under- 
 take it, if they had any suspicion that, unknown to them,. he 
 had procured it for himself, and closely sought after the en- 
 largement of his own power, by the abridgment of theirs ; 
 he assured them he was much misunderstood, and that 
 neither to Mr. Millington, nor to Sir Thomas Fairfax, had he 
 mentioned anything more than the government of the castle. 
 For that of the town he rejoiced not in it, but looked upon 
 it as a great burden ; yet since it was conferred as an honour 
 upon him, he should not decline serving them who had 
 thought him worthy of it, except it gave distaste to any of 
 those present ; which if it did, he would esteem it an obli- 
 gation, if they would but declare it before he published his 
 commission. They all unanimously replied, they were not 
 only contented, but exceedingly well pleased in it. Then the 
 governor told them, if they were real,* as they professed, 
 he should expect their ready and free concurrence with him, 
 in all affairs tending to the public service, and in those 
 * Real Fr. Vrais sincere.
 
 1843. J A CONVOY GBANTED TO COI,. DACRE. 197 
 
 courses he should apply himself to, or the good of the garri- 
 son : and again earnestly desired them, if they had any dis- 
 likes, either of himself personally, or of the alteration of the 
 town out of the hands it had been in the last year, that they 
 would now freely declare it: for as he should take it exceed- 
 ingly kindly of them, to do so at this time ; so if, after he had 
 undertaken the charge, there should be any thwarting or 
 crossing of powers and commands between them, he should 
 not bear it ; for as he should not stand upon all punctual 
 niceties in his command, so he would not be abridged of the 
 just and lawful power due to him in his place. They all 
 unanimously answered, it was very fit and just he should have 
 it, and they would rather endeavour to uphold him in it than 
 in any way to retrench it. 
 
 Now was my Lord Newcastle's army come into Derby- 
 shire, and having taken some places there, nothing was ex- 
 pected at Derby and Nottingham but a siege ; whereupon 
 Captain Palmer's troop was called away from Broxtowe, and 
 all the rest of the horse was sent away into Leicestershire, 
 except a few left for scouts ; and as soon as they were gone, 
 my Lord Newcastle's forces came and quartered almost at 
 the town side, and in all the near towns, and Hastings took 
 this opportunity to make a garrison at Wilden Ferry.* By 
 the mercy of God the enemy was restrained from com- 
 
 * Wilden Ferry was said before to be in the possession of the king's 
 forces; but whether that was an anachronism, or that the thing now meant 
 was an increase of the fortifications, and the placing a larger number of 
 men there, it is clear that the garrison of this place did after this period 
 become a greater annoyance to the parliament, and Lord Grey, of Groby, 
 who commanded in chief the associated forces of Leicester, Nottingham, 
 &c. attacked and took it, assisted, as Whitelocke says, p. 96, by Sir John 
 Gell, who contrived to get the thanks of the parliament for his services 
 herein, and for taking Winkfield manor and Shelford manor; although 
 some time after, we find him besieging Winkfield manor in conjunc-
 
 198 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTJTCHINSON. [1643. 
 
 ing up to the town, though it lay so open that they 
 might have come in at their pleasure ; and they not only 
 miserably wasted and plundered the country all about, but 
 one of them told a malignant, where he quartered, that it 
 was their design in coming to those parts, to devour the 
 country. The regiments that were quartered the nearest 
 to Nottingham were Sir Marmaduke Langdale's and Co- 
 lonel Dacre's, who had been a familiar acquaintance of 
 Lieutenant-colonel Hutchinson's when he was in the north, 
 and they loved each other as well as if they had been bro- 
 thers. Colonel Dacre sent a trumpet to desire Lieutenant- 
 colonel Hutchinson to send him a safe convoy, that he might 
 come and see him, which he acquainted the committee with, 
 and would have refused, but that the committee, think- 
 ing some good use might be made of it, persuaded him to 
 suffer him to come; accordingly he sent him a ticket under 
 his hand, promising him to come and go safely ; so upon 
 Thursday morning he came, with about eight more, to the top 
 of the hill at Nottingham, and from thence sent his trumpet 
 to the governor, as if not willing to trust himself without his 
 leave, to know whether he would permit him and his two 
 servants to come into his garrison to visit the lieutenant- 
 colonel. The governor sent him a ticket for them to come in ; 
 and though usually they kept no sentinels in the town, yet he 
 sent down some officers and soldiers to show him a guard at 
 his entrance. When the lieutenant-colonel came to him, he 
 made many endearing expressions to him ; how much he 
 rejoiced when his regiment was designed for that place 
 where he was, and how kind an affection he retained for 
 him, notwithstanding their contrary engagements. Falling 
 
 tion with Lord Denbigh, and that Shelford manor was not taken till more 
 than two years after by Colonel Hutchinson, acting under the command cf 
 Poyntz.
 
 1643. f VISIT OF DACBE TO THE CASTLE. 199 
 
 into further discourse of this kind, he said that if he could but 
 be convinced that the king first entertained papists into his 
 army, and that the parliament had none in theirs, he would 
 never fight more on his side. The lieutenant- colonel told 
 him he should easily be able to do that. " Well," said 
 Dacre, " you and I must have some discourse in private,* 
 and I shall be glad if you can satisfy me in that." Then the 
 colonel desired some drink might be sent out to two or three 
 gentlemen, that stayed for him upon the top of the hill ; 
 which the lieutenant- colonel hearing, sent some of his own 
 officers and soldiers on horseback to fetch them down, who 
 coming in all together with them, the town rose in an uproar, 
 and came to the governor with a high complaint, that I know 
 not how many cavaliers were come into the town, and rode 
 up and down armed, threatening the people to their great 
 terror. This the governor thinking to be true, was vexed at 
 it, and sent down an angry letter to his brother, requiring 
 him to send up the men that came last into the town. Col. 
 Dacre hearing this, desired the lieutenant-colonel that the 
 gentlemen might pass as they came, and offered to go up 
 himself and answer for the offence they had given. But the 
 lieutenant- colonel presently carried them all out of the town, 
 and came himself up to the castle, taking it something unkindly 
 that his brother should write such a letter to him, and worse, 
 that others should have suspicions of him ; so that though 
 he had made a promise to dine the Saturday following at 
 Dacre' s quarters, yet, to take away all offence and suspicions, 
 
 * Though this may appear somewhat improbable at a time when reli- 
 gious opinions have so little effect upon political ones, it was otherwise 
 considered at that time ; for nearly at this same juncture it is to be seen, 
 in Whitelocke, page 81, that Sir E. Deering did on this very account of 
 there being so many papists and Irish rebels entertained in the king's army, 
 quit him and come into the parliament, who admitted him to composition, 
 t>2U!g the first.
 
 200 MEMOIBS OF COL. HtTTCHINSON. [1643. 
 
 he resolved he would have no more meetings with him, and 
 to that end wrote him a very civil letter to excuse his not 
 coming ; and the governor wrote another to excuse the mis- 
 take, whereupon the gentlemen were sent for to the castle. 
 Dacre returned complimentary answers to them both, and 
 wrote another to Captain Poulton, intreating very earnestly 
 the lieutenant-colonel and Captain Poulton to come and dine 
 with him on Wednesday, and desiring the governor he might 
 have the honour to see him. These letters being communi- 
 cated to the committee, they would fain have had the lieu- 
 tenant-colonel to have gone, but he held firm to his reso- 
 lution and would not ; so with their privity Captain Poulton 
 only went to excuse it, and two of White's officers were sent 
 along with him, with charge, if they could, to find out how 
 the enemy lay. When Captain Poulton came, the colonel 
 entertained him very kindly, and expressed a great deal of 
 trouble that the lieutenant-colonel was not come, and took 
 him aside and told him that the governor of Nottingham and 
 his brother had now an opportunity whereby they might 
 much advantage themselves, and do the king excellent service. 
 Captain Poulton asking him how, he said, if the governor 
 would deliver up the castle he should be received into favour, 
 have the castle confirmed to him and his heirs, have ten 
 thousand pounds in money, and be made the best lord in the 
 country. If the lieutenant-colonel would deliver up the 
 bridges he should have three thousand pounds, and what 
 command he would ask in the army ; and offered Captain 
 Poulton two thousand pounds to effect this. The captain 
 told him, for his own part, nothing should buy him to such a 
 villainy, and he believed the same of the governor and his 
 brother, and made no question but they had before been 
 attempted. The colonel told him he did not this without 
 authority, and thereupon pulled a paper out of his pocket 
 wherein were words to this effect : " These are to authorize
 
 1643.] PROPOSALS TO GIVE UP THE CASTLE. 201 
 
 Colonel Dacre to treat with Colonel Hutchinson and Lieu- 
 tenant-colonel Hutchinson for the delivery of Nottingham 
 Castle and the bridges, and to make them large promises, 
 which shall be performed by W. Newcastle." Having shown 
 him this warrant, the colonel was very importunate with the 
 captain to acquaint the governor and his brother, and return 
 their answer to him upon the Friday after, when he offered 
 to meet him, if they would, at a place called St. Ann's Well. 
 Captain Poulton told the governor and his brother, and they 
 told the committee, and showed them what very disdainful re- 
 fusals they all had written to the colonel, and sent him by a 
 drum ; who was not long gone out of the garrison but 
 another came from Colonel Dacre with a letter to Captain 
 Poulton, excusing himself that he could not stay in his 
 quarters for him, according to appointment, but assuring him 
 that what he had promised should be really performed. The 
 governor's drum, in the absence of Colonel Dacre, delivered 
 the three letters to Langdale, who wrote them back a good 
 civil letter, saying that he believed my Lord Newcastle and 
 Dacre, out of familiarity and acquaintance with them, might 
 have made these offers in kindness to them, but for his part 
 he should otherwise pursue the king's service.* 
 
 After this, the weather being pretty fair, and the moon 
 shining at that time, the governor sent out a foot company 
 to beat up their quarters, and gave them a fierce alarm 
 throughout, and took twelve horses out of one of theii 
 
 * This proposal for betraying the castle, together with the refusal, is 
 mentioned by Whitelocke, p. 79. Mr. Noble, who is mentioned in the 
 preface as having published the lives of one hundred and thirty-six regi- 
 cides, makes this remark, " that Colonel Hutchinson hereby lost a fine 
 opportunity of aggrandizing himself and his family, which doubtless they 
 must regret." That very discerning gentleman is here informed, that the 
 Editor of this work, who is the only representative of Colonel Hutchinson 
 in these kingdoms, is much more proud of counting amongst his ancestors 
 so firm and faithful a patriot than the most illustrious of traitors.
 
 202 MEMOIHS OP COZ. HTTTCHINSON. [1043. 
 
 stables, which they sent home. On their return, meeting a 
 great body of horse, they all at once discharged upon them, 
 and killed some eight of them, as we were told in the 
 morning. After this charge the horse immediately retreated 
 and would not stand another, and the next day removed 
 their quarters further from the garrison. Then the governor 
 and committee sent for the Nottingham horse back from 
 Leicester, and appointed them to bring five hundred muskets 
 which were come to Leicester for the governor. They came, 
 but left the arms behind them. Besides this, the colonel 
 and all his regiment fell into disputes, that the governors of 
 the parliament garrisons had no command of the horse that 
 were quartered in their towns ; and hereupon the governor 
 was often prevented of many opportunities advantage- 
 able to the public service, and much discouraged to find 
 such obstructions from the envious pride and humour of 
 those who should have been his assistants ; but he bore with 
 it as long as himself only suffered by it, and was willing for 
 quietness' sake to pass by many injuries offered himself, till 
 the public service came to be infinitely prejudiced by it. In 
 the meantime he went on, as well as he could, through all 
 difficulties, in the faithful and active discharge of his trust 
 He called a committee and council of war, where it was put 
 to the question and voted that the town should be fortified. 
 Then he applied himself to the thing, and called a full Hall 
 of all the town, who declared sufficiently their disaffection to 
 the parliament, but in such a subtle way as would have en- 
 trapped a less prudent person. But the governor overlooked 
 many things that he saw, and made use of all the advan- 
 tages they gave him ; and did not manifest his resentment at 
 anything which they could cloak under a specious pretence, how 
 disadvantageous^ soever it might have been designed against 
 the parliament interest. The whole town unanimously voted 
 that the place should be fortified, except Alderman Drury, and
 
 1643.] COMMENCES FORTIFYING THE TOWN. 203 
 
 two or three that followed him. Then the governor gave 
 them encouraging promises of his protection and care over 
 them, and his endeavours to preserve them with his regi- 
 ment, if they would assist in their own defence. The town 
 being well satisfied, or at least seeming so (for he treated 
 them with that dexterity that they could not for shame openly 
 oppose him, though he was not ignorant that the cavalier 
 party cursed him in their hearts, as the only obstacle in their 
 greater desire of having declared themselves on the other 
 side), with general outward cheerfulness, in Christmas week 
 the works were begun. About this time Sir Thomas Fairfax 
 having to march into Staffordshire, sent for some arms he had 
 left in Nottingham castle ; and by the same convoy that 
 went with them the governor got his five hundred muskets 
 brought home from Leicester. Sir Thomas sent orders to 
 the governor to send him all the horse in the garrison ; but 
 when the governor acquainted them with it, they would none 
 of them obey him and go, though Sir Thomas sent twice 
 very earnestly for them, but they stayed in Nottingham, where 
 they would obey no order of the governor's ; and by doing 
 things that concerned the garrison without and against his 
 orders, they made a sad confusion and thwarting of powers, 
 which the governor bore with in respect to Col. Thornhagh, 
 who did things not so much out of malice in himself, as 
 out of a little emulation, which did not destroy his kindness 
 to the governor, and by the subtle instigation of Capt. White, 
 who wrought upon his facility to do those things which his 
 malice and factious ambition prompted him to wish, but he 
 durst not himself attempt. Although the horse would not 
 obey Sir Thomas Fairfax, it was not out of cowardice, for the 
 men were very stout and cheerful in the service, but only had 
 the general fault of all the parliament party, that they were 
 not very obedient to commands, except they knew and ap- 
 proved their employment. They had no sooner refused Sir
 
 204 MEMOIBS OF COL. HUTCHINSON 1 . ^1643. 
 
 Thomas, but my Lord Grey, sending for two troops, they 
 went to him to Melton, which he had begun to fortify. The 
 governor, notwithstanding these obstacles from secret enemies 
 and refractory friends, carried on his business with good 
 success, and brought about many events according to 
 his endeavours. Among the rest, his men encountering a 
 party where Colonel Frecheville and Sir Henry Humlack 
 were in person, fought them, killed many of their men, and 
 took Frecheville prisoner ; but his captain-lieutenant Jammot 
 came to his rescue and freed him, though he himself was 
 taken in his stead and brought to Nottingham. Here, after 
 he had been some time kept, he corrupted a soldier, who 
 disguised and led him out, and went away with him. The 
 man being a Frenchman and a proper black man, some would 
 needs report him to be Prince Rupert, and thereupon raised 
 a great clamour at the governor. 
 
 But before his escape, upon the 15th of January, intelli- 
 gence was brought that all the forces in Newark were march- 
 ing on a design upon Sleaford in Lincolnshire. The governor, 
 not trusting that pretence, commanded all the soldiers and 
 townsmen to sit up that night and expect them ; and the 
 next morning, being Tuesday, two of his intelligencers came 
 and brought him word very early that the design was against 
 Nottingham. After them the horse scouts came in with the 
 news of their approach, the enemy's scouts and they having 
 fired upon each other. Hereupon a strong alarm was 
 given throughout the garrison, and a foot company sent down 
 from the castle to the works, and the horse were there set 
 with them, to dispute the enemy's entrance into the town ; 
 but the horse perceiving the enemy's body to be a great one, 
 retreated to the castle, and the foot seeing them gone, and 
 none of the townsmen come forth to their assistance, made 
 also an orderly retreat back to the castle, in which there was 
 not a man lost nor wounded. The works being imperfect
 
 1644.] SIR CHARLES LUCAS'S LETTER. 205 
 
 and quitted, were easily entered, though the cannon that 
 played upon them from the castle took off wholly the second 
 file of musketeers that entered the gates. The first was led 
 up by Lieutenant-colonel Cartwright, who two days before 
 had sent to the governor for a protection to come in and lay 
 down his arms. The enemy being entered, possessed them- 
 selves of St. Peter's church and certain houses near the castle, 
 from whence they shot into the castle-yard and wounded one 
 man and killed another, which was all the hurt that was done 
 our men that day. 
 
 The governor was very angry with the horse for coming 
 up so suddenly, and stirred them up to such a generous 
 shame, that they dismounted, and all took muskets to serve 
 as foot, with which they did such very good service, that 
 they exceedingly well regained their reputations. Having 
 taken foot arms, the governor sent one of his own companies 
 with part of them, and they beat the cavaliers out of the 
 nearest lanes and houses, which they had possessed, and so 
 made a safe way for the rest to sally out and retreat, as there 
 should be occasion. 
 
 When this was done, which was about noon, the governor 
 sent out all the rest of the horse and foot, to beat the enemy 
 out of the town. Sir Charles Lucas, who was the chief 
 commander of all the forces there, had prepared a letter to 
 send up to the governor to demand of him the castle ; or if 
 he would not deliver it, that then he should send down the 
 mayor and aldermen, threatening, that if they came not im- 
 mediately, he would sack and burn the town. There were, 
 at that time, above a thousand cavaliers in the town, 
 and as many in a body without the town, to have beaten 
 off the Derby and Leicester forces, if they should have 
 made any attempt to come in, to the assistance of their 
 friends in Nottingham. On the other side the Trent, were 
 all the forces Mr. Hastings could bring out, from his own 
 garrison and Beivoir and Wiverton, to force the bridge^.
 
 206 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHIXSO^. [1644. 
 
 All the cavalier forces that were about the town, were about 
 three thousand. When Sir Charles Lucas had written his 
 letter, he could find none that would undertake to carry it to 
 the castle, whereupon they took the mayor's wife, and with 
 threats, compelled her to undertake it ; but just as she went 
 out of the house from them, she heard an outcry, that " the 
 roundheads were sallying forth," whereupon she flung down 
 their letter and ran away ; and they ran as fast, from four 
 hundred soldiers, who came furiously upon them out of the 
 castle, and surprised them ; while they were secure the castle 
 would not have made so bold an attempt. But the governor's 
 men chased them from street to street, till they had cleared 
 the town of them, who ran away confusedly : the first that 
 went out shot their pistols into the thatched houses to have 
 fired them, but by the mercy of God neither that, nor other 
 endeavours they showed to have fired the town, as they were 
 commanded, took effect. Between thirty and forty of them 
 were killed in the streets, fourscore were taken prisoners, 
 and abundance of arms were gathered up, which the men 
 flung away in haste, as they ran ; but they put some fire into 
 a hay barn and hay mows, and all other cumbustible things 
 they could discern in their haste, but by God's mercy, the 
 town, notwithstanding, was preserved from burning. While 
 their foot marched away, their horse faced the town in a 
 valley where their reserve stood, till towards evening, and 
 then they all drew off. Many of them died on their return, and 
 were found dead in the woods and in the towns they passed 
 through. Many of them, discouraged by this service, ran 
 away, and many of their horses were quite spoiled : for twc 
 miles they left a great track of blood, which froze as it fell 
 upon the snow, for it was such bitter weather that the foot 
 had waded almost to the middle in snow as they came, 
 and were so numbed with cold when they came into 
 the town, that they were fain to be rubbed to get life into 
 them, and in that condition were more eager for fires and
 
 1644. J COURAGE AND COWAEDTCE OF THE PARTIES. 207 
 
 warm meat than for plunder ; which, together with their feel- 
 ing of security, saved many men's goods ; as they did not 
 believe that an enemy, who had unhandsomely, to speak 
 truth, suffered them to enter the town without any dispute, 
 would have dared, at such great odds, to have set upon 
 driving them out. Indeed, no one can believe, but those 
 that saw that day, what a strange ebb and flow of courage 
 and cowardice there was in both parties on that day. The 
 cavaliers marched in with such terror to the garrison, and 
 such gallantry, that they startled not when one of their lead- 
 ing files fell before them all at once, but marched boldly 
 over the dead bodies of their friends, under their enemies' can- 
 non, and carried such valiant dreadfulness about them, as 
 made very courageous stout men recoil. Our horse, who ran 
 away frighted at the sight of their foes, when they had breast- 
 works before them, and the advantage of freshness to beat 
 back assailants already vanquished with the sharpness of the 
 cold and a killing march, within three or four hours, as men 
 that thought nothing too great for them, returned fiercely 
 upon the same men, after their refreshment, when they were 
 entered into defensible houses. If it were a romance, one 
 should say, after the success, that the heroes did it out of 
 excess of gallantry, that they might the better signalize their 
 valour upon a foe who was not vanquished to their hands by 
 the inclemency of the season : but we are relating wonders 
 of Providence, and must record this as one not to be conceived 
 of, but by those who saw and shared in it. It was indeed a 
 great instruction, that the best and highest courages are 
 but the beams of the Almighty ; and when he withholds 
 his influence, the brave turn cowards, fear unnerves the most 
 mighty, makes the most generous base, and great men to do 
 those things they blush to think on; when God again in- 
 spires, the fearful and the feeble see no dangers, .believe no 
 difficulties, and carry on attempts whose very thoughts would, 
 at another time, shiver their joints like agues. The events
 
 208 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHINSOX. [1644. 
 
 of this day humbled the pride of many of our stout men, 
 and made them afterwards more carefully seek God, as well 
 to inspire as prosper their valour ; and the governor's hand- 
 some reproaches of their faults, with showing them the Avay 
 to repair them, retrieved their straggling spirits, and animated 
 them to very wonderful and commendable actions. 
 
 The governor would not let his men pursue the rear, but 
 thought they might, in the night, have completed their 
 day's work, if they had fallen upon the enemy's quarters, 
 which he gave orders to the horse to do ; but Colonel 
 Thornhagh would not obey them, because they came from 
 him, and so lost a great opportunity, and contented himself 
 with praising God for the great deliverance of the day, 
 wherein there was not one townsman that came in to the as- 
 sistance of the soldiers. 
 
 The next day, the governor called the town together, and 
 represented to them the mercy of God and the malice of their 
 enemies, who, without regard of any friends they had among 
 them, came purposely to fire the town, which God alone pre- 
 served ; and, having showed them their danger, he required 
 they should be no longer slothful in their own defence, but 
 should take arms to preserve their families and houses. He 
 propounded to them, that if they would so do, they should 
 choose their own captains. They, considering the just rea- 
 sons and motives with which he urged them, at length 
 resolved to join in their own defence, and chose four captains; 
 but the captains refusing, the soldiers that day went home 
 unenlisted, yet by the governor's dexterity in managing them, 
 he at last brought four hundred, whereof more than half 
 were high malignants, to enlist themselves under one Mr. 
 Coates, a minister, an honest, godly man,* and Mr. 
 
 * It appears from this that Mr. Palmer, mentioned before, and who will 
 he mentioned more than once in the sequel, was not quite singular in taking 
 up urms notwithstanding his function. The famous preacher, Hugh Peters,
 
 1644.] ENDEARS HIMSELF TO THE TOWK. 209 
 
 Mason,* an attorney, a great cavalier, but a reserved, silent 
 man, who, for an austere knit of his brow, and a grave, 
 severe countenance, had the reputation of a wise man, but was 
 known to be disaffected to the parliament, though cunning 
 enough not to do anything that might expose him to seques- 
 tration. Into these men's hands he put arms, and so ordered 
 them, that at the last they grew fiercei in the service than 
 those who were uprightly honest. 
 
 The next month the Lord Chaworth sent a letter to the 
 governor, acquainting him that he was sick, and desired a 
 protection to come and remain at his own house, in order to 
 make his peace with the parliament ; which protection the 
 governor gave him. 
 
 The governor had acquainted the parliament with the late 
 successes, whereupon they ordered a thousand pounds to be 
 sent to the garrison out of the sequestrations of London, and 
 the excise of the town to go to the payment of the garrison ; 
 but through Mr. Millington's negligent prosecution, the thou- 
 sand pounds never came.f 
 
 The governor went on again successfully in his employ- 
 ment, and began to endear himself to all the town as well as to 
 the soldiery; which awakening White's sleeping envy, he cast 
 new plots to disturb him ; and first made a motion to send 
 to London for two hundred soldiers : to which the gover- 
 nor answered If they were honest, there were men enough 
 to keep the garrison ; if they were not, to call in other 
 forces was but to bait their treachery with a greater prize ; 
 and that to send for more force, while they had such slender 
 
 acted as an officer of horse. It was in those days common to quote the 
 expression, that the saints should have the praises of God in their mouths, 
 and a two-edged sword in their hands ! 
 
 * The same whom, when put into confinement at the castle, the gover- 
 nor invited to his table. 
 
 t Mentioned by Whitelocke as given. 
 V
 
 210 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1644. 
 
 maintenance for these, was to increase trouble without any 
 benefit. 
 
 The same afternoon the committee sent the governor a 
 warrant to be signed, which was before subscribed by four 
 of them, White in the front. The warrant was to this 
 effect : 
 
 " To MB. HOOPEB, Engineer of the Garrison of Nottingham. 
 
 " You are hereby required to make your present 
 appearance to this committee, there to give an account of 
 what you have done about the works of the town, and 
 how far you have proceeded in them ; how, and in what 
 manner, and by what time you intend to finish them ; and 
 what materials are needful for the finishing of them, there 
 being imminent danger to the garrison." 
 
 As soon as the governor received the warrant, he took the 
 engineer with him, and went to the committee, to whom, 
 said he, " Gentlemen, I received just now such a strange 
 warrant from you, that I can impute it to nothing but a 
 picked occasion for quarrel. If you desire to question any- 
 thing in the fortifying of the town, I have not only brought 
 the engineer, but am here myself to answer it: if there be 
 money in his hands, let him give you an account of it ; but 
 concerning the fortifications, I conceive he is only to be ac- 
 countable to me ; therefore why this warrant should be made, 
 I cannot tell, unless purposely to affront me; as for that 
 imminent danger you pretend, it is utterly unknown to 
 me, and if there be any, I ought to have been made ac- 
 quainted with it, and desire now to understand it." They 
 answered, '"Were they not in daily peril?" He replied, 
 " That was certain, but at this time none more imminent than 
 usual that he knew of; and further desired them, if he had
 
 1644.] WARRANT OF THE COMMITTEE TO HOOPER. 211 
 
 been negligent in those things which conduced to the safety 
 of the town, that they would article against him, whatever 
 they could accuse him of; if he had done nothing worthy of 
 blame, he took it exceedingly ill, to be thus thwarted and 
 affronted in his just and lawful command." Upon replies 
 and debate, White said, " If Hooper did not render them an 
 account of his works, they would clap him by the heels." 
 Whereupon the governor, addressing him only, told him, 
 " That from the first opening of his commission, he had ma- 
 nifested his discontent, and that he had taken notice of his 
 secret endeavours to oppose him, and was glad the humour 
 was now so ripe as to vent itself ; that for the time to come, 
 since he saw his condescensions did but encourage them to 
 wrest all things from him, and to question all his dues, he 
 would now expect that full observance from them all, that 
 was due from the officers of a garrison to the governor; that 
 he expected the horse should receive orders from him, and 
 that he would no more put up with such affronts and neglects 
 as he had that very day received, when, calling for a muster, 
 of the horse to have been sent out upon a very advantageous 
 design, a whole troop, unknown to him, was by the commit- 
 tee sent out for hay, whereby that opportunity was lost." 
 He told them further, " that protections charging officers 
 and soldiers to forbear plunder, ought to be given only by 
 him upon their certificate, and not by them ; and," said he, 
 " Gentlemen, I received that affront from you lately, which 
 no governor in the world, but myself, would have put up 
 with ; when at a public council of war, among all the officers, 
 enough to have caused a mutiny, it was propounded how far 
 my command extended, and questioned whether I could com- 
 mand horse in the garrison ? And all of you, at a council of 
 war, ordered that the booty taken should be at the disposal 
 of the chief officer that went out ; so that if a corporal went 
 p 2
 
 212 MEMOIKS OF COL. JIUTCHIXSOX. [1644. 
 
 out, he must dispose of the booty, which in all garrisons is 
 the governor's right to do." 
 
 While they were in this dispute, the lieutenant-colonel 
 came in, and seconded his brother ; and after some smart 
 disputes on both sides, they parted for that night. 
 
 The next morning the committee sent for the governor, 
 who coming to them, one of them drew a paper out of his 
 pocket, and offered some propositions to the governor ; which 
 were, first, that the dispute between them might be silenced 
 and kept private ; next, that he would join with them, in a 
 letter to Mr. Millington, to desire him to get the question 
 decided by the close committee, What were the several powers 
 of a governor and a committee ? And, lastly, that he would 
 draw up what he conceived his power to be. To this the 
 governor replied, that for silencing the thing, he was very 
 willing to do it ; for sending to the close committee, he very 
 well understood his own power, and if they questioned it, 
 they might send whither they pleased, to satisfy themselves ; 
 but for setting down the particulars wherein he conceived his 
 power to consist, when he did anything, which they thought 
 belonged not to him, let them call him to question where they 
 pleased, and he should be ready to give an account o'f his 
 actions, but he would not make himself so ridiculous as to 
 send for satisfaction in unquestionable things ; yet for their 
 information he would go along with them, if any of them 
 pleased, either to my Lord of Essex or my Lord Fairfax, to have 
 the power of a governor decided. They told him the generals 
 understood not the power of a committee so well as the par- 
 liament, and therefore wrote a letter to Mr. Millington with 
 extraordinary commendations of the governor, yet desiring to 
 know the extent of his power, and showed it to him. He 
 told them, if they believed those things they wrote of him, he 
 wondered whence all this discontent had arisen, for he ap- 
 pealed to them all, whether, ever since he undertook the govern-
 
 1644.] DISSATISFACTIONS OF THE COMMITTEE. 213 
 
 ment, lie had usurped any command over them, or done so 
 much as the most inconsiderable act without acquainting 
 them, and receiving their approbation ; and what should ail 
 them, he could not imagine, unless they were discontented at 
 his being made governor ; which if they were, they might 
 thank themselves, who put it upon him, when he received 
 nothing but trouble, expense, and danger in it. They all 
 acknowledged his appeal true, and said they had desired his 
 establishment in the government of the castle, as the man 
 they esteemed most worthy of it and most fit for it. He told 
 them, if the addition of the town grieved them, that was to be 
 transferred to the parliament, who without his seeking had 
 added that to him. One of them replied, they had so worthy 
 an opinion of him, that they wished the assessing of the 
 country too might be put into his power only. He said he 
 should have been obliged to them had this proceeded from 
 anything but discontent, and that if without his own seeking 
 he should be honoured with that trust, as he was with this, 
 he should endeavour to discharge it faithfully ; but he rather 
 desired it might continue in the hands it was, and if he were 
 negligent to fetch in those assessments, which were given him, 
 then let the blame lie on him ; but for rating and assessing 
 the towns, those who were acquainted with the country were 
 fittest for it ; and thus for the present it rested. 
 
 The design they prevented by sending out the troop un- 
 known to him, was, the saving the town of Southwell from 
 being made a garrison for the king ; which, the town being 
 unwilling to, sent word to the governor, that if he would come 
 and assist them, they would join with him to beat out some 
 soldiers that intended to fortify themselves there; but the 
 horse, by reason of their employment, failing on those two 
 days, and extraordinary ill weather coming after, that oppor- 
 tunity was lost: this was about the middle of February. 
 Captain White still continued afterwards to prevent all designs
 
 214 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTTXCHINSON. J1644. 
 
 whose events might in any way have conduced to the gover- 
 nor's honour, not weighing what hindrance it was to the 
 public service, which was a great vexation to the governor ; 
 but his courage was above their malice, and his zeal to the 
 service carried him vigorously on, in all things which he could 
 accomplish by his own officers and soldiers, who were more 
 obedient to him ; and. although this exercised his patience, 
 yet was it also a spur to his diligence, and made his fidelity 
 more illustrious, and kept him more in waiting upon God, and 
 more strict in his watch over all his actions, because he knew 
 how all his enemies watched for his fall. 
 
 Upon the eleventh of February, Cornet Palmer, who had 
 been prisoner at Newark, came home and told the governor 
 that he had discovered in his prison a design intended about 
 this time to surprise the bridge by Hacker's soldiers, who were 
 to come in the habit of market people on the next Saturday. 
 This intelligence was seconded, whereupon the governor sent 
 his officers to command all the bridge soldiers to keep in their 
 quarters that day : he commanded also all the horse in the 
 town to be ready to go out upon the first sound of the trumpet, 
 and gave orders for all the drums in the garrison to beat be- 
 times in the morning ; the lieutenant-colonel set a guard 
 beyond the bridge, with charge strictly to examine all passen- 
 gers. About eleven o'clock on Saturday, the 1 7th of February, 
 they took twelve of them* upon the bridge, disguised like 
 market men and women, with pistols, long knives, hatchets, 
 daggers, and great pieces of iron about them; whereupon they 
 sent and acquainted the governor, who being himself en 
 horseback at the woiks, went immediately down to the bridge, 
 and commanded all the horse to come away and pursue them ; 
 but the horse commanders, being always slow in obeying his 
 commands, came not till the enemy's foot beyond the bridge, 
 
 * Hacker's soldiers.
 
 1644. j KEWAUDS THE SOI/DIEKS. 215 
 
 perceiving their fellows were taken upon the bridge, retired 
 and got safe off; only nine, who were to have assassinated 
 those at the bridge, and had advanced forwarder than the rest 
 for that purpose, were overtaken, and with their captain 
 leaped into the Trent to have saved themselves, of whom our 
 men plucked four out of the water, five were drowned, and 
 the captain swam to shore on the other side. The governor 
 was in doubt whether these men, taken in disguises, were to be 
 released as prisoners of war, or executed as spies and assassins 
 by martial law ; but though he would not have cared if the 
 bridge-soldiers had turned them into the Trent when they 
 took them, he afterwards released them all upon exchange, 
 except one Slater, a soldier of his own that had run away to 
 the enemy, and this day was taken coming into the town, 
 with a montero* pulled close about his face, but denied that 
 he was of the design ; yet after, upon trial at a court-martial, 
 he was condemned and executed. The governor had sent 
 out some horse and foot, to drive the grounds at the enemy's 
 garrison at Shelford, which they did, and from under the very 
 works from which the enemy shot at them, brought away 
 many beasts and horses, that belonged to the garrison, and 
 brought them up into the castle-yard. The governor being 
 then in the committee-chamber, told them it was fit the 
 soldiers should have a reward, whereupon it was ordered to 
 give them six pounds, and the governor told the soldiers the 
 committee had assigned them a reward. But when they 
 came to receive it, Salisbury, the treasurer, tithed it out, and 
 gave the soldiers a groat a piece, and sixpence a piece to the 
 officers, which in all came but to forty shillings and odd 
 money; at which the soldiers, being mad, flung back his 
 money, and desired a council of war to do them right ; which 
 the governor assented to, and the next day the business being 
 
 * A kind of cap so called.
 
 216 MEMOIRS OF COI,. HUTCHINSON. [1644. 
 
 heard at a full council of all the officers of the garrison, it was 
 determined by the unanimous vote of all but Mr. Salisbury, that 
 as the enemy shot at them, when they took the booty, it did of 
 right belong to the soldiers that fought for it, and so they had it. 
 Whereupon Salisbury flung himself away from the board in a 
 great huff and muttering, for which the governor rebuked him, 
 and told him such carriage ought not to be suffered in him, 
 who, as an officer, ought to have more respect for the place 
 and those that sat there. After this, about eighteen of the 
 lieutenant-colonel's men went out and met twenty-five men in 
 arms; between them there was a brook, the bridge-men 
 called to them, and asked of what side they were, and per- 
 ceiving they were cavaliers, told them, after some little defies 
 between them, that though the number was unequal, the y would 
 fight with them ; and passing over the brook, charged them, 
 put them to flight, killed two of them, took eight prisoners, 
 and twelve of their horses. Upon examination they were found 
 to be northern gentlemen, who having enlisted themselves 
 in the prince's own troop, after the death of Sir Thomas 
 Byron that commanded under the prince, were assigned to 
 my Lord Wentworth, at which being discontented, they were 
 now returning into their own country, being almost all of 
 them gentlemen. Sir Richard Byron, for his brother's 
 memory, exchanged them for prisoners of Nottingham, taken 
 when the town was first surprised. 
 
 At the end of this month, on the fast- day, the national 
 covenant was taken, with a great solemnity, both by the 
 soldiers and inhabitants, men and women,* of the garrison. 
 This day, unexpectedly, came Sir Edward Hartup, with a 
 thousand horse from Leicester and Derby, to which the 
 governor added between five and six hundred ; Sir Edward 
 being appointed to command the party, should have gone with 
 
 * Nota bene.
 
 1644.] GOES TO THE XEAGUER, AT NEWAKK. 217 
 
 them to take Muscam Bridges, at Newark, before which place 
 Sir John Mcldrum was now come, with about seven thousand 
 men, and had laid siege to it. The horse of Newark, as soon 
 the parliament's forces came, made an escape over Muscam 
 Bridge, which Sir Edward Hartup, having more mind to drink 
 than to fight, lingering a day at Nottingham, and then march- 
 ing to no purpose against it, lost his opportunity of taking ; yet 
 God, by a providence, gave it up with 200 men that kept it 
 to the parliament's forces, who, had they then pursued their 
 success, might have carried the town too, but it was not 
 God's time then to deliver the country of that pernicious 
 enemy. The horse that were escaped out of Newark, went 
 into all their garrisons in the Vale and Derbyshire, and 
 gathered up all the force they could make, to about the num- 
 ber of two thousand, and with these they came and quartered 
 near Nottingham ; themselves and the country giving out 
 that they were about four thousand. 
 
 There was a fast kept at Nottingham, to seek God for 
 his presence with our armies; and before the first sermon 
 was ended the enemy's horse came to the town side and gave 
 a strong alarm, and continued facing the town till night, at 
 which time they returned to their quarters, and those horse 
 that were in the garrison following their rear, gleaned up 
 two lieutenants and two or three other officers. The next 
 day the body marched just by the town side, and so passed 
 over the river at Wilden Ferry. After they were gone from 
 about Nottingham, the governor went down to the Leaguer, 
 at Newark, where Sir John Meldrum had made all things 
 ready for a general assault on the town ; but at a council of 
 war that was called in the field, it was determined that it 
 should not then be, whereupon the governor of Nottingham 
 returned to his garrison ; who, coming to take his leave of 
 Sir John Meldrum, Sir John intreated him that he would 
 return again and be among them as much as he could, making
 
 218 MEM.OIBS OF COI,. HUTCHINSON. ] 1644. 
 
 a sad complaint of the envyings, heart-burnings, and dis- 
 sensions that were among the several commanders, so that 
 he had much ado to hold them together, and had great need 
 of men of moderation and prudence to assist him, and to 
 help to mediate among them. The forces that Sir John 
 Meldrum commanded before this town, were gathered out of 
 several associated counties, and the commanders were so 
 emulous of one another, and so refractory to commands, and 
 so piquing in all punctilios of superiority, that it galled the 
 poor old gentleman to the heart ; who, having commanded 
 abroad, and been used to deal with officers that understood 
 the discipline of war, was confounded among those who 
 knew not how to obey any orders, but disputed all his com- 
 mands, and lost their time and honour in a fruitless expedi- 
 tion, through their own vain contentions ; whereas, had they 
 joined in the assault when he then would have made it, they 
 might probably have carried the town, but missing that op- 
 portunity, they came off at last with loss and dishonour. 
 While the governor was at the Leaguer, Sir John Meldrum 
 told him, that Colonel Pierrepont had been with him, to get 
 his hand to a paper, which should have testified, that the 
 government of Nottingham did of right belong to him ; 
 but Sir John answered he could not testify any such thing, 
 for it was his own act to confer that government where now 
 it was ; with which Colonel Pierrepont seemed very Avell 
 satisfied at that time. When he could not prevail in this, he 
 desired Sir John to set his hand to another paper, which 
 should have certified, that in all things he had approved 
 himself most firm and faithful to the service of the parliament. 
 Sir John said he would not injure him so much as to make 
 any such certificate of a thing not called into question ; but 
 if there should be any doubt of it, he should be ready to 
 do him all right. Colonel Pierrepont, moreover, went to the 
 governor's soldiers, that had formerly been of his regiment,
 
 1644.] SIK E. HABTTTP'S MISCONDUCT. 219 
 
 t 
 
 and giving them twenty shillings to drink, told them he was 
 to be governor of the town, and would shortly come among 
 them. 
 
 Sir Edward Hartup was sent with the party of horse he 
 before had at Muscam bridge, to pursue those that were 
 gone out of Newark, and fight with them, and hinder their 
 joining with Prince Rupert, who was expected to come to 
 raise the siege ; and when Sir Edward came into Leicester- 
 shire the whole country rose with him, and the governor of 
 Leicester brought out foot and cannon to assist him. His 
 forlorn hope being of the Nottingham horse, charged the 
 enemy's forlorn hope and routed them, and then fell into 
 their body of foot, which they' had drained out of their little 
 garrisons, and routed them also, and if Sir Edward Hartup 
 would have come on with his body, they had all been cut 
 off; but the knight would not stir, but commanded the 
 forlorn hope to retreat, who had slain and taken many pri- 
 soners of the enemy, and among them Jammot, who had 
 lately made his escape out of Nottingham Castle. The enemy 
 perceiving Sir Edward would not hurt them, rallied again 
 and joined with Prince Rupert ; of which, as soon as Sir 
 Edward had intelligence, he went back to Newark with such 
 shameful haste, that he quitted Melton with all the prisoners 
 the forlorn hope had lately taken. The Leicester forces, 
 discouraged at this carriage, returned to their garrisons and 
 marched no more with him.* 
 
 The governor of Nottingham kept out spies upon the 
 
 * In Whitelocke's Memoirs, p. 85, there is an account of this relief, or 
 raising the siege of Newark, agreeing with Mrs. Hutchinson's, except that 
 it is not quite so particular, and omits the account of what befell Colonel 
 Thornhagh. Whitelocke attributes to the misconduct of Sir E. Hartup 
 and Colonel Bingley Prince Rupert's coming with his forces entire to the 
 place, and informs us that a court-martial was directed to decide upon 
 their conduct, but does not state what their decision was.
 
 220 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTTTCHINSON. [1644. 
 
 enemy's motions, and sent word to the Leaguer, but the 
 gentlemen there were so over-confident, they would not 
 believe any force could come to raise their siege. At length, 
 the governor of Nottingham being there himself, word was 
 brought that Prince Rupert was come to Ashby ; wherefore 
 he, fearing some attempt upon his garrison, to divert the 
 forces at the siege, returned home with his brother to look 
 to their charge. It was late upon Wednesday night when 
 the governor came home, and was certainly informed that 
 Prince Rupert had, that afternoon, marched by to raise the 
 siege with about six thousand men. Immediately the gover- 
 nor sent two men, excellently well mounted upon his own 
 horses, to carry the alarm to Sir John Meldrum, who by tAvo 
 o'clock on Thursday morning delivered him their letters, 
 and he presently prepared to fight with the prince, who came 
 about nine or ten o'clock. Sir John had drawn all his ord- 
 nance within the walls of a ruined house, called the spittle, 
 and the horse were the first to charge the enemy. Colonel 
 Thornhagh and Major Rossiter gave them a very brave 
 charge, routed those whom they first encountered, and took 
 prisoners Major-general Gerrard and others, and had they 
 been seconded by the rest of the horse, had utterly defeated 
 the prince's army ; but the Lincolnshire troops fled away 
 before ever they charged; and left Colonel Thornhagh en- 
 gaged, with only his own horse, with the prince's whole body, 
 where, they say, he charged the prince himself, and made his 
 way and passed very gallantly through the whole army, with 
 a great deal of honour, and two desperate wounds, one in 
 the arm, the other in the belly. After the Lincolnshire 
 horse were run away, Sir John Meldrum sent the Derby 
 horse and the Nottingham foot, with two companies of Col. 
 King's, to keep Muscam bridge, and Molanus, the Derby- 
 shire major, to be their commander. Colonel Thornhagh 
 was sent home in a wagon to Nottingham. Sir John himself,
 
 1644.] SKIRMISH BETWEEN MELDRUM AND RUPERT. 221 
 
 with the few horse and dragoons that were left from Notting- 
 ham and Derby, being about five hundred, went into the 
 spittle to his foot. The prince lost more than Sir John in 
 the skirmish, but as soon as ever Sir John had betaken 
 himself to the spittle, the prince sent horse and foot between 
 him and Muscam bridge.* The horse that were left there to 
 guard the foot ran every man away, so that they had not a 
 horse left to fetch them any provision. The major that com- 
 manded them told them that he would go to the next town to 
 buy them some bread, and with that pretence came away and 
 never saw them more. The enemy was endeavouring to 
 make a passage over the river, to come on the other side of 
 them and encompass them, which when they saw and con- 
 sidered that they had no order what to do, nor bread for one 
 meal, nor bullet more than their muskets were loaded withal, 
 and that it was impossible for them to come off if they stayed 
 till the enemy enclosed them ; and further discovering that 
 their friends in the spittle were in parley, they conceived it 
 their best way to come home, which they plotted so to do 
 that the enemy might not perceive it till they were out of 
 their reach ; so leaving lighted matches and squibs laid at 
 certain distances, to deceive the enemy, they came safe home. 
 But within less than half an hour after they were gone the 
 enemy came on the other side, and not missing them till 
 morning, by reason of the squibs, they pursued them not, by 
 which means they came safe to Nottingham ; which was a 
 
 * Rapin gives a different account of this matter, but to those who know 
 or observe the situation of the places, Mrs. Hutchinson's will appear to be 
 the true one. Besides Muscam bridge there was a bridge of boats^ which 
 enabled the prince's forces to surround the guard left at Muscam bridge. 
 This guard, instead of deserting, as Rapin says of it, was deserted and 
 sacrificed for want of support ; the road still lay open to Lincoln, but pro- 
 bably Prince Rupert was too strong and too active to let the besiegers 
 escape any way, unless they had acted with better accord amongst them-
 
 222 MEMOIBS OF COL. HUTCHINSO^. [1644. 
 
 very seasonable mercy, for had they stayed the choicest arms 
 in the garrison had been lost, and the best and most con- 
 fiding soldiers disarmed. For Sir John had agreed upon 
 articles with the prince, to deliver up the spittle wherein he 
 lay, with all the muskets, ordnance, and ammunition in it ; 
 the foot soldiers to march away with colours flying, swords 
 and pikes, the horsemen with their horses and swords, and all 
 the commanders with their pistols ; but the prince broke all 
 these conditions, and pillaged them to their shirts, and sent 
 many captains quite naked away. 
 
 The committee of Nottingham now began again to mutter 
 at the governor, but he would not take notice of it, but ap- 
 plied himself to take care for the securing of his town, where 
 the enemy now daily threatened to come. So he floated the 
 meadows on the Line side, where there was no fortification, 
 and raised a fort in the midst of the meadows to preserve 
 the float, and fortified the Trent bridges more strongly; and, 
 expecting the enemy every hour, was forced to let the work 
 go on during the Lord's day. "When, calling the captains toge- 
 ther to consult on the best way of preparing for their defence, 
 Mason, the new town captain, took this time to revive the 
 old mutiny, and said the townsmen would not stand to their 
 works except the ordnance were drawn down from the castle 
 to the town works; the governor rebuked him for this un- 
 seasonable insolence, as he and his men were, all the time of 
 this great exigency, so backward that they were rather an 
 obstruction than assistance, and there was much ado to get 
 them either to the works or to the guards. Indeed such a blow 
 was given to the parliament interest, in all these parts, that it 
 might well encourage the ill-affected, when even the most 
 zealous were cast down and gave up all for lost ; but the 
 governor, who on no occasion ever let his courage fall, but, 
 when things were at the lowest, re-collected all his force, 
 that his own despondency might not contribute anything to
 
 1644.J LETTER FEOM THE NEWARK COMMISSIONERS. 223 
 
 his malicious fortune, at this time animated all the honest 
 men, and expressed such vigour and cheerfulness, and such 
 stedfast resolution, as disappointed all the malignants of their 
 hopes. The wives, children, and servants of such as were 
 in the enemy's garrisons and armies, he thought it not safe to 
 suffer any longer to be in the town in such a time of danger, 
 and therefore commanded them all to depart, not sparing 
 even some of his own relations ; but though this was done by 
 the concurrence of the whole committee, yet some of them, 
 who were loath the town should lose any that wished ill to 
 the governor and his undertakings, privately, without his 
 consent or knowledge, brought back several persons that 
 were very dangerous to the place. 
 
 And now, upon the twenty-fifth day of March, a letter was 
 brought to the governor from all the commissioners at New- 
 ark, telling him that the parliament's forces had quitted 
 Gainsborough, Lincoln, and Sleeforth ; and that the prince 
 intended to advance against Nottingham, and to fire the town, 
 if he did not immediately throw down the works, which if he 
 should not do, the world would then take notice of him as the 
 only ruin of his native country. To which the governor re- 
 turned them answer, that as he never engaged himself in this 
 service, with respect to the success or actions of other places, 
 so though the whole kingdom were quitted except this town, 
 he would yet maintain it as long as he was able, and he trusted 
 that God would preserve it in his hands ; but if it perished, 
 he was resolved to bury himself in the ruins of it, being con~ 
 fident that God would afterwards vindicate him to have been 
 a defender, and not a destroyer of his country. A copy of 
 the letter which the Newark commissioners sent to the 
 governor, was sent to one Francis Cooke, a malignant inha- 
 bitant of the town, subscribed with all the commissioners' 
 hands, and desiring him to communicate it to the whole town. 
 The governor, having taken what care he could at home, sent
 
 224 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTTTCHINSOX. [1644. 
 
 immediately to the parliament and to the Earl of Essex, 
 acquainting them with the desperate condition of the place ; 
 and desiring that they would send him seasonable relief, if 
 the prince should besiege him, promising to employ his utmost 
 endeavour to hold it for them, or to lose himself with it. 
 My lord general returned a very civil encouraging letter, and 
 now the prince, two days after the letter, was advanced within 
 three miles of Nottingham ; when it pleased God to divert 
 him from coming against the town by letters which were 
 brought him from Oxford, which occasioned his hasty return 
 into the south, without any attempt upon the place, which, 
 by God's mercy, was thus delivered from this threatening 
 danger. However, their enemies at Newark, by the late 
 success, were very much exalted, and by the quitting of so 
 many parliament garrisons about them, increased in power, 
 and were left at leisure to turn all their designs against Not- 
 tingham, which being so infirm within itself, the governor 
 had a very difficult task to preserve ; while the disaffected, 
 who were subtle, did not clearly declare themselves, but 
 watched all opportunities to work the governor's disturbance, 
 by fomenting the ill-humours of the factious committee-men 
 and priests ; for they now took occasion to fall in with them, 
 upon the governor's release of his chief cannoniers out of 
 prison, into which he had put them, by the instigation of the 
 ministers and of the godly people, who had animated them 
 almost to mutiny for separating from the public worship, and 
 keeping little conventicles in their own chambers. It was with 
 some reluctance he had committed them, for the men, though 
 of different judgments in matter of worship, were otherwise 
 honest, peaceable, and very zealous and faithful to the cause ; 
 but the ministers were so unable to suffer their separation 
 and spreading of their opinions, that the governor was forced 
 to commit them ; yet during this great danger, he thought it 
 not prudent to keep them discontented and then employ them,
 
 1644.] RELIEVES HIS CHIEF CANNONIERS. 225 
 
 and therefore set them at liberty, for which there was a great 
 outcry against him as a favourer of separatists.* 
 
 * This being the first time that a disunion in religion among those of the 
 parliament's party has been plainly named, it is proper here to state, that 
 in the outset, all those sects, which have since taken so many various names, 
 joined their forces to repel the encroachments of the prelates, it would 
 not be fair to say of the Church of England, whose characteristic is 
 moderation itself, but when they had almost crushed the episcopalians, the 
 presbyterian ministers began to rise pre-eminent in power, and to show that 
 though they had changed the name, they by no means intended to diminish 
 the dominion of the hierarchy. There are preserved in Whitelocke two 
 speeches, one of his own and one of Selden's, on this subject. To resist 
 this usurpation there arose a very powerful party or faction, under the name 
 of independents, under whose banner enlisted all who desired liberty of 
 conscience, of whatever particular persuasion they might be; and, amongst 
 others, most naturally all such as wished to see the Church of England 
 restored to her purity, and redeemed from her servility and subserviency to 
 the usurpations of the crown; but whose hopes would have been totally 
 destroyed if presbytery had obtained a full and firm establishment. It is 
 extraordinary that almost all the historians put the cause for the effect, and 
 suggest that many members of the parliament, and at the head of them 
 Ciomwell, raised this faction to obtain their own exaltation; whereas in- 
 tolerancy raised it in the nation at large, and especially in the army, and 
 Cromwell availed himself of it when raised. In a scarce book, called 
 Anglia Rediviva, or the Success of the Army under Fairfax, written by 
 Joshua Sprigge, he says, " the army was, what by example and justice, kept 
 in good order both respectively to itself and the country : there were many 
 of them differing in opinion, yet not in action nor business; they all agreed 
 to preserve the kingdom ; they prospered in their unity more than in uni- 
 formity, and whatever their opinions were, they plundered none with them, 
 they betrayed none with them, nor disobeyed the state with them, and they 
 were more visibly pious and peaceable in their opinions than many we call 
 orthodox." Let the blame of all the misfortunes that flowed from it rest 
 with those who gave disturbance to such men, not to those who screened 
 them from persecution. 
 
 The chief of these cannoniers was that Langford Collin mentioned in a 
 
 former note, page 134. He continued at Nottingham after all the wars 
 
 were over, but being persecuted on account of his religion, applied to 
 
 Cromwell for protection, and was effectually screened by him from bis 
 
 Q
 
 226 MEMOIKS OF COL. HUTCHINSOX. [1644. 
 
 It will not be amiss, in this place, to carry on the parlia- 
 ment story, that we may the better judge of things at home, 
 
 persecutors; he lived to more than ninety years; his descendants rose to 
 opulence, and one of them founded a very handsome hospital. This 
 family united themselves to that of Langford, and both being molested on 
 the score of nonconformity, were peculiarly protected by James the Second, 
 and stood stedfastly by him at the revolution, at which time he got many 
 sectaries to join the catholics, and make common cause against the 
 church of England. By this turn of events and opinions, Langford Collin, 
 Esq. before mentioned, came to be the head of the country, Jacobite, or 
 anti-revolutionist party, while the Plumptres and Hutchinsons embraced 
 the Hanover or Whig party, as mentioned in the note, p. 134, just 
 spoken of. 
 
 Since the publication of the first edition, there has appeared a very 
 candid critique of this work in the Annual Register for 1 807, containing 
 the following remark : " It may be mentioned as an additional proof of 
 Mr. Hutchinson's rectitude, that when George Fox, the founder of the 
 Quakers, was imprisoned at Nottingham, he protected him; thus proving 
 that, unlike the greater number of those who were engaged in the same 
 cause, he allowed that liberty of conscience to others which he claimed 
 for himself." 
 
 The Editor thought it his duty, upon this suggestion, to make further 
 inquiry, and has in pursuance of it been furnished by a respectable friend, 
 Mr. Barker, surgeon, at Colchester, with the two following extracts, together 
 with some others, which will appear in their proper places. G. Fox's 
 Journal, fol. ed. p. 27. " I went to the Steeple House at Nottingham, 
 during the time of divine worship, addressed the people, and was com- 
 mitted to prison. When the assizes came on, there was one moved to 
 come and offer himself up for me, body for body, yea, life also; but when 
 I should have been brought before the judge, the sheriff's man being 
 somewhat long in fetching me to the sessions-house, the judge was risen 
 before I came, at which I understood he was somewhat offended. So I 
 was returned to prison, and put into the common gaol ; and the Lord's 
 power was great among friends, but the people began to be very rude, 
 wherefore the governor of the castle sent down soldiers and dispersed 
 them, and after (hat they were quiet." Sewell's Hist, of Quakers, fo!. ed. 
 p. 22. " Now though the people began to be very rude, yet the governor 
 of the castle was so very moderate, that he sent down soldiers to disperse 
 them"
 
 1644.] THE QUEEN JOINS PEINCE RUPERT. 227 
 
 when we know the condition of affairs abroad. The quef , 
 being suffered to pass through Nottinghamshire by those 
 forces which were sent down thither to have prevented her, 
 joined with Prince Rupert and came to the king; and was by 
 the parliament voted traitor for many actions, as pawning the 
 crown-jewels in Holland, encouraging the rebellion in Ireland, 
 heading a papistical army in England, See. 
 
 The Earl of Essex's army lay sick about London for recruits ; 
 Sir William Waller, after many victories in the west, was at 
 length totally routed, and returned to London, Prince Maurice 
 and Sir Ralph Hopton having recovered and possessed almost 
 the whole west of England for the king. The north my Lord 
 Newcastle's army commanded so fully, that they were ad- 
 vanced into Nottingham and Lincolnshire, and the adjacent 
 counties. The parliament, being in this low condition, had 
 agreed with Scotland, and entered into a solemn national 
 league and covenant, which was taken throughout both king- 
 doms ; and the king had made a cessation of arms with the 
 Irish rebels, and brought over the English army, that had 
 been honoured with so many successes against them, to serve 
 him here. But God never blessed his affairs after they came 
 to him,* though indeed before their arrival God had begun to 
 
 * The parliament and the king seem to have been equally injudici- 
 ous in seeking resources from without. Rapin says, " the presbyterians 
 seized the occasion which was offered them of establishing their system of 
 uniformity, and that it increased the number of the king's friends ;" 
 had he not, through partiality to his sect, withheld a part of the truth, he 
 would have said that, in pursuit of their system of intolerance, they divided 
 the parliament and the friends of liberty, exasperated the army, and having 
 forced them to try their strength against them, caused the subjugation of 
 themselves, and the ruin of their whole cause and party. So much for the 
 league and covenant. 
 
 The king, by seeking the assistance of the Irish in a manner so injurious 
 to the true interests of England, blemished his own fame, hurt his cause, 
 ruined his partisans in both countries, and, indeed the Irish nation in geno- 
 Q 2
 
 228 MEMOIRS OF COL. HtTTCHINSON. [1644. 
 
 turn the scale ; for the city of Gloucester stopping, by its 
 faithful and valiant resistance, the career of the king's victo- 
 ries, after Bristol and Exeter and all the west was lost, the 
 king, disdaining to leave it behind him unvanquished, sat 
 down before it, which employed him and his whole army, till 
 the Earl of Essex and his recruited army, assisted with the 
 London auxiliaries, came and relieved it, and pursued the 
 king's army to an engagement at Newbury ; where the par- 
 liament obtained a great and bloody victory, and the king for 
 ever lost that opportunity he lately had of marching up to 
 London, and in probability of subduing the parliament. My 
 Lord Newcastle, by a like error, about the same time, setting 
 down before Hull, missed the opportunity of wholly gaining 
 all those neighbouring counties, and much wasted his great 
 and victorious army, being forced to rise with loss and dis- 
 honour from the unyielding town. After the fight at New- 
 bury, Sir William Waller, having gotten a new army, had 
 divers successes with it, and at length totally routed all 
 Hopton's army, about the time that Prince Rupert raised the 
 siege at Newark, and was the occasion that called the prince 
 so hastily out of those counties. 
 
 The Earl of Essex pursuing the war, had a design to block 
 up Oxford, where the king was, and accordingly attempted it, 
 he on one side, and Waller on the other ; but the king, with 
 a few light horse, escaped out of the town, and went to join 
 with his greater armies ; which being done, Essex marched 
 further into the west, and in Cornwall was besieged where he 
 
 ral, which has never recovered from the depopulation which took place in 
 consequence of those convulsions. 
 
 This last fact has been controverted by one reviewer, the Critical ; but it 
 would be easy to establish it by various arguments, one only is here adduced. 
 The custom of emigrating and entering into the service of foreign powers, 
 which the Irish began to do at that period, and have continued almost to 
 the present day.
 
 1644.] BA.TTLE OF MAKSTOK MOOR. 229 
 
 lost all his foot, ammunition, and ordnance, and came dis- 
 honourably home to London. Waller unsuccessfully followed 
 the king, and the parliament's affairs, all that summer, were 
 very unprosperous in the west, south, and midland counties, 
 but contrary in the north, where the Scotch army, under 
 General Leven, advanced, took some towns and forts, and 
 wasted the Earl of Newcastle's army more by their patient 
 sufferance of the ill weather and martial toil, which the 
 English could not so well abide, than by fighting. Sir Tho- 
 mas Fairfax, having again taken the field with his father, 
 after a miraculous victory they had gained over the Irish 
 army* which the king had brought over, joined the Scots ; 
 and the Earl of Manchester, having raised a force in the 
 associated counties, with which he made an expedition to 
 Lincoln, having Colonel Cromwell for his lieutenant-general, 
 marched into Yorkshire, and uniting with the other two 
 armies, they all besieged the Earl of Newcastle in York. To 
 raise this siege, Prince Rupert came with a great army out of 
 the south ; the besiegers rose to fight with the prince, and 
 Newcastle drew all his force out of York to join with him, 
 when both armies, on a great plain called Marston Moor, had 
 a bloody encounter, and the Scots and Lord Fairfax had been 
 wholly routed, and the battle lost, but that Cromwell, with 
 five thousand men which he commanded, routed Prince Ru- 
 pert, restored the other routed parliamentarians, and gained 
 the most complete victory that had been obtained in the 
 whole war.f The victors possessed all the prince's ordnance, 
 
 * Commanded by Sir John Byron, or Lord Byron, near Nantwich in 
 Cheshire. 
 
 t There are very various and discordant accounts given of this battle, so 
 that Rapin says he could neither satisfy himself nor his readers with them ; 
 that given by Whitelocke is however pretty clear, and agrees with this of 
 Mrs. Hutchinson, in ascribing the success principally to Cromwell; and as 
 Mrs. Hutchinson was by no means partial to Cromwell, nor does Whitelocke
 
 230 MEMOIKS OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1644. 
 
 carriages, and baggage ; whereupon the prince fled, with as 
 many as he could save, back into the south ; the Earl of 
 Newcastle, with some of his choice friends, went into Ger- 
 many, and left Sir Thomas Glenham governor of York, which 
 he soon after surrendered, and then the three generals parted; 
 Leven went back into the north, and took the town of New- 
 castle, Fairfax remained in Yorkshire, and Manchester returned 
 into the south, taking in many small garrisons by the way as 
 he passed through the counties. 
 
 The queen went that summer into France, to solicit foreign 
 aid for her husband, but ineffectually; meanwhile new treaties 
 were carried on between the king and parliament, but to no 
 purpose; for the king's false dealing and disingenuity therein 
 was so apparent that they came to nothing, but a further 
 discovery of the king's falsehood, and favour to the Irish 
 rebels, with whom he had now employed Ormond to treat 
 and conclude a peace. This treaty was that at Uxbridge, 
 where commissioners met on both sides, but effected nothing ; 
 for the parliament itself began to grow into two apparent 
 factions of presbyterians and independents, and the king had 
 hope, by their divisions, to obtain the accomplishment of his 
 own ends.* 
 
 It was too apparent how much the whole parliament cause 
 had been often hazarded, how many opportunities of finishing 
 the war had been overslipped by the Earl of Essex's army ; 
 and it was believed that he himself, with his commanders, 
 rather endeavoured to become arbiters of war and peace, 
 
 upon the whole seem so, we may better believe them than Hollis, who 
 writes a philippic rather than a history. 
 
 * Whoever will take the pains to read the king's letters in Clarendon's 
 State Papers, will see that this is a true representation of his sentiments ; 
 but Heylin pretends the failure of the treaty arose from the extreme 
 pertinacity of the rigid presbyterians : we may very well allow both their 
 share.
 
 1644.] EEMODELLING THE PAKLIAMENTAKY AEMY. 231 
 
 than conquerors for the parliament ; for it was known that 
 he had given out such expressions. Wherefore those in the 
 parliament, who were grieved at the prejudice of the public 
 interest, and loath to bring those men to public shame, who 
 had once well merited it of them, devised to new-model the 
 army ; and an ordinance Avas made, called the self-denying 
 ordinance, whereby all members of parliament, -of both houses, 
 were discharged of their commands in the army. Cromwell 
 had a particular exception, when Essex, Manchester, and 
 Denbigh, surrendered their commissions ; and Sir Thomas 
 Fairfax was made general of the new-modelled army, Crom- 
 well lieutenant-general, and Skippon major-general. The 
 army was reduced to twenty-one thousand, who prosecuted 
 the war not with design of gain and making it their trade, 
 but to obtain a righteous peace and settlement for the 
 distracted kingdom, and accordingly it succeeded in their 
 hands.* 
 
 * It is suggested by Rapin and others that this new-model and self- 
 denying ordinance arose not from the motives here set down, but merely 
 from intrigue ; yet Whitelocke, who even spoke against it, p. 123, shows 
 the indispensable necessity for such a new model. " Some members of the 
 house were sent to their generals to complain of their remissness. The 
 Earl of Manchester was under a kind of accusation, the lord-general in 
 discontent, Waller not much otherwise, the forces not carefully ordered, 
 and the parliament business in an unsettled condition, so that it was high 
 time for some other course to be taken by them." Mr. Sprigge demon- 
 strates this more fully. He says, " Cromwell was absent in the west when 
 the exemption was voted ; that he had come to Windsor over-night to kiss 
 the general's hand, and take his leave on quitting the service, but the fol- 
 lowing morning, ere he came from his chamber, those commands, than 
 which he thought of nothing less in all the world, came to him from the 
 committee of both kingdoms, in obedience to which he immediately 
 marched away." And further, " that the house did this for their own 
 happiness, and that of their general Fairfax." 
 
 Mrs. Hutchinson was sufficiently observant of Cromwell's artiPces to 
 have accused him of it on this occasion, if he ho 1 deserved it.
 
 232 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHIXSON. [1644. 
 
 To return to Nottingham : after the prince had marched 
 away out of the country, the enemy without was still design- 
 ing against the garrison, and the governor's enemies within were 
 still perplexing all his affairs. Upon the eleventh of May, 
 a letter was found by a wench in the night-time, dropped in 
 the shoemakers' booths ; which letter was directed to Sir 
 Richard Byron, informing him that " the business between 
 them went on with good success, and that the time drawing 
 on, it behoved him to be very diligent, and desiring him to 
 burn the letter ;" which was subscribed, " Your careful ser- 
 vant, A. C. ;" and a postscript written, " Fail nothing by any 
 means, and there shall be no neglect in me." The governor 
 took all courses that could be imagined to discover this per- 
 son, but could never find him out. About this time some 
 troopers going by a house, where one Henry Wandall, a 
 debauched malignant apothecary had lived (but the house 
 was now empty, and he had the key of it), they perceived 
 a smoke to come out of it, and went in and found some 
 kindled sticks, laid in a potsherd, just by a rotten post, 
 under the stair-case, with hurdles and other combustible 
 things about it, which it was evident were put there to fire 
 the house, but for what reason, or by whom, was not dis- 
 covered. 
 
 The governor hearing of some troops of the enemy in the 
 Vale, had a design to go thither, and acquainted the com- 
 mittee with it ; telling them he would take out all the horse, 
 and himself march with the body, and leave a foot company 
 and thirty horse behind him at the bridges, so that by the 
 time he was marched by Wiverton, which would give Shel- 
 ford the alarm, the thirty horse, which were more than 
 Shelford had to send out, should face the house on that side 
 next Nottingham, and the foot should march a private way 
 through the closings;* so that if Shelford's horse or foot 
 
 * Closings, closes, fields, vulg. Notts, closen.
 
 1644.] MISCONDUCT OF CAPT. WHITE. 233 
 
 should come forth against those thirty horse, the foot might 
 get between them and home, or take any advantage that was 
 offered. All this the committee very well approved, and so 
 it was resolved to put it into execution the next night after, 
 because it would take some time to provide horses for the 
 musketeers. The governor coming out of the committee, 
 met Captain White upon the parade in the castle-yard, and 
 acquainted him with the design, who with a dejected counte- 
 nance and a faint voice, pretended to approve it, but desired 
 the thirty horse who were to stay some hours behind, might 
 be of his troop ; to which the governor assented to gratify 
 his desire, though he told him, he was very loath to spare 
 any of that troop, who were old soldiers and well acquainted 
 with the country ; but he desired him the rest might not fail 
 to be ready. The captain promised they should, and so de- 
 parted. When the governor had made ready all the horse 
 and dragoons, and was himself just ready to march out with 
 them, being at Colonel Thornhagh's house, White came in ; 
 the governor, not doubting of his intention to go, asked him 
 if his troop were ready ? He replied, " They are out upon 
 service ; thirty," said he, " are gone by your consent, and 
 the rest went to fetch in a malignant at Ekering ; some few 
 odd ones remain, which you may have if you will." The 
 governor desired him to go himself and assist him; the 
 captain desired to be excused, for " to what purpose should 
 he go when his troop was not there ?" The governor went 
 from thence to his own lodgings, and meeting the committee, 
 acquainted them how White had served him, who seemed 
 to resent it very ill at that time ; and while they were dis- 
 coursing of it, White's officer came up with warrants to be 
 signed for hay for the quarters, which being offered the 
 governor, he tore, and said he would sign no warrants for 
 such a disorderly troop, as would do no service but what 
 they list, whose officers knew neither how to give nor obey 
 commands.
 
 234 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUXCHINSON. [1644. 
 
 Notwithstanding this discouragement, to lose eighty of 
 his best men, the governor went out with the rest, and when 
 he had drawn them into the Trent Lanes, one of his spies 
 came in with intelligence that at a town in the Vale, called 
 Sierston, and at another next it, called Elston, there were two 
 hundred horse quartered, who having come in weary and 
 secure, might easily be surprised that night. The governor, 
 calling the captains together, imparted the intelligence, and 
 they were all forward to go on in the design, except Cap- 
 tain Pendock, who persuaded him much against it; but 
 while they were discoursing another intelligencer came in, to 
 second the former ; whereupon the governor told the cap- 
 tains, that if they would go, he was resolved to do some- 
 thing that night, and because Captain Pendock was best 
 acquainted with that side of the country, he appointed him 
 to lead on the forlorn hope, which accordingly he did, but 
 with such sloth and muttering, that in two or three miles 
 riding, the governor was forced to send up some officers 
 to him, to hasten him on. Yet this was not from cowardice, 
 but only humour and faction, for the man was stout enough 
 when he had a mind to it, but now he rode along, mut- 
 tering that it was to no purpose, and when he came to 
 Saxondale Gorse, purposely lost himself and his forlorn 
 hope ; which the governor missing, was much troubled, 
 fearing that by some misadventure they might have been 
 enclosed and cut off between the enemies' garrisons ; but 
 when they came to Saxondale Lane, Pendock and his for- 
 lorn hope were found safe in the rear of the body. The 
 governor perceiving Pendock's backwardness, had sent out 
 some parties, one troop under Captain-lieutenant Palmer, and 
 another party with Cornet Peirson, to some near towns, to 
 execute some of the committee's warrants, in fetching in de- 
 linquents ; when the cornet came back with an alarm that 
 two or three hundred horse were quartered at Elston and 
 Sierston, which he must either fight with or retreat. Captain
 
 1644.] BACKWARDNESS OF CAPT. PENDOCK. 235 
 
 Pendock was again wonderfully unwilling to go on, and said 
 it would be day before they should come there ; but the 
 governor bade those that would, follow him, for he would 
 go ; and accordingly he went, and when he came to the 
 town, drew up his men at the town's end in a body, from 
 which he sent in some parties, to fall into the town, himself 
 staying with the body between them and Newark, to defend 
 them from any of the enemies that might have come upon 
 them:* so they brought out two captain-lieutenants, some 
 cornets, and other gentlemen of quality, thirty troopers, 
 and many more horses and arms ; Captain Thimbleby, abso- 
 lutely refusing quarter, was killed. The governor sent into 
 the town to command all his men immediately away ; but a 
 lieutenant and cornet not making haste to obey, while they 
 stayed for some drink, were surprised by a party that came 
 from Newark, before the corporal, whom the governor had sent 
 to fetch them off, was well out of the town ; but with those he 
 had taken, and all the booty, and many horses and beasts 
 fetched from malignants in the enemies' quarters, the gover- 
 nor came safe home, to the great discontent of Captain White, 
 who was something out of countenance at it. This may 
 serve, instead of many more, to show how hard a task he had 
 to carry on the service, with such refractory, malicious per- 
 sons under him. 
 
 About this time it happened, that the engineer being by, 
 Captain Pendock took occasion to rail at the town-works, 
 and Hooper making answers which drew on replies, Pendock 
 struck him, whereupon the man, angry, laid his hand upon 
 
 * Whoever looks upon the map, and observes the vicinity of these places 
 to Newark, and their great distance from Nottingham, will see it to have 
 been a service of great delicacy and danger It is mentioned cursorily by 
 Whitlocke, page 89 ; had Sir John Gell been the commander, we should 
 have had it better displayed.
 
 236 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTTTCHINSOIT. [1644. 
 
 his sword and half drew it out, but thrust it in again. The 
 maid ran affrighted into the kitchen, where was one Henry 
 Wandall, who presently called some musketeers, disarmed 
 Mr. Hooper, and sent him prisoner to the governor ; who, 
 asking him upon what account he came so, he told him he 
 had no reason to accuse himself ; if those that sent him had 
 anything against him he was ready to answer it. After the 
 governor had waited till about midnight and nothing came, 
 he sent for Wandall, and inquiring Avhy and by whose autho- 
 rity he committed Mr. Hooper prisoner ? He answered, 
 " for drawing his sword, he, as an officer of the garrison, 
 had sent him up." The governor asked who made him an 
 officer ? and taking it upon him, why he did not send up both 
 parties, but only one in a quarrel ? and he being able to give 
 no answer, but such as showed it was done out of malice, 
 the governor committed him for his insolency, who being but 
 a common soldier, presumed to make an officer prisoner, 
 without rendering an account to the governor, and to let the 
 other engaged in the quarrel go free. The next day after 
 this, Plumptre came to the Trent bridges, where, being 
 stopped, he sent up a pass which he had procured from my 
 lord general, to come and stay in the town during his own 
 pleasure ; which, when the governor saw he sent him word, 
 that in regard of my lord general's pass he might stay at his 
 own house, but bade him take heed, as he would answer it, 
 that he meddled not to make any mutiny or commotion in 
 the garrison ; to which he sent an insolent reply, that he 
 was glad the governor was taught manners ; he was come 
 to town for some business, and when he had occasion he 
 would repair to the committee. The committee, hearing this, 
 were very sensible of his insolent carriage, and drew up 
 articles against him, which were signed by six of their 
 hands, and were sent up to Mr. Millington to be preferred 
 against him in the parliament, and to be showed to my lord
 
 1644.] INSOLENCE OF DR. PI/UMPTKE. 237 
 
 general, as the lieutenant-colonel should see occasion ; whom 
 the governor sent immediately to the general, to acquaint 
 him with the reason why Dr. Plumptre had been forced to pro- 
 cure his pass for his protection. The governor took this 
 occasion to send to the general about his cannoniers, whom 
 some days before he had been forced to confine as prisoners 
 to their chamber till the general's pleasure could be known 
 concerning them ; for, at the instigation of Captain Palmer, 
 all the ministers in town, and, to make the cry the louder, 
 certain loose malignant priests, which they had gotten to 
 join with them, had most violently urged, in a petition to the 
 committee, that these men might be turned out of the to wn 
 for being separatists ; so that the governor was forced, against 
 his will, to confine them to prevent mutiny, though they 
 were otherwise honest, obedient, and peaceful. After the 
 lieutenant- colonel was gone, with letters concerning these 
 matters, to the general, Plumptre behaved himself most in- 
 solently and mutinously, and he and Mason entering into a 
 confederacy, had contrived some articles against the governor 
 for committing Wandall ; but when they tried and found 
 they could do no good with them, Mason came to the go- 
 vernor and was most saucily importunate for his release, 
 which, by reason of the insolent manner of his seeking it, 
 the governor would not grant. 
 
 The general, upon the governor's letters, sent down a letter 
 to Plumptre, to discharge him from the garrison, and another to 
 the governor to release the cannoniers ; which he accordingly 
 did, to the satisfaction of his own conscience, which was not 
 satisfied in keeping men prisoners for their consciences, so 
 long as they lived honestly and inoffensively. But it caused 
 a great mutiny in the priests against him, and they blew up 
 as many of their people as they could, to join in faction 
 against the governor, not caring now what men they entered 
 into confederacy with, nor how disaffected to the cause, so that
 
 238 DEMOTES OP COL. HUTCHINSON. [1044. 
 
 they were but bitter enough against the separatists ; which 
 the cunning malignants perceiving, they now all became 
 zealots, and laughed in secret to see how they brought these 
 men to ruin their own cause and champions. 
 
 Plump tre not taking notice of the general's letters, the 
 governor sent him word he expected he should obey them 
 and depart. Plumptre replied, his business was done, and 
 he would go ; but in spite of his teeth he would have a 
 guard. The lieutenant-colonel would have put in the articles 
 into the parliament, which the committee had sent up against 
 Plumptre, but Mr. Millington pretending all kindness and 
 service to the governor, would needs undertake it, and desired 
 the lieutenant-colonel to trouble none of the governor's 
 friends in any business he had to do, but to leave it in his 
 hands, who would employ all his powers, and serve him with 
 all vigilance and faithfulness, against all persons whatsoever ; 
 and whereas he heard the governor had some thoughts of 
 coming to London, he wished him not to trouble himself, 
 but to charge him with any thing he had to do. Notwith- 
 standing all this, the governor went to London, having some 
 occasions thither. A little before his going, he and the rest 
 of the committee had required Mr. Salisbury, their treasurer, 
 to give in his accounts, which he being either unwilling or 
 unable to do, he bent his utmost endeavours to raise a high 
 mutiny and faction against the governor ; and Captain White 
 never being backward in any mischief, these, with Plumptre 
 and Mason, made a close confederacy, and called home 
 Chadwick to their assistance, having engaged the persecuting 
 priests and all their idolaters, upon an insinuation of the go- 
 vernor's favour to separatists. During Colonel Thornhagh's 
 sickness, the governor undertook the command of his horse 
 regiment, while it was quartered in the garrison ; and made 
 the men live orderly, and march out upon designs more fre- 
 quently than they used to do when their colonel was well,
 
 1644.] FACTIONS AGAINST HIM. 239 
 
 upon whose easiness they prevailed to do what they list; 
 and some of them, who were great plunderers, were con- 
 nived at, which the governor would by no means suffer. 
 Wherefore these men were, by the insinuations of their 
 officers and the wicked part of the committee, drawn into the 
 faction, which was working in secret awhile, and at last 
 broke into open prosecutions. They had determined that as 
 soon as the governor was gone, White, the devil's exquisite 
 solicitor, should also follow to London, but knew not what to 
 do for a pretence to send him upon the public purse ; when 
 wickedness, which never long wants the opportunity it waits 
 for, soon found one out, for the committee of both kingdoms 
 had sent a command for all the horse in Nottingham to 
 repair to Sir John Meldrum in Lancashire ; the town was put 
 upon a hasty petition that their horse might not go, and 
 Captain White must carry it, who pretended to have known 
 nothing of it half an hour before, yet he was ready, and 
 Dr. Plumptre, too, prepared to make good his brags, and go 
 with his convoy. Presently after he was gone, Col. Chadwick, 
 the engine of mischief, comes to town, whom Mr. Salis- 
 bury receives with great joy and exultance, boasting, to use 
 his own words, that they would now mump the governor. 
 At the mayor of the town's house he was entertained with 
 much wine, whereof Mr. Ayscough, a committee man, having 
 taken a pretty large proportion, coming that night to suppei 
 to the castle, told the lieutenant-colonel and the governor's 
 wife, that he would advise them to acquaint the governor 
 there was mischief hatching against him, and that Chadwick 
 was come to town on purpose to effect it, which, though the 
 fellow discovered it in his drink, was true enough, and he 
 himself was one of the conspiring wicked ones. 
 
 To fortify their party, in all haste they endeavoured to 
 raise a new troop of dragoons, under one Will Hall, a de- 
 bauched malignant fellow, and therefore one of the governor's
 
 240 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHINSOX. [1644. 
 
 mortal enemies ; but some of the honester townsmen per- 
 ceiving the design, and not yet being seduced, would not 
 raise him any horse, so at that season the troop was not 
 formed. 
 
 And now Captain White having come home, it was ob- 
 served that after his return he would not allow the governor 
 that name, but called him only Colonel Hutchinson, and 
 when any one else termed him governor, would decline the 
 acknowledgment of that name ; then cajoling his fellow 
 horse-officers and the troopers, they, through his insinuations, 
 everywhere began to detract from the governor, and to mag- 
 nify Captain White, and not only to derogate from the 
 governor, but from all persons that were well-affected to him. 
 At this time there was a petition drawn up to be presented 
 to the committee of both kingdoms, desiring that Mr. Mil- 
 lington might be sent down to compose the differences which 
 were in the garrison. The lieutenant-colonel and some others 
 refusing to sign it, Captain White told them it was a pre- 
 tence, which Mr. Millington desired the favour that they 
 would make, to obtain leave for him to come down and visit 
 his wife and children, whom he had a longing desire to see, 
 and knew not any other way to bring it about. The gentle- 
 men, to gratify Mr. Millington, signed it ; and he himself at 
 London, with the same pretext, obtained the governor's hand 
 to it, while the governor, deceived by his high and fair pro- 
 fessions of service and kindness to him, never entertained 
 any suspicion of his integrity ; and this was the greatest of the 
 governor's defects, that through the candidness and sincerity 
 of his own nature he was more unsuspicious of others, and 
 more credulous of fair pretenders, than suited with the great 
 prudence he testified in every thing else. Nothing 
 awakened jealousy in him but gross flattery, which, when he 
 saw any one so servile as to make, he believed the soul that 
 could descend to that baseness might be capable of false-
 
 1641.] DECEIT OF MR. MILLINGTON. 241 
 
 hood ; but those who were cunning attempted him not that 
 way, but put on a face of fair, honest, plain friendship, with 
 which he was a few times, but not often in his life, betrayed. 
 At Mr. Millington's entreaty the governor released Wandall, 
 but would have prosecuted the committee's petition against 
 Plumptre, which Mr. Millington most earnestly persuaded 
 him not to do, but desired that he would permit him to come 
 and live quietly in his own house, upon engagement that he 
 should not raise nor foment any mutiny nor faction in the 
 garrison, or intermeddle with any of the affairs thereof. 
 The governor was easily wrought to assent to this also, but 
 Plumptre refused to enter into such an engagement for quiet 
 behaviour, and so for that time came not to town. There 
 was again discovered a new design by the enemy against 
 the garrison, and a spy taken, who owned that a soldier in 
 the major's company had enlisted himself on purpose to 
 effect his mischief; but through careless custody the spy 
 escaped the day that the garrison were celebrating their joy 
 for the great victory at York. Meanwhile the governor, 
 supposing Mr. Millington to be, as he professed himself, 
 highly his friend and his protector, complained to him of the 
 mutinous carriage of the horse, and his disturbance and dis- 
 couragement in the public service thereby, and desired him 
 to get a resolution in the thing, whereby his power and their 
 duty might be denned, that he might know wherein he was 
 to command them in his garrison, and they to obey him. 
 Mr. Millington advised him to write a letter to him con- 
 cerning this, setting down his own apprehensions, what he 
 was to exact from them, and they to render him ; which ac- 
 cordingly the governor did, and left it with Millington, and 
 returned to his garrison. Mr. Millington told him, that he 
 had showed the letter to the committee of both kingdoms, 
 who had given their opinion of it, that he required no 
 more of them than he ought to have. Soon after the go-
 
 242 MEMOIKS OF COL. HUTCHIXSOX. [1644. 
 
 vernor, Mr. Millington came down to Nottingham, with 
 instructions from the committee of both kingdoms, to hear 
 and, if he could, compose the differences at Nottingham ; if 
 not, to report them to the committee of both kingdoms. Mr. 
 Millington, coming down with these, brought Plumptre as far 
 as Leicester with him, and begged of the governor to permit 
 him to return to his house, engaging himself that he should 
 not meddle with anything belonging to the garrison, nor come 
 near the castle nor any of the forts : which engagement the 
 governor received, and suffered the man to come home ; and 
 Millington, lest the governor should suspect his great con- 
 cern for Dr. Plumptre, made strong professions to him, that 
 he desired his re-admission into the town for nothing but to 
 be a snare to him : for he knew the turbulency and pride of 
 his spirit such, that he would never be quiet ; but if, after 
 this indulgence, he should, as he believed he would, return 
 to his former courses, he would be inexcusable in the eyes of 
 all men. Then Mr. Millington desired the governor to draw 
 up some heads, wherein he conceived his power to consist, 
 which he did, reducing almost the words of his commission 
 into eight propositions ; which, when he showed first to Mr. 
 Millington, before the committee saw them, Mr. Millington 
 seemed very well to approve of them, and protested again to 
 the governor, the faithfulness of his heart to him, excusing 
 his intimacy with his enemies, upon a zeal he had to do him 
 service, by discovering their designs against him, and called 
 himself therein, Sir Politic Wouldbe : but the governor dis- 
 liking this double dealing, though it had been with his enemies, 
 desired him rather to declare himself ingenuously as his con- 
 science led him, though it should be against him, and told him 
 freely he liked not this fair carriage to both. When the 
 governor put in his propositions to the committee, they desired 
 each of them might have a copy of them, and all a week's 
 time to consider them; at the end of which, when the governor
 
 1644.J DECEIT OF ME. MII-LINGTON. 24'i 
 
 pressed their answer, whether they assented to them, or cculii 
 object any thing against them; they said, with false flattering 
 apologies to the governor, that if such command were due to 
 any man, they should rather the governor should employ it 
 than any person whatsoever, by reason of his unquestioned 
 merits ; but they conceived that such a power given to a 
 governor, would not consist with that which belonged to a 
 committee, whereupon they produced a tedious, impertinent 
 paper, in answer to the governor's propositions, which, when 
 the governor read over, he flung by, saying it was a ridiculous 
 senseless piece of stuff. Some of them taking exceptions, that 
 he should so contemn the committee's paper ; he replied, he 
 knew not yet whose it was, not being signed by any one; if 
 any of them would own it, he desired them to subscribe it, 
 and then he should know what to say. Thereupon, the next 
 day, it was again brought out, signed by Mr. Millington, 
 Chadwick, Salisbury, White, and the mayor of the town. 
 The sum of the paper not containing any exceptions against 
 the governor himself, but against his power, and wholly 
 denying that my Lord Fairfax had power to make a governor, 
 or confer any such power on him, as his commission imported ; 
 the governor told them, it no further concerned him, but only 
 to acquaint my Lord Fairfax, with whom he should leave it, 
 to justify his own commission, and his authority to give one. 
 But forasmuch as my lord was concerned in it, the gentlemen 
 who had more respect for him disowned it, and these were the 
 governor, the lieutenant-colonel, Mr. Pigott, Colonel Thorn- 
 hagh, Major Ireton, Major Widmerpoole, Captain Lomax, 
 and Alderman James. Then the governor told them, how he 
 had been informed that this paper was of Chadwick's con- 
 trivance, and that when Mr. Millington saw it, he hugged 
 Chadwick in his arms, with such congratulation, as is not to 
 be imagined they could give to a fellow of whom they had 
 n 2
 
 244 MEMOIBS OF COL. HUTCHINSOX. [1644. 
 
 justly entertained so vile an opinion ; and then before his face 
 he declared all their thoughts of indignation and contempt, 
 which they had formerly expressed of Colonel Chadwick, of 
 whom he asked, with what face he could question my lord's 
 authority to make him governor, when he had formerly used 
 such surreptitious cheats to obtain it for himself, by the same 
 authority? And he asked the committee, how it came to 
 pass, they now believed my Lord Fairfax had not authority 
 to make him governor, when they themselves at first wrote to 
 him for the commission ? And to Mr. Millington he said, that 
 he had dealt very unfaithfully to those who trusted him to 
 compose differences, which he had rather made than found ; 
 and very treacherously with him, making himself a party and 
 the chief of his adversaries, when he pretended only to be a 
 reconciler. Having at full laid them open one to another, 
 and declared all their treachery, malice, pride, and knavery, 
 to their faces, he went away, smiling at the confusion he had 
 left them in, who had not virtue enough in their shame to 
 bring them back to repentance, but having begun to persecute 
 him, with their spite and malice, were resolved to carry on 
 their wicked design ; wherein they had now a double encou- 
 ragement to animate them, Mr. Millington's sheltering them 
 in the parliament house, and obstructing all redress the 
 governor should there seek for, and the hopes of profit and 
 advantage they might upon the change of things expect from 
 the garrison, if they could wrest it out of the governor's hands, 
 either by wearying him with unjust vexations, or by watching 
 some advantage against him, to procure his discharge from 
 his office by the parliament; for they, knowing him to be im- 
 patient of affronts, and of a high spirit, thought to provoke him 
 to passion, wherein something might fall out to give them 
 advantages ; but he, perceiving their drift, showed them that 
 he governed his anger, and suffered it not to master him, and
 
 1644.] FACTIONS OF THE COMMITTEE. 245 
 
 that he could make use of it to curb their insolency, and yet 
 avoid all excursions that might prejudice himself.* When 
 the governor undertook this employment, the parliament's 
 interest in those parts was so low, and the hazard so des- 
 perate, that these pitiful wretches, as well as others faithful- 
 hearted to the public cause, courted him to accept and keep 
 the place ; and though their foul spirits hated the daylight of 
 his more virtuous conversation, yet were they willing enough 
 to let him bear the brunt of all the hazard and toil of their 
 defence, more willing to be secured by his indefatigable 
 industry and courage, than to render him the just acknow- 
 ledgment of his good deserts. This ingratitude did not at all 
 abate his zeal for the public service, for as he sought not 
 praise, so he was well enough satisfied in doing well ; yet 
 through their envious eyes, they took in a general good 
 esteem of him, and sinned against their own consciences in 
 persecuting him, whereof he had after acknowledgments and 
 testimonies from many of them. All the while of this con- 
 test, he was borne up by a good and honourable party of the 
 committee, and greater in number and value than the wicked 
 ones, whom Mr. Millington's power in the house only coun- 
 tenanced and animated to pursue their mischiefs. What it 
 was that drew Mr. Millington into their confederacy was 
 afterwards apparent ; they hired him with a subscription of 
 losses, for which they gave him public credit double to what 
 he really had lost;f and they offered him a share of the 
 
 * To some the recital of these municipal broils may appear rather 
 tedious; but Whitelocke's Memorials show that these, and such like, in 
 various parts of the kingdom required the serious and frequent attention of 
 the parliament. Most readers will pity a man of Colonel Hutchinson's 
 exalted mind for being compelled to cope with such despicable adversaries, 
 but they will derive some pleasure from observing tho address with whith 
 he foiled their insidious attacks. 
 
 ) Of this custom of applying to the parliament for reparation o* com- 
 pensation, and of its being granted gener^ , the expense a. *<m-
 
 246 MEMOIKS OF COZ. HUTCHINSON. [1644. 
 
 governor's spoils, if lie would help them to make him a prey, 
 which would have been good booty to his mean family : for 
 although the governor had hitherto got nothing but desperate 
 hazard and vast expense, yet now, this garrison began to be 
 in a more hopeful condition, by the late success in the north. 
 After York was taken, the Earl of Manchester marched into 
 our parts, upon whose coming Bolsover and Tickhill castles 
 were delivered up to him, and Welbeck, the Earl of New- 
 castle's house, which was given into Colonel Thornhagh's 
 command, and much of the enemy's wealth, by that means, 
 brought into Nottingham : Winkfield Manor, a strong garri- 
 son in Derbyshire, was taken upon composition, and by this 
 means a rich and large side of the country was laid open to 
 help to maintain the garrison at Nottingham, and more hoped 
 for by these gentlemen, who were now as greedy to catch at 
 the rewards of another's labours, as unable to merit anything 
 themselves. But when the hopes of the harvest of the whole 
 country had tempted them to begin their wicked plots, God, 
 seeming angry at their ill use of mercy, caused the Earl of 
 Manchester to be called back into the south, when he was 
 going to have besieged Newark, and so that town, with the 
 petty garrisons at Wiverton, Shelford, and Belvoir, were still 
 left for further exercise to Nottingham. Yet the hopes that 
 these would in time be gained, made these gentlemen prosecute 
 their design aigainst the governor, whose party they endea- 
 voured with all subtleties to weaken : and first they attempted 
 Colonel Thornhagh, who having by his signalised valour 
 arrived at a great reputation, they thought if they could gain 
 him, he would be their best lever to heave out the governor, 
 and that prop once removed they despaired not to make him 
 contribute to his own ruin ; for they had discovered in him a 
 
 quents or cavaliers, there appear many instances in Whitelocke no doubt 
 many abuses crept in. In Walker's Hist, of Independ. p. 81, Mr. Milling- 
 ton is declared to have received in this manner 2000.
 
 1644.J FACTIONS OF THE COMMITTEE. 247 
 
 facility of nature, apt to be deluded by fair pretences, and 
 more prone to suspect the kind plain dealing of his friends, 
 than the flattery of his enemies : but the governor, after they 
 had displayed themselves, by his vigilancy prevented many of 
 their malicious designs, and among the rest those they had 
 upon this gentleman. During his sickness the governor took 
 care of his regiment, and employed the troops that quartered 
 in the garrison : but through the wicked instigations of Cap- 
 tain White, being very refractory, and the regiment often 
 called out on field-service, the governor sent for a commission, 
 and raised a troop of horse, which the lieutenant-colonel com- 
 manded, and a troop of dragoons for the peculiar service of 
 the garrison. These cunning sowers of sedition wrought, 
 upon this occasion, Colonel Thornhagh into a jealous belief, 
 that Colonel Hutchinson was taking the advantage of his 
 sickness to work himself into his command. Colonel Thorn- 
 hagh was grieved at it, but said nothing ; but the governor 
 discovering the thing, notwithstanding his silence, when the 
 lieutenant- colonel went to London, procured a commission 
 for Colonel Thornhagh to be, next under Sir Thomas Fairfax, 
 commander-in-chief of all the parliament's horse in Notting- 
 hamshire, at all times ; which being brought to Colonel 
 Thornhagh, when he knew nothing of it, cleared him of that 
 suspicion. And now, although they were more inclined to 
 delude than openly to oppose Colonel Thornhagh, yet they, 
 having no exceptions against the governor in his own person, 
 but only against his authority, were forced to deny Colonel 
 Thornhagh's command as well as the governor's, they being 
 both derived from the same power. The horse-captains, who 
 were allured by fair colours of preferment, and indulged in 
 their plunder, which they hoped to do with more freedom, if 
 Captain White prevailed, were more obedient to Captain 
 White and their own ambition, than to their colonel or the 
 laws and customs of war. The committee hoped, by thus
 
 248 MEMOIBS OF COI,. HUTCHIXSON. [1644. 
 
 disputing the colonel's powers, under a f ice of parliament 
 authority, to weary them out, and make them cast up their 
 commissions, when they had, by Mr. Millington, blocked up 
 the way of their complaint, so that they feared not being 
 turned out of the committee for the abuse of that trust : and 
 perhaps the} had succeeded but that the governor scorned to 
 give up a good cause, either particular or public, for want of 
 courage to defend it amidst many difficulties ; and then, 
 although he had many enemies, he had more friends, whom 
 if he should desert, would be left to be crushed by these 
 malicious persons ; and more than all this, the country would 
 be abandoned into the hands of persons who would only make 
 a prey of it, and not endeavour its protection, liberty, or real 
 advantage, which had been his chief aim in all his under- 
 takings. 
 
 The conspirators, as I may more justly term them, than 
 the committee, had sent Captain White to York, to my Lord 
 Fairfax, to get the governor's power defined ; which the 
 governor understanding, the next day went thither himself, 
 and Mr. Pigott, who from the beginning to the ending showed 
 himself a most real and generous friend to the governor, and 
 as cordial to his country and the great cause, went along 
 with him, arriving a day after Captain White. When my 
 lord gave them a hearing together, he asked whether the 
 governor had done anything of consequence without consult- 
 ing the committee, which White could not say he had ; then 
 he asked White if he had any other misgovernment to 
 accuse him of, which when White could not allege against 
 him, the governor before his face tol 1 my lord all the busi- 
 ness, whereupon White was dismissed with reproof and 
 laughter, and letters were written to the committee, to jus- 
 tify the governor's power, and to entreat them to forbear 
 disturbing him in his command, and to Mr. Millingtor, to 
 desire him to come over to York to my lord ; both which the
 
 1C44. J SALISBURY'S MISCONDUCT. 249 
 
 governor delivered, but Mr. Millington would not go over, 
 but, on the contrary, continued to foment and raise up the 
 factions in the town against the governor, and by his coun- 
 tenance the committee every day meditated and practised 
 new provocations, to stir up the governor to rage, or at least 
 to weary him in his employment. The horse, without his 
 knowledge, they frequently sent abroad ; protections, tickets, 
 and passes, they gave out ; and, encroaching upon his office 
 in all things whatsoever, wrought such a confusion in the 
 garrison, that while all men were distracted and amazed, in 
 doubt whose orders to obey, and who were their commanders, 
 they obeyed none, but every man did what he listed ; and by 
 that means the public service was in all things obstructed 
 and prejudiced. The governor, while the injury was only to 
 himself, bore it, but when it extended almost to the destruc- 
 tion of the garrison, he was forced to endeavour a remedy. 
 For about this time it happened that Salisbury, being trea- 
 surer, had given base terms and wilful delays to the soldiers 
 who were assigned their pay, when the money was ready for 
 them in the treasury ; and when this base carriage of his had 
 provoked them to a mutiny, the governor was sent for to ap- 
 pease it, which he did ; but coming to the committee, told 
 them he would no longer endure this usage of theirs, to have 
 all things of power, honour, and command, wrested out of 
 his hands, and all things of difficulty and danger put upon 
 him ; while they purposely stirred up occasions of rigour 
 and punishment, and then expected he should be the exe- 
 cutioner of it, by which he perceived they did these things 
 only with design to render him contemptible and odious to 
 all persons. Not long afterwards a command came for all 
 the horse that could be spared in the garrison to go to Sir 
 John Meldrum, to the relief of Montgomery Castle. The 
 governor went to the committee to consult what troops should 
 march, and they voted none. The governor told them, he
 
 250 MEMOIRS OP COI,. HUTCHINSON. [1644. 
 
 conceived when a command was given, they were to obey 
 without dispute, and that he came to advise with them what 
 troops should be sent forth, not whether any or none ; there- 
 fore although they voted disobedience of the command, that 
 would not discharge him, especially the service being of great 
 consequence, and the troops lying here without other em- 
 ployment : wherefore at night he summoned a council of 
 war, and there almost all the captains, having no mind to 
 march so far from home, declared they conceived themselves 
 to be under the command of the committee, and would only 
 obey their orders. Upon this the governor went to the com- 
 mittee and desired them that, since unanswerable things 
 were done, the public service neglected, and all the transac- 
 tions of the garrison confused, they would unite with him in 
 a petition to parliament to define their several powers ; and in 
 the meantime, either quietly to let him execute his duty, or 
 else to take all upon them and discharge him. They pre- 
 sently made a motion, that he would call a muster, and put 
 it to all the soldiers, whether they would be governed by the 
 committee or the governor. The governor told them his com- 
 mand was not elective, but of right belonged to him, and this 
 way was only the next occasion to cause a mutiny, which he 
 could not consent to. But they persisting in their course, he 
 came again to them and desired they would discontinue these 
 affronts in his command, and also their underminings, where- 
 by they endeavoured to alienate men's hearts from him, and 
 to raise a faction against him by close unworthy practices. 
 So after much debate it was on all hands agreed, that they 
 should not at all intermeddle with anything belonging to the 
 soldiery, nor interrupt the governor in his command, till the 
 house of parliament should decide it, and that the governor 
 and Captain White should both go to London, to procure a 
 speedy determination of the powers in a fair and open way. 
 This they all faithfully promised the governor, and made
 
 1644.] HOOPEE GOES TO CROMWELL. 251 
 
 many hypocritical professions to him, some of them with 
 tears ; whereupon he, who was of the most reconcilable 
 nature in the world, accepted their fair pretences, and went 
 to drink friendly with them in token of kindness. Yet was 
 all this but hypocrisy and falsehood, for even at that very 
 time they wearied many of the governor's officers out of the 
 garrison, by the continued malice wherewith they persecuted 
 all that had any respect for him. Among these was Mr. 
 Hooper the engineer, a man very faithful to the cause, and 
 very honest, but withal rough, who having to do with hate- 
 ful businesses, was made odious to the common people, the 
 priests too having a particular spite at him, as one they 
 esteemed a leader of the separatists ; yet he was very inge- 
 nious and industrious in his office, and most faithful as well 
 to the governoi himself as to the public service. The com- 
 mittee, to insinuate themselves with the common people, 
 regarded him with an evil eye, and so discouraged him, that 
 being offered much better preferment, and invited by Colonel 
 Cromwell into other parts, he acquainted the governor with 
 it, offering withal that, if he might yet be protected from 
 affronts in his employment, he would stay and serve the 
 governor for half the salary offered elsewhere. But the go- 
 vernor, although he was very sorry to part with him, and the 
 service would much miss him, yet being so much injured 
 himself, could not undertake the protection of any of his 
 officers, and therefore would not hinder his preferment, but 
 suffered him to go to Cromwell. Such was the envy of 
 the committee to him, that that very day, just as he was 
 going, they not willing to let him depart in peace, although 
 they knew he had justly expended all the money he had re- 
 ceived of them, yet they called for an account, from the 
 beginning of his employment, which they had often seen in 
 parcels ; but believing he could not so readily give it them al- 
 together, they then demanded it. He immediately brought it
 
 252 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHI5T8ON [1644. 
 
 forth, and got by it twelve shillings due to him upon the foot 
 thereof, which he intended not to have asked them for, but 
 receiving it upon the exhibition of his account, went away 
 smiling at their malice ; which yet would not let him go so, 
 for then Henry Wandall came with a petition to the gover- 
 nor, that he would vindicate the honour of the Earl of Essex 
 against Mr. Hooper, whom he accused of having spoken words 
 against him, and done actions to his dishonour. The governor 
 knowing this was but malice, accepted security for him, which 
 was offered by Mr. Pigott and Major Watson, that he should 
 answer what could be objected against him at any council of 
 war he should be called to.* 
 
 Wednesday, September the 25th, 1644, Captain White 
 went to London, to solicit the committee's business against 
 the governor, for they pretended to put it upon a fair de- 
 bate, as was promised. The next day the governor com- 
 manded Captain Barrett's troop to convoy him towards 
 London; but just as he was going to horse, the committee, 
 contrary to their engagements not to meddle with any mili- 
 tary affairs, commanded them another way, and so he was 
 forced to go without a convoy, although the captain was 
 afforded a whole troop to wait on him. 
 
 Two or three days before the governor went, Chadwick 
 came privately to the governor's brother, and told him that 
 his conscience would not suffer him to conceal the malicious 
 designs, and that treachery, which he now discovered to be 
 
 * This Mr. Hooper was undoubtedly a person of singular abilities. Mr. 
 Sprigge, in his Anglia Rediviva, mentions him as serving Sir Thomas Fair- 
 fax at the siege of Oxford and other places as engineer extraordinary, and 
 greatly expediting all his enterprises, the rapidity and number of which 
 were surprising : he was at the siege of Ragland Castle, the last garrison 
 that surrendered ; he came again to Nottingham during Colonel Hutchin- 
 son's government, and, by the list of the garrison in Deering's Nottingham, 
 appears to have continued with Captain Poulton.
 
 1643.] PREACHED AGAINST BY A PKESBYIERIAN. 253 
 
 in these men's oppositions to the governor ; and with many 
 insinuations, told him they were framing articles against the 
 governor, whereof he gave him a copy, which the gover- 
 nor carried to London with him, and showed the lieutenant- 
 colonel the originals in Mason's and Plump tre's own hand- 
 writings. Three days after the governor, Colonel Thornhagh 
 went to London. That day the governor went, one of the 
 preshyterian ministers, whose name was Goodhall, preached 
 the lecture at the great church, with many invectives against 
 governors and arbitrary power, so plainly hinting at the 
 governor, that all the church well understood it; but of 
 the committee he spoke faAvningly, and told them he had 
 nothing to say to them, but to go on in the good way they 
 went. Some months afterwards, this poor man, preaching at 
 a living the committee had put him into, was taken by the 
 enemy, and much dejected at it, because he could not hope 
 the governor would exchange him, after his unworthy pulpit 
 railings at him ; but the governor, who hated poor revenges 
 when his enemy and one of his friends were both in the 
 same prison, and he had but one exchange ready, first pro- 
 cured the minister's release, and let his own officer stay for 
 the next exchange. Whereupon the man coming home, was 
 struck with remorse, and begged the governor's pardon, 
 with real acknowledgments both to himself and others of his 
 sin, in supporting the faction against the governor, who was 
 told that on his death-bed, for he died before the garrison 
 was dissolved, he expressed to some of the governor's friends 
 his trouble for having been his enemy. But not only to him, 
 but to many others of his enemies, the governor upon sundry 
 occasions, when they fell into his power to have requited 
 their mischiefs, instead of vengeance rendered them benefits ; 
 so that at last his own friends would tell him, if they could 
 in justice and conscience forsake him, they would become 
 his adversaries, for that was the next way to engage him to
 
 254 MEMOIES OP COL. HUTCHIXSON. [1644. 
 
 obligations. But although his friends, who had greater ani- 
 mosities against his unjust persecutors than he himself, would 
 say these things in anger at his clemency, his nature was as 
 full of kind gratitude to his friends as free from base re- 
 venges upon his enemies, who either fell down to him from 
 their own just remorse, or were cast under his power by 
 God's just providence. 
 
 As soon as the governor was gone, the committee took all 
 power upon them, and had the impudence to command the 
 lieutenant-colonel, who was deputy-governor, and absolute in 
 his brother's absence, to draw out his troop : he went to 
 them and told them he was sorry they broke their agreement, 
 but he could not break his trust of his brother's authority 
 to obey them. Then they feigned a pretence and turned 
 out the governor's quarter-master, who, by the governor's 
 appointment had quartered soldiers at an ale-house Mr. 
 Millington had given protection to, saying, that none should 
 be quartered on account of some relation they had to him 
 who married one of the daughters of the place. This oc- 
 casioning some dispute, Cooke the quarter-master had ut- 
 tered some words, for which they sent for him and cast out 
 great threats, how they would punish him ; which frighted 
 his wife, big with child, in that manner, that her child died 
 within her, and her own life was in great hazard. The 
 committee then called a hall, and caused the townsmen to 
 bring in horses for dragoons, whereof they voted a regiment 
 to be raised, Chadwick to be the colonel, and Hall and 
 Selby to be captains under him. They took upon them to 
 command the soldiers, and made horrible confusion, by 
 which they often put the garrison in great danger, if the 
 enemy had known their advantage. Among the rest, one 
 night after the guards were set, the captain of the guard, 
 missing the deputy-governor to receive the word from him, 
 gave them the same word they had before, till he had found
 
 1644.] CONFUSION CREATED BY THE COMMITTEE. 255 
 
 out the governor to receive a new one. Mr. Millington 
 coming by, half flustered, would have had the captain take 
 a word from him, which when the captain refused, he being 
 angry, commanded Captain Mason's drums to beat, and set 
 a double guard. The lieutenant- colonel hearing the drums, 
 and having no notice of his command, sent to Mason to 
 command him to forbear drawing any men to the guard, but 
 Mason would not obey him. Besides this, they did a thou- 
 sand such like things, to provoke him to give them some 
 colour of complaint, or some advantage against him and his 
 brother, in order to carry on a wicked design, by which they 
 were secretly managing to destroy them ; but God, by a 
 wonderful providence, brought it to light. 
 
 Their conspiracy was to accuse the colonel and his brother, 
 as persons that had betrayed the town and castle, and were 
 ready to surrender them to the enemy, which they would 
 pretend to have discovered, and to have prevented their 
 treachery, by a surprise of the lieutenant-colonel, the castle 
 and the bridges, and all the officers that were faithful to the 
 govei'nor and his friends. Because they had not a force in 
 town who would act this villany, they sent to Sir John Gell, 
 in whom they had a great interest, and a man likely enough 
 to promote their wickedness, had they even acquainted him 
 with it, as black as it was in the cursed forge of their own 
 hearts : but to carry on their business closely, they sent to tell 
 him they had cause of suspicion that the lieutenant-colonel 
 was false to his trust, and would deliver the castle to the 
 enemy, to prevent which they desired him to assist them with 
 some men and amunition ; which ammunition was very secretly 
 conveyed into the town, and the men were ready to march, 
 and quarters taken up for them in Nottingham. The lieu- 
 tenant-colonel dreamed nothing of the mischief that was 
 hatching against him, when, just at the very time of the 
 execution, there came into Nottingham two gentlemen,
 
 256 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCH1XSON. [1041. 
 
 whom the parliament employed to carry intelligences be- 
 tween the north and the south, and who used to meet at this 
 town. 
 
 Mr. Fleetwood, who came from the south, came imme- 
 diately up to the castle, and was there familiarly and kindly 
 treated, as he used to be, by the lieutenant-colonel. This 
 was upon a Saturday night, in the month of October. Mr. 
 Marsh, his correspondent, who came from the north, passing 
 through Derby, was so cautioned by Sir John Gell, that he 
 durst not go up to the castle, but on the Lord's day sent for 
 Mr. Fleetwood to meet him in the town ; who coming to him, 
 he told him what information he had received from Sir John 
 Gell, and for that reason he durst not trust himself in the 
 castle. Mr. Fleetwood undertaking for his safety, brought 
 him up to the lieutenant-colonel, and finding the untruth 
 of their forgeries, told the lieutenant- colonel all the machina- 
 tions against him ; whereupon, on the Monday morning, he 
 went away to London, and sent Mr. Millington word, that 
 having understood the suspicion they had of him, he was gone 
 to London, where, if they had anything to accuse him of, they 
 might send after him, and he should be ready to answer it, 
 and in his absence had left Captain Lomax governor of the 
 garrison. The committee, very much confounded that then- 
 wickedness was come to light, resolved to outface the thing, 
 and denied that they had sent to Derby for any men. They 
 said indeed it was true, that having formerly lent Sir John 
 Gell some powder, they had sent for that back ; but this was 
 not all, for they had also persuaded the master of the maga- 
 zine that was in the castle to convey, unknown to the lieute- 
 nant-colonel, two barrels of powder, with match and bullet 
 suitable, to such place as Chadwick should direct. This he, 
 not dreaming of their evil intention, had condescended to do, 
 and sent them to Salisbury's house ; but as soon as the lieute- 
 nant-colonel was gone, they took what care they could to
 
 1644."] EVIL INTENTIONS OF THE COMMITTEE. 257 
 
 shuffle up this business, and presently despatched Captain 
 Palmer to London and Lieutenant Chadwick to Derby, where 
 he so wrought with Sir John Gell, that he brought back a 
 counterfeit letter, pretended to have been all that Avas sent 
 from the committee of Nottingham to him, and another of 
 Sir John Cell's writing, wherein he disowned all that Mr. 
 Marsh had related of his information. But God, who would 
 not let them be hid, had so ordered that while matters were 
 thus huddling up at Derby, Sir John Gell's brother came by 
 chance to Nottingham, and affirmed that the committee of 
 Nottingham had sent to his brother for three hundred men, 
 to surprise Nottingham Castle ; which, when the committee 
 heard, they sent Captain Pendock after him the next day to 
 charm him, that he might not discover the truth in that 
 particular. Also the very day that these intentions of theirs 
 were thus providentially brought to light, one of Sir John 
 Gell's captains was known to be in town, whom Sir John had 
 sent to discover the state of things, and the new quarter- 
 master had been all that day taking billets for soldiers in 
 several houses in the town. 
 
 When the governor came to London, the committee of 
 both kingdoms had appointed a sub-committee to hear 
 his business, whereof young Sir Henry Vane had the chair, 
 Mr. William Pierrepont, Mr. Solicitor St. John, Mr. Recorder, 
 and two of the Scotch commissioners, were nominated for 
 the committee ; before whom the governor's propositions 
 and the committee's answers had been read, and when their 
 solicitor, Captain White, saw they were likely to be cast out 
 as frivolous, he produced some articles, which they had 
 formed against the governor, lieutenant-colonel, and Mr. 
 Pigott ; but they proved as frivolous as the other, and the 
 gentlemen answered them so clearly, that they appeared to 
 be forged out of malice and envy, only to cause delays, there 
 being scarcely anything of moment in them if they had been
 
 258 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTTTCHINSON. [1644. 
 
 true, whereas they were all false. And now after they had 
 trodden down the fence of shame, and impudently begun with 
 articles, there was not the least ridiculous impertinency that 
 passed at Nottingham, but they put into a scrip of paper and 
 presented it as an additional article to the committee ; to each 
 of whom particularly Mr. Millington had written letters, and 
 given them such false impressions of the governor, and so 
 prepossessed them against him, who was a stranger to them all, 
 that they looked upon him very coldly and slightly, when he 
 made particular addresses to them. But he that scorned 
 to be discouraged by any men's disregard, from whom he 
 had more reason to have expected all caresses and thankful 
 acknowledgments of his unwearied fidelity and good services, 
 resolved to pursue his own vindication through all their 
 frowns and cold repulses : these he met with more from Mr. 
 William Pierrepont than from any of the rest, till Mr. Pier- 
 repont perceived the injustice of their prosecution, and then 
 there was no person in the world that could demean himself 
 with more justice, honour, and kindness than he did to the 
 governor, whose injuries first became apparent to him, when 
 the lieutenant- colonel came and told his brother what combi- 
 nations had been discovered against him at Nottingham, 
 which the governor resenting with great indignation, com- 
 plained of them to the committee. The Solicitor White 
 impudently denied the whole matter, or that ever the com- 
 mittee at Nottingham had had the least suspicion of the 
 governor or his brother, or the least ground of any. When 
 this had been with stiffness and impudence enough outfaced 
 before the committee, Mr. Pierrepont, then fully convinced 
 of their devilish malice, pulled a letter out of his pocket, 
 wherein Mr. Millington made this suggestion to him against 
 the governor and his brother, and desired that he might be 
 armed with power to prevent and suppress them. This 
 would have made others ashamed, but their solicitor was
 
 1644.] HEARING BEFORE THE COMMITTEE. 259 
 
 notwithstanding impudent and rudely pressing upon the com- 
 mittee, who though they were persons of honour, and after 
 they discovered the governor's innocence, were not forward to 
 oppress him; yet as they were statesmen, so they were not so 
 ready to relieve him as they ought to have been, because 
 they could not do it without a high reflection upon one of 
 their own members, Avho encouraged all those little men in 
 their wicked persecution of him. They were such exquisite 
 rogues, that all the while some of them betrayed one another 
 to the governor, and told him, under pretence of honesty 
 and conscience, the bottom of their whole designs, showed 
 the foul original drafts of their articles, in the men's own 
 hands that contrived them ; and told him how, not so much 
 dislike of him, as covetousness and ambition to advance 
 themselves upon his ruins, had engaged them thus against him, 
 and made them contrive that villainy to accuse him and his 
 brother of treachery, and to have seized their garrisons, 
 under that pretence, and gotten them to be made prisoners; 
 and then Mr. Millington undertook to have so lodged their 
 petitions in the parliament, that they should never have been 
 heard and relieved.* Colonel Thornhagh too was to have 
 been wrought out of his command, and they had divided the 
 spoil before they caught the lions. Millington's son was 
 designed to be governor of the castle ; the ten pounds a 
 week allowed for the governor's table, so many of the com- 
 mittee-men were to share by forty shillings a man ; Chad- 
 wick was to be colonel of the town regiment, and Mason 
 major; White colonel of the horse regiment, and Palmer, 
 the priest, his major ; and all the governor's friends were to 
 
 * It is averred in the History of Independency, " that the active speak- 
 ing men pack committees who carry all the businesses of the house as 
 they please, and when the matter is too bad, smother it with artificial 
 delays." 
 
 32
 
 260 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHIXSOX. [1644. 
 
 be turned out, and their places disposed of to creatures of 
 their own, who drawn on with these hopes, were very active 
 to work the governor and his party out of the opinion of all 
 men. They forgot the public interest in this private quarrel, 
 taking in all the malignant and debauched people that would 
 join with them, to destroy the governor, whom they hated 
 for his unmoved fidelity to his trust, and his severe restric- 
 tion of lewdness and vice. But because he protected and 
 favoured godly men that were sober, although they separated 
 from the public assemblies, this opened wide the mouths of 
 all the priests and all their idolaters, and they were willing 
 enough to let the children of hell cry out with them to make 
 the louder noise ; and as we have since seen the whole cause 
 and party ruined by the same practice, so at that time the 
 zealots for God and the parliament turned all the hate they 
 had to the enemies of both, and called on them to assist in 
 executing their malice upon the faithful servant and generous 
 champion of the Lord's and his country's just cause. And 
 now the name of cavalier was no more remembered, Castilian 
 being the term of reproach with which they branded all the 
 governor's friends; and lamentable it was to behold how those 
 wretched men fell away under this temptation, not only from 
 public spiritedness, but from sobriety and honest, moral con- 
 versation ; not only conniving at and permitting the wicked- 
 ness of others, but themselves conversing in taverns and 
 brothels, till at last Millington and White were so ensnared 
 that they married a couple of alehouse wenches, to their 
 open shame and the conviction of the whole country of the 
 vain lives they led, and some reflection on the parliament 
 itself, as much as the miscarriage of a member could cast on 
 it, when Millington, a man of sixty, professing religion, and 
 having but lately buried a religious matronly gentlewoman, 
 should go to an alehouse to take a flirtish girl of sixteen ; 
 yet by these noble alliances, they much strengthened theii
 
 1644.] FRESH PETITION OF THE COMMITTEE. 261 
 
 faction with all the vain, drunken rogues in the town against 
 the governor. Now, that their first plot had, by God's pro- 
 vidence, been detected, they fell upon others, and set on in- 
 struments every where, to insinuate all the lies they could, 
 that might render the governor odious to the town and to 
 the horse of the garrison, whom they desired to stir up to 
 petition against him, but could not find any considerable 
 number that would freely do it ; therefore they used all the 
 strong motives they could, and told them that the governor 
 sought to exercise an arbitrary power over them, and to have 
 all their booties at his own disposal, and other such like 
 things, by which at length they prevailed with many of Col. 
 Thornhagh's regiment to subscribe a petition that they might 
 be under the command of the committee, and not of any 
 other person in the garrison. This petition was sent up 
 by Captain Palmer, and he meeting Mr. Pigott at West- 
 minster Hall, Mr. Pigott, in private discourse with him, 
 began to bewail the scandalous conversation of certain 
 persons of the committee, hoping that he, being familiar 
 with them, might be a means to persuade them to refor- 
 mation. 
 
 After this the governor, Colonel Thornhagh, Mr. Pigott, 
 and some others, being in a tavern at Westminster, where 
 they dined, Captain Palmer came to the door, and they bade 
 him come in. Upon discourse, the governor pulled out of 
 his pocket the articles which the committee had put in 
 against him, showed them to Captain Palmer, and asked him 
 whether he thought it possible that he should, after all his 
 toils and services, have been articled against for such things. 
 Palmer, who had been from the beginning with the committee, 
 and knew the falsehood of these accusations, professed he 
 was amazed at them, and that he had not till then heard any- 
 thing of them. Continuing in further discourse, the governor 
 mentioned an unchristian- like sermon, which Mr. Goodhall
 
 262 MEMOIBS OF COI,. HTJTCHIXSOX. [1644. 
 
 had preached, with invectives against him in his absence. 
 Palmer undertook the justification of it with such saucy pro- 
 vocations, that the governor told him if it had not been more 
 in respect to his black coat than his grey, he would have 
 beaten him out of the room, which for his own safety he 
 advised him to leave ; so he went out very angry, and going 
 to Captain White, told him how Mr. Pigott called him a 
 whoremaster, Mr. Millington a drunkard, and Chadwick a 
 knave. White, meeting Mr. Pigott in the hall, challenged 
 him of these scandals. Mr. Pigott, seeing Palmer not far 
 off, led White to him, and told him he knew that person had 
 been his informer, repeating all he had said to him, and 
 added, that it was in a desire for their reformation, but he 
 would maintain that all the things he spoke were true. 
 Palmer further, in his rage, puts into the committee a paper 
 of reasons why he desired to be exempted from being under 
 the governor ; whereof one was, that he had cowardly and 
 unhandsomely behaved himself on an occasion when Palmer's 
 troop marched out with him to Elston. The governor sent 
 a copy of this paper down to Palmer's own troop, and the 
 lieutenant, cornet, and all the troopers sent up a certificate, 
 under their hands, of the falsehood of their captain's accu- 
 sation. After this, Palmer came into the garrison, and made 
 a grievous exclamation all over the town against the governor 
 and Mr. Pigott for traducing the ministers, Mr. Millington, 
 and the committee ; adding a false report, that the governor 
 had thrown a trencher at his head ; and abused the pulpit 
 for persuading the people to vindicate them. Among other 
 things, he misapplied a place in Nehemiah, where Nehemiah 
 says, " I ate not the governor's bread, because the fear of 
 the Lord was upon me," to the governor ; that his accepting 
 a public table, was a mark of the want of the fear of God ; 
 and many other such malicious wrestings of scripture did he 
 and his fellow priests at that time practise. The committee
 
 1644.] CONTINUED FACTIONS OF THE COMMITTEE. 263 
 
 of Nottingham, on their side, taking this occasion, called a 
 public hall in the town, where two orations were made by 
 Mr. Millington and Colonel Chadwick. Millington began, 
 with a large enumeration of Chadwick' s worthy actions 
 (known to no man), whereby he merited honour of all men, 
 especially of this town ; and then mentioning his own good 
 services for the town, told them how ungratefully they were 
 repaid by Mr. Pigott, with the scandalous aspersion of being 
 drunkards and knaves ; and that their singular affections and 
 endeavours for the good of the town had exposed them to 
 this calumny, wherefore they desired the town to join in 
 their justification. Chadwick made just such another speech, 
 and both of them seemed to pass by their own particular, 
 and only to desire the other's justification ; Chadwick, in his 
 speech, saying that Mr. Pigott' s abuse of Mr. Millington did 
 not only asperse the committee, but even the parliament 
 itself. Captain Lomax, then deputy-governor of the garrison, 
 after they had spoken, stood up, and advised the townsmen 
 that they should forbear to entangle themselves in things 
 they understood not, adding that Mr. Pigott, and the gentle- 
 men at London, were persons of such honour and prudence, 
 that they would maintain whatever they had spoken of any 
 man. Hereupon Captain Mason, and two malignant towns- 
 men his soldiers, began to mutiny with high insolence, and 
 to lay violent hands on him to thrust him out of the hall, 
 giving him most reproachful terms ; but the man being very 
 stout quieted them, and would not depart till the hall broke 
 up. After this, without acquainting the deputy-governor, 
 they summoned another hall ; but Lomax, seeing their incli- 
 nation to mutiny, forbade it. Then, at ten o'clock at night, 
 they got a common council together, at Mr. Salisbury's house, 
 and there Mr. Millington again desired they would join in 
 the vindication of himself, the ministers, and the committee, 
 and got about eight of them to subscribe a blank paper.
 
 264 MEMOIKS OF COL. HUTCHINSO^. [1644. 
 
 Then the committee, with certain instruments of theirs, ap- 
 pointed rounds to walk the town, persuading some, and 
 threatening others, to set their hands to a petition, which 
 none of them that subscribed knew what it was, but they 
 told them it was for the good of the town. 
 
 All this while these petty committee fellows had carried 
 themselves as absolute governors, and Plumptre was now 
 their intimate favourite, and began to vapour that he would 
 have the castle pulled down to re-erect the church, and the 
 fort at the bridges thrown down, and all the arms and soldiers 
 brought into the town. 
 
 But at London, the governor being grown into acquaint- 
 ance with the gentlemen of the sub-committee that were to 
 hear his business ; and they perceiving with how much 
 wicked malice he was prosecuted, Sir Henry Vane was so 
 honourable as to give him advice to put his business in such 
 a way, as might take away all colour from his enemies. 
 Whereupon he put in some propositions to the committee of 
 both kingdoms, for the composure of these differences, 
 wherein he was willing to decline all things of his own right, 
 which might be done without prejudice to the public service, 
 and to pass by all the injuries that had been done him ; which 
 condescension gave such satisfaction, that forthwith the whole 
 business was determined at the committee of both kingdoms, 
 and the governor sent back to his charge, with instructions 
 drawn up for all parties, and letters written to the officers and 
 soldiers, both of horse and foot, to be obedient ; and like- 
 wise letters to the mayor of the town and to the committee 
 The governor returning, word was brought to Nottingham, 
 that on Friday night he lay at Leicester, whereupon the 
 committee, who had heard the determination of things above, 
 got them ready to be gone, but the soldiers having notice 
 thereof, went to the deputy-governor and entreated him to 
 stop the treasurer ; whereupon he and the major of the regi-
 
 1644.J RECEPTION AT THE CASTLE. 265 
 
 ment went to them, and entreated them to stay till the 
 governor came, merely to see what instructions he brought 
 with him from the powers above ; but when they would not 
 be persuaded fairly, then the deputy peremptorily forbade the 
 treasurer, as he would answer it, not to go. But he refusing 
 to obey, the deputy told him he should pass on his sword's 
 point if he went, and accordingly went down to set guards at 
 the Trent bridges ; which being told them, they made haste 
 and fled out at the other end of the town. Millington, 
 Chadwick, Ayscough, Salisbury, and Mason (whom they 
 had added to the committee to increase their faction), 
 were the committee men, who took with them their new 
 marshal and another of their created officers, Palmer, two 
 more priests, and a town captain. The governor was met on 
 his way homewards by some of his officers, and told with 
 what joy his garrison and regiment were preparing to enter- 
 tain him, in all expressions they could possibly make, by 
 volleys of cannon and muskets, and ringing of bells, and all 
 such declarations as used to be made in a public and universal 
 rejoicing; but the governor, fearing his enemies might not 
 bear such testimonies of love to him, without grief, sent into 
 the town to desire them to forbear their kind intentions of 
 giving him so loud a welcome. When he was now near the 
 town, another messenger came to acquaint him, that all those 
 who would have been grieved at his joyful entertainment 
 were fled, and that those who remained would be much 
 grieved if he should not be pleased to give them leave 
 to receive him with such demonstrations of their joy as 
 they could make. He now permitted them to do what 
 they pleased ; which leave being obtained, every one strove 
 to declare his gladness with all imaginable expressions of love 
 and honour, and with all the solemnities the time and place 
 would afford. The governor on his side received them all 
 with a cheerful obliging courtesy, and gave a large bounty to
 
 266 MEMOIES OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1644. 
 
 his loving soldiers, who made that day as great a festival as 
 if themselves and their families had been redeemed from cap- 
 tivity. The mayor of the town, with his brethren in their 
 scarlets, met him, and told him if he had been guilty of any- 
 thing prejudicial to him, he was exceedingly sorry for it, for 
 he infinitely honoured him, and all his errors had been 
 through ignorance or misinformation, which he should be 
 most ready to repair. That evening White came home pining 
 with spite and envy at the governor and the gentlemen that 
 joined with him, viz. Colonel Thornhagh, Mr. Pigott, Lieu- 
 tenant-colonel Hutchinson, Major Widmerpoole, Captain 
 Lomax, and Alderman James ; for as to the mayor of the 
 town, notwithstanding his fair professions publicly to the 
 governor, White had the same night again turned about that 
 weathercock. 
 
 The next day the governor and the committee with him 
 sent a command to all the horse in town to march to the 
 assistance of Derby and Leicester, to fortify a house called 
 Coleorton ; which not being taken notice of, the governor 
 and Colonel Thornhagh summoned all the horse officers, and 
 declared to them the orders of the committee of both king- 
 doms, to which they cheerfully promised obedience ; but 
 White being sent for among them, insolently refused to come 
 up to the castle, and bade the governor come down to him to 
 the committee's chamber ; yet upon second thoughts he came 
 up, and the governor took no notice for that time. On Mon- 
 day the governor sent to the mayor to call a hall, but the 
 mayor entreated him to forbear till they saw whether the 
 committee-men that ran away would come back, and that he 
 might go with Captain White to persuade them ; both of 
 which the governor assented to ; but the men would not 
 return, but went from Derby to London. Then the governor 
 called a general muster, and read to them the instructions he 
 had brought from the committee of both kingdoms, with
 
 <344.] MISCONDUCT OF CAPTAIN WHITE. 267 
 
 which, all the men were exceeding well pleased. But Cap- 
 tain White all this while would not deliver the letters he had 
 for the committee and the mayor of Nottingham. 
 
 Some few days afterwards word was brought the governor 
 that the new dragoons were come for ammunition, to march 
 out upon some design he was not acquainted with, where- 
 upon he sent to the guards at the bridges not to suffer them 
 to pass without his ticket. Immediately afterwards, White 
 came along with them, and being denied to pass, gave the 
 guards such provocative language that they were forced to 
 send for the governor. He came down and found White in 
 high rage, who gave him all the vile terms and opprobrious 
 language he could invent, to provoke him to some anger 
 upon which he might have taken his advantage ; but the 
 governor only laughed at his fogue,* and would not let him 
 go till he showed a warrant from the council of war at 
 London, and then he permitted him, after White had told 
 him that he would not be commanded by him, and a thousand 
 such mutinous speeches. As he went towards London he 
 met the horse coming home from Coleorton, to whom he told 
 such lies of the governor's usage of him, that they were 
 frightened from coming into the garrison, but that Colonel 
 Thornhagh prevailed with them to take his engagement, that 
 the governor should give them no ill usage. So they came 
 back, and that week their colonel charged the enemy's 
 quarters with them and took eighty horse, two horse colours, 
 a major and some other officers. The bridge troop also met 
 with Colonel Stanhope, governor of Shelford,f who had two 
 
 * French Fougue, fury or passion. 
 
 t Here, viz. in the end of the year 1644, Shelford clearly appears to be 
 a garrison for the king; yet Whitelocke, p. 96, says that in July, 1644, 
 Lord Grey of Groby, and Sir John Gell, had the thanks of the parliament 
 for taking it. This is an evident inaccuracy of Whitelocke's, or a very 
 successful puff of Sir John's. To put it out of doubt, Sprigge, in his
 
 268 MEMOIRS OF COJD. HUTCHINSOU. [1644. 
 
 parties, each, as many as they; his party where he himself was, 
 routed, and he ran away, while the other party charged 
 them in the rear, upon whom they turned, routed, and chased 
 them out of the field, took Lieutenant- colonel Stanhope and 
 his ensign, and many other prisoners, with many horse and 
 arms. In the absence of the governor and his brother, the 
 committee had done all they could to discourage and dissi- 
 pate this troop, and would neither give them money nor pro- 
 visions ; yet, upon hopes of their captain's return, they kept 
 themselves together, and when the governor came home he 
 recruited them. 
 
 The committee of both kingdoms had sent down at this 
 time an order for all the horse of Nottingham and Derby- 
 shire to join with three regiments of Yorkshire, and quarter 
 about Newark, to straighten the enemy there ; and accord- 
 ingly they rendezvoused at Mansfield, and from thence 
 marched to Thurgarton, where Sir Roger Cooper had fortified 
 his house, and lined the hedges with musketeers, who, as the 
 troops passed by, shot and killed one Captain Heywood. 
 Hereupon Colonel Thornhagh sent to the governor, and 
 desired to borrow some foot to take the house. The governor 
 accordingly lent him three companies, who took the house, 
 with Sir Roger Cooper and his brother, and forty men in it, 
 who were sent prisoners to Nottingham ; where, although 
 Sir Roger Cooper was in great dread of being put into the 
 governor's hands, whom he had provoked before upon a 
 private occasion, yet he received such a civil treatment from 
 him, that he seemed to be much moved and melted with it. 
 The foot had done all the service, and run all the hazard, in 
 taking the house, yet the booty was all given to the horse ; 
 this they had very just reason to resent, but notwithstanding, 
 
 Anglia Rediviva, counts it among the king's garrisons, May, 1645; and 
 Colonel Hutchinson, supported by Rossiter, took it in person and by storm 
 a year after that.
 
 1644. j RECRUITS THE STORES. 269 
 
 they marched along with them to Southwell, and there were 
 most sadly neglected, and put upon keeping outguards for the 
 horse, and had no provisions, so that the governor was forced 
 to send them some out of his garrison, or else they had been 
 left to horrible distress. Hereupon they sent to the governor 
 to desire they might come home, but upon Colonel Thorn- 
 hagh's entreaty and engagement that they should be better 
 used, the governor was content to let them stay a little 
 longer, till more horse came up, which were sent for out of 
 Yorkshire. In the meantime, those who were there already 
 did nothing but harass the poor country ; and the horse 
 officers were so negligent of their own duty, and so remiss in 
 the government of their soldiers, that the service was infi- 
 nitely prejudiced, and the poor country miserably distressed. 
 The Nottingham horse, being in their own country, and 
 having their families in and about Nottingham, were more 
 guilty of straggling than any of the rest ; and Capt. White's 
 whole troop having presumed to be away one night when 
 they should have been upon the guard, the Newarkers beat 
 up our quarters, and took almost two whole troops of that 
 regiment. White's lieutenant, without any leave from the 
 colonel, thereupon posted up to London, and contrived a 
 complaint against the governor, to make him appear guilty of 
 this disorder; but soon after Newark gave them another 
 alarm, and the parliament horse made so slender an appear- 
 ance that the officers, thereupon consulting in a council of 
 war, concluded that the design could not to be prosecuted 
 without more force, and for the present broke up their 
 quarters. 
 
 The committee men that ran away when the governor re- 
 turned had taken the treasurer away with them, and left 
 neither any money, nor so much as the rent rolls whereby 
 the governor could be instructed where to fetch in any;* 
 * Rent rolls of sequestrated or forfeited estates.
 
 270 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1644. 
 
 but by the prudence and interest of himself and his friends, 
 he procured a month's pay for the foot, and twenty shillings 
 a man for the horse,* as soon as he came home ; and recruited 
 all the stores, which the committee had purposely wasted in 
 his absence, and fetched in a small stock of powder they 
 had laid in at Salisbury's house. While he was thus in- 
 dustriously setting the things in order which they had con- 
 founded, they at London were as maliciously active to make 
 more confusion. They contrived many false and frivolous 
 articles and petitions against him, and proceeded to that de- 
 gree of impudence in desiring alterations, and casting reflec- 
 tions upon the sub-committee itself, that they grew weary of 
 them. Mr. Pierrepont and Sir H. Vane being now taken 
 notice of as leaders of the independent faction,f when those 
 gentlemen out of mere justice and honour discountenanced 
 their envy and malice, they applied themselves to the presby- 
 terian faction, and insinuating to them that the justice of 
 those gentlemen was partiality to the governor, because he 
 was a protector of the now hated separatists, they prevailed 
 to have Sir Philip Stapleton and Sir Gilbert Garrett, two 
 fierce presbyterians, added to the sub-committee, to balance 
 
 * One out of many instances of Colonel Hutchinson's generous devo- 
 tion to the cause, which brought on him that load of debt, so oppressive to 
 him in the reverse of afiairs. In p. 623 and 624, of Rushworth, Thoni- 
 hagh's Nottinghamshire horse state that they had served five years, and 
 received barely six shillings a week in all ; and that there was 40,000 
 due to them. Judge, from these two corps, Colonel Hutchinson's being 
 twelve hundred infantry, and two or three troops of dragoons, Thornhagh's 
 about six hundred horse, what was the general state of the army as to pay ! 
 Mr. Sprigge might well say of the troops as he does, " it was not their 
 pay that pacified them, for had they not had more civility than money, 
 things had not been so fairly managed." 
 
 f Probably it was the experience these two excellent politicians had of 
 Colonel Hutchinson's abilities and integrity on this trial which induced 
 them afterwards to take him for their associate.
 
 1644.] CKTJELTY OP THE EXCISEMEN. 271 
 
 the other faction, and found this wicked invention not a little 
 advantageous to them : yet Mr. Hollis, who was a person 
 of honour, did not comply with their factious spirits, but 
 gave the governor all just assistance against their malice 
 which lay in his power.* But they quitting all modesty, 
 and pressing the committee with false affirmations and for- 
 geries, that all men would lay down their arms if the 
 governor were not removed, at length prevailed, that he 
 should be the second time sent for to London to justify 
 himself against them. In that blank, to which they had by 
 fraud and threats procured so many signatures, they wrote a 
 petition, alleging that the governor was so generally de- 
 tested, that if he were not removed all men would fling 
 down their arms; and the subscriptions they thus abused 
 were those they procured to vindicate Mr. Millington. Salis- 
 bury and one Silvester had, for their own profit, gotten a 
 commission to set on foot the excise in the county, and joined 
 with them one Sherwin. These two were such pragmatical 
 knaves, that they justly became odious to all men; and 
 although necessity might excuse the tax in other places, yet 
 here it was such a burden that no man of any honesty or 
 conscience could have acted in it. For when plundering 
 troops killed all the poor countrymen's sheep and swine, 
 and other provisions, whereby many honest families 
 were ruined and beggared, these unmerciful people would 
 force excise out of them for those very goods which the 
 others had robbed them of; insomuch that the religious 
 soldiers said they would starve before they would be em- 
 ployed in forcing it, or take any of it for their pay. The 
 governor, being inclined in conscience to assist the poor 
 country, was very active in his endeavours to relieve them 
 
 * Mrs. Hutchinson, who in other places speaks with much disapproba- 
 ion of Mr. Hollis, here most candidly gives him his due.
 
 272 MEMOIKS OP COL. HTJTCHINSON. [1644. 
 
 from this oppression, which his enemies highly urged in their 
 articles against him. These excisemen came very pressingly 
 to urge the governor to enforce the payment of it in the 
 town ; he told them before he would use compulsion he 
 would try fair means, and call a hall to see whether the 
 townsmen would be persuaded, which accordingly he did : 
 but when the day came the excisemen came to the governor 
 and advised him to take a strong guard with him, telling 
 him that the butchers had been whetting their knives, and 
 intended mischief, and had cast out many words, intimating 
 a dangerous design. The governor told them he should not 
 augment his usual guard, and could fear nothing, having no 
 intent to do anything that might provoke them to mutiny. 
 They went again to the men and told them the governor in- 
 tended to come with many armed men, to compel them to 
 pay it : whereupon when he came to the hall he found but a 
 very slender appearance, yet those who were there were all 
 fully resolved not to pay it; but the governor wrought with 
 them to represent their reasons, in a humble manner, to 
 the committee of both kingdoms, and that there should be 
 a fuller meeting for that purpose the next week, and that in 
 the meantime both parties should forbear any private ad- 
 dresses in this matter. To this the excisemen agreed ; yet, 
 notwithstanding, the governor took a whole packet of their 
 letters going to London, which when he discovered, he also 
 wrote to his friends hi London on behalf of the garrison. 
 The next week at a full meeting, a petition was signed, 
 which the governor offered the town to have carried, being 
 himself to go up, but they in a compliment refused to give 
 him the trouble, pitching upon Captain Coates and the town- 
 clerk to go up with it. They accordingly went, about the 
 time that, after seven weeks' stay in the garrison, the gover- 
 nor was called again up to London to justify himself against 
 the malicious clamours of his adversaries. When Captain
 
 1645. J CERTIFICATE IN HIS FAVOUR. 273 
 
 Coates and the other came to London they applied them- 
 selves to Mr. Millington, who, perceiving that the governor 
 stood for the ease of the garrison, put them into a way to 
 frustrate their own designs, and so they returned home ; 
 and at the sessions, rendering the town an account of their 
 negotiations, they told them they found it an impossible 
 thing to get the excise taken off. Yet the governor knew a 
 \vay how to ease them, but they feared he would be dis- 
 couraged in it, because at his coming up he had found their 
 disafFections expressed against him in a petition to cast him 
 out of his command, "which," said the clerk, " you cannot do, 
 for he still is and must be governor ; therefore, if any of you 
 have been cheated of your hands, contrary to your intentions 
 and desires, you would do well to testify your honesty, by 
 disclaiming what goes under your name." Soon after, these 
 malignants stirred up the soldiers to mutiny, and there being 
 no governor in the garrison that could tell how to order them 
 otherwise, they were appeased with money ; upon which oc- 
 casion a general muster being called, the major told the 
 soldiers how they were injured at London by a petition, pre- 
 ferred in the name of the whole garrison, to cast the go- 
 vernor out of his command, which, if it were not their 
 desire, he wished them to certify to the contrary. They all 
 with one voice cried, they desired no other governor; where- 
 upon a certificate to that purpose was drawn up ; but when 
 it came to be subscribed, certain of the committee faction 
 went up and down persuading the companies not to subscribe ; 
 and when they found how little they prevailed, they foamed for 
 anger, and with such malicious railing, that one of the gover- 
 nor's soldiers, not able to bear them longer, cried out, " Why 
 do we suffer these fellows to vapour thus ? let us clout them 
 out of the field:" but the major hearing it, committed him; 
 and the next morning the certificate went up, subscribed 
 T
 
 274 MEMOIRS OF COL. HtTTCHINSON. [1645. 
 
 with se" en hundred townsmen's hands. After all was 
 done, the major gave some small sum to the soldiers to 
 drink, and the malicious faction, when they saw they could 
 not hinder this certificate, made another false one of their 
 own, that the major had with crowns a-piece hired all these 
 subscriptions, with other such like lies, which when they 
 could not make good, it is said they retracted their certificate 
 at London. 
 
 The committee at London could never finish the business 
 by reason of the impertinent clamours of the governor's enemies, 
 therefore at length, wearied with the continual endless papers 
 they had daily brought in, they made an order, wherein they 
 assigned a certain day for the determination of their power, 
 and in the meantime commanded all matter of crimination on 
 both sides should be forborne. At the day they both appeared, 
 but Mr. Millington presented a petition of a most insolent 
 nature, and fresh articles against the governor, which gave 
 the committee much distaste. The petition was, that whereas 
 the committee had kept them ten weeks at great charges, they 
 desired a speedy despatch now, according to their propositions. 
 The committee were much offended at this, and told them 
 they did them much injury to lay their stay upon them, who 
 five weeks before desired them to return, and only leave 
 a solicitor for each, and then they refused it ; that they had 
 broken their first orders, and given no satisfaction either for 
 it nor for their last, in bringing in articles against the gover- 
 nor. They took it very ill that they, who were plaintiffs, 
 should prescribe to them, who were judges, how to determine 
 the business ; wherefore they ordered that the governor 
 should return and pursue his first instructions, till he received 
 new ones, and that the business should be reported to the 
 house. The governor sent his brother down to take care of 
 the garrison, and stayed himself to receive the final determi-
 
 1645.] CHARACTER OF ME. G. HTTTCHINSON. 275 
 
 nation of the house, where Mr. Millington, through his inter- 
 est, kept off the report, by several tricks and unjust delays, 
 for about three or four months. 
 
 When the lieutenant-colonel came down, the captains were 
 wonderfully obedient, and all things pretty quiet, but the 
 governor's officers were discouraged at the countenance which 
 \vas given to his enemies, and the impunity of all the crimes of 
 that faction. He having a certain spirit of government, in an 
 extraordinary manner, which was not given to others, carrying 
 an awe in his presence that his enemies could not withstand, 
 the garrison was much disordered by his absence, and in daily 
 peril ; although the lieutenant-colonel was as faithful and 
 industrious in managing that charge as any person could be, 
 and as excellent a person, but in a different way from his 
 brother. Firmness and zeal to the cause, and personal valour 
 he had equally, but that vigour of soul which made him invin- 
 cible against all assaults, and overcoming all difficulties he met 
 in his way, was proper to himself alone. The lieutenant-col, 
 was a man of the kindest heart and the most humble familiar 
 deportment in the world, and lived with all his soldiers as if 
 they had been his brothers ; dispensing with that reverence 
 which was due to him, and living cheerful and merry, and 
 familiar with them, in such a manner that they celebrated him, 
 and professed the highest love for him in the world, and would 
 magnify his humility and kindness, and him for it, in a high 
 degree above his brother. But with all this they grew so 
 presumptuous that, when any obedience was exacted beyond 
 their humours or apprehensions, they would often dare to fail 
 in their duty ; whereas the governor, still keeping a greater 
 distance, though with no more pride, preserved an awe that 
 made him to be equally feared and loved, and though they 
 secretly repined at their subjection, yet they durst not refuse 
 it ; and, when they came to render it on great occasions, they 
 found such wisdom and such advantage in all his dictates that, 
 T 2
 
 276 MEMOIES OF COL. HUTCHIXSOX. [1645. 
 
 their reason being convinced of the benefit of his government, 
 they delighted in it, and accounted it a happiness to be under 
 his command, when any public necessity superseded the 
 mutiny of those private lusts, whereby all men naturally, but 
 especially vulgar spirits, would cast off their bridle, and be 
 only theii own rulers.* 
 
 As the governor's absence was the occasion of many 
 neglects in the government, not by his brother's fault, but 
 the soldiers', who wanting their pay (which, while the com- 
 mittee should have been providing, they were spending in 
 vexatious prosecutions of the governor), they were therefore 
 discontented, and through that, careless of their duty ; so, on 
 the other side, the cavaliers, who were not ignorant of the 
 dissensions in the garrison, took the advantage, and surprised 
 the lieutenant-colonel's fort at the Trent bridges, while he 
 was employed in keeping the castle. His soldiers in his 
 absence lying out of their quarters, had not left above thirty 
 men upon the guard, who were most of them killed, the 
 ensign fighting it out very stoutly, after their entrance, till he 
 died. The lieutenant-colonel was exceedingly afflicted with 
 this loss, but presently applied himself to secure what re- 
 mained. The whole town was in a sad uproar, and this 
 happening upon a Lord's day in the morning, in May, 1645, 
 all the people were in such a consternation that they could 
 keep no sabbath that day. Then the lieutenant-colonel had 
 an experiment of vulgar spirits, for even his own soldiers, 
 who were guilty of the loss of the place by being out of their 
 quarters, began to exclaim against him for a thousand cause- 
 less things ; and although he laboured amongst them with as 
 much courage and vigour as any man could use, to settle 
 
 * In the delineation of characters Mrs. Hutchinson remarkably excels. 
 Nothing can be more amiable than that which she here draws of Mr. 
 George Hutchinson, and this character he will be found to sustain with 
 increased esteem to the end of the history.
 
 1645.] UNHAPPY STATE OF THE TOWN. 277 
 
 their spirits and regain the place, yet they slighted him most 
 unjustly, and all cried out now to have the governor sent for, 
 as if he himself had been their castle. 
 
 Immediately after the unhappy surprise of the bridges, the 
 lieutenant- colonel sent away to his brother a post, who by 
 some of the lower fords got over the water, and carried the 
 sad news to London. A trumpet was sent to the bridges, 
 and obtained the dead bodies of the soldiers who were slain 
 at the surprise, and they were brought up to the town in carts 
 and buried. There were about twenty of them, very good and 
 stout men, though it availed them not in their last need, 
 when a multitude had seized them unawares. All that day a 
 body of the enemy faced the town, which, through terrors 
 without and discouragements and discontents within, was in 
 a very sad posture. The malignant faction against the gover- 
 nor improved even this occasion, and suggested to the town 
 that the castle would be the cause of their ruin ; that the 
 governor and his soldiers would secure themselves there, and 
 leave the town undefended; and because the lieutenant- 
 colonel was very strict that none of the castle-soldiers should 
 lie out of their quarters, lest that place might be surprised as 
 well as the other, the townsmen renewed their railings against 
 the castle, and their malice to all that were in it ; but the 
 lieutenant-colonel, regarding none of their unjust railings, by 
 God's blessing upon his vigilance, kept the town and castle 
 till his brother's return. 
 
 As soon as the news came to the governor at London, he 
 thought it time to throw off that patience with which he had 
 hitherto waited at great expense, and went to the parliament- 
 nouse before the house sat, and there acquainted the Speaker 
 what had befallen at Nottingham, desiring he might be called 
 to make a relation of it in the open house, or else he told the 
 Speaker, though he died for it, he would press in and let 
 them know how much the cause suffered by the indirect
 
 278 MEMOIES OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1645. 
 
 practices, which were partially connived at by some of their 
 members. The Speaker seeing him so resolved, procured 
 him, when the house was set, to be called in : and there he 
 told them how their fort was lost, and, for ought he knew, 
 the garrison, by that time ; which was no more than what he 
 had long expected, through the countenance that was, by one 
 of their members, given to a malignant faction, that obstructed 
 all the public service, disturbed all the honest soldiers and 
 officers in their duty, and spent the public treasury, to carry 
 on their private malice. He further told them, how disho- 
 nourable, as Avell as destructive to their cause, it was, that 
 their members should be protected in such unjust prosecu- 
 tions, and should make the privilege of the house their 
 shelter, to oppress the most active and faithful of their servants. 
 This and many other things he told them, with such boldness, 
 that many of the guilty members had a mind to have committed 
 him, but he spoke with such truth and convincing reason, that 
 all those of more generous spirits, were much moved by it, 
 and angry that he had been so injuriously treated, arid desired 
 him to take post down and to use all means to regain the 
 place, and gave him full orders to execute his charge without 
 disturbance.* From that time Mr. Millington so lost his 
 credit, that he never recovered the esteem he formerly had 
 among them ; and after that time, the governor's enemies 
 perceiving they were not able to mate f him, made no more 
 public attempts, though they continued that private malice, 
 which was the natural product of that antipathy there was 
 between his virtues and their vices. J Neither was it his case 
 
 * How would a similar expostulation, made at the bar of the honourable 
 house, be received at the present day ? 
 
 t Mate, conquer; Fr. matter, an expression taken from the game of 
 chess. 
 
 t It must almost have exhausted the patience of the reader, and 
 certainly have excited his highest indignation, to follow through all their
 
 1645. J FACTION UNIVERSAL IN ENGLAND. 279 
 
 alone ; almost all the parliament-garrisons were infested and 
 disturbed with like factious little people, insomuch that many 
 worthy gentlemen were wearied out of their commands, and 
 oppressed by a certain mean sort of people in the house, 
 whom to distinguish from the more honourable gentlemen, 
 they called Worsted-stocking Men. Some as violently curbed 
 their committees, as the committees factiously molested them.* 
 Nor were there factions only in particular garrisons, but the 
 parliament house itself began to fall into the two great 
 oppositions of Presbytery and Independency : and, as if dis- 
 cord had infected the whole English air with an epidemical 
 heart-burning and dissension in all places, even the king's 
 councils and garrisons were as factiously divided. The king's 
 commissioners and the governor at Newark fell into such 
 high discontents, that Sir Richard Byron, the governor, was 
 changed, and Sir Richard Willis put into his place.f This 
 accident of the bridges put an end to that vexatious persecu- 
 tion wherewith the governor had had so many sore exercises of 
 his wisdom, patience, and courage, and so many experiences of 
 God's mercy and goodness, supporting him in all his trials, 
 and bearing him up against all discouragements, not only to 
 stand without the least dejection himself, but to be able to 
 hold up many others, who were ready to sink under the 
 burden of unrighteousness and oppression, where they ex- 
 mazes the crafty and atrocious persecutors of Colonel Hutchinson; at the 
 same time it must have been a great consolation to him to see integrity 
 supported by discretion thus work out its own preservation. We may now 
 congratulate him on emerging from these mists and intricacies, and finding 
 himself in open field and daylight, where the colonel's nobler virtues can 
 display themselves. 
 
 * These men were but the natural consequences of a state of revolution. 
 Did these worsted-stocking men bear no likeness to the Jacobins of modern 
 days ? 
 
 t The same who afterwards became a spy for Cromwell; a bad substitute 
 for the loyal Byron !
 
 280 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1645. 
 
 pected just thanks and rewards. It cost the governor above 
 three hundred pounds to defend himself against their calum- 
 nies, renewed forgeries, and scandals, laid upon him ; but 
 God was with him in all in a wonderful manner, bringing 
 truth to light through all the clouds of envy that sought to 
 obscure it, and making his innocence and uprightness to shine 
 forth as the noon-day, justifying him even in the eyes of his 
 enemies, and covering them with shame and confusion of face. 
 They maintained their prosecution of him out of the public 
 stock, and were not called to account for so mis-spending it. 
 Mr. Millington perceiving how much he had lost himself by 
 it, applied himself to seek a reconciliation by flattering letters, 
 and professions of conviction and repentance of his unjust 
 siding with those men. The governor, who was of a most 
 reconcileable nature, forgave him, and ever after lived in good 
 friendship with him.* Others of them also afterwards, when 
 they saw the governor out of their power, some through fear, 
 and others overcome with his goodness, submitted to him, 
 who lived to see the end of them all ; part of them dying 
 before any disgrace or great sorrows overtook him, and those 
 who survived, renouncing and apostatizing from their most 
 glorious engagements, and becoming guilty of those crimes 
 for which they falsely accused him, while he remained firm, 
 and dying sealed up the profession of his life ; in all the future 
 difficulties of which, he was still borne up with the experience 
 of God's goodness and manifold protections. 
 
 The governor being dismissed from the parliament, imme- 
 diately took post, and coming through Northampton, met his 
 old engineer, Hooper, and brought him with him to Notting- 
 ham, where, by God's mercy, he arrived safe about three days 
 
 * As Mr. Millington will figure no more in this history, the reader is 
 here informed that he finished his career, after becoming one of the judges 
 who sentenced Charles the First, by coming in upon proclamation, making 
 a pitiful recantation, and being sentenced to perpetual imprisonment.
 
 1615.] RECOVERS THE FORT AT THE BRIDGES. 281 
 
 after the loss of the bridges, and was welcomed as if safety 
 and victory, and all desirable blessings, had come in his train. 
 His presence reinforced the drooping garrison, and he imme- 
 diately consulted how to go about regaining the fort. To 
 this purpose, and to hinder the enemy from having an inlet 
 into the town by the bridges, he made a little fort on the next 
 bridge, and put a lieutenant and thirty men into it, thereby 
 enclosing those in the fort the enemy had surprised, whom he 
 resolved to assault on the town side, having thus provided 
 that their friends should not come from the other side* 
 to help them. But those of Newark understanding this, 
 came as strong as they could one morning, and assaulted the 
 little new fort, where Lieutenant Hall, failing of that courage 
 which he had professed when he begged the honour of 
 keeping it, gave it up, which the governor seeing from the 
 other side, was exceedingly vexed at, and marched up to the 
 bridge to assault them in that fort ; but he found that they 
 had only stormed the other little fort to make their own way 
 to be gone, and that they had made shift to get to their friends 
 upon the ribs of two broken arches, which, when they had 
 served to help their passage, they pulled up, to hinder pursuit 
 after them : and thus in a month's space God restored to the 
 governor the fort which was lost in his absence ; and he newly 
 fortified the place and repaired the bridges, whereby the 
 great market out of the vale was again brought into the town, 
 to their exceeding joy and benefit. 
 
 This summer there was a much greater progress made in 
 the war than had been before, and the new parliament army 
 prosecuted it so much in earnest, that they made a show to 
 block up the king in his main garrison at Oxford, but he broke 
 
 * To understand this rightly it is necessary to be informed, that iii 
 approaching Nottingham from the south there is a very wide valley, through 
 which the Trent and the Lene run in several branches, over which are 
 bridges united by a causeway.
 
 282 MEMOIKS OF COI/. HTJTCHIKSON. [1645. 
 
 out, and joining Prince Rupert's horse, came, after several 
 attempts elsewhere, to Leicester, which he took hy storm. 
 The loss of this town was a great affliction and terror to all 
 the neighbouring garrisons and counties, whereupon Fairfax 
 closely attended the king's motions, came within a few days 
 and fought with the king, and overcame him in that memor- 
 able battle at Naseby, where his coach and cabinet of letters 
 were taken ; which letters being carried to London were 
 printed, and manifested his falsehood, how that, contrary to his 
 professions, he had endeavoured to bring in Danes and Lor- 
 rainers, and Irish rebels, to subdue the good people here, 
 and had given himself up to be governed by the queen in all 
 affairs both of state and religion.* After this fight Fairfax 
 took again the town of Leicester, and went into the west, 
 relieved Taunton, took Bristol, and many other garrisons. 
 West Chester also and other places were taken that way. Mean- 
 while, the king, having coasted about the countries, came at 
 last to Newark, and there his commanders falling out among 
 themselves, he changed the governor, and put the lord Bel- 
 lasis into the place, and went himself to Oxford, where he 
 was at last blocked up. 
 
 When Sir Thomas Fairfax was made chief general, Poyntz 
 was made major-general of the northern counties, and a com- 
 mittee of war was set up at York, whereof Colonel Pierre- 
 pont, by his brother's procurement, was appointed one, and 
 was pretty well satisfied, as thinking himself again set above 
 Colonel Hutchinson, because all the northern garrisons were 
 
 * The public is in possession of these, they having been printed by the 
 parliament, which some have thought a hardship, but surely without rea- 
 son. It is useless here to discuss the question as to what help it was allow- 
 able for the king to call in; but it is out of all question that the discovery of 
 that bitterness with which he was inclined to pursue the quarrel, and the 
 fraudulency with which he had managed treaties, and showed that he 
 meant to do others, cut up by the roots both compassion and confidence.
 
 1645.] THE CAVALIEHS KEPAIK TO NEWABK. 283 
 
 to receive orders from that committee : but the governor 
 heeding not other men's exaltations or depressions, only at- 
 tended to his own duty. About the latter end of this summer, 
 Poyntz came to Nottingham with all the horse that could be 
 gathered in the neighbouring counties. He had before 
 marched with them and the Nottingham regiment into Che- 
 shire, and brought several gentlemen prisoners into the gar- 
 rison of Nottingham, who had been taken in divers encoun- 
 ters. When he marched out, Palmer the priest, not daring 
 to venture himself in the field, laid down his commission, 
 when he saw that there was now no connivance to be found 
 at disobeying commands. 
 
 By reason of the rout at Naseby, and the surrender of 
 Carlisle and several other garrisons to the Scots, the broken 
 forces of the cavaliers had all repaired to Newark, and that 
 was now become the strongest and best fortified garrison the 
 king had, and Poyntz was ordered to quarter his horse about 
 it, till the Scots shovld c ome on the other side and besiege it. 
 At that time also the king himself was there.* The gover- 
 nor having informed Poyntz how prejudicial it would be 
 to his design to suffer those little garrisons in the Vale at 
 Shelford and Wiverton to remain, it was agreed that all the 
 forces should take them in their way. But the governor 
 having obtained permission of Poyntz, through a respect he 
 had to the family, sent a letter to Colonel Philip Stanhope, 
 governor of Shelford, to persuade him to surrender the 
 place he could not hold, and to offer to obtain honour- 
 able terms for him, if he would hearken to propositions. 
 Stanhope returned a very scornful, huffing reply, in which 
 one of his expressions was, that he should lay Nottingham 
 
 * Having come hither from Wales with a body of three thousand men ; 
 he stayed till fearing to be besieged by the Scots, who were approaching, he 
 went away by night to Oxford, November fi, 1 64.*>.
 
 284 MEMOIBS OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1645. 
 
 castle as flat as a pancake, and such other bravadoes, which 
 had been less amiss, if he had done any thing to make 
 them good. Hereupon the whole force marched against the 
 place, and the several posts were assigned to the several 
 colonels. The governor, according to his own desire, had 
 that which seemed most difficult assigned to him, and his 
 quarters that night were appointed in Shelford town. When 
 he came thither, a few of the Shelford soldiers were gotten into 
 the steeple of the church, and from thence so played upon 
 the governor's men that they could not quietly take up their 
 quarters. There was a trap door that led into the belfry, 
 and they had made it fast, and drawn up the ladder and the 
 bell-ropes, and regarded not the governor's threatening them 
 to have no quarter if they came not down, so that he was 
 forced to send for straw and fire it, and smother them out. 
 Hereupon they came down, and among them there was a boy 
 who had marched out with the governor's company, when he 
 went first against Newark, and carried himself so stoutly, 
 that Captain Wray begged him for a foot-boy, and when his 
 troop was once taken by the enemy, this boy, being taken 
 among them, became one of their soldiers. The governor 
 making him believe he should be hanged immediately for 
 changing his party, and for holding out to their disturbance, 
 where he could not hope for relief, the boy begged he might 
 be spared, and offered to lead them on to the only place where 
 they could enter, where the palisade was unfinished. The 
 governor, without trusting to him, considered the probability 
 of his information, kept him under guard, and set him in 
 the front of his men, and he accordingly proved to have told 
 them the truth in all that he had said, and did excellent good 
 service, behaving himself most stoutly. The governor being 
 armed, and ready to begin the assault, when the rest were 
 also ready, Captain "White came to him, and, notwithstanding 
 all his former malicious prosecutions, now pretended the most
 
 1645.] ASSAULT ON SHELFOKD. 285 
 
 tender care and love that could be declared, with all imagin- 
 able flattery ; and persuaded the governor not to hazard 
 himself in so dangerous an attempt, but to consider his wife 
 and children, and stand by among the horse, but by no 
 means to storm the place in his own person. Notwith- 
 standing all his false insinuations, the governor, perceiving 
 his envy at that honour which his valour was ready to reap 
 in this encounter, was exceedingly angry with him, and went 
 on upon the place. This being seated on a flat, was encom- 
 passed with a very strong bulwark, and a great ditch without, 
 in most places wet at the bottom, so that they within were very 
 confident of being able to hold it out, there being no cannon 
 brought against them ; because also a broken regiment of the 
 queen's, who were all papists, were come in to their assistance. 
 A regiment of Londoners was appointed to storm on the other 
 side, and the governor at the same time began the assault at 
 his post. His men found many more difficulties than they 
 "expected, for after they had filled up the ditches with faggots 
 and pitched the scaling ladders, they were twenty staves too 
 short, and the enemy, from the top of the works, threw down 
 logs of wood, which would sweep off a whole ladderful of 
 men at once : the lieutenant-colonel himself was once or 
 twice so beaten down. The governor had ordered other 
 musketeers to beat off those men that stood upon the top of the 
 works, which they failed to do by shooting without good aim ; 
 but the governor directed them better, and the Nottingham 
 horse dismounting, and assailing Avith their pistols, and head- 
 pieces, helped the foot to beat them all down from the top of 
 the works, except one stout man, who stood alone, and did 
 wonders in beating down the assailants, which the gover- 
 nor being angry at, fetched two of his own musketeers 
 and made them shoot, and he immediately fell, to the great 
 discouragement of his fellows. Then the governor himself 
 first entered, and the rest of his men came in as fast as
 
 286 MEM01KS OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1645. 
 
 they could. But while this regiment was entering on this 
 side, the Londoners were beaten off on the other side, and 
 the main force of the garrison turned upon him. The ca- 
 valiers had half moons within, which were as good a defence 
 to them as their first works; into these the soldiers that were 
 of the queen's regiment were gotten, and they in the house 
 shot from out of all the windows. The governor's men, as 
 soon as they got in, took the stables and all their horses, 
 but the governor himself was fighting with the captain of the 
 papists and some others, who, by advantage of the half moon 
 and the house, might have prevailed to cut him off and those 
 that were with him, which were not many. The enemy being 
 strengthened by the addition of those who had beaten off 
 the assailants on the other side, were now trying their utmost 
 to vanquish those that were within. The lieutenant-colonel, 
 seeing his brother in hazard, made haste to open the draw- 
 bridge, that Poyntz might come in with his horse ; which he 
 did, but not before the governor had killed that gentleman 
 who was fighting with him, at whose fall his men gave way. 
 Poyntz seeing them shoot from the house, and apprehending 
 the king might come to their relief, when he came in, ordered 
 that no quarter should be given. And here the governor 
 was in greater danger than before, for the strangers hearing 
 him called governor, were advancing to have killed him, 
 but that the lieutenant-colonel, who was very watchful to 
 preserve him all that day, came in to his rescue, and scarcely 
 could persuade them that it was the governor of Notting- 
 ham ; because he, at the beginning of the storm, had put 
 off a very good suit of armour that he had, which being 
 musket-proof, was so heavy that it heated him, and so 
 would not be persuaded by his friends to wear any thing 
 but his buff coat. The governor's men, eager to complete 
 their victory, were forcing their entrance into the house: 
 meanwhile Rossiter's men came and took away all their
 
 1045.] DEATH OP COL. STANHOPE. 287 
 
 horses, which they had taken away when they first entered 
 the works and won the stables, and left in the guard of two 
 or three, while they were pursuing their work. The governor 
 of Shelford, after all his bravadoes, came but meanly off ; it 
 is said he sat in his chamber, wrapt up in his cloak, and 
 came not forth that day ; but that availed him not, for how, or 
 by whom, it is not known, but he was wounded and stripped, 
 and flung upon a dunghill. The lieutenant-colonel, after the 
 house was mastered, seeing the disorder by which our men 
 were ready to murder one another, upon the command Poyntz 
 had issued to give no quarter, desired Poyntz to cause the 
 slaughter to cease, which was presently obeyed, and about 
 sevenscore prisoners were saved. While he was thus busied, 
 inquiring what was become of the governor, he was shown 
 him naked upon the dunghill; whereupon the lieutenant- 
 colonel called for his own cloak and cast it over him, and 
 sent him to a bed in his own quarters, and procured 
 him a surgeon. Upon his desire he had a little priest, 
 who had been his father's chaplain, and was one of the 
 committee faction ; but the man was such a pitiful com- 
 forter, that the governor, who was come to visit him, was 
 forced to undertake that office : but though he had all the 
 supplies they could every way give him, he died the next 
 day.* The house which belonged to his father, the Earl of 
 
 * Thoroton, in his History of Nottinghamshire, says, " Shelford House 
 was a garrison for the king, and commanded by Colonel Philip Stanhope, 
 son of the first Earl of Chesterfield, which being taken by a storm, he and 
 many of his soldiers were therein slain, and the house afterwards burned ; 
 his brother Ferdinando Stanhope was slain some time before by a parlia- 
 ment soldier at Bridgford." This last happened in that skirmish with the 
 bridge soldiers recited in page 268, where he is said only to have been made 
 prisoner. Lady Catherine Hutchmson, who attested the remark to Colonel 
 Hutchinson her son-in-law's disadvantage, page 149, was the sister of the 
 Earl of Chesterfield, and of course aunt of Colonel Stanhope, and as she
 
 288 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTJTCHINSON. [1645. 
 
 Chesterfield, was that night burned, none certainly knowing 
 by what means, whether by accident or on purpose ; but 
 there was most ground to believe that the country people, 
 who had been sorely infested by that garrison, to prevent 
 the keeping it by those who had taken it, purposely set it 
 on fire. If the queen's regiment had mounted their horses 
 and stood ready upon them when our men entered, they hau 
 undoubtedly cut them all off; but they standing to the works, 
 it pleased God to lead them into that path he had or- 
 dained for their destruction, who being papists, would not 
 receive quarter, nor were they much offered it, being killed 
 in the heat of the contest, so that not a man of them 
 escaped. 
 
 The next day our party went to Wiverton, a house of the 
 Lord Chaworth's, which, terrified with the example of the 
 other, yielded upon terms, and was by order pulled down 
 and rendered incapable of being any more a garrison. 
 
 Poyntz now quartered all his horse in the towns about 
 Newark, and since he had no peculiar regiment of his 
 own, the governor's regiment served him for his guards. 
 The Scots also came and quartered on the other side of the 
 town towards the north. 
 
 All that winter the governor lay at the Leaguer, and about 
 Christmas time writs were sent down for new elections to 
 fill up the parliament. There being a burgess-ship void at 
 Nottingham, the town would needs, in a compliment, make 
 the governor free, in order to elect him to the parliament. 
 Mr. Francis Pierrepont hearing this, wrote to the governor to 
 
 takes no exception to it, we may safely give credit to this story of the 
 storming of Shelford with all its circumstances : a very interesting one it 
 certainly is, and told in the most unaffected, and therefore most affecting, 
 manner ; the scene with which it finishes is surely as striking and as singu- 
 lar as any that story or imagination can furnish, not excepting the death of 
 Le Fevre in the Sentimental Journey.
 
 1645.] ELECTED MEMBEB OF PARLIAMENT. 289 
 
 desire that he would rather come into his father's place in 
 the county, and give him his assistance in this, as he should 
 engage his own and all his friends' interest for him in the 
 county. The governor, who was ever ready to requite in- 
 juries with benefits, employed his interest in the town to 
 satisfy the gentleman's desire, and having very many in his 
 regiment that had votes, he sent for them all home the 
 night before the day of election; which had like to have 
 been a very sad one, but that by the mercy of God, and the 
 courage of Poyntz and the lieutenant- colonel and Captain 
 Poulton, it had not so bad an event.* The Newarkers, hear- 
 ing that so many of the regiment were away, fell upon their 
 quarters, and most of the men being surprised, were rather 
 endeavouring flight than resistance ; when the lieutenant- 
 colonel and Captain Poulton rallied all they could find, lined 
 some pales with musketeers, and beat the enemy again out of 
 their quarters, and Poyntz, mounting with as many horse as 
 were about him, which was very few, followed them in the 
 night up to the very works of Newark. Some loss there 
 was in the quarters, but nothing considerable ; some soldiers 
 ran away home, and brought the governor word they were all 
 cut off, but his brother sent a messenger to acquaint him with 
 the contrary. Hereupon, immediately after the election, he 
 
 * A fair and honest acknowledgment of a considerable oversight ! But 
 this passage leads us to observe of what sort of people the parliament 
 armies were composed, viz. the horse mostly of freeholders, the foot of 
 burghers. It will not probably be thought beside the purpose to quote 
 here Whitelocke's description of Cromwell's own regiment. " He had a 
 brave regiment of his countrymen, most of them freeholders and free- 
 holders' sons, and who upon matter of conscience engaged in this quarrel ; 
 and thus being well armed within by the satisfaction of their own con- 
 sciences, and without by good iron arms, they would, as one man, stand 
 firmly and charge desperately." These circumstances must be allowed 
 their due weight, when we come to consider the right of the army to inter- 
 fere in matters of state. 
 
 T7
 
 290 MEMOIRS OP COL. HTTTCHINSON. [1645. 
 
 returned back again with his men. Not long after, the 
 elections were made for the county, who all pitched upon the 
 governor, in his father's room. White, whose envy never 
 died, used all the endeavours he could to have hindered it ; 
 but when he saw he could do no harm, with a sad heart, 
 under a false face, he came and took his part of a noble 
 dinner the new knights had provided for the gentlemen of 
 the country. Without any competition Mr. Hutchinson had 
 the first voice in the room of his father, and Mr. Pigott the 
 second, in the room of Mr. Sutton, now a commissioner at 
 Newark. About the same time Colonel Thornhagh was 
 chosen burgess for the town of Retford ; but none of them 
 went up to their places in parliament till the siege of Newark 
 was finished. 
 
 Poyntz drew a line about the town, and made a very re- 
 gular entrenchment and approaches, in such a soldier-like 
 manner as none of them who had attempted the place before 
 had done. Most of that winter they lay in the field, and the 
 governor, carried on by the vigour and greatness of his mind, 
 felt no distemper then by that service, which all his captains 
 and the soldiers themselves endured worse than he. Besides 
 daily and hourly providences, by which they were preserved 
 from the enemy's cannons and sallies, there were some re- 
 markable ones, by which God kept the governor's life in this 
 Leaguer. Once as Poyntz and he, and another captain, were 
 riding to view some quarter of the town, a cannon bullet 
 came whizzing by them, as they were riding all abreast, and 
 the captain, without any touch of it, said he was killed; 
 Poyntz bid him get off, but he was then sliding down from, 
 his horse, slain by the wind of the bullet ; they held him up 
 till they got off from the place, but the man immediately 
 turned black all over. Another time the governor was in 
 his tent, and by chance called out ; when he was scarcely 
 out of it, a cannon bullet came and tore up the whole ten!,
 
 1645.] SUBBENDER OF NEWARK. 
 
 and killed the sentinel at the door. But the greatest peril 
 wherein all on the English side were, was the treachery of 
 the Scots, which they had very good reason to apprehend 
 might have been the cutting off of all that force. Sir Thomas 
 Fairfax had now besieged Oxford, and the king was stolen 
 out of the town and gone in disguise, no man knew whither, 
 but at length he came into the Scots' army. They had before 
 behaved themselves very oddly to the English, and been 
 taking sundry occasions to pick quarrels, when at the last 
 certain news was brought to the English quarters that the 
 king was come to the Scots, and by them received at South- 
 well. The English could then expect nothing but that the 
 Scots, joining with those that were in Newark, would fall 
 upon them, who were far inferior in number to the other, and 
 therefore they all prepared themselves, as well as they could, 
 to defend themselves in their trenches. The governor had 
 then very fine horses at the Leaguer, which he sent home to 
 the garrison ; but while they were in expectation of being 
 thus fallen upon, the king had more mind to be gone ; and 
 because the Scots knew not how to break up their quarters 
 while the town was not taken, the king sent to my Lord 
 Bellasis, the governor of Newark, to surrender up the place 
 immediately, which he did upon pretty handsome terms, but 
 was much discontented that the king should have no more 
 regard for them who had been so constant to his service.* 
 The governor with his regiment was appointed to receive the 
 town and the arms, and to quarter in it ; where he now went 
 and had the greatest danger of all, for the town was all over 
 sadly infected with the plague ; yet it so pleased God that 
 neither he nor any of the fresh men caught the infection, 
 which was so raging there that it almost desolated the place. 
 
 * Among the names of those who signed the capitulation on the part of 
 the parliament (as it appears in Rushworth) are those of Colonel Hutchin- 
 son and Colonel Twissleton.
 
 292 MEMOIES OF COL. HTJTCHINSON. [1646. 
 
 Whether the king's ill council or his destiny led him, he 
 was very failing in this action ; for had he gone straight up 
 to the parliament and cast himself upon them, as he did upon 
 the Scots, he had in all probability ruined them, who were 
 highly divided between the presbyterian and independent 
 factions ; but in putting himself into the hands of the mer- 
 cenary Scotch army, rather than the parliament of England, 
 he showed such an embittered hate to the English nation, 
 that it turned many hearts against him. The Scots in this 
 business were very false both to the parliament and to the king. 
 For them to receive and carry away the king's person with 
 them, when they were but a hired army, without either the 
 consent or knowledge of the parliament, was a very false 
 carriage in them ; but besides that, we had certain evidences 
 that they were prepared, and had an intent to have cut off 
 the English army which beleaguered Newark,* but that God 
 
 * It has always been, and perhaps will always remain a mystery, what 
 were the conditions or engagements on which the king relied in putting 
 himself into the hands of the Scots. In Clarendon's State Papers there 
 are several letters from the French ambassador, persuading him to this 
 measure, and undertaking for the Scots to give him effectual support ; and 
 the king wrote very positively to Onnond a letter, which was intercepted, 
 and is produced by Rushworth, that the Scots had given him good security 
 that they would join their forces to those of Montrose and the king's 
 friends. On the other side, the general and committee of estates resident 
 in the Scots army wrote, that " the king came privately into their camp, 
 and that there had been no treaty or capitulation with him by them, nor 
 any in their names, and that the assertion of the king in his letter to 
 Onnond was a damnable untruth." Heylin, in his Hist, of Presbyterianism, 
 says, " The commissioners residing with the Scotch army, promised pro- 
 tection to the king and his friends, but broke their promise and sold him for 
 200,000, as they would have done our Saviour for half the money." In 
 another place he says, " Lowdon ranted to some tune about the disgrace 
 of selling the king, but however the Presbyterians on both sides concluded 
 the sinful bargain." Not to dwell upon what is elsewhere said on either 
 side of the question, the symptoms of treachery discerned by Colonel
 
 1646.] TAKES HIS SEAT IN PARLIAMENT. 293 
 
 changed their counsels and made them take another course, 
 which was to carry the king to Newcastle, where they again 
 sold him to the parliament for a sum of money. 
 
 The country being now cleared of all the enemy's garri- 
 sons, Colonel Hutchinson went up to London to attend his 
 duty there, and to serve his country as faithfully, in the 
 capacity of a senator, as he had before in that of a 
 soldier. When he came there he found a very bitter spirit 
 of discord and envy raging, and the presbyterian faction (of 
 which were most of those lords and others that had been laid 
 aside by the self-denying ordinance), were endeavouring a 
 violent persecution, upon the account of conscience, against 
 those who had in so short a time accomplished, by God's 
 blessing, that victory which he was not pleased to bestow 
 
 Hutchinson and others, before and at the time of the king's arrival, give 
 ample reason to conclude that the Scots were aware of his coming, and 
 that either there were two parties, one of which was devoted to the king 
 and the other not so, and that the latter was prevalent, or else that the 
 whole expected from the king conditions which he was unwilling to perform, 
 and principally the signing the covenant, the refusal of which they after- 
 wards openly resented, and this might be that " change God is said to 
 make in their counsels." 
 
 There is much less doubt as to the justice of Mrs. Hutchinson's reflec- 
 tion, that, of all courses, that which he took was the worst: she, who had a 
 truly British heart, well knew what effect ingenuous confidence would have 
 had on the parliament, with the virtues as well as vices of which she was 
 well acquainted. The parliament had asked him to " come to them with a 
 royal, not martial, attendance, and promised to receive him well." The 
 last message was passed on March 23, and in a few days after he went to the 
 Scots army. Quern Deua vult perdere prius dementat. Those whom God 
 destines to destruction he first deprives of their understanding. Artifice, 
 which was Charles's greatest fault, was likewise his ruin, and he fell not 
 like a conquered prince, as prceda victoris, a noble prize for the victor, but 
 pretium sceleris, the object of a scandalous traffic, apprehended and sold 
 as a culprit .and fugitive; and forfeited as his last resource, that respect and 
 pity which the generous reserve for the unfortunate.
 
 294 MEMOIES OP COL. HtTTCHINSON. [1646. 
 
 upon them. Their directory of worship was at length sent forth 
 for a three years' trial, and such as could not conform to it, 
 marked out with an evil eye, hated and persecuted under the 
 name of separatists.* Colonel Hutchinson, who abhorred 
 that malicious zeal and imposing spirit which appeared in 
 them, was soon taken notice of for one of the independent 
 faction,f [whose heads were accounted Pierrepont, Vane, 
 St. John's, and some few other grandees, being 
 men that excelled in wisdom and utterance, and the rest 
 were believed to adhere to them only out of faction, as if those 
 who did not vain-gloriously lay out themselves, without 
 necessity, but chose rather to hear and vote, had had no 
 understanding of right and wrong but from the dictates of 
 these great oracles.] Though, to speak the truth, they very 
 little knew Colonel Hutchinson that could say he was of any 
 faction ; for he had a strength of judgment able to consider 
 things himself and propound them to his conscience, which 
 was so upright that the veneration of no man's person alive, 
 nor the love of the dearest friend in the world, could 
 make him do the least thing, without a full persuasion 
 that it was his duty so to act. He very well understood 
 men's gifts and abilities, and honoured those most whom he 
 believed to manage them with most uprightness of soul, 
 for God's glory and the good of his country, and was so far 
 from envying the just renown any man acquired that he 
 rejoiced in it. He never was any man's sectary, either in 
 
 * Mrs. Hutchinson differs from most of those who have written on the 
 subject respecting the rise and progress of the deadly feuds between the 
 presbyterians and independents ; but she differs not from the truth and 
 reason. Certainly the most impartial historian is Rapin; but he, though a 
 presbyterian, and labouring their defence, effects their condemnation. 
 Vol. ii. p. 624, he says, " They thought themselves in slavery if themselves 
 did not command." What need of more words ? 
 
 t All that is contained between these two brackets had lines struck 
 through it in the manuscript, and one of the names defaced.
 
 IfUG.] HIS POLITICAL CHAKACTEK. 295 
 
 religious or civil matters, farther than he apprehended them 
 to follow the rules of religion, honour, and virtue ; nor any 
 man's antagonist, but as he opposed that which appeared to 
 him to be just and equal. If the greatest enemy he had in 
 the world had propounded anything profitable to the public, he 
 would promote it; whereas some others were to blame in that 
 particular, and chiefly those of the presbyterian faction, who 
 would obstruct any good, rather than that those they envied 
 and hated should have the glory of procuring it; the sad 
 effects of which pride grew at length to be the ruin of the 
 most glorious cause that ever was contended for. At the first, 
 many gentlemen, eminent in gifts and acquirements, were as 
 eminent in zealous improvement of them, for the advantage 
 of God's and their country's interests, whereby they obtained 
 just glory and admiration among all good men ; but while 
 the creature was so magnified, God, who was the principal 
 author, was not looked upon, and gave them therefore up to 
 become their own and others' idols, and so to fall. 
 
 And now it grew to be a sad wonder, that the most zealous 
 promoters of the cause were more spitefully carried against 
 by their own faithful armies, by whom God had perfected their 
 victory over their enemies, than against the vanquished foe, 
 whose restitution they henceforth secretly endeavoured, by all 
 the arts of treacherous, dissembling policy, in order that they 
 might throw down those whom God had exalted in glory and 
 power to resist their tyrannical impositions. At that time, 
 and long after, they prevailed not, until that pious people too 
 began to admire themselves, for what God had done by 
 them, and to set up themselves above their brethren, and 
 then the Lord humbled them again beneath their conquered 
 vassals,* 
 
 * To those, and they are not few, who, like Colonel Hutchinson, be- 
 lieve the peculiar interposition of Providence, this remark of the punish- 
 ment inflicted on those who abused its gifts, will appear pleasing and
 
 296 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHIXSON. [1646. 
 
 So long as the army only resisted unjust impositions, and 
 remained firm to their first pious engagement, Mr. Hutchinson 
 adhered to that party, which protected them in the parliament 
 house.* His attendance there, changing his custom of life, 
 
 edifying ; to those who admit only a general dispensation, the fall of each 
 party successively by their own malversation, will seem a signal mark of 
 justice ; by both, this chain of causes and effects will be acknowledged to 
 be drawn by the hand of a master. 
 
 * This history, which, as far as it relates to public affairs, is called only 
 a summary, will nevertheless be found to redress many errors in larger 
 histories, and to open a great field for reflection : in none, perhaps, more 
 than in this question of the right of the army to interfere with the con- 
 duct of parliament or the business of the state : this is generally decided 
 against them lightly and inconsiderately. The danger of admitting 
 armed assemblies to deliberate, and the duty of a soldier to obey, but not 
 debate, are very boldly asserted ; and as this doctrine suits the governors 
 of every state, it will always be favoured ; but it goes on a petitlo prin- 
 cipii, a begging of the question that the military are the hired servants of 
 the state : and military men have so far agreed to this unjust postulate, 
 that they have consented to accept that which is a nickname, or term of 
 reproach, as the generic one of their whole profession ; viz. soldier ; which 
 is but a translation of the Italian soldalo, mercenary or hireling. It has 
 been repeatedly shown how ill this term agreed with the parliament troops 
 in general, being mostly volunteers and freeholders or burghers, and ill, or 
 sometimes not at all paid. Were such to be considered as mere machines, 
 as having forfeited all right to an opinion of their own, and bound to sup- 
 port that of others ? If so, then those who expected to maintain our 
 constitution by putting arms into the hands of almost all whom patriot- 
 ism or the preservation of their property animated to take them up, would 
 have bereaved it of nearly all its defenders ! With good right did these 
 men, who had taken a pious engagement to God and their country, and 
 most manfully acquitted themselves of it, call on the parliament to com- 
 plete it by a happy settlement. Their several petitions and remonstrances, 
 preserved in Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 4, et infra, show that their views 
 were just and rational, and such as have since in part been realised, in part 
 are still wished for, viz. " The duration of parliaments to be limited; elec- 
 tions better regulated the representation better distributed ; improper pri- 
 vileges, and particularly that of being screened from creditors, given up ; not
 
 1645.] ATTACKED WITH SICKNESS. 297 
 
 into a sedentary employment, less suitable to his active 
 spirit, and more prejudicial to his health, he fell into a long 
 and painful sickness, which many times brought him near 
 the grave, and was not perfectly cured in four years. The 
 doctors could not find a name for it ; but at length resolved 
 upon the running gout, and a cure, proper for that disease, 
 being practised upon him, took effect. 
 
 The truth is, his great mind so far surmounted the frailty 
 of his flesh, that it would never yield to the tenderness of his 
 constitution, nor suffer him to feel those inconveniences of 
 martial toils, which often cast down his captains, men of 
 more able bodies and healthful complexions, while the busi- 
 ness was in hand ; but when that was finished, he found, 
 what he had not leisure to consider before, that his body's 
 strength was far unequal to the vigour of his soul. 
 
 After the surrender of Newark, Nottingham town and 
 castle was continued a garrison for some time : between this 
 and his greater employment at London, the governor di- 
 vided himself. Meanwhile, upon the 15th day of July, 1646, 
 propositions were sent to the king, then with the Scots at New- 
 castle, little higher than those which had been made him at 
 Uxbridge ; but he wove out delays, and would not assent to 
 them, hoping a greater advantage by the difference between 
 the two nations, and the factions in the city and parliament, 
 which both he and all his party employed their utmost in- 
 
 bishops, but their coercive power and civil penalties taken away ; the king re- 
 stored to his rights (but with some restrictions as to appointments for ttu 
 years); the laws simplified and lessened in expense; monopolies set aside ; 
 tithes commuted, &c. But all this was interrupted by the domineering 
 party." Who can help lamenting that there were not more found to unite 
 with Colonel Hutchinson and this army to perfect the best system of 
 government that ever did or will exist l . 
 
 These proposals of the army are supposed to have been penned by 
 Ireton.
 
 298 MEMOIRS OF COX. HTTTCHIXSOX. [1645. 
 
 dustry to cherish and augment. Both parliaments perceiving 
 this, and not yet senseless of approaching destruction, from 
 the common enemy, began to be cemented by the king's 
 averseness to peace, and to consider how to settle the king- 
 dom without him; and when they had agreed that the 
 Scots should deliver up the English garrisons for a certain 
 sum of money, it fell into debate how to dispose of the king's 
 person ; where the debate was, not who should, but who 
 should not have him. At length, about January of the 
 same year, two hundred thousand pounds was carried down 
 by part of the army to Newcastle ; and upon the payment 
 of it, the Scots delivered their garrisons to the soldiers, and 
 the king to certain commissioners of both houses of parlia- 
 ment, who conducted him honourably to his own manor of 
 Holmeby, in Northamptonshire. 
 
 During this time Sir Thomas Fairfax himself lay at Not- 
 tingham, and the governor was sick in the castle. The gene- 
 ral's lady was come along with him, having followed his 
 camp to the siege of Oxford, and lain at his quarters all the 
 while he abode* there. She was exceeding kind to her hus- 
 
 * Here is another of those paradoxes, with which historians have per- 
 plexed themselves and their readers, reduced to a very plain tale. It is 
 generally said and believed, that Fairfax was a presbyterian, and much 
 wonder is expressed that he should have so faithfully (it is even said loo 
 faithfully} served the independents ; but it is impossible that any one 
 could have a more clear and certain knowledge of his religious opinions 
 than Colonel and Mrs. Hutchinson had, and they declare his chaplains to 
 have been independent ministers; nor does it appear that he ever changed 
 his opinion, but only that he suffered himself to be over-ruled by his wife. 
 Heroes as great as he have been, both before and since, under the same 
 dominion ; as Horace sets forth in his facetious ode to Xanthias Phoceus, 
 parodied by Howe : 
 
 Nee sit ancilla tibi amor pndori. 
 Do not, most fragrant earl, disclaim.
 
 1647.] CONDUCT OF LADY FAIKFAX. 299 
 
 band's chaplains, independent ministers, till the army re- 
 turned to be nearer London, and then the presbyterian 
 ministers quite changed the lady into such a bitter aversion 
 against them, that they could not endure to come into the 
 general's presence while she was there ; and the general had 
 an unquiet, unpleasant life with her, who drove away from 
 him many of those friends, in whose conversation he had 
 found such sweetness. At Nottingham they had gotten a very 
 able minister into the great church, but a bitter presbyterian ; 
 him and his brethren my Lady Fairfax carressed with so much 
 kindness, that they grew impudent enough to preach up their 
 faction openly in the pulpit, and to revile the others, and at 
 length would not suffer any of the army chaplains to preach 
 in the town. They then coming to the governor and com- 
 plaining of their unkind usage, he invited them to come and 
 preach in his house, which when it was known they did, 
 a great concourse of people came thither to them ; and 
 the presbyterians, when they heard of it, were mad with 
 rage, not only against them, but against the governor, who 
 accidently gave them another occasion about the same time, 
 a little before the general came. When formerly the presby- 
 terian ministers had forced him, for quietness' sake, to go and 
 break up a private meeeting in the cannonier's chamber, 
 there were found some notes concerning paedobaptism, which 
 were brought into the governor's lodgings ; and his wife 
 having then more leisure to read than he, having perused 
 them and compared them with the Scriptures, found not 
 what to say against the truths they asserted, concerning the 
 misapplication of that ordinance to infants ; but being then 
 young and modest, she thought it a kind of virtue to submit 
 to the judgment and practice of most churches, rather than 
 to defend a singular opinion of her own, she not being then 
 enlightened in that great mistake of the national churches. But 
 in this year she, happening to be with child, communicated
 
 300 MEMOIES OF COL. HTTTCHINSOTf. [1647. 
 
 her doubts to her husband, and desired him to endeavour 
 her satisfaction ; which while he did, he himself became as 
 unsatisfied, or rather satisfied against it. First, therefore, he 
 diligently searched the scriptures alone, and could find in 
 them no ground at all for that practice ; then he bought and 
 read all the eminent treatises on both sides, which at that 
 time came thick from the presses, and was still more satisfied 
 of the error of the psedobaptists. After this, his wife being 
 brought to bed, that he might, if possible, give the religious 
 party no offence, he invited all the ministers to dinner, and 
 propounded his doubt, and the ground thereof to them. 
 None of them could defend their practice with any satisfactory 
 reason, but the tradition of the church, from the primitive 
 times, and their main buckler of federal holiness, which Tombs 
 and Denne had so excellently overthrown. He and his wife 
 then, professing themselves unsatisfied in the practice, de- 
 sired their opinions, what they ought to do. Most answered, 
 to conform to the general practice of other Christians, how 
 dark soever it were to themselves; but Mr. Foxcraft, 
 one of the assembly, said, that except they were convinced 
 of the warrant of that practice from the word, they sinned 
 in doing it : whereupon that infant was not baptized.* And 
 now the governor and his wife, notwithstanding that they 
 forsook not their assemblies, nor retracted their benevolences 
 and civilities from them, yet were they reviled by them, called 
 fanatics and anabaptists, and often glanced at in their public 
 sermons. And not only the ministers, but all their zealous 
 sectaries, conceived implacable malice against them upon 
 this account ; which was carried on with a spirit of envy and 
 persecution to the last, though he, on his side, might well 
 have said to them, as his Master said to the old Pharisees : 
 
 * Surely this shows an unbecoming propensity to speculate in religion : 
 the story is, however, told with candour.
 
 1647.] PKOTECTS SIE, ALI^EX APSLEY. 301 
 
 " Many good works have I done among you ; for which of 
 these do you hate me?" Yet the generality, even of that 
 people, had a secret conviction upon them, that he had been 
 faithful to them, and deserved their love ; and in spite of 
 their own bitter zeal, could not but have a reverent esteem 
 for him, whom they often railed at, for not thinking and 
 speaking according to their opinions. 
 
 This year Sir Allen Apsley, governor of Barnstaple for the 
 king, after the surrender of that garrison, came and retired to 
 the governor's house, till his composition with the parliament 
 was completed, the governor's wife being his sister, and the 
 governor's brother having married the other sister ;* and 
 this was another occasion of opening the mouths of the ma- 
 lignants, who were ready to seize upon any one to his prejudice. 
 Sir Allen Apsley had not his articles punctually performed, 
 by which he suffered great expense and intolerable vexation ; 
 and the governor, no less concerned in the injustice done to 
 him than if he had suffered it himself, endeavoured to pro- 
 tect him only in that which was just, and for this was called 
 a cavalier, and said to have changed his party, and a thousand 
 more injuries ; in which none were so forward as those who 
 had all the while been disaffected to the whole parliament 
 party; but after they were conquered, burying their spite 
 against the cause in their own bosoms, suffered that secret 
 fire to rise up in a black smoke against the most faithful 
 assertors of it. 
 
 When the commissioners went down to fetch up the king 
 from the Scots, one of the lords coming to visit the governor, 
 and finding him at that time very sick, persuaded him to 
 
 * Amongst the discords and distraction, public and private, which must 
 have harassed the reader's mind, it is soothing for a moment to contemplate 
 the harmony which reigned within Colonel Hutchinson's family, and the 
 sincere friendship between them and Sir Allen Apsley, which will re-appear 
 on many and frequent occasions to the very close of his life.
 
 302 MEMOIES OF COL. HTJTCHINSON. [1647. 
 
 make use of one of the king's physicians that was -vith 
 them, that was called Dr. Wilson, and was a very able phy- 
 sician; but he mistook the method of his cure, and made issues 
 in both his arms, which rather wasted his strength than his 
 disease, which when he was cured were stopped up. That 
 spring, growing a little better for the present, he went to 
 London, and having ineffectually tried several physicians, 
 Sir Allen Apsley persuaded him to make use of Dr. Frazier, 
 with whom he began a course of physic, in the midst of 
 which the doctor came and acquainted him that he was likely 
 to be imprisoned upon suspicion of carrying on designs 
 against the parliament underhand, for now the Scots were 
 threatening invasion and open war. He professed his inno- 
 cency with many protestations, and desired Mr. Hutchinson 
 to oblige him so far as to engage for him that he intended no 
 design beyond his calling ; which the colonel believing, 
 undertook for him to the committee of Derby-house. When 
 the false Scot having thus abused him, left a letter of lame 
 excuse for him, and stole away out of England to the princes, 
 then beyond the seas, leaving a blot upon Mr. Hutchinson 
 for having undertaken for him ;* but he, acknowledging his 
 error in having been so abused, was thereby warned from cre- 
 dulity of any of that false nation any more. That summer 
 he attended to the service of the house, being freed for a while 
 from his distemper during the summer, till the fall of the 
 leaf, when it returned again. In the meantime jealousies 
 were sown between the parliament, the city of London, and 
 the army. The presbyterian faction were earnest to have the 
 army disbanded ; the army resented the injury, and, being 
 taught to value their own merit, petitioned the general that 
 they might be satisfied, not only in things relating to them- 
 
 * This Dr. Frazier was afterwards employed by Charles the Second to 
 negotiate with the Scots.
 
 1647.] THE KING TAKEN FROM HOLMEBY. 303 
 
 selves particularly as an army, but the general concernments 
 and liberties of the good people of the nation which they 
 had fought for. The presbyterians were highly offended at 
 this, and declared it with such violence as gave the army 
 cause to increase their jealousies. The soldiers, led on to it 
 by one Cornet Joyce, took the king from Holmeby out of the 
 parliament commissioners' hands, and carried him about with 
 them. The parliament voted that the king should come to 
 Richmond, attended by the same persons that attended him 
 at Holmeby ; but the army, instead of obeying, impeached 
 eleven members of the house of commons of high treason, 
 and petitioned that those impeached members might be se- 
 cluded the house, till they had brought in their answer to the 
 charge ; which being violently debated, they made a volun- 
 tary secession for six months. The general also entreated 
 that the king might not be brought nearer to London than 
 they would suffer the army to quarter. So he was carried 
 with them to Royston, Hatfield, Reading, and at last to 
 "VVoburn, till about July, 1647, when London grew into a 
 tumult, and made a very rude violation upon the parliament 
 house, which caused them to adjourn ; when, understanding 
 the fury of the citizens, the greatest part of the members, 
 with the Speaker, withdrew and went to the army, among 
 whom was Colonel Hutchinson.* The presbyterian members 
 who stayed behind chose new Speakers, and made many new 
 votes, and vigorously began to levy forces to resist the army, 
 
 * As did fourteen peers, among them the Earls of Manchester and War- 
 wick, Lords Say and Sele and Mulgrave, and one hundred commoners, and 
 the palsgrave, or elector palatine, visited them. It would have been very 
 seasonable to have offered to the consideration of both parties Horace's 
 beautiful apologue of the Horse and the Stag. 
 
 Cervus equum hello melior, &c. 
 
 The calling in foreign aid to control their antagonists proved equally 
 destructive to both, but was begun by the presbyterians.
 
 304 MEMOIES OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1647. 
 
 which were conducted by Massie and Poyntz. The parlia- 
 ment that was with the army made an order against the pro- 
 ceedings of the members at London, and advanced with the 
 general ; which, when the city heard of, their stomachs 
 would not serve them to stand it out, but they sent commis- 
 sioners, and, by the consent of the members with the general, 
 obtained a pacification, upon condition that the city should 
 disband all their new forces, deliver up their tower and their 
 forts to the general, and desert the members then sitting. 
 They daring to deny nothing, the general came triumphantly 
 to Westminster, and brought back both the Speaker and 
 the members, and put them again in their seats. The general 
 had solemn thanks from both houses, and then, with all his 
 chief officers, marched through the city, from the western 
 parts of it to the tower, Avhere many commands were changed, 
 the presbyterian party depressed, and their generals, Poyntz 
 and Massie, with all the remaining officers of that faction, 
 forced to retire ; who most of them then changed their party, 
 and never more appeared on the parliament side. Yet there 
 was still a presbyterian faction left in the house, of such as 
 were moderate, and who were not by the bitterness of their 
 zeal carried on to break their covenant with God and men, 
 and to renew a league with the popish interest, to destroy 
 that godly interest which they had at first so gloriously 
 asserted. After this tumult at London was quieted, about 
 August of that year the king was brought to one of his 
 stately palaces at Hampton Court, near London, and the army 
 removed to quarters about the city, their head-quarters being 
 at Putney. The king, by reason of his daily converse with 
 the officers, had begun tampering with them, not only then but 
 before, and had drawn in some of them to engage to corrupt 
 others to fall in with him ; but to speak the truth of all, 
 Cromwell was at that time so incorruptibly faithful to his 
 trust and to the people's interest, that he could not be drawn
 
 1647.J THE KING AT HAMPTON COURT. 305 
 
 in to practice even his own usual and natural dissimulation 
 on this occasion. His son-in-law Ireton, who was as faithful 
 as he, was not so fully of the opinion (till he had tried it and 
 found to the contrary) but that the king might have been 
 managed to comply with the public good of his people, after 
 he could no longer uphold his own violent will ; but, upon 
 some discourses with him, the king uttering these words to 
 him, " I shall play my game as well as I can," Ireton re- 
 plied, " If your majesty have a game to play, you must give 
 us also the liberty to play ours." Colonel Hutchinson pri- 
 vately discoursing with his cousin about the communications 
 he had had with the king, Ireton's expressions were these : 
 " He gave us words, and we paid him in his own coin, when 
 we found he had no real intention to the people's good, but 
 to prevail by our factions, to regain by art what he had lost 
 in fight." 
 
 The king lived at Hampton Court rather in the condition of 
 a guarded and attended prince, than as a conquered and 
 purchased captive ; all his old servants had free recourse to 
 him ; all sorts of people were admitted to come to kiss his 
 hands and do him obeisance as a sovereign. Ashburnham 
 and Berkley, by the parliament voted delinquents, came to 
 him from beyond the seas, and others by permission of the 
 army, who had hoped they might be useful to incline him to 
 wholesome counsels ; but he, on the other side, interpreting 
 this freedom wherein he was permitted to live, not to the 
 gentleness and reconcilableness of his parliament, who, 
 after all his injuries, yet desired his restitution, so far as it 
 might be without the ruin of the good people of the land, 
 but rather believing it to proceed from their apprehension of 
 their own declining and his re-advancing in the hearts of the 
 people, made use of this advantage to corrupt many of their 
 officers to revolt from them and betray them ; which some 
 time after they did, and paid the forfeiture with their 
 x
 
 306 ME1IOIKS OF COL. HUTCHI^SOX. [1647. 
 
 lives.* When the king was at Hampton Court the lords 
 who were formerly of his privy council at Oxford, also re- 
 paired to him, to be as a council attending him, but this gave 
 so much disgust at London that they retreated again ; but 
 the Scotch lords and commissioners having free access to 
 him, he drew that nation into the design of the second war ; 
 which broke out furiously the next summer, and was one of 
 the highest provocations which, after the second victory, 
 brought him to the scaffold. But I shall respite that, to 
 return to his affairs whom I principally trace. 
 
 After the parliament was by the general restored to their 
 seats, Colonel Hutchinson came down to his garrison at Not- 
 tingham, which, the war being ended, was reduced only to 
 the castle ; the works at the town and the bridges being 
 slighted, the companies of the governor's regiment, all but 
 two, disbanded, and he thinking, now in a time when there 
 was no opposition, the command not worthy of himself or 
 his brother, gave it over to his kinsman, Captain Poulton. 
 
 * This is one of the places where we find reason to regret Mrs. Hutchin- 
 son's being so summary in her account of public affairs. This matter of 
 endeavouring to bring the king to reason, and his perverting the good in- 
 tentions of friends as well as foes, is treated much at length by Ludlow, in 
 his first volume, from p. 194 to 204, and he agrees with Mrs. Hutchinson 
 in most particulars; but it seems extraordinary that he should attribute a 
 very considerable and active part in this business to Sir Allen Apsley, and 
 his sister shoulu make no mention of him in it. The candour and bene- 
 volence of Ireton, who is so generally represented as a cynic, are equally 
 apparent in both place's, as likewise are the obstinacy and duplicity of the 
 king. If Ireton is by any supposed to have been too favourably repre- 
 sented by Mrs. Hutchinson, it will not be thought that he is likewise 
 favoured by Walker in his Hist, of the Independents, yet, p. 164, he reports 
 thus. Ireton said the king had committed crimes enough to depose and im- 
 prison him, and crown the Duke of York, then a child, in his stead (not 
 to kill the king}, and that if any thought their treatment of the king severe, 
 they would applaud their clemency to the Duke of York.
 
 1647."} VIGOUR OF HIS MIND UNDEK DISEASE.; 307 
 
 With the assistance of his fellow parliament men he procured 
 an order from the parliament for five thousand pounds, that 
 had been levied for the Scotch army, but which they, de- 
 parting with too much haste, had not received, to be distri- 
 buted among the officers and soldiers of his regiment that 
 were at this time disbanded, in part of their arrears ; and, 
 that it might go the farther amongst them, he himself had 
 none of it.* The garrison at Nottingham being reduced, 
 Colonel Hutchinson removed his family back to his own 
 house at Owthorpe, but found that, having stood uninhabited, 
 and been robbed of everything which the neighbouring gar- 
 risons of Shelford and Wiverton could carry from it, it was 
 so ruined that it could not be repaired, to make a conve- 
 nient habitation, without as much charge as would almost 
 build another. By reason of the debt his public employment 
 had run him into, and not being able to do this at present Avhile 
 all his arrears were unpaid, he made a bad shift with it for 
 that year. At this time his distemper of rheum was very 
 sore upon him, and he was so afflicted with pains in his 
 head, which fell down also with violent torture upon all his 
 joints, that he was not able to go for many weeks out of his 
 chamber ; and here we had a notable example of the vic- 
 torious power of his soul over his body. One day, as he 
 was in the saddest torture of his disease, certain horse came, 
 somewhat insolently and injuriously, exacting quarters or 
 moneys in the town ; whom he sent for, and telling them he 
 would not suffer such wrong to be done to his tenants, they 
 seeing him in so weak a condition, would not be persuaded to 
 forbear violent and unjust actions, but told him his govern- 
 ment was expired, and they were no more under his command ; 
 with which, and some other saucy language, being provoked 
 to be heartily angry, he felt not that he was sick, but started 
 
 * Nota Bene.
 
 308 MEMOIRS OF COIi.' HTTTCHIK SON. [1647. 
 
 out of his chair and beat them out of the house and town, 
 and returned again laughing at the wretched fellows and at 
 himself, wondering what war. become of his pain, and think- 
 ing how strangely his feebleness was cured in a moment. 
 But while he and those about him were in this amazement, 
 half an hour had not expired before his spirits cooled, and 
 that heat and vigour they had lent his members retired again 
 to their noble palace, his heart ; and those efforts, which 
 had violently employed his limbs, made them more weak 
 than before, and his pain returned with such redoubled vio- 
 lence, that we thought he would have died in this fit. 
 
 "While he was thus distempered at home, Major-general 
 Ireton sent him a letter, with a new commission in it, for the 
 resuming his government of Nottingham Castle : for the 
 principal officers of the army, foreseeing an approaching 
 storm, desired to place it in his hands, by whom it had be- 
 fore been so prosperously and faithfully preserved : but the 
 colonel sent them word, that as he should not have put his 
 kinsman into the place, although he was assured of his fidelity, 
 so he would never join with those who were so forgetful of the 
 merits of men that had behaved themselves well, as to dis- 
 courage them without a cause. Hereupon they suffered 
 Captain Poulton to remain in his command ; but while the 
 house was vesy busy in faction, they took no care of any of 
 the garrisons, especially of such as were likely to continue 
 firm to the cause ; the presbyterian faction having a design 
 to weaken or corrupt them all, that they might be prepared 
 for the great revolt from the parliament, which was now 
 working in all countries. In Nottinghamshire, Colonel Gil- 
 bert Byron, a brother of Lord Byron's, meeting Captain 
 Poulton, began to insinuate into him, and tempt him to be- 
 tray Nottingham Castle ; which proposition, when he heard, 
 he thought fit not utterly to reject, lest the castle being then 
 in a weak condition, and the soldiers discontented, some of
 
 1 647.] ESCAPE OF THE KING FROM HAMPTON COURT-. 309 
 
 his under officers might be more ready to embrace it and betray 
 both the place and him. He therefore took a little time to 
 consider of it, and came to Colonel Hutchinson and ac- 
 quainted him with it. He advised him to hold his cousin Byron 
 on in the treaty, till he himself could go to London and pro- 
 vide for the better securing of the place, which, his distemper 
 of health a little abating, he did : and when the place was 
 well provided, Captain Poulton, who was too gentle-hearted 
 to cut off Mr. Byron under a pretence of assenting to him, 
 sent to him to shift for himself, which Mr. Byron accord- 
 ingly did; and now the insurrection began everywhere to 
 break out. 
 
 In the meantime, some months before, when the king had 
 laid the design of the second war with the Scots, and had em- 
 ployed all his art to bring the English presbyters to a revolt, 
 and was now full of hopes to bring about his game, and con- 
 quer those who had conquered him, while he was amusing 
 the parliament with expectations of a treaty, he privily 
 stole away from Hampton Court, by the assistance of Ash- 
 burnham and Berkley, no man knew whither ; but these wise 
 men had so ordered their business, that instead of going be- 
 yond seas, which was his first intent, he was forced to give 
 himself up to Hammond, governor of the Isle of Wight, 
 who immediately gave notice to the parliament, and they sent 
 V.rn thanks for his fidelity, and ordered that the king should be 
 -xonourably attended and guarded there in Carisbrook Castle. 
 The parliament were again sending him propositions there, 
 when they received a letter from him, urging that he might 
 come to a personal treaty in London. Hereupon the two 
 houses agreed on four propositions to be sent him, to be passed 
 as bills ; upon the passing of which, they were content he 
 should come to a personal treaty for the rest. The four pro- 
 positions were, 1st. That a bill should be passed for the settling 
 the militia of the kingdom. 2ndly. That all oaths, decla-
 
 310 MEMOIES OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1647- 
 
 rations, &c., against the parliament and their adherents should 
 be called in. 3rdly. That the lords made by the great seal 
 at Oxford, should not thereby be capable of sitting in the 
 house of peers. 4thly. That the parliament might have 
 power to adjourn, as the two houses think fit. The Scotch 
 commissioners opposed the sending these bills to the king, 
 and urged his coming to a personal treaty in London. 
 The king, understanding their mind and the factions in Lon- 
 don, absolutely refused to sign them. Wherefore the houses, 
 debating upon the king's denial, these votes were at length 
 passed by both houses, on the 17th day of January: That 
 they would make no more addresses nor applications to the 
 king. That no person whatever should make address or 
 application to him. That whoever should break this order, 
 should incur the penalty of high treason. That they should 
 receive no more messages from the king, and that no person 
 should presume to bring any to either house, or to any other 
 person. Upon these votes the army put forth a declara- 
 tion, promising to stand by the houses in them, which was 
 signed by the general and all his officers, at Windsor, Janu- 
 ary 19, 1647. But in May following, tumults first began irt 
 London ; then the Surrey men came with a very insolent 
 petition, and 'behaved themselves so arrogantly to the parlia- 
 ment, killing and wounding some of the guards, that a troop 
 of horse was fetched from the Mews, and was forced to 
 kill some of them before they could quiet them. After this, 
 the parliament was informed of another insurrection in 
 Kent, coming under the face of a petition, and sent out 
 General Fairfax with seven regiments to suppress them, who 
 pursued them to Rochester. A great company of these Kent- 
 ish men were gotten together about Gravesend, with fifteen 
 knights, and many commanders of the king's army to head 
 them ; who, although they were more in number than Fair- 
 fax's men, yet durst not await his coming. Some of tnem
 
 1647 48.] TUMULTS IN ESSEX, KENT, ETC. 311 
 
 went to Dover Castle and besieged it, but the general sent 
 out Sir Michael Livesey, who happily relieved that place and 
 raised the siege ; others went to Maidstone, and a few kept 
 together about Rochester. The general himself went to 
 Maidstone, where two thousand of them were gotten into 
 the town, and resolved to keep it ; whom the general as- 
 saulted, and with difficulty entered the town, and fought for 
 every street, which were barricaded against him, and de- 
 fended with cannon. Yet at length he killed two hundred, 
 and took fourteen hundred prisoners. Four hundred horse 
 broke away to an army of their friends, bigger than Fairfax's, 
 who saw the town taken, yet had not the courage to engage 
 against the general for the relief of it ; but after they saw 
 his victory they dispersed. The Lord Goring then having 
 rallied about two thousand of these Kentish men, led them 
 to 1 Greenwich, from whence he sent to try the affections of 
 the Londoners ; but while he stayed there expecting their 
 answer, some troops of the army came, upon the sight of 
 whom, he and his men fled; the Kentish men, most of them 
 to their own houses, himself, with about five hundred horse, 
 getting boat, crossed the Thames into Essex, where the 
 Lord Capel with forces out of Hertfordshire, and Sir 
 Charles Lucas with a body of horse at Chelmsford, joined 
 him ; to whom, in a short time, divers that had been the 
 king's soldiers, with many Londoners, and other malignants, 
 flocked in. General Fairfax, with part of his forces crossed 
 the Thames at Gravesend, and sending for all the rest out of 
 Kent and London, pursued the enemies, and drove them 
 into Colchester, where he besieged them, and lay before 
 them three months. At last, hearing of the defeat of Duke 
 Hamilton and the Scots, and others of the king's partisans, 
 and being reduced to eating horse-flesh, without hopes of 
 relief, they yielded to mercy. The general shot Sir Charles 
 Lucas and Sir George Lisle to death upon the place, and
 
 312 MEMOIES OF COL. HTJTCHINSOX. [1648. 
 
 reserved Goring, Capel, and others, to abide the doom of the 
 parliament. While Fairfax was thus employed in Kent and 
 Essex, Langhorne, Powell, and Poyer, celebrated commanders 
 of the parliament side, revolted Avith the places in their com- 
 mand, and got a body of eight thousand Welshmen, whom 
 Colonel Horton, with three thousand, encountered, van- 
 quished, routed, and took as many prisoners as he had sol- 
 diers ; but Langhorne and Powell escaped to Poyer, and shut 
 up themselves with him in Pembroke Castle, a place so 
 strong that they refused all treaty ; and thereupon they were 
 besieged by Lieutenant-general Cromwell, to whom at length, 
 after some months' siege, it was surrendered at the con- 
 queror's mercy. In divers other countries, at the same time, 
 there were several insurrections and revolts ; but those of the 
 parliament party, as if they had lost courage and conscience at 
 once, could no more behave themselves with that valour, 
 which had before renowned them ; and were slain or taken, 
 losing the places they had betrayed, to their old companions, 
 whose fidelity was crowned with success everywhere. Among 
 the rest, Colonel Gilbert Byron had risen, with other gentle- 
 men of Nottinghamshire and Lincolnshire, and had gotten 
 together about five hundred horse ; wherewith, after he had 
 failed of his hopes of corrupting the governor of Notting- 
 ham, they intended to go and join themselves with others 
 that Avere up in other countries ; and this was so suddenly 
 and secretly done, that they were upon their march before 
 the rising was suspected. The governor of Nottingham had 
 not time enough to send a messenger to be with Colonel 
 Hutchinson at his house before them, and therefore shot 
 off a piece of cannon ; which Colonel Hutchinson hear- 
 ing as he sat at dinner, and believing some extraordinary 
 thing to be in it, commanded horses to be made ready, and 
 went to Nottingham ; but met the messenger who came to 
 give him notice of the enemies' approach. The news being
 
 16-18.] RISING IN THE NOETH. 313 
 
 sent home in haste, his arms and writings, and other things 
 of value, were put in a cart and sent away; which was not 
 long gone before the enemy marched by the house, and keep- 
 ing their body on a hill at the town's end, only sent a 
 party to the house to fetch them what provisions of meat 
 and drink they found there ; besides which, they took nothing 
 but a groom with two horses, who having ridden out to air 
 them, fell into their mouths, because he could not be readily 
 found when the rest of the horses were sent away. The 
 reason why no more mischief was done by the cavaliers to 
 his family, at that time, was, partly because Colonel Gil- 
 bert Byron had commanded not to disturb them, if he were 
 not there, and partly because they were so closely pursued 
 by the Lincolnshire troops, that they could not stay to take, 
 nor would burden themselves with plunder, now they saw 
 it unlikely to get off without fighting. This they did the 
 next day at Willoughby within three miles of Owthorpe, 
 and were there totally routed, killed, and taken by a party 
 under Colonel Rossiter's command, by whom Colonel Byron was 
 carried prisoner to Belvoir Castle. Being in distress there, 
 although he was an enemy, and had dealt unhandsomely 
 with Colonel Hutchinson, in endeavouring to corrupt one for 
 whom he was engaged, yet the colonel sent him a sum of 
 money for his present relief, and afterwards procured him a 
 release and composition with the parliament. The greatest 
 of all these dangers seemed now to be in the north, where 
 Duke Hamilton's faction being prevalent in Scotland, he had 
 raised an army, and was marching into England. Sir Marma- 
 duke Langdale and Glenham had already raised some men 
 in those parts, whom Lambert, with the assistance of some 
 Lincolnshire forces, joined to his Yorkshire brigade, kept in 
 rlay ; but they reserved themselves to join with Hamilton. 
 Argyle and others of the kirk party, protested against him, 
 and many of the ministers cursed his attempt, but were
 
 314 MEilOIES OF COL. HUTCHIXSOX. [1648. 
 
 silenced for it, although God heard them. The presbyte- 
 rians in London secretly prayed for his success, and hardly 
 could the house of lords be brought to join with the house 
 of commons in voting all the English traitors, that should 
 join with the Scots, which yet at the last they did. 
 
 Colonel Hutchinson having been about this time at Lon- 
 don, and wanting a minister for the place where he lived, and 
 for which he had procured an augmentation, repaired to some 
 eminent ministers in London,* to recommend a worthy per- 
 son to him for the place. They, with a great testimonial, 
 recommended a Scotchman to him, whom the colonel brought 
 down ; but having occasion to be with the committee at 
 Nottingham, to take order for the security of the county in 
 these dangerous times, while he was out the man made 
 strange prayers in the family, which were couched in dark 
 expressions ; but Mrs. Hutchinson, understanding them to be 
 intended for the prosperous success of those who were risen 
 against the parliament, and of his nation that were coming to 
 invade ours, told her husband at his return, that she could 
 not bear with nor join in his prayers. The next day, be- 
 ing the Lord's day, the colonel heard his sermon, which was 
 so spiritless and so lamentable, that he was very much vexed 
 the ministers should have sent such a man to him ; withal he 
 publicly made the same prayers he uttered in the family for 
 the success of the Scots ; whereupon, after dinner, the 
 colonel took him aside, and told him that he had done 
 very sinfully to undertake an office for which he was so ill 
 gifted, and desired him to depart in peace again the next 
 day, and to forbear any further employment in his house. 
 
 * This entirely contradicts the opinion so generally propagated and be- 
 lieved, that all the independents were so fanatical as to decry and lay aside 
 all regular ministry, and to give themselves up to the guidance of self- 
 created teachers, pretending inspiration, i. e. impostors.
 
 1648.] DISMISSES A SCOTCH MINISTER. 315 
 
 The man at first was very high, and told the colonel he was 
 there by authority of the parliament, and would not depart ; 
 the colonel then dealt high with him, and told him he 
 would declare to them the expressions of his prayers, which 
 so confounded the man, that he besought him to have pity, 
 and confessed that he was fled from his own country for 
 having been of Montrose's party ; and that covetousness, 
 against his conscience, had drawn him to dissemble him- 
 self to be of the parliament's principles, but that God had 
 judged him for his hypocrisy, and withdrawn his Spirit from 
 him, since he practised it ; he then submitted to go quietly 
 and silently away, even begging it as a favour of the 
 colonel, that he would permit him so to do. He did it 
 with such a counterfeit sorrow and conviction, that the 
 colonel being of a most placable nature, freely forgave him, 
 and sent him not away empty, for he had fifteen pounds for 
 only a fortnight's service ; yet this rogue, before he went out 
 of the country, went to the presbyters at Nottingham, and 
 told them his conscience would not permit him to stay in the 
 colonel's house, because he and his wife were such violent 
 sectaries, that no orthodox man could live comfortably with 
 them ; and this scandal those charitable priests were ready to 
 receive and more largely to spread. They themselves, with 
 divers of their zealous disciples, whom they had perverted, 
 among whom were Colonel Francis Pierrepont, Captains 
 Rosse, White, Chadwick, and many others, were watching 
 opportunity to break their covenant and rise against that 
 parliament, under which they had served and sworn to assist, 
 till all delinquents, as well greater as less, were brought to 
 condign punishment. 
 
 At London things were in a very sad posture, the two 
 factions of presbytery and independency being so engaged 
 to suppress each other, that they both ceased to regard the 
 public interest ; insomuch, that at that time a certain sort of
 
 316 MEMOIRS OP 0)1. HUTCHINSON. [1648. 
 
 public- spirited men stood up in the parliament and the army, 
 declaring against these factions and the ambition of the 
 grandees of both, and the partiality that was in these days 
 practised, by which great men were privileged to do those 
 things which meaner men were punished for, and the injus- 
 tice and other crimes of particular members of parliament, 
 were rather covered than punished, to the scandal of the whole 
 house. Many got shelter in the house and army against 
 their debts, by which others were defrauded and undone. 
 The lords, as if it were the chief interest of nobility to be 
 licensed in vice, claimed many prerogatives, which set them 
 out of the reach of common justice, which these good- 
 hearted people would have equally to belong to the poorest 
 as well as to the mighty ; and for this and such other honest 
 declarations, they were nicknamed levellers. Indeed, as all 
 virtues are mediums, and have their extremes, there rose up 
 afterwards with that name a people, who endeavoured the 
 levelling of all estates and qualities ; which these sober 
 levellers were never guilty of desiring, but were men of just 
 and sober principles, of honest and religious ends, and there- 
 fore hated by all the designing self-interested men of both 
 factions. Colonel Hutchinson had a great intimacy with 
 many of these ; and so far as they acted according to the 
 just, pious, and public spirit which they professed, he owned 
 and protected them as far as he had power. These were 
 they who first began to discover the ambition of Lieu- 
 tenant-general Cromwell and his idolaters, and to suspect 
 and dislike it. About this time, he was sent down, after his 
 victory in Wales, to encounter Hamilton in the north. When 
 he went down, the chief of these levellers following him out 
 of the town, to take their leave of him, received such pro- 
 fessions from him, of a spirit bent to pursue the same 
 just and honest things which they desired, that they went 
 away with great satisfaction, till they heard that a coachfui
 
 1648. J HIS MEETING WITH CROMWELL. 317 
 
 of presbyterian priests coming after them, went away no 
 less pleased; by which it was apparent he dissembled 
 with one or the other, and by so doing lost his credit with 
 both. 
 
 When he came to Nottingham, Colonel Hutchinson went 
 to see him, whom, he embraced with all the expressions of 
 kindness that one friend could make to another, and then 
 retiring with him, pressed him to tell him what his friends, 
 the levellers,* thought of him. The colonel, who was the 
 
 * The information Mrs. Hutchinson gives us on this subject is curious 
 and valuable, but differs from the tradition generally received respecting 
 the levellers ; it is however well supported by Walker in his History of 
 Independency. He begins with describing two juntos of grandees, and 
 calls the rest the common people of the house ; the former only feigned 
 opposition, but played into one another's hands, the latter were sincere and 
 earnest in it : he speaks of the honest middlemen, the same as Mrs. Hutch- 
 inson calls by that name, and likewise levellers ; he declares levellers and 
 asserters of liberty to be synonymous terms : in a variety of places they 
 are treated as the only sincere patriots and opposers of the selfish schemes 
 of the grandees of both parties, peculiarly the independents, and above all, 
 of Cromwell ; and the engrossers and monopolizers of oligarchy, desiring 
 to make themselves a corporation of tyrants, are said chiefly to dread the 
 opposition of these levellers ; but the most remarkable passage is in p. 
 194. " Reader, let me admonish thee that the levellers, for so they are 
 miscalled, only for endeavouring to level the exorbitant usurpations of the 
 council of state and council of officers, are much abused by some books 
 lately printed and published in their names, much differing from their 
 declared principles, tenets, and practices, but forged by Cromwell and 
 others to make the sheep (the people) betray the dogs that faithfully 
 guard them." The mode here and before taken by Colonel Hutchinson, 
 of readily adopting a name which was intended him for a reproach, was 
 certainly the best way of disarming it of its sting. The principles held by 
 that party of the levellers which he supported, none venture openly to 
 oppose, but try to attach to them the absurd extreme of those he blames ; 
 the modern philosophers who have stated that all men have equal rights, 
 but to unequal things, have not met with a much more candid construe
 
 318 MEMOIRS OF COL. HITTCHIXSOX. [_1648. 
 
 freest man in the world from concealing truth from his friend, 
 especially when it was required of him in love and plainness, 
 not only told him what others thought of him, but what he 
 himself conceived ; and how much it would darken all his 
 glories, if he should become a slave to his own ambition, 
 and be guilty of what he gave the world just cause to sus- 
 pect, and therefore he Legged of him to wear his heart in 
 his face, and to scorn to delude his enemies, but to make 
 use of his noble courage to maintain what he believed to be 
 just, against all great opposers. Cromwell made mighty pro- 
 fessions of a sincere heart to him, but it is certain that 
 for this and such like plain dealing with him, he dreaded 
 the colonel, and made it his particular business to keep 
 him out of the army ; but the colonel desiring command, 
 not to serve himself but his country, would not use 
 
 tion. The abuses Colonel Hutchinson complained of, especially that of 
 the privilege of parliament, have since been a little diminished ; but many 
 families still continue to be defrauded and undone by the shelter which 
 members of parliament find from their debts, and which seems long likely 
 to continue a defect in our legislature, and a reproach to our morals. 
 Among a number of pamphlets published in Mr. Hutchinson's time, one 
 was found at Owthorpe, setting forth the views and desires of these in- 
 ferior levellers. They therein stated, that they were willing to acknow- 
 ledge the proprietors of lands, and principally the lords of manors, as their 
 elder brothers, and rightfully possessed of the chief inheritance ; but 
 prayed to be allowed to cultivate the wastes and commons for their sup- 
 port. Whether the permitting or even encouraging this under moderate 
 reservations might not have been conducive to the public good, is a ques- 
 tion which seems to have been decided in the affirmative by the practice of 
 the French under the ancient government : a great share of the lands in 
 every parish having been thus granted out, and cultivated by small pro- 
 prietors, who paid what was called champarts, fieldings or tithes, being 
 seven in the hundred ; the industry and population this produced is felt 
 by all Europe. The abrogating these payments to the lords, was one of the 
 grand incitements to, and crimes of, the revolution.
 
 1648. J PROCEEDINGS OF THE LEVELLERS. 319 
 
 that art he detested in others, to procure himself any ad- 
 vantage. 
 
 At this time Colonel Thornhagh marched with Cromwell, 
 and at his parting with Colonel Hutchinson, took such a kind 
 leave of him, with such dear expressions of love, such bro- 
 therly embraces, and such regret for any rash jealousies he 
 had been wrought into, that it took great impression in the 
 colonel's kind heart, and might have been a presage to him 
 that they should meet no more, when they parted with such 
 extraordinary melting love; but that Colonel Hutchinson's 
 cheerful and constant spirit never anticipated any evil with 
 fear. His prudence wanted not foresight that it might come, 
 yet his faith and courage entertained his hope, that God 
 would either prevent it, or help him to bear it. 
 
 This summer the revolt was not greater at land than at 
 sea. Many of the great ships set the vice-admiral on shore, 
 and sailed towards Holland to Prince Charles : to whom the 
 Duke of York had come, having, by his father's advice, pri- 
 vately stolen away from London, where the parliament had 
 received and treated him like a prince, ever since the surrender 
 of Oxford. To reduce these revolted ships, and preserve the 
 rest of the navy from the like, the Earl of Warwick was 
 made lord high admiral of England. But at the same time 
 his brother, the Earl of Holland, who had floated up and 
 down with the tide of the times, rose also against the parlia- 
 ment, and appeared in arms, with the young Duke of Buck- 
 ingham and Lord Francis Villars, his brother, and others, 
 making about five hundred horse, at Kingston-upon-Thames. 
 Here some of the parliament troops, assailing them before 
 they had time to grow, totally routed and dispersed them. 
 The Lord Francis Villars was slain ; the Earl of Holland, 
 flying with those he could rally, was fought with at St. Neots ; 
 Dalbier and others of his associates were slain, and himself taken 
 prisoner and carried to Warwick Castle. Buckingham fled,
 
 320 MEMOIBS OF COZ. HTTTCHIXSON. [1648. 
 
 and at last got beyond seas, with a blot of base ingratitude 
 and treachery, which began then to appear, and hath since 
 marked out all his life. For these two lords being pupils, 
 and under the king's tuition, were carried with him to Oxford, 
 where they remained till the surrender of the place ; and then 
 coming to London, as they were under age, they had all 
 their father and mother's great estates, freely, without any 
 sequestration or composition; and while they enjoyed them, 
 their secret intentions of rising being discovered to the par- 
 liament, the parliament would not secure them, as some 
 advised, but only sent a civil warning to the duke, minding 
 him how unhandsome it would be, if the information should 
 prove true. Whereupon the duke protested he had no such 
 intention, but utterly detested it, making all the expressions 
 of just gratitude to them that could be ; and yet, within a 
 very few days afterwards, he openly showed himself in arms, 
 to tell the world how perfidious a hypocrite he was ; for 
 which the parliament exempted him from pardon, and ever 
 afterwards detested his name, as one that rose only to fall 
 into contempt and obloquy. 
 
 And now was Cromwell advanced into Lancashire, where 
 Lambert, retreating from the invading Scots, joined with him 
 and made up an army of about ten thousand ; which were but 
 few to encounter five-and-twenty thousand, led by Hamilton, 
 Langdale, and other English joined with them. Yet near 
 Preston, in Lancashire, they fought, and Cromwell gained an 
 entire victory, about the end of August, and had the chase of 
 them for twenty miles, wherein many fell, and many were 
 taken prisoners. Hamilton himself, with a good party of 
 horse, fled to Uttoxeter, and was there taken by the Lord 
 Grey. But, in the beginning of this battle, the valiant Colonel 
 Thornhagh was wounded to death. Being at the beginning 
 of the charge on a horse as courageous as became such a 
 master, he made such furious speed to set upon a company of
 
 1648. j CHARACTER OF COZOXEL THORNHAGH. 32i 
 
 Scotch lancers, that he was singly engaged and mortally 
 wounded, before it was possible for his regiment, though as 
 brave men as ever drew sword, and too affectionate to their 
 colonel to be slack in following him, to come up time enough 
 to break the fury of that body, which shamed* not to unite all 
 their force against one man : who yet fell not among them, 
 but being faint and all covered with blood, of his enemies as 
 well as his own, was carried off by some of his own men, while 
 the rest, enraged for the loss of their dear colonel, fought not, 
 that day like men of human race ; but deaf to the cries of every 
 coward that asked mercy, they killed all, and would not that 
 a captive should live to see their * colonel die; but said the 
 whole kingdom of Scotland was too mean a sacrifice for that 
 brave man. His soul was hovering to take her flight out of 
 his body, but that an eager desire to know the success of that 
 battle kept it within till the end of the day, when the news 
 being brought him, he cleared his dying countenance, and 
 said, " I now rejoice to die, since God hath let me see the 
 overthrow of this perfidious enemy ; I could not lose my life 
 in a better cause, and I have the favour from God to see my 
 blood avenged." So he died, with a large testimony of love 
 to his soldiers, but more to the cause, and was by mercy 
 removed, that the temptations of future times might not 
 prevail to corrupt his pure soul. A man of greater courage 
 and integrity fell not, nor fought not, in this glorious cause ; 
 he had also an excellent good nature, but easy to be wrought 
 upon by flatterers, yet as flexible to the admonitions of his 
 friends ; and this virtue he had, that if sometimes a cunning 
 insinuation prevailed upon his easy faith, when his error was 
 made known to him, notwithstanding all his great courage, he 
 was readier to acknowledge and repair, than to pursue his 
 mistake-! Colonel Thornhagh's regiment, in the reducing of 
 
 * Shamed not, used neutrally, instead of were not ashamed, blushed not. 
 
 t The valour of this gentleman seems to have been a favourite topic of 
 
 Y
 
 322 MEMOIRS or COL. HTJTCHINSON. [1648. 
 
 the garrison forces, had one Major Saunders (a Derbyshire 
 man, who was a very godly, honest, country gentleman, but 
 had not many things requisite for a great soldier) assigned 
 them for their major, and with him he brought in about a 
 troop of Derbyshire horse ; but the Nottinghamshire horse, 
 who certainly were as brave men as any that drew swords in 
 the army, had been animated in all their service by the dear 
 love they had to their colonel, and the glory they took in him, 
 and their generous spirits could not take satisfaction in serving 
 under a less man, which they all esteemed their major to be. 
 But remembering their successes under Colonel Hutchinson, 
 and several other things that moved them to pitch their 
 thoughts upon him, the captains addressed themselves to 
 Cromwell, and acquainted him with the discouragement and 
 sorrow they had by the death of their colonel, for whom 
 nothing could comfort them, but a successor equal to himself; 
 which they could not hope to find so well as they might in 
 the person of Colonel Hutchinson, with whose worth and 
 courage they were well acquainted, and who was now out of em- 
 ployment. Their only difficulty was, whether he would accept 
 the command, which they hoped to prevail on him to do, if 
 he would oblige them by sending to Lord Fairfax, to stop all 
 other ways that might be thought of for disposing it, till they 
 could know whether Colonel Hutchinson would accept it, for 
 which they had prepared a messenger to send to his house. 
 
 admiration and praise among his brother warriors. In Cromwell's letter 
 (preserved by Whitelocke), wherein he gives an account of his victory, he 
 laments " the death of this too brave gentleman." Ludlow is full in his 
 praises of him, and adds a very picturesque circumstance ; " that as he lay 
 wounded among his soldiers, he made them open to the right and left, 
 that he might see the enemy run." But it is doubtful whether at any time 
 the pencil or the pen has consecrated any thing to the memory of a de- 
 parted chief, so animated, so appropriate, as this character and description, 
 which we may surely say Mrs. Hutchinson conceived in the very spirit in 
 wliich her hero lived and flourished, fought and fell.
 
 1648.] DESIGNS OF CBOMWELI,. 323 
 
 Cromwell, with all the assentation imaginable, seemed to 
 rejoice they had made so worthy a choice, and promised them 
 to take care the regiment should not be disposed of till they 
 received Colonel Hutchinson's answer ; whereupon the cap- 
 tains severally wrote to Colonel Hutchinson, with most earnest 
 entreaties, that he would give them leave to procure a com- 
 mission for him to conduct them, which the lieutenant-general 
 had already promised to send for, if he pleased to accept it. 
 
 The colonel, though he had more inclination to rest at that 
 time, by reason of the indisposition of his health, yet not 
 knowing whether the earnest desires of his countrymen were 
 not from a higher call, wrote them word that he preferred the 
 satisfaction of their desires before his own, and if the com- 
 mission came to him to be their leader, he would not refuse 
 it, though he should not do anything himself to seek any 
 command. Meanwhile Cromwell, as soon as the Notting- 
 hamshire men had imparted their desires to him, sent for 
 Saunders, and cajoling him, told him none was so fit as him- 
 self to command the regiment ; but that all the regiment did 
 not think so, but were designing to procure themselves 
 another colonel, which he advised him to prevent, by sending 
 speedily to the general, to whom Cromwell also wrote to 
 further the request, and before the messenger came back from 
 Owthorpe procured the commission for Saunders. When it 
 came, he used all his art to persuade the captains to submit 
 to it, and to excuse himself from having any hand in it ; but 
 they perceived his dissimulation, and the troops were so dis- 
 pleased with it, that they thought to have flung down their 
 arms; but their captains persuaded them to res Contented 
 until the present expedition were over. But they had not 
 only this cheat and disappointment by Cromwell, but all the 
 Nottingham captains were passed over, and a less deserving 
 man made major of the regiment. The new colonel and 
 major made it their business to discountenance and affront all
 
 324 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTJTCHINS01S'. [1648. 
 
 that had showed any desire for Colonel Hutchinson, and to 
 weary them out, that they might fill up their rooms with 
 Derbyshire men ; but as soon as they got to London, all that 
 could otherwise dispose of themselves, went voluntarily off ; 
 and the rest that were forced to abide, hated their com- 
 manders, and lived discontentedly under them. The reasons 
 that induced Cromwell to this, were two : first, he found that 
 Colonel Hutchinson understood him, and was too generous 
 either to fear or flatter him ; and he carried, though under a 
 false face of friendship, a deep resentment of the colonel's 
 plain dealing with him at Nottingham. He had besides a 
 design, by insinuating himself with Colonel Saunders, to 
 flatter him into the sale of a town of his called Ireton, which 
 Cromwell earnestly desired to buy for Major-general Ireton, 
 who had married his daughter ; and when at last he could 
 not obtain it, in process of time, he took the regiment away 
 from him again.* Colonel Hutchinson was not at all dis- 
 pleased that the regiment was not given to him, but highly 
 resented it that the men were ill used for their affections to 
 him; and was sorry that this particular carriage of Cromwell's 
 gave him such a proof of other things suspected of him, so 
 destructive to the whole cause and party, as it afterwards fell 
 out. 
 
 Sir Marmaduke Langdale, after the rout of Hamilton, 
 came with two or three other officers to a little alehouse 
 which was upon Colonel Hutchinson' s land, and there were 
 so circumspect, that some country fellows, who saw them by 
 chance, suspecting they were no ordinary travellers, acquainted 
 Mr. Widmerpoole, who lived within two or three miles, and 
 had been major to the colonel in the first war: whereupon he 
 
 * This gentleman is mentioned in Granger's Biography; and there is a 
 print of him in the hands of some curious collectors, peculiarly of John 
 Townely, Esq. He is said to be of Ireton, in Derbyshire; but Ireton is 
 believed to be in the Vale of Belvoir.
 
 1648.] MARMADUKE LANGDALE TAKEN PRISONER. 325 
 
 came forth, with some few others, and sent down to the 
 colonel to acquaint him that some suspicion? persons were at 
 the lodge. The colonel, hearing of it, took his servants out, 
 and was approaching near the house, when Major Widmer- 
 poole, being beforehand in the house, had given Langdale 
 some jealousy that he might be surprised; thereupon one of 
 his company went out to fetch out his horses, which were 
 stopped for the present, and they seeing the colonel coming 
 up towards them, rendered themselves prisoners to Major 
 Widmerpoole, and were sent to Nottingham Castle, where 
 they continued some months, till at last Langdale finding an 
 opportunity, corrupted one of the guard, who furnished him 
 with a soldier's disguise, and ran away with him. The major, 
 who would have been baiHed by these persons, if the colonel 
 had not come in, had all the booty, which the colonel never 
 took any share of whatever : but the major thinking the best 
 of his spoils justly due to him, presented him with a case or 
 two of very fine pistols, which he accepted. 
 
 About this time, the gentlemen that were commissioners 
 for the king at Newark, fell into disputes one with another ; 
 nor only so, but suits were commenced in chancery upon this 
 occasion. One Atkins, and several other rich men at Newark, 
 when that garrison began to be fortified for the king, lent 
 certain sums of money, for the carrying on of that work, to 
 the commissioners of array, for which those gentlemen became 
 bound to the Newarkers. After the taking of that town by 
 the parliament, they, with other persons, coming in within 
 the set time, were admitted to composition. Having been so 
 cunning as to put out their money in other names, they ven- 
 tured to leave out these sums, believing they were put into 
 such sure hands, that it would never be discovered. Mr. 
 Sutton, Sir Thomas Williamson, Sir John Digby, Sir Gervas 
 Eyre, the Lord Chaworth, Sir Thomas Blackwell, Sir Roger 
 Cowper, Sir Richard Byron, and others, had given bond for
 
 326 MEMOIES OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1648. 
 
 this money, which Mr. Sutton, presenting to the king, as a 
 sum that he had raised to signalize his loyalty, the king, to 
 reward him, made him a baron. The whole sum thus taken 
 up for the king's service, was eight or ten thousand pounds ; 
 fifteen hundred of it, that was lent by Atkinson, being de- 
 manded, would have been paid, but they would not take the 
 principal without the interest. Sir Thomas Williamson was 
 openly arrested for it in Westminster Hall ; upon which Mr. 
 Sutton and he, being maddened, put in a bill in chancery 
 against Atkinson and others, praying that they might set 
 forth to what ends and uses this money was lent to the said 
 gentlemen, Sec., &c. 
 
 The parliament had made a law, that all estates of delin- 
 quents, concealed and uncompounded for, should be forfeited, 
 one half to the state, and the other half to the discoverer, if 
 he had any arrears due to him from the parliament, in pay- 
 ment of them. There were clerks and solicitors, who in 
 those days made a trade of hunting out such discoveries, 
 and making them known to such as had any arrears due to 
 them. Colonel Hutchinson at that time had received no pay 
 at all. One of the clerks of that committee, which was ap- 
 pointed for such discoveries, sent him word that two officers 
 of the army were upon this chancery bill, endeavouring to 
 make a discovery of certain concealed moneys in Notting- 
 hamshire, which being his own country, he thought might be 
 more proper for him. Colonel Hutchinson, who had never 
 any mind to disadvantage any of the gentlemen of the 
 country, demurred upon this information, and did nothing in 
 it, till some came to him, intimating a desire of my Lord 
 Lexington's, that the colonel would pitch upon that for the 
 payment of his arrears, that so they might fall into the hands 
 of a neighbour, who would use them civilly, rather than of a 
 stranger. After the colonel was thus invited by the gentle- 
 men themselves, to pitch upon this money, he waived all the
 
 1G48.] ASSISTS SIR T. WILLIAMSON, ETC. 327 
 
 rest, and only entered as his discovery that money which 
 these townsmen of Newark had lent ; but upon full search 
 and hearing at the committee, the money was found to be 
 forfeited money, and the debtors were ordered to pay it into 
 the committee, and Colonel Hutchinson had also an order to 
 receive his arrear from that committee of Haberdashers' 
 Hall. Hereupon Sir Thomas Williamson and Lord Lexing- 
 ton, who being the men of the best estates, were principally 
 looked upon for the debt, applied themselves to Colonel 
 Hutchinson, begging as a favour that he would undertake 
 the management of the order of sequestration given out 
 upon their estates ; and would also oblige them, by bringing 
 in several other gentlemen, that were bound to bear propor- 
 tionable shares. The colonel, to gratify them, got the order 
 of sequestration, and brought them to an accommodation, 
 wherein every man, according to his ability, agreed upon an 
 equal proportion ; and the gentlemen, especially Mr. Sutton, 
 acknowledged a very great obligation to the colonel, who 
 had brought it to so equal a composition among them ; and 
 then, upon their own desires, the order of sequestration was 
 laid upon their estates, but managed by one of their own 
 bailiffs, in order to free them from inconveniences that other- 
 wise would have come upon them. Some of them made use of 
 it to get in arrears of rent, which they knew no other way 
 of getting, and for which at that time they pretended the 
 greatest sense of gratitude and obligation imaginable. The 
 colonel also procured them days of payment, so that 
 whereas it should have been paid this Michaelmas, 1648, it 
 was not paid till a year after ; and for these, and many other 
 favours on this occasion, he was then courted as their patron, 
 though afterwards this civility had like to have been his 
 ruin. And now, about Michaelmas, 1648, he went to attend 
 his duty at the parliament, carrying his whole family with 
 him, because his house had been so ruined by the war that
 
 328 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1648. 
 
 he could no longer live in it, till it was either repaired or 
 newly built. On coming to London, he himself fell into his 
 old distemper of rheumatism with more violence than ever, 
 and being weary of those physicians he had so long, with so 
 little success, employed, he was recommended to a young 
 doctor, son of old Dr. Rudgely, whose excellence in his art 
 was everywhere known ; and this son being a very ingenious 
 person, and considering himself, and consulting with his 
 father, believed that all the other physicians who had dealt 
 with him had mistaken his disease ; which he finding more 
 truly out, in a short space perfectly cured him of the gout, 
 and restored him, by God's blessing on his endeavours, to 
 such a condition of health as he had not enjoyed for two 
 years before. When he was well again to attend the house, 
 he found the presbyterian party so prevalent there, that the 
 victories obtained by the army displeased them ; and they had 
 grown so hot in the zeal of their faction, that they from thence- 
 forth resolved and endeavoured to close with the common 
 enemy, that they might thereby compass the destruction of 
 their independent brethren. To this end, and to strengthen 
 their faction, they got in again the late suspended members ; 
 whereof it was said, and by the consequence appeared true, 
 that Mr. Hollis, during his secession, had been into France, 
 and there meeting with the queen, had pieced up an ungodly 
 accommodation with her ; although he was the man that at 
 the beginning, when some of the more sober men, who foresaw 
 the sad issues of war and victory to either side, were labouring 
 for an accommodation, said openly in the house, that " he ab- 
 horred that word accommodation." After these were gotten 
 in again, and encouraged by the presbyterian ministers and 
 the people in the city, they procured a revocation of the 
 votes formerly made ; with such convincing reasons publicly 
 declared for the same, why they had resolved on no more 
 addresses to be made to the king. And now nothing was
 
 1648.] COMMISSIONERS WAIT ON THE KING. 329 
 
 agitated with more violence than a new personal treaty, with 
 honour and freedom ; and even his coming to the city, before 
 any security given, was laboured for, but that prevailed not. 
 Such were the heats of the two parties, that Mr. Hollis chal- 
 lenged Ireton, even in the house ; out of which they both 
 went to fight, but that one who sat near them overheard the 
 wicked whisper, and prevented the execution of it.* 
 
 Amidst these things, at last a treaty was sent to the king, 
 by commissioners, who went from both houses, to the Isle of 
 Wight ; and although there were some honourable persons 
 in this commission, yet it cannot be denied, but that they 
 were carried away by the others, and concluded, upon most 
 dangerous terms, an agreement with the king. He would 
 not give up bishops, but only lease out their revenues ; and 
 upon the whole, such were the terms upon which the king 
 was to be restored, that the whole cause was evidently given 
 up to him. Only one thing he assented to, to acknowledge 
 himself guilty of the blood spilt in the late war, with this 
 proviso, that if the agreement were not ratified by the house, 
 then this concession should be of no force against him.f 
 The commissioners that treated with him had been ca- 
 joled and biassed with promises of great honours and 
 offices to every one of them, and so they brought back their 
 treaty to be confirmed by the houses ; where there was a very- 
 high dispute about them, and they sat up most part of the 
 night : when at length it was voted to accept his concessions, 
 the dissenting party being fewer than the other that were 
 carrying on the faction. Colonel Hutchinson was that night 
 among them, and being convinced in his conscience that both 
 
 * Clarendon pretends Ireton would not fight. Surely Ludlow knew 
 him best, and he says he would ! 
 
 t Certainly there are many strange things to be found in the history of 
 diplomacy, but perhaps none so strange as that an assertion should be ad- 
 mitted to be provisionally true*
 
 830 MEMOIKS OF COL. HTTTCHINSON. [1G48. 
 
 the cause, and all those who with an upright honest heart 
 asserted and maintained it, were betrayed and sold for nothing, 
 he addressed himself to those commissioners he had most 
 honourable thoughts of; and urged his reasons and appre- 
 hensions to them, and told them that the king, after having 
 been exasperated, vanquished, and captived, would be 
 restored to that power which was inconsistent with the 
 liberty of the people, who, for all their blood, treasure, and 
 misery, would reap no fruit, but a confirmation of their bond- 
 age ; and that it had been a thousand times better never to have 
 struck one stroke in the quarrel, than, after victory, to yield 
 up a righteous cause ; whereby they should not only betray 
 the interest of their country and the trust reposed in them, 
 and those zealous friends who had engaged to the death for 
 them, but be false to the covenant of their God, which was 
 to extirpate prelacy, not to lease it.* They acknowledged to 
 him that the conditions were not so secure as they ought to 
 be ; but in regard of the growing power and insolence of 
 the army, it was best to accept them. They further said, 
 that they who enjoyed those trusts and places, which they 
 had secured for themselves and other honest men, should 
 be able to curb the king's exorbitances ; and such other 
 things they said, wherewith the colonel, dissatisfied, opposed 
 their proceedings as much as he could. When the vote was 
 passed, he told some men of understanding, that he was not 
 satisfied in conscience to be included with the major part in this 
 vote, which was contrary to their former engagements to God, 
 but he thought it fit to testify their public dissent ; he and four 
 more, therefore, entered into the house-book a protestation 
 
 * There is, among Clarendon's State Papers, a letter from the queen to 
 the king, assuring him that those with whom he had to deal were too pene- 
 trating to be duped by this artifice; if they were, or pretended to be, the 
 queen was not.
 
 1648.] ARROGANCE OP THE ARMY. 331 
 
 against that night's votes and proceedings.* Whether it yet 
 remains there, or whether some others of them got it out, he 
 knew not, but he much wondered, after the change and 
 scrutiny into all these things, that he never heard the least 
 mention of it. 
 
 By this violent proceeding of the preshyterians they 
 finished the destruction of him in whose restitution they 
 were now so fiercely engaged, for this gave heart to the 
 vanquished cavaliers, and such courage to the captive king 
 that it hardened him and them to their ruin. On the other 
 side, it so frightened all the honest people, that it made them 
 as violent in their zeal to pull down, as the others were in their 
 madness to restore, this kingly idol ; and the army, who were 
 principally levelled and marked out as the sacrifice and peace- 
 offering of this ungodly reconciliation, had some colour to pur- 
 sue their late arrogant usurpations upon that authority which 
 it was their duty rather to have obeyed than interrupted ; but 
 the debates of that night, which produced such destructive 
 votes to them and all their friends, being reported to them, 
 they the next morning came and seized about f of 
 
 the members as they were going to the house, and carried 
 them to a house hard by, where they were for the present 
 kept prisoners. Most of the presbyterian faction, disgusted 
 at this insolence, would no more come to their seats in the 
 house ; but the gentlemen who were of the other faction, 
 or of none at all, but looked upon themselves as called out 
 to manage a public trust for their country, forsook not their 
 seats while they were permitted to sit in the house. J 
 
 * Ludlow says he wished to do this very thing, but could not. 
 
 t Dugdale gives a list of the secluded members, forty-one in number, 
 and hence we are furnished with some names which will serve to establish 
 a peculiar fact stated at the latter end of the history of the republic. 
 
 t Whitelocke, who was exactly in the same predicament, acted in the 
 same manner, and gives the same reasons for it.
 
 332 MEMOIES OF COL. HUTCHIXSOX. [1648. 
 
 Colonel Hutchinson was one of these who infinitely disliked 
 this action of the army, and had once before been instru- 
 mental in preventing such another rash attempt, which some 
 of the discerning and honest members having a jealousy of, 
 sent him down to discover. When he came, going first to 
 commissary Ireton's quarters, he found him and some of the 
 more sober officers of the army in great discontent, for the 
 lieutenant-general had given order for a sudden advance of 
 the army to London, upon the intelligence they had had of 
 the violent proceedings of the other party, whereupon Crom- 
 well was then in the mind to have come and broken them up 5 
 but Colonel Hutchinson, with others, at that time persuaded 
 him that, notwithstanding the prevalency of the presbyterian 
 faction, there were yet many who had upright and honest 
 hearts to the public interest, who had not deserved to be so 
 used by them, and who could not join with them in any 
 such irregular ways, although in all just and equitable things 
 they would be their protectors. Whereupon at that time he 
 was stayed ;* but having now drawn the army nearer Lon- 
 
 * Mrs. Hutchinson does Ireton that justice which Whitelocke refuses 
 him, who seems to consider him in the light of an instigator ; but this is 
 clearly decided by Ludlow, who declares that " he himself, being sensible 
 that the presbyterian party were determined to sacrifice the common cause 
 to the pleasure of triumphing over the independents and the army, by 
 agreeing with the king, or by any means, went down to apprise Fairfax and 
 Ireton, then at the siege of Colchester, of this design, and to court the in- 
 terposition of the army. Fairfax readily agreed, but Ireton demurred to 
 interfering till the king and presbyterians should have actually agreed, 
 and the body of the nation been convinced of the iniquity of their coali- 
 tion." Additional provocations and imperious circumstances afterwards 
 constrained him, but he acted no conspicuous part in the business. In 
 this difference of opinion respecting the interference of the army we may 
 see the source of the dissension which more openly took place afterwards 
 between Colonel Hutchinson and Ludlow, and caused the latter to calum- 
 niate Colonel Hutchinson as he did.
 
 1648. J COMMISSION TO TRY THE KING. 383 
 
 don, they put this insolent force upon the house. Those who 
 were suffered to remain, not at all approving thereof, sent 
 out their mace to demand their members, but the soldiers 
 would not obey. Yet the parliament thought it better to sit 
 still and go on in their duty than give up all, in so distem- 
 pered a time, into the hands of the soldiery ; especially as there 
 had been so specious a pretext for the necessity of securing 
 the whole interest and party from the treachery of those men, 
 who contended so earnestly to give up the victors into the 
 hands of their vanquished enemies. Many petitions had 
 been brought to the parliament from thousands of the well- 
 affected of the cities of London and "Westminster and borough 
 of Southwark, and from several counties in England, and 
 from the several regiments of the army, whereof Colonel In- 
 golsby's was one of the first, all urging them to perform their 
 covenant, and bring delinquents, without partiality, to justice 
 and condign punishment, and to make inquiry for the guilt of 
 the blood that had been shed in the land in both wars, and 
 to execute justice ; lest the not improving the mercy of God 
 should bring judgments in their room. 
 
 Then also a declaration to the same purpose was presented 
 to the house from the Lord General Fairfax and his council 
 of officers, and strange it is how men who could afterwards 
 pretend such reluctancy and abhorrence of those things that 
 were done, should forget that they were the effective answer 
 to their petitions. 
 
 After the purgation of the house, upon the new debate of 
 the treaty at the Isle of Wight, it was concluded dangerous 
 to the realm and destructive to its better interest, and the 
 trial of the king was determined. He was sent for to West- 
 minster, and a commission was given forth to a court of high 
 justice, whereof Bradshaw, serjeant-at-law, was president, 
 and divers honourable persons of the parliament, city, and 
 army, nominated commissioners. Among them Colonel
 
 334 MEMOIBS OF COI,. HUTCHINSON. f!649. 
 
 Hutcliinson was one, who, very much against his own will 
 was put in; but looking upon himself as called hereunto, 
 durst not refuse it, as holding himself obliged by the cove- 
 nant of God and the public trust of his country reposed in 
 him, although he was not ignorant of the danger he run as 
 the condition of things then was. 
 
 In January 1648,* the court sat, the king was brought 
 to his trial, and a charge drawn up against him for levying 
 war against the parliament and people of England, for be- 
 traying the public trust reposed in him, and for being an 
 implacable enemy to the commonwealth. But the king re- 
 fused to plead, disowning the authority of the court, and 
 after three several days persisting in contempt thereof, he 
 was sentenced to suffer death, f One thing was remarked in 
 him by many of the court, that when the blood spilt in many 
 of the battles where he was in his own person, and had 
 caused it to be shed by his own command, was laid to his 
 charge, he heard it with disdainful smiles, and looks and 
 gestures which rather expressed sorrow that all the opposite 
 party to him were not cut off, than that any were : and he 
 
 Hume and Clarendon say January 1649. 
 
 f Without entering into the merits of the question, we may safely assert 
 that the trial of the king was without precedent, though many sovereigns 
 had been deposed and put to death without trial. It may appear fanciful 
 to many to suggest that the precedent set at this period could have any in- 
 fluence on the fate of the unfortunate Louis XVI.; but those who have 
 well observed the proneness of the French to mimicry (singerie), and 
 peculiarly at the time of their first revolution, their Anglomania, or aping 
 of the English (preferably in their foibles), will not be far from believing 
 that this precedent emboldened them to the mockery of justice which they 
 exhibited in his trial and condemnation. It is true that many, and even 
 most circumstances were wanting to render the cases parallel, but they 
 were determined to come up to the height of the English revolution (i la 
 hauteur des Anglais), and therefore malice and invention supplied all de- 
 ficiencies.
 
 1649.] LIBERTY IN THE KING'S JUDGES. 335 
 
 stuck not to declare in words, that no man's blood spilt in this 
 quarrel troubled him except one, meaning the Earl of 
 Strafford. The gentlemen that were appointed his judges, 
 and divers others, saw in him a disposition so bent on the 
 ruin of all that opposed him, and of all the righteous and 
 just things they had contended for, that it was upon the con- 
 sciences of many of them, that if they did not execute jus- 
 tice upon him, God would require at their hands all the blood 
 and desolation which should ensue by their suffering him to 
 escape, when God had brought him into their hands. Al- 
 though the malice of the malignant party and their apostate 
 brethren seemed to threaten them, yet they thought they 
 ought to cast themselves upon God, while they acted with a 
 good conscience for him and for their country. Some of them 
 afterwards, for excuse, belied themselves, and said they 
 were under the awe of the army, and overpersuaded by 
 Cromwell, and the like ; but it is certain that all men 
 herein were left to their free liberty of acting, neither per- 
 suaded nor compelled ; and as there were some nominated 
 in the commission who never sat, and others who sat at first, 
 but durst not hold on, so all the rest might have declined it 
 if they would, when it is apparent they would have suffered 
 nothing by so doing. For those who then declined were 
 afterwards, when they offered themselves, received in again, 
 and had places of more trust and benefit than those who ran 
 the utmost hazard ; which they deserved not, for I know 
 upon certain knowledge that many, yea the most of them, 
 retreated, not for conscience, but from fear and worldly pru- 
 dence, foreseeing that the insolency of the army might grow 
 to that height as to ruin the cause, and reduce the kingdom 
 into the hands of the enemy ; and then those who had been 
 most courageous in their country's cause whould be given up 
 as victims. These poor men did privately animate those 
 who appeared most publicly, and I knew several of them in
 
 336 MEMOIKS OF COX. HTJTCHINSON. [1649. 
 
 whom I lived to see that saying of Christ fulfilled, " He 
 that will save his life shall lose it, and he that for my sake 
 will lose his life shall save it ;" when afterwards it fell 
 out that all their prudent declensions saved not the lives of 
 some nor the estates of others. As for Mr. Hutchinson, 
 although he was very much confirmed in his judgment con- 
 cerning the cause, yet herein being called to an extraordinary 
 action, whereof many were of several minds, he addressed 
 himself to God by prayer; desiring the Lord that, if through 
 any human frailty he were led into any error or false opinion 
 in these great transactions, he would open his eyes, and not 
 suffer him to proceed, but that he would confirm his spirit in 
 the truth, and lead him by a right enlightened conscience ; 
 and finding no check, but a confirmation in his conscience 
 that it was his duty to act as he did, he, upon serious debate, 
 both privately and in his addresses to God, and in confer- 
 ences with conscientious, upright, unbiassed persons, pro- 
 ceeded to sign the sentence against the king. Although 
 he did not then believe but that it might one day come to be 
 again disputed among men, yet both he and others thought 
 they could not refuse it without giving up the people of 
 God, whom they had led forth and engaged themselves 
 unto by the oath of God, into the hands of God's and 
 their own enemies ; and therefore he cast himself upon God's 
 protection, acting according to the dictates of a conscience 
 which he had sought the Lord to guide, and accordingly the 
 Lord did signalise his favour afterwards to him.* 
 
 * The account here given of Colonel Hutchinson's motives in this great 
 transaction is most ingenious, and lays his conduct fairly open to the dis- 
 cussion and decision of the reader, who, according to his own feelings, will 
 determine it for himself to be commendable, censurable, or venial. The 
 legislature unanimously voted it venial. It would be an invidious, but 
 not a very difficult task, to point out the persons who, by their politic de- 
 clensions, failed of saving their lives and estates ; but it is worthy of notice
 
 1649.] HIS CONSCIENTIOUSNESS. 387 
 
 After the death of the king it was debated and resolved to 
 change the form of government from a monarchy into a 
 commonwealth, and the house of lords was voted dangerous 
 and useless thereunto, and dissolved. A council of state was 
 to be annually chosen for the management of affairs, account- 
 able to the parliament, out of which, consisting of forty 
 councilors and a president, twenty were every year to go off 
 by lot, and twenty new ones to be supplied. It is true, that 
 at that time almost every man was fancying a form* of go- 
 vernment, and angry, when this came forth, that his invention 
 took not place ; and among these John Lilburne, a turbulent- 
 spirited man, who never Avas quiet in anything, published 
 libels ; and the levellers made a disturbance with a kind of 
 insurrection, which Cromwell soon appeased, they indeed 
 being betrayed by their own leaders. 
 
 But how the public business went on, how Cromwell 
 finished the conquest of Ireland, how the angry presbyterians 
 spit fire out of their pulpits, and endeavoured to blow up the 
 people against the parliament, how they entered into a trea- 
 sonable conspiracy with Scotland, which had now received and 
 crowned the son of the late king, who led them in hither with 
 a great army, which the Lord of hosts discomfited ; how our 
 public ministers were assassinated and murdered in Spain 
 and Holland ; and how the Dutch, in this unsettlement of 
 affairs, hoped to gain by making war, wherein they were 
 
 that Fairfax, after the restoration, with that ingenuousness which belonged 
 to him, declared (Ludlow, vol. iii. p. 10), "that if any person must be 
 excepted from pardon for the death of the king, he knew no man that 
 deserved it more than himself, who being general of the army, and 
 having power sufficient to prevent the proceedings against the king, had 
 not thought fit to use it to that end." It is needless to multiply examples, 
 one reasoning extending to the whole. 
 
 * A natural consequence of great popular revolutions, in which the 
 modern French have had the glory of outdoing all the world I
 
 338 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTJTCHINSOX. [1G49. 
 
 beaten and brought to sue for peace, I shall leave to the 
 stories that were then written ; and only in general say that 
 the hand of God was mightily seen in prospering and pre- 
 serving the parliament till Cromwell's ambition unhappily 
 interrupted them. Mr. Hutchinson was chosen into the 
 first council of state, much against his own will; for, un- 
 derstanding that his cousin Ireton was one of the commis- 
 sioners to nominate that council, he sent his wife to him, 
 before he went to the house, that morning they were to be 
 named, to desire him, upon all the scores of kindred and 
 kindness that had been between them, that he might be left 
 out, in regard that he had already wasted his time and his 
 estate in the parliament's service ; and having had neither 
 recompence for his losses, nor any office of benefit, it would 
 finish his ruin to be tied by this employment to a close and 
 chargeable attendance, besides the inconvenience of his 
 health, not yet thoroughly confirmed, his constitution being 
 more suitable to an active than to a sedentary life. These 
 and other things he privately urged upon him; but he, who was 
 a man regardless of his own or of any man's private interest, 
 wherever he thought the public service might be advantaged, 
 instead of keeping him out got him in, when the colonel 
 had prevailed with others to have indulged him with that ease 
 he desired. Mr. Hutchinson, after he had endeavoured to 
 decline this employment and could not, thought that herein, 
 as in other occasions, it being put upon him without his own 
 desire, God had called him to his service in councils as for- 
 merly in arms, and applied himself to this also, wherein he 
 did his duty faithfully, and employed his power to relieve the 
 oppressed and dejected, freely becoming the advocate of 
 those who had been his late enemies, in all things that were 
 just and charitable. Though he had now an opportunity to 
 have enriched himself, as it is to be feared some in all times 
 have done, by accepting rewards for even just assistances,
 
 1049.] INGKATITtTDE OF SIR JOHN OWEN. 339 
 
 and he wanted not many who offered them and solicited him 
 therein, yet such was his generous nature that he abhorred 
 the mention of anything like reward, though ever so justly 
 merited ; and although he did a thousand highly obliging 
 kindnesses for many, both friends and enemies, he never had 
 anything in money or presents of any man.* The truth is, 
 on the contrary, he met with many that had not the good 
 manners to make so much as a civil verbal acknowledgment. 
 Among the rest one Sir John Owen may stand for a pillar of 
 ingratitude. This man was wholly unknown to him, and 
 with Duke Hamilton, the Earl of Holland, the Lord Capell, 
 and the Lord Goring, was condemned to death by a second 
 high court of justice. Of this, though the colonel was no- 
 minated a commissioner, he would not sit, his unbloody 
 nature desiring to spare the rest of the delinquents, after the 
 highest had suffered, and not delighting in the death of men, 
 when they could live without cruelty to better men. The 
 parliament also was willing to show mercy to some of these, 
 and to execute others for example ; whereupon the whole 
 house was diversely engaged, some for one and some for 
 another of these lords, and striving to cast away those they 
 were not concerned in, that they might save their friends. 
 While there was such mighty labour and endeavour for 
 these lords, Colonel Hutchinson observed that no man spoke 
 for this poor knight ; and, sitting next to Colonel Ireton, he 
 expressed himself to him, and told him that it grieved him 
 much to see that, while all were labouring to save the lords, 
 
 * The lists of the first two councils, which embraced almost the whole 
 duration of the republic, are preserved by Whitelocke, and Colonel Hut- 
 chinson is in each of them ; he went out at the formation of the third. It 
 is extremely to be regretted, that Mrs. Hutchinson should have been so 
 concise in this part of her history, it being a period which naturally excites 
 much curiosity, but of which we have only indistinct, and, generally 
 speaking, invidious and partial accounts. 
 Z 2
 
 340 MEMOIRS OF COL. HT7TCHINSON. [1649. 
 
 a gentleman, that stood in the same condemnation, should 
 not find one friend to ask his life ; " and so," said he, " am 
 I moved with compassion that, if you will second me, I am 
 resolved to speak for him, who, I perceive is a stranger and 
 friendless." Ireton promised to second him, and accordingly, 
 inquiring further of the man's condition, whether he had not 
 a petition in any member's hand, he found that his keepers 
 had brought one to the clerk of the house ; but the man had 
 not found any who would interest themselves for him, 
 thinking the lords' lives of so much more concernment than 
 this gentleman's. This the more stirred up the colonel's 
 generous pity, and he took the petition, delivered it, spoke 
 for him so nobly, and was so effectually seconded by Ireton, 
 that they carried his pardon clear. Yet although one who 
 knew the whole circumstance of the business, how Mr. Hut- 
 chinson, moved by mere compassion and generosity, had pro- 
 cured his life, told him, who admired his own escape, how it 
 came about, yet he never was the man that so much as once 
 came to give him thanks ; nor was his fellow-prisoner Goring, 
 for whom the colonel had also effectually solicited, more 
 grateful* 
 
 Some of the army, being very desirous to get amongst 
 them a person of whose fidelity and integrity to the cause 
 they had such good experience, had moved it to the general, 
 my Lord Fairfax ; who commanded to have it inquired in 
 what way he would choose to be employed ; and when Jietold 
 
 * This is differently represented by Whitelocke, Rapin, and Ludlow. 
 Whitelocke simply says that he was reprieved; Rapin, that his sentence 
 was suspended, because he should have been tried by an inferior court: and 
 Ludlow, that Ireton moved the house in his favour, omitting Colonel Hut- 
 chinson either by negligence or design ; there is some reason to think it to 
 nave been by the latter. Notwithstanding Colonel Hutchinson experienced 
 ingratitude from many individuals, the general and collective sense of his 
 justice and benevolence will be seen to have its full operation in his favour 
 in the sequel.
 
 1649.] APPOINTED GOVEKNOK OF HTT11. 341 
 
 them that, in regard of his family, which he would not will- 
 ingly be much absent from, he should rather accept the go- 
 vernment of some town than a field employment, four govern- 
 ments were brought to him, to select which he would have ; 
 whereof Plymouth and Portsmouth, and one more in the 
 west, being at a vast distance from his own country, he made 
 choice of Hull, in the north, though it was a less beneficial 
 charge than the other, thinking they had not offered him 
 anything but what had fairly fallen into their disposal. Soon 
 after this, the lieutenant-general, Cromwell, desired him to 
 meet him one afternoon at a committee, where, when he 
 came, a malicious accusation against the governor of Hull 
 was violently prosecuted by a fierce faction in that town. 
 To this the governor had sent up a very fair and honest 
 defence, yet most of the committee, more favouring the ad- 
 verse faction, were labouring to cast out the governor. Col. 
 Hutchinson, though he knew him not, was very earnest in 
 his defence, whereupon Cromwell drew him aside, and asked 
 him what he meant by contending to keep in that governor ? 
 (it was Overton.) The colonel told him, because he saw 
 nothing proved against him worthy of being ejected. " But," 
 said Cromwell, " we like him not." Then said the colonel, 
 " Do it upon that account, and blemish not a man that is 
 innocent, upon false accusations, because you like him not." 
 " But," said Cromwell, " we would have him out, because 
 the government is designed for you, and except you put him 
 out you cannot have the place." At this the colonel was 
 very angry, and with great indignation told him, if there was 
 no way to bring him into their army but by casting out others 
 unjustly, he would rather fall naked before his enemies, than 
 so seek to put himself into a posture of defence. Then re- 
 turning to the table, he so eagerly undertook the injured 
 governor's protection, that he foiled his enemies, and the 
 governor was confirmed in his place. This so displeased
 
 342 MEMOIBS OF COL. HTJTCHINSON 1 . [1649. 
 
 Cromwell that, as before, so much more now, he saw that as 
 even his own interest would not bias him into any unjust 
 faction, so he secretly laboured to frustrate the attempts of all 
 others who, for the same reason that Cromwell laboured to 
 keep him out, laboured as much to bring him in. 
 
 But now had the poison of ambition so ulcerated Crom- 
 well's heart, that the effects of it became more apparent than 
 before ; and while as yet Fairfax stood an empty name, he 
 was moulding the army to his mind, weeding out the godly 
 and upright-hearted men, both officers and soldiers, and 
 filling up their rooms with rascally turn-coat cavaliers, and 
 pitiful sottish beasts of his own alliance, and other such as 
 would swallow all things, and make no questions for con- 
 science' sake. Yet this he did not directly nor in tumult, but 
 by such degrees that it was unperceived by all that were not 
 of very penetrating eyes ; and those that made the loudest 
 outcries against him lifted up their voices with such apparent 
 envy and malice that, in that mist, they rather hid than dis- 
 covered his ambitious minings. Among these, Colonel Rich 
 and Commissary Staines and Watson had made a design even 
 against his life, and the business was brought to the exami- 
 nation of the council of state. Before the hearing of it, 
 Colonel Rich came to Colonel Hutchinson and implored his 
 assistance with tears, affirming all the crimes of Cromwell, 
 but not daring to justify his accusations, although the 
 colonel advised him if they were true to stand boldly to it, if 
 false to acknowledge his own iniquity. The latter course he 
 took, and the council had resolved upon the just punishment 
 of the men, when Cromwell, having only thus in a private 
 council vindicated himself from their malice, and laid open 
 what pitiful sneaking poor knaves they were, how ungrateful 
 to him, and how treacherous and cowardly to themselves, 
 became their advocate, and made it his suit that they 
 might be no farther published or punished. This being per-
 
 1649. J PKOGBESS OF CROMWELL. 343 
 
 mitted him, and they thus rendered contemptible to others, 
 they became beasts and slaves to him, who knew how to 
 serve himself by them without trusting them. This gene- 
 rosity, for indeed he carried himself with the greatest bra- 
 very that is imaginable herein, much advanced his glory, 
 and cleared him in the eyes of superficial beholders ; but 
 others saw he creeped on, and could not stop him, while 
 fortune itself seemed to prepare his way* on sundry occa- 
 sions. All this while he carried to Mr. Hutchinson the most 
 .open face, and made the most obliging professions of friend- 
 ship imaginable ; but the colonel saw through him, and 
 forbore not often to tell him what was suspected of his am- 
 bition, what dissimulations of his were remarked, and how 
 dishonourable to the name of God and the profession of 
 religion, and destructive to the most glorious cause, and dan- 
 gerous in overthrowing all our triumphs, these things which 
 were suspected of him, would be, if true. He would seem 
 to receive these cautions and admonitions as the greatest 
 demonstrations of integrity and friendship that could be 
 made, and embrace the colonel in his arms, and make serious 
 lying professions to him, and often inquire men's opinions 
 concerning him, which the colonel never forbore to tell him 
 plainly, although he knew he resented it not as he made 
 show, yet it pleased him so to discharge his own thoughts.f 
 
 * By the admirers of Tacitus the development of this intrigue will be 
 highly relished ; it aids likewise to confirm the remark that Cromwell's 
 fort lay in watching and adroitly seizing opportunities, not in creating or 
 inventing them. By the former method a man swims with the tide of 
 human affairs, and is assisted by it; by the latter he must stem and en- 
 counter it. 
 
 t Men who think superficially will instantly proclaim the simplicity of 
 Colonel Hutchinson and the shrewdness of Cromwell; those who think 
 deeper, will in that simplicity see wisdom, in that shrewdness a more ex- 
 quisite folly. In life, in death, and in reputation, which of these two wis 
 the happier ?
 
 344 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTJTCHIKSON. [1649. 
 
 The islanders of Jersey wanting a governor, and being 
 acquainted, through the familiarity many of their countrymen 
 had with him, with the abilities and honour of Colonel 
 Hutchinson, they addressed themselves to my Lord General 
 Fairfax, and petitioned to have him for their governor, which 
 my lord assented to : and accordingly commanded a com- 
 mission to be drawn up, which was done ; but the colonel 
 made no haste to take it out. But my lord, having ordered 
 the commission, regarded him as governor, and when the 
 model of the castle was brought to my lord to procure 
 orders and money for the repairing of the fortifications, he 
 set it to the colonel, and all other business concerning the 
 island. 
 
 In the meantime, the Scots having declared open war 
 against the parliament of England, it was concluded to send 
 an army into Scotland, to prevent their intended advance 
 hither. But when they were just marching out, my Lord 
 Fairfax, persuaded by his wife and her chaplains, threw up 
 his commission at such a time, when it could not have been 
 done more spitefully and ruinously to the whole parliament 
 interest. Colonel Hutchinson and other parliament men, 
 hearing of his intentions the night before, and knowing that 
 he would thus level the way to Cromwell's ambitious designs, 
 went to him and laboured to dissuade him ; which they would 
 have effected, but that the presbyterian ministers wrought with 
 him to do it. He expressed his opinion that he believed God 
 had laid him aside, as not being worthy of more, nor of 
 that glory which was already given him. 
 
 To speak the truth of Cromwell, whereas many said he 
 undermined Fairfax, it was false; for in Colonel Hutchinson's 
 presence, he most effectually importuned him to keep his 
 commission, lest it should discourage the army and the people 
 at that juncture of time, but could by no means prevail, 
 although he laboured for it almost all the night with most
 
 1R50.] FAIRFAX THIiOAVS UP HIS COMMISSION. 345 
 
 earnest endeavours.* But this great man was then as im- 
 movable by his friends as pertinacious in obeying his wife ; 
 whereby he then died to all his former glory, and became the 
 monument of his own name, which every day wore out. 
 When his commission was given up, Cromwell was made 
 general, and new commissions were taken out by all the 
 officers from him. He finding that Colonel Hutchinson's 
 commission for the island was not taken out, and that he did 
 not address himself to him, made haste to prevent the island- 
 ers, and gave a commission for the government to one of his 
 own creatures. At this time the Lady Dormer being dead, 
 
 * Whitelocke tells the same story nearly in the same manner, but thinks 
 Cromwell was not sincere : yet certainly he took all the same steps with 
 those who were unquestionably so. How little soever Cromwell might wish 
 to succeed, there was good policy in attending this -conference, as it might 
 in some degree serve to diminish the suspicions entertained of his own 
 ambitious views, and prevent their being urged in argument to Fan-fax, 
 which if he had been absent they most likely would have been. Be this 
 as it may, it may be truly said, 
 
 Ex illo finer e et retro sublapsi referri 
 Res Danaum. 
 
 for the true republicans or commonwealth's men, 
 
 From thence the tide of fortune left their shore, 
 And ebbed much faster than it flowed before. 
 
 For it was only with the co-operation of a man, who to his martial talents, 
 which certainly exceeded all of his time, added that moderation and 
 integrity, which will distinguish Fairfax to the end of time, that the great 
 politicians of those days could have planned and finished such schemes of 
 representation, legislation, and administration, as would have rendered the 
 nation great and happy, either as a commonwealth or mixed government. 
 They had in some respects such opportunities as never can again arise; and 
 if the presbyterians have nothing else to answer for, the perverting the 
 judgment of this excellent man was a fault never to be forgiven; if the ruin 
 of their own cause could expiate it, they were not long before they made 
 atonement.
 
 346 MEMOIKS OF COL. HTTTCHINSOX. [IGoO. 
 
 had left to her grandchild, the Lady Anne Somerset, a papist, 
 daughter to the Marquess of Worcester, a manor in Leices- 
 tershire, which the lady, being more desirous of a portion in 
 money, had a great mind to sell, and came and offered it to 
 Colonel Hutchinson, with whom she had some alliance ; hut 
 he told her he was not in a purchasing condition, whereupon 
 she earnestly begged him, that if he would not buy it him- 
 self, he would procure of the parliament leave for her to sell 
 it. This he moved for and was repulsed, whereupon both the 
 lady, and one that was her priest, who negotiated for her, 
 and other friends, most earnestly solicited Colonel Hutchin- 
 son to buy it ; who urging that he had not money for such a 
 purchase, they offered him time for payment, till he could sell 
 his own land, and assured him it should be such a penny- 
 worth, that he should not repent the selling his own land to 
 buy it. He urged to them the trouble and difficulty it would 
 be to obtain it, and th'at it might so fall that he must lay a 
 weight upon it, more than the thing would be worth to him, 
 he having never yet made any request to the house, and 
 having reason to expect recompences for the loss of his estate, 
 as well as others. But my lady still importuned him, pro- 
 mising a pennyworth in it, that should countervail the diffi- 
 culty and the trouble ; whereupon, at the last, he contracted 
 with her, upon the desire both of her and her brother, the 
 Lord Herbert, who was her next heir, and was then at full 
 age, and he gave a release of all claim to it, under his hand 
 and seal ; and my lady, being between nineteen and twenty 
 years old, then passed a fine, and covenanted at her coming 
 to full age to pass another, and absolutely bargained and sold 
 the land to Colonel Hutchinson, who secured the price of it 
 to the Marquess of Dorchester, whom the lady and her friends 
 had a great hope and desire to compass for a husband, and 
 had thoughts, that when the portion was secured in his hands, 
 it would be easily effected. This they afterwards entrusted
 
 1650 53.] PURCHASED AN ESTATE OF 1ADY SOMEESET. 347 
 
 to Colonel Hutchinson, and desired his assistance to propound 
 the business to my lord, as from himself, out of mutual well- 
 wishes to both parties ; but my lord would not hearken to it, 
 though the colonel, willing to do her a kindness, endeavoured 
 to persuade him, as much as was fitting. In the meantime 
 the colonel could not, by all the friends and interest he had 
 in the house, procure a composition and leave for my lady to 
 sell her land, because they said it would be a precedent to 
 other papists, and some moved, that what service he had 
 done, and what he had lost, might be some other way con- 
 sidered, rather than this should be suffered. But he vigorously 
 pursuing it, and laying all the weight of all his merits and 
 sufferings upon it, all that he could obtain at last was, to be 
 himself admitted, in his own name, for taking off the seques- 
 tration, after he had bought it, which he did ; and they took 
 two thousand pounds of him for his composition. By the 
 interest of Sir Henry Vane and several others of his friends, 
 powerful in the house, this too was with much difficulty 
 wrought out, though violently opposed by several others. 
 Of these Major-general Harrison was one, who, when he 
 saw that he could not prevail, but that, through particular 
 favour to Colonel Hutchinson, it was carried out by his 
 friends ; met the colonel after the rising of the house, and 
 embracing him, desired him not to think he had acted from 
 any personal opposition to him, but in his own judgment he 
 had thought it fit the spoil should be taken out of the enemy's 
 hands, and no composition admitted from idolaters. What- 
 ever might be for a particular advantage to him, he envied 
 not, but rejoiced in it, only he so dearly loved him, that he 
 desired he would not set his heart upon the augmenting of 
 outward estate, but upon the things of the approaching king- 
 dom of God, concerning which he made a most pious and 
 seemingly friendly harangue, of at least an hour long, with 
 all the demonstrations of zeal to God and love to the colonel
 
 348 MEMOIES OF COL. HTJICHINSON. [1650 53 
 
 that can by imagined. But the colonel, having reason to fear 
 that he knew not his own spirit herein, made him only a short 
 reply, that he thanked him for his counsel, and should 
 endeavour to follow it, as became the duty of a Christian, 
 and should be glad to be as effectually instructed by his 
 example as by his admonition. For at that time the major- 
 general, who was but a mean man's son, and of a mean 
 education, and of no estate before the war, had gathered an 
 estate of two thousand a year, besides engrossing great offices, 
 and encroaching upon his under-officers ; and maintained 
 his coach and family, at a height as if they had been born to 
 a principality. 
 
 About the same time a great ambassador from the King of 
 Spain was to have public audience in the house, and was the 
 first who had addressed them, owning them as a republic. 
 The day before his audience, Colonel Hutchinson was sitting 
 in the house, near some young men handsomely clad, among 
 whom was Mr. Charles Rich, since Earl of Warwick; and 
 the colonel himself had on that day a habit which was pretty 
 rich but grave, and no other than he usually wore. Harrison ad- 
 dressing himself particularly to him, admonished them all, that 
 now the nations sent to them, they should labour to shine 
 before them in wisdom, piety, righteousness, and justice, and 
 not in gold and silver and worldly bravery, which did not 
 become saints ; and that the next day when the ambassadors 
 came, they should not set themselves out in gorgeous habits, 
 which were unsuitable to holy professions. The colonel, 
 although he was not convinced of any misbecoming bravery 
 in the suit he wore that day, which was but of sad-coloured 
 cloth trimmed with gold, and silver points and buttons ; yet 
 because he would not appear offensive in the eyes of religious 
 persons, the next day he went in a plain black suit, and so 
 did all the other gentlemen ; but Harrison came that day in 
 a scarlet coat and cloak, both laden with gold and silver lace,
 
 1650 53,] INGKATITUDE OF LADY SOMEKSET. 349 
 
 and the coat so covered with clinquant (foil), that one scarcely 
 could discern the ground, and in this glittering habit he set 
 himself just under the speaker's chair ; which made the 
 other gentlemen think that his godly speeches, the day 
 before, were but made that he alone might appear in the eyes 
 of strangers. But this was part of his weakness, the Lord at 
 last lifted him above these poor earthly elevations, which 
 then and some time afterwards prevailed too much with 
 him.* 
 
 After the colonel had bought my lady's land, some that 
 were extremely vexed at her having that sum of money, dealt 
 with the colonel to permit them to sequester it into his hands, 
 and offered him he should have it all himself; which, he told 
 them, he would be torn to pieces before he would do, and 
 that it was a treachery and villainy that he abhorred. Though, 
 notwithstanding this, he was much pressed yet he would not 
 yield, and to prevent force, which they threatened, after 
 moving in the house, how dangerous it was to suffer such 
 a sum of money to be in the hands of the daughter of an ex- 
 cepted person, especially at such a time (for now the king 
 was crowned in Scotland, and the Scots ready to invade, 
 and the presbyters to join with them), the colonel put the 
 money out of his own hands, to preserve it for my lady. 
 All that time both she and her brother, and other friends, 
 made all the acknowledgments of obligation that was pos- 
 sible. Not' to confound stories, I finish the memorial of 
 this here. 
 
 After the parliament was broken up by Cromwell, and 
 after that my lady, seeing her project of marrying with my 
 lord Dorchester would not take, had embraced an offer of 
 
 * Ludlow gives very extraordinary accounts of his devotion to that which 
 he thought the cause of God, as well as of his readiness to suffer martyrdom 
 for it when it was in his power to avoid that severe trial.
 
 350 MEMOIES OF COL. HT7TCHINSON. [1659 53. 
 
 Mr. Henry Howard, second son to the Earl of Arundel, and 
 when, in the protector's time, the papists wanted not patrons, 
 she began to repent the selling of her land, which before she 
 thought such a blessing, and told her husband false stories, 
 as he alleged, though his future carriage made it justly sus- 
 picious he was as unworthy as she.* 
 
 The colonel, presently after he had that land, had very 
 much improved it, to a fourth part more than it was at when 
 he bought it, and they, envying his good bargain, desired to 
 have it again out of his hands, nor dealt fairly and directly 
 in the thing, but employed a cunning person, Major Wild- 
 man, who was then a great manager of papists' interests, to 
 get the land again, which he was to have four hundred pounds 
 for, if he could do it. Whereupon he presently got money 
 and came to the gentleman who had a mortgage upon it for 
 three thousand pounds taken up to pay my lady, and ten- 
 dered it. But Mr. Ash, a great friend of the colonel's, was 
 so faithful that he would not accept it, and then Wildman 
 began a chancery suit, thinking that the colonel, being out of 
 favour with the present powers, would be necessitated to 
 take any composition. When he had put the colonel to a 
 great deal of vain charge, and found he could do no good, at 
 last they desired to make up the business, and the lady and 
 Mr. Howard passed a new fine to confirm the title, and the 
 colonel was delivered from further trouble with them, till 
 after the change and the return of the king. Then, when 
 the parliament men began to come into question for their 
 lives, my Lord of Portland and Mr. Howard came to Mrs. 
 Hutchinson's lodgings three or four times, while she was out 
 soliciting for her husband, and my lord left her a message, 
 
 * In the third vol. of Clarendon's State Papers, in a letter of his, dated 
 August, 1655, he says, " Cromwell hypocritically pretends kindness to the 
 catholics, but the levellers have real candour towards them, and are impla- 
 cable enemies to Cromwell."
 
 1650 53.] INGRATITUDE OF LADY SOMEKSET. 351 
 
 that he must needs speak with her, upon a business of much 
 concernment; whereupon she sought out my lord, knowing 
 that he had professed much kindness and obligation to her 
 husband, and thinking he might have some design now to 
 acknowledge it by some real assistance. But when she came 
 to him, he told her, her husband was in danger of his life, 
 and that if he would resign back Loseby to Mr. Howard, he 
 would help him to a good sum of money to fly, and Mr. 
 Howard would stand to the hazard of buying it; but she, 
 being vexed that my lord should interrupt her with this 
 frivolous proposition, told my lord that she would hazard it 
 with th*e rest of her estate, rather than make up such despe- 
 rate bargains. "When Mr. Howard saw this would not do, 
 he prepared a petition to get it excepted out of the act of ob- 
 livion, pretending that his wife being under age, the colonel 
 had by power and fraud wrested her out of her estate. But 
 when he showed this petition to his friends, they being in- 
 formed of the falseness of the allegations, would none of 
 them undertake either to deliver or back it. Only one Sir 
 Richard Onslow, who was a violent man, and railed against 
 the colonel concerning it, but he not long afterwards died by 
 a blast of lightning. Others of his friends, when they un- 
 derstood that he himself had joined in the confirmation of 
 the fine, after the colonel had retired, in the protector's reign, 
 bade him for shame to make no more mention of his lady's 
 being fooled or frightened to an act which she had voluntary 
 done. Many told the colonel how unsafe it was to displease 
 a person who had so many powerful allies that might mis- 
 chief him, but the colonel would neither be frightened nor 
 flattered to give away the estate, which when Mr. How- 
 ard found, he let fall his purpose, and made no more vain 
 endeavours.*. 
 
 * How, when, or by whom this estate at Loseby was sold again, the
 
 352 MEMOIES OF COL. HTJTCHINSOX. [1650 53. 
 
 And now to return to his story where I left it. I shall not 
 mention every particular action of his in the employment of 
 a senator and councillor of the realms but only some which 
 were more remarkable, to show the honour and excellency of 
 his nature, among which this was one. His old opponents 
 and enemies of the Nottingham committee had entered into 
 the presbyterian conspiracy so deeply, that had they been 
 brought to public trial, their lives would have been forfeited 
 to the I- 1 >nd this was discovered to him, and also that 
 Colonel Pierrepont was the chief of them ; when he took 
 care to have the business so managed, that Colonel Pierre- 
 pont was passed by in the information, and others so favour- 
 ably accused, that they were only restrained from the mischief 
 they intended, and kept prisoners till the danger was over, 
 and afterwards, through his mediation released, without any 
 further punishment on their persons and estates, though 
 Chadwick's eldest son was one of these. For Colonel Pierre- 
 pont, he only privately admonished him, and endeavoured 
 to reclaim him, which the man, being good-natured, was 
 infinitely overcome with ; insomuch, that ever after, to his 
 dying day, all his envy ceased, and he professed all ima- 
 ginable friendship and kindness to the colonel. Indeed, 
 his excellent gentleness was such, that he not only protected 
 and saved these enemies, wherein there was some glory of 
 passing by revenge, but was compassionately affected with the 
 miseries of any poor women or children, who had been un- 
 fortunately, though deservedly, ruined in the civil war ; and 
 
 editor has not been able to discover, it never having come into the hands of 
 his branch of the family, which purchased Owthorpe. One of the estates 
 sold by Colonel Hutchinson in his lifetime, was that of Ratcliffe on Soar, 
 which is spoken of in a note as given to Sir Thomas Hutchinson by his 
 uncle Sacheverell ; the purchaser was Alderman Ireton, and it was, in all 
 probability, sold to enable him jointly with the money borrowed of Mr 
 Ash to purchase this estate.
 
 1650 53.] ZEAL IN ASSISTING THE DISTRESSED. 353 
 
 without any interest of his own in the persons, whenever any 
 ruined family came to seek relief, when he was in power, he 
 was as zealous in assisting all such, as far as it might be 
 done with the safety of the commonwealth, as if they had 
 been his brothers. As it was a misery to be bewailed in those 
 days, that many of the parliament party exercised cruelty, in- 
 justice, and oppression to their conquered enemies ; wherever 
 he discovered it he violently opposed it, and defended even 
 those enemies that were by might oppressed and defrauded 
 of the mercies of the parliament. Upon this account he had 
 contests with some good men, who were weak in these things, 
 some through too factious a zeal, and others blinded with 
 their own or their friends' interests. Among these Colonel 
 Hacker's father, having married my Lady Byron's mother, 
 was made a trustee for the estate of her son, which she had 
 by Strelley her first husband. He had about 1,800 of the 
 estate of young Strelley in his hands, which, he dying, his 
 eldest son and heir, Colonel Francis Hacker, was liable and 
 justly ought to pay. Young Strelley died in France, and 
 left his estate to his half-brother, the son of Sir Richard 
 Byron, who, all the time of the first war, was at school in 
 Colonel Hutchinson's garrison at Nottingham, and after- 
 wards was sent into France. Being there, an infant, when 
 this estate fell to him, he returned and chose Colonel Hutch- 
 inson for his guardian, who overcame Colonel Hacker in the 
 right of his pupil, and recovered that money out of his 
 hands, which he would not have paid, if the infant had not 
 found a friend that was heartily zealous to obtain his just 
 right. Sir Arthur Haslerig was a great patron of Colonel 
 Hacker's, and laboured to bear him out against justice and 
 the infant's right in this thing ; and when the colonel had 
 overcome him, they were both displeased ; for Hacker, on 
 the other side, was such a creature of Sir Arthur's, that 
 without questioning justice or honesty, he was more diligent 
 2 A
 
 354 HEMOIKS OF COL. HUTCHINSOX. [1650 53. 
 
 in obeying Sir Arthur's than God's commands. Sir Allen 
 Apsley had articles at the surrender of Barnstaple, whereof 
 he was governor ; and contrary to these he was put to vast 
 expense and horrible vexation by several persons, but espe- 
 cially by one wicked woman, who had the worst and the 
 smoothest tongue that ever her sex made use of to mischief. 
 She was handsome in her youth, and had very pretty girls 
 for her daughters, whom, when they grew up, she pros- 
 tituted for her revenge and malice against Sir Allen 
 Apsley, which was so venomous and devilish, that she stuck 
 not at inventing false accusations, and hiring witnesses to 
 swear to them, and a thousand other practices as enormous. 
 In those days there was a committee set up, for relief of such 
 as had any violation of their articles, and of this Bradshaw 
 was president ; into whose easy faith this woman, pretend- 
 ing herself religious, and of the parliament's party, had so 
 insinuated herself, that Sir Allen's way of relief was ob- 
 structed. Colonel Hutchinson, labouring mightily in his 
 protection, and often foiling this vile woman, and bringing 
 to light her devilish practices, turned the woman's spite into 
 as violent a tumult against himself ; and Bradshaw was so 
 hot in abetting her, that he grew cool in his kindness to the 
 colonel, yet broke it not quite : but the colonel was very 
 much grieved that a friend should engage in so unjust an 
 opposition. At last it was manifest how much they were mis- 
 taken who would have assisted this woman upon a score of 
 her being on the parliament's side, for she was all this while a 
 spy for the king, and after his return, Sir Allen Apsley met 
 her in the king's chamber Avaiting for recompence for that 
 service. The thing she sued Sir Allen Apsley for, was for a 
 a house of hers in the garrison of Barnstaple, which was 
 pulled down to fortify the town for the king, before he was 
 governor of the place. Yet would she have had his articles 
 violated to make her a recompence out of his estate, treble
 
 1650 53.] CROMWELL MARCHES TO SCOTLAND. 355 
 
 and more than the value of the house ; pretending she vvas 
 of the parliament's party, and that Sir Allen, in malice there- 
 unto, had without necessity pulled down her house. All 
 which were horrible lies, but so maliciously and so wickedly 
 affirmed and sworn to by her mercenary witnesses, that they at 
 first found faith, and it was hard for truth afterwards to over- 
 come that prepossession. 
 
 The colonel, prosecuting the defence of truth and justice 
 in these and many more things, and abhorring all councils 
 for securing the young commonwealth by cruelty and oppres- 
 sion of the vanquished, who had not laid down their hate, in 
 delivering up their arms, and were, therefore, by some cowards, 
 judged unworthy of the mercy extended to them, the colonel, 
 I say, disdaining such thoughts, displeased many of his own 
 party, who in the main, we hope, might have been honest, 
 although through divers temptations they were guilty of 
 horrible slips, which did more offend the colonel's pure zeal, 
 who more detested these sins in brethren than in enemies. 
 
 Now was Cromwell sole general, and marched into Scot- 
 land, and the Scots were ready to invade, and the presbyters to 
 assist them in it. The army being small, there was a neces- 
 sity for recruits, and the council of state, soliciting all the 
 parliament-men that had interest to improve it in this exi- 
 gence of time, gave Colonel Hutehinson a commission for 
 a regiment of horse. He immediately got up three troops, 
 well armed and mounted, of his own old soldiers, that thirsted 
 to be again employed under him, and was preparing the rest 
 of the regiment to bring them up himself; when he was 
 informed, that as soon as his troops came into Scotland, 
 Cromwell very readily received them, but would not let them 
 march together, but dispersed them, to fill up the regiments 
 of those who were more his creatures. The colonel hearing 
 this, would not carry him any more, but rather employed 
 himself in securing, as much as was necessary, his own 
 2 A2
 
 356 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHINSOX. [1650 53. 
 
 country, for which he was sent down by the council of state, 
 who at that time were very much surprized at hearing that 
 the king of Scots was passed by Cromwell, and had entered 
 with a great army into England. Bradshaw himself, stout- 
 hearted as he was, privately could not conceal his fear ; some 
 raged and uttered sad discontents against Cromwell, and sus- 
 picions of his fidelity ; they all considered that Cromwell 
 was behind, of whom I think they scarce had any account, 
 or of his intention, or how this error came about, to suffer 
 the enemy to enter here, where there was no army to en- 
 counter him. Both the city and country (by the angry pres- 
 byters, wavering in their constancy to them and the liberties 
 they had purchased) were all amazed, and doubtful of their 
 own and the commonwealth's safety. Some could not hide 
 very pale and unmanly fears, and were in such distraction of 
 spirit, that it much disturbed their councils. Colonel Hut- 
 chinson, who ever had most vigour and cheerfulness when 
 there was most danger, encouraged them, as they were one 
 day in a private council raging and crying out on Cromwell's 
 miscarriages, to apply themselves to councils of safety, and 
 not to lose time in accusing others, while they might yet pro- 
 vide to save the endangered realm ; or at least to fall nobly 
 in defence of it, and not to yield to fear and despair. These 
 and such like things being urged, they at length re-collected 
 themselves, and every man that had courage and interest in 
 their counties, went down to look to them.* Colonel Hut- 
 chinson came down into Nottinghamshire, and secured those 
 
 * The trepidation of the council of state, and the zeal with which they 
 were supported, is well described by Whitelocke. Whether Cromwell 
 suffered the king to pass by him designedly or otherwise, is uncertain; but 
 it is very likely that he did it by design, as knowing that those who did 
 not like, for the same reason as Colonel Hutchinson, to send forces to him, 
 would, for their owu sakes, bring them forward to oppose the king. Either 
 his fortune or his judgment was great.
 
 1650 53. J DOUBTS OF CROMWELL CONFIRMED. 357 
 
 who were suspected as likely to make any commotion, and 
 put the country into such a posture of defence as the time 
 would permit. But it was not long before the king chose 
 another way, and went to Worcester. Cromwell following 
 swiftly after with his army, and more forces meeting him 
 from several other parts, they fought with the king and his 
 Scots, totally routed and subdued them, and he, with difficulty, 
 after concealment in an oak, and many other shifts, stole 
 away into France. 
 
 When the colonel heard how Cromwell used his troops, 
 he was confirmed that he and his associates in the army were 
 carrying on designs of private ambition, and resolved that 
 none should share with them in the commands of the army 
 or forts of the nation, but such as would be beasts, and 
 be ridden upon by the proud chiefs. Disdaining, therefore, 
 that what he had preserved, for the liberty of his country, 
 should be a curb upon them, and foreseeing that some of 
 Cromwell's creatures would at length be put in, to exercise 
 him with continual affronts, and to hinder any man from 
 standing up for the deliverance of the country, if the inso- 
 lence of the army (which he too sadly foresaw) should put 
 them upon it ; for this reason, in Cromwell's absence, he pro- 
 cured an order for the removal of the garrison at Nottingham, 
 which was commanded by his kinsman Major Poulton, into 
 the marching army, and for the demolishing of the place ; 
 which accordingly was speedily executed. 
 
 When Major Poulton, who had all along been very faithful 
 and active in the cause, brought his men to the army, he was 
 entertained with such affronts and neglects by the general, 
 that he voluntarily quitted his command, and retired to the 
 ruined place, where the castle was which he had bought with 
 his arrears.* When Cromwell came back through the country 
 
 * The machinations of Cromwell are spoken of in general terms by 
 Rapin, Whitelocke, and others; but are nowhere so well detailed as here.
 
 358 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTTTCHIXSOX. [1653. 
 
 and saw the castle pulled down, he was heartily vexed at 
 it, and told Colonel Hutchinson, that if he had been there 
 when it was voted, he should not have suffered it. The 
 colonel replied, that he had procured it to be done, and be- 
 lieved it to be his duty to ease the people of the charge, when 
 there was no more need of it. 
 
 When Cromwell came to London, there wanted not some 
 little creatures of his, in the house, who had taken notice of 
 all that had been said of him when he let the king slip by ; 
 how some stuck not in their fear and rage to call him traitor, 
 and to threaten his head. These reports added spurs to his 
 ambition, but his son-in-law, Iretop, deputy of Ireland, 
 would not be wrought to serve him, but hearing of his 
 machinations, determined to come over to England to endea- 
 vour to divert him from such destructive courses.* But God 
 
 Of all things the most necessary to Cromwell was to obtain soldiers and sub- 
 altern officers perfectly subservient to his own purposes, but this he could 
 hope to effect then and then only, when he had deprived them of such 
 superior officers as would have preserved them from deception, and have 
 kept them faithful to their country. The present and similar occurrences 
 furnished him with the means so to do, which he employed most assidu- 
 ously. Ludlow, vol. iii. p. 21. " And thus the troops of the parliament, 
 which were not raised out of the meanest of the people and without dis- 
 tinction, as other armies had been, but consisted of such as had engaged 
 themselves from a spirit of liberty in the defence of their rights and reli- 
 gion, were corrupted by him, kept as a standing force against the people, 
 taught to forget their first engagements, and rendered as mercenary aa 
 other troops are accustomed to be." From about this period then we may 
 date the change of sentiment of the army in general, and of course the 
 change of opinion respecting them, in the minds of Colonel Hutchinson 
 and others who before had sided with them. 
 
 * If this intention of Ireton is mentioned by any other person, it has 
 escaped the search of the editor, it may have been known with certainty 
 by Mr. Hutchinson alone; but something of the kind seems to have been in 
 the contemplation of Whitelocke when he regrets his death, on account of 
 the influence he had over the mind of Cromwell, which has been remarked 
 in a former note; as likewise the probability that the prolongation of his
 
 1653.] HIS CONDUCT AT IRETON's FUNERAL. 359 
 
 cut him short by death, and whether his body or an empty 
 coffin was brought into England, something in his name came 
 to London, and was to be, by Cromwell's procurement, mag- 
 nificently buried among the kings at Westminster. Colonel 
 Hutchinson was, after his brother, one of the nearest kins- 
 men he had, but Cromwell, who of late studied to give him 
 neglects, passed him by, and neither sent him mourning, nor 
 particular invitation to the funeral, only the Speaker gave 
 public notice in the house, that all the members were desired 
 to attend it ; and such was the flattery of many pitiful 
 lords and other gentlemen, parasites, that they put them- 
 selves into deep mourning ; but Colonel Hutchinson that day 
 put on a scarlet cloak, very richly laced, such as he usually 
 wore, and coming into the room where the members were, 
 seeing some of the lords in mourning, he went to them to 
 inquire the cause, who told him they had put it on to honour 
 the general ; and asked again, why he, that was a kinsman, 
 was in such a different colour ? He told them, that because 
 the general had neglected sending to him, when he had sent 
 to many who had no alliance, only to make up the train, he 
 was resolved he would not flatter so much as to buy for him- 
 self, although he was a true mourner in his heart for his 
 cousin, whom he had ever loved, and would therefore go and 
 take his place among his mourners. This he did, and went 
 into the room where the close mourners were ; who seeing 
 
 life might have made a great difference in the conduct of Cromwell. What 
 is said of his funeral well agrees with what is said by Ludlow, who adds, 
 that " Ireton would have despised these pomps, having erected for himself 
 a more gloriaus monument in the hearts of good men, by his affection to 
 his country, his abilities of mind, his impartial justice, his diligence. in the 
 public service, and his other virtues, which were a far greater honour to his 
 memory than a dormitory among the ashes of kings; who, for the most 
 part, as they had 'governed others by their passions, so were they as much 
 governed by them." For the rest, Colonel Hutchinson's reproof of Crom- 
 well was a pithy one.
 
 360 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHINSOX. [1653. 
 
 him come in, as different from mourning as he could make 
 himself, the alderman came to him, making a great apology 
 that they mistook and thought he was out of town, and had 
 much injured themselves thereby, to whom it would have 
 been one of their greatest honours to have had his assistance 
 in the befitting habit, as now it was their shame to have ne- 
 glected him. But Cromwell, who had ordered all things, was 
 piqued horribly at it, though he dissembled his resentment 
 at that time, and joined in excusing the neglect ; but he very 
 well understood that the colonel neither out of ignorance nor 
 niggardness came in that habit, but publicly to reproach their 
 neglects. 
 
 After the death of Ireton, Lambert was voted deputy of 
 Ireland, and commander-in-chief there, who being at that 
 time in the north, was exceedingly elevated with the honour, 
 and courted all Fairfax's old commanders, and other gentle- 
 men ; who, upon his promises of preferment, quitted their 
 places, and many of them came to London and made him up 
 there a very proud train, which still more exalted him, so 
 that too soon he put on the prince, immediately laying out 
 five thousand pounds for his own particular equipage, and 
 looking upon all the parliament-men, who had conferred this 
 honour on him, as underlings, and scarcely worth such a great 
 man's nod. This untimely declaration of his pride gave 
 great offence to the parliament, who having only given him 
 a commission for six months for his deputyship, made a vote 
 that, after the expiration of that time, the presidency of the 
 civil and military power of that nation should no more be 
 in his nor in any one man's hands again. This vote was 
 upon Cromwell's procurement, who hereby designed to make 
 way for his new son-in-law, Colonel Fleetwood, who had 
 married the widow of the late deputy Ireton. There went a 
 story that as my Lady Ireton was walking in St. James's 
 park, the Lady Lambert, as proud as her husband, came by
 
 1653.J CROMWELL'S CONDUCT TO LAMBERT. 361 
 
 where she was, and as the present princess always hath pre- 
 sidency of the relict of the dead prince, so she put my Lady 
 Ireton below ; who, notwithstanding her piety and humility, 
 was a little grieved at the affront. Colonel Fleetwood being 
 then present, in mourning for his wife, who died at the 
 same time her lord did, took occasion to introduce himself, 
 and was immediately accepted by the lady and her father, 
 who designed thus to restore his daughter to the honour 
 she had fallen from. Cromwell's plot took as well as he 
 himself could wish ; for Lambert, who saw himself thus cut 
 off from half his exaltation, sent the house an insolent 
 message, " that if they found him so unworthy of the honour 
 they had given him as so soon to repent it, he would not 
 retard their remedy for six months, but was ready to sur- 
 render their commission before he entered into his office." 
 They took him at his word, and made Fleetwood deputy, 
 and Ludlow commander of the horse ; whereupon Lambert, 
 with a heart full of spite, malice, and revenge, retreated to 
 his palace at Wimbledon, and sat there watching an oppor- 
 tunity to destroy the parliament. 
 
 Cromwell, although he chiefly wrought this business in the 
 house, yet flattered Lambert, and, having another ambitious 
 scheme in his breast, helped to inflame Lambert against those 
 of the parliament who were not his creatures, and cast the 
 odium, of his disgrace upon them, and professed his own 
 clearness of it, and pity for him, that he should be drawn into 
 such an inconvenience as the charge of putting himself into 
 equipage, and the loss of all that provision ; which Cromwell, 
 pretending generosity, took all upon his own account, and 
 delivered him from the debt. Lambert dissembled again on 
 his part, and insinuated himself into Cromwell, fomenting his 
 ambition to take the administration of all the conquered 
 nations into his own hands ; but finding themselves not 
 strong enough alone, they took to them Major-general Har-
 
 862 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHINSOX. [1653. 
 
 rison, who had a great interest both in the army and ths 
 church ; and these, pretending to be piously tro .bled that 
 there were such delays in the administration of justice, and 
 such perverting of right, endeavoured to bring all good men 
 into dislike of the parliament, pretending that they would 
 perpetuate themselves in their honours and offices, and had 
 no care to bring in those glorious things for which they had 
 so many years contended in blood and toil. The parliament, 
 on the other side, had now, by the blessing of God, restored 
 the commonwealth to such a happy, rich, and plentiful con- 
 dition, that it was not so flourishing before the war, and 
 although the taxes that were paid were great, yet the people 
 were rich and able to pay them : they (the parliament} were 
 in a way of paying all the soldiers' arrears, had some hundred 
 thousand pounds in their purses, and were free from enemies 
 in arms within and without, except the Dutch, whom they 
 had beaten and brought to seek peace upon terms honourable 
 to the English : and now they thought it was time to sweeten 
 the people, and deliver them from their burdens. This could 
 not be but by disbanding the unnecessary officers and soldiers, 
 and when things were thus settled, they had prepared a bill 
 to put a period to their own sitting, and provide for new 
 successors. But when the great officers understood that they 
 were to resign their honours, and no more triumph in the 
 burdens of the people, they easily induced the inferior officers 
 and soldiers to set up for themselves with them ; and while 
 these things were passing, Cromwell with an armed force, 
 assisted by Lambert and Harrison, came into the house and 
 dissolved the parliament, pulling out the members, foaming 
 and raging, and calling them undeserved and base names; 
 and when the Speaker refused to come out of his chair, Har- 
 rison plucked him out. These gentlemen having done this, 
 took to themselves the administration of all things ; a few 
 slaves of the house consulted with them and would have
 
 1653 58. J HIS KESIDENCE IN THE COUNTRY. 363 
 
 truckled under them, but not many. Meanwhile they and 
 their soldiers could no way palliate their rebellion, but by 
 making false criminations of the parliament-men, as that they 
 meant to perpetuate themselves in honour and office, that they 
 had gotten vast estates, and perverted justice for gain, and 
 were imposing upon men for conscience, and a thousand such 
 like things, which time manifested to be false, and truth 
 retorted all upon themselves that they had injuriously cast at 
 the others.* 
 
 At the time that the parliament was broken up Colonel 
 
 * Almost all the historical writers who have treated of these times con- 
 cur in deprecating this parliament, and represent them as a small number 
 or junto whose principal view was to perpetuate themselves in the enjoy- 
 ment of power and honours. Those readers who desire to form a true 
 judgment of this matter will be materially assisted by comparing the pas- 
 sages here before them with Whitelocke, and more particularly with the 
 first twenty pages of the second volume of Ludlow ; they will find that 
 sort of consonance which is the best mark of truth, viz. the recital of dif- 
 ferent circumstances tending to establish one and the same principal fact. 
 They will then be convinced that the great men who were at that time at 
 the head of affairs had conducted them in a manner worthy of them- 
 selves, and had brought the nation to a state of prosperity which nothing 
 less than a miracle can ever again bring it to, and which Mrs. Hutchinson 
 describes in few and simple, but impressive words ; the people rich, the re- 
 venue great, debts paid, money in their purses, free from enemies within 
 and without. They had concluded with reforming the abuses of the law, 
 and providing for their being succeeded by a fair and equal representation 
 of the people, which all confess still to be the grand desideratum of our 
 constitution. And it was the very circumstance of the act being on the anvil, 
 ready to receive the finishing stroke, that obliged Cromwell to act with 
 such precipitation as staggered his confederates. 
 
 From all which will arise these corollaries or deductions ; that a state, 
 however great, may be governed by a republican form, and every depart- 
 ment properly filled and administered. But that no sufficient barrier has 
 yet been found against a military chief, who has popularity, address, and 
 ambition, to become the tyrant of it. And in the end, recourse must be 
 had to hereditary succession, from whence they at first departed.
 
 364 MEMOIES OF COL. HUTCHINSOX. [1653 58. 
 
 Hutchinson was in the country, where, since his going in his 
 course out of the council of state, he had for about a year's 
 time applied himself, when the parliament could dispense 
 with his absence, to the administration of justice in the 
 country, and to the putting in execution those wholesome 
 laws and statutes of the land provided for the orderly regula- 
 tion of the people. And it was wonderful how, in a short 
 space, he reformed several abuses and customary neglects in 
 that part of the country where he lived, which being a rich 
 fruitful vale, drew abundance of vagrant people to come and 
 exercise the idle trade of wandering and begging ; but he took 
 such courses that there was very suddenly not a beggar left 
 in the country, and all the poor in every town were so main- 
 tained and provided for, that they were never so liberally 
 maintained and relieved before or since. He procured un- 
 necessary alehouses to be put down in all the towns, and if 
 any one that he heard of suffered any disorder or debauchery 
 in his house, he would not suffer him to brew any more. He 
 was a little severe against drunkenness, for which the drunk- 
 ards would sometimes rail at him ; but so much were all the 
 children of darkness convinced by his light, that they were 
 more in awe of his virtue than his authority. In this time he 
 had made himself a convenient house,* whereof he was the 
 
 * Pained and disgusted as the mind of the reader must be with the 
 tumults, anarchy, and crimes, it has witnessed, how welcome is the con- 
 templation of this ease and leisure, devoted to elegant studies, virtuous 
 pursuits, useful occupations, gentlemanlike amusements, rational converse, 
 and conciliating hospitality ! How difficult will it be to him to believe 
 that this olium cum dignitate is the honourable retreat of one of those 
 gloomy fanatics whose tyranny, Rapin says, had become intolerable to the 
 nation ! 
 
 About thirty years ago it was the fate of the editor to visit this man- 
 sion of his ancestors, in order to bring away a few pictures and some books, 
 all that remained to him of those possessions, where they had lived with so 
 much merited love and honour. Although he had not then read these
 
 1653 58.] HIS RESIDENCE IN THE COUNTRY. 365 
 
 best ornament, and an example of virtue so prevailing, as 
 metamorphosed many evil people, while they were under his 
 roof, into another appearance of sobriety and holiness. 
 
 memoirs, yet having heard Colonel Hutchinson spoken of as an extraordi- 
 nary person, and that he had built, planted, and formed, all that was to I e 
 seen there; the country adjoining being a dreary waste, many thousand 
 acres together being entirely overrun with gorse or furze ; he viewed the 
 whole with the utmost attention. He found there a house, of which he has 
 the drawing, large, handsome, lofty, and convenient, and though but little 
 ornamented, possessing all the grace that size and symmetry could give it. 
 The entrance was by a flight of handsome steps into a large hall, occupying 
 entirely the centre of the house, lighted at the entrance by two large win- 
 dows, but at the further end by one much larger, in the expanse of which 
 was carried up a staircase that seemed to be perfectly in the air. On one 
 side of the hall was a long table, on the other a large fire place; both suited 
 to ancient hospitality. On the right hand side of this hall were three 
 handsome rooms for the entertainment of guests. The sides of the stair- 
 case and gallery were hung with pictures, and both served as an orchestra 
 either to the hall or to a large room over part of it, which was a ball room. 
 To the left of the hall were the rooms commonly occupied by the family. 
 All parts were built so substantially, and so well secured, that neither fire 
 nor thieves could penetrate from room to room, nor from one flight of stairs 
 to another, if ever so little resisted. 
 
 The house stood on a little eminence in the vale of Belvoir, at a small 
 distance from the foot of those hills along which the Roman fosse-way from 
 Leicester runs. The western side of the house was covered by the offices, 
 a small village, and a church, interspersed with many trees. The south, 
 which was the front of entrance, looked over a large extent of grass grounds 
 which were the demesne, and were bounded by hills covered with wood 
 which Colonel Hutchinson had planted. On the eastern side, the entertain- 
 ing rooms opened on to a terrace, which encircled a very large bowling- 
 green or level lawn; next to this had been a flower-garden, and next to that 
 a shrubbery, now become a wood, through which vistas were cut to let in a 
 view of Langar, the seat of Lord Howe, at two miles', and of Belvoir Castle, 
 at seven miles' distance, which, as the afternoon sun sat full upon it, made 
 a glorious object : at the further end of this small wood was a spot (of 
 about ten acres) which appeared to have been a morass, and through which 
 ran a rivulet: this spot Colonel Hutchinson had dug into a great number of 
 canals, and planted the ground between them leaving room for walks, so
 
 366 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1653 58 
 
 He was going up to attend the business of his country 
 above, when news met him upon the road, near London, that 
 Cromwell had broken the parliament. Notwithstanding, he 
 went on and found divers of the members there, resolved to 
 submit to this providence of God, and to wait till he should 
 clear their integrity, and to disprove those people who had 
 taxed them of ambition, by sitting still, when they had friends 
 enough in the army, city, and country, to have disputed the 
 
 that the whole formed at once a wilderness or bower, reservoirs for fish, and 
 a decoy for wild fowl. To the north, at some hundred yards distance, was 
 a lake of water, which, filling the space between two quarters of wood land, 
 appeared, as viewed from the large window of the hall, like a moderate 
 river, and beyond this the eye rested on the wolds or high wilds which 
 accompany the fosse-way towards Newark. The whole had been deserted 
 near forty years, but resisted the ravages of time so well as to discover the 
 masterly hand by which it had been planned and executed. But the most 
 extraordinary and gratifying circumstance was the veneration for the family 
 which stil! subsisted, and which, at the period when the last possessor had 
 by his will ordered this and all his estates in Nottinghamshire to be sold, 
 and the produce given to strangers, induced the tenants to offer a large 
 advance of their rents, and a good share of the money necessary for pur- 
 chasing the estates, in order to enable the remains of the family to come 
 and reside again among them. It was too late ! the steward had contracted 
 with the executors, and resold the most desirable part, whereof the timber of 
 Colonel Hutchinson's planting was valued at many thousand pounds ! The 
 Editor could only retire repeating Virgil's first Eclogue : 
 
 Not patrice fines, nos dulcla Unqiiimus arva. 
 
 * * * * 
 
 Impius h(C lam culta novalia miles habebit ? 
 Barbarus has segetes ? En, quo discordia cives 
 Perduxit miseros ! en, queis consevimus affros. 
 
 Round the wide world in banishment we roam, 
 
 Forced from our pleasing fields and native home: 
 
 Did we for these barbarians plant and sow, 
 
 On these, on these our happy fields bestow ? 
 
 Good heavens ! what dire effects from civil discord flow ! 
 
 D&YDK9.
 
 1653 58.] PATBONAGE OF THE FINE ARTS. 367 
 
 matter, and probably to have vanquished these usurpers. They 
 thought that if they should vex the land by war among them- 
 selves, the late subdued enemies, royalists and presbyterians, 
 would have an opportunity to prevail on their dissensions, to 
 the ruin of both : if these should govern well, and righteously, 
 and moderately, they would enjoy the benefit of their good 
 government, and not envy them the honourable toil ; if they 
 did otherwise, they should be ready to assist and vindicate 
 their oppressed country, when the ungrateful people were 
 made sensible of their true champions and protectors. Colonel 
 Hutchinson, in his own particular, was very glad of this 
 release from that employment, which he managed with 
 fidelity and uprightness, but not only without delight, but 
 with a great deal of trouble and expense, in the contest for 
 truth and righteousness upon all occasions. 
 
 The only recreation he had during his residence at London 
 was in seeking out all the rare artists he could hear of, and 
 in considering their works in paintings, sculptures, gravings, 
 and all other such curiosities, insomuch that he became a 
 great virtuoso and patron of ingenuity. Being loth that the 
 land should be disfurnished of all the rarities that were in it, 
 whereof many were set for sale from the king's and divers 
 noblemen's collections, he laid out about two thousand pounds 
 in the choicest pieces of painting, most of which were bought 
 out of the king's goods, which had been given to his servants to 
 pay their wages : to them the colonel gave ready money, and 
 bought such good pennyworths, that they were valued at 
 much more than they cost.* These he brought down into 
 
 That the conduct of Colonel Hutchinson differed from that of most 
 other men in power at that time, and brought a seasonable relief to the 
 king's servants and creditors, appears from two passages in the History of 
 independency, p. 146 and 184. " The king's servants and creditors starve 
 for want of their own, while the members appropriate his furniture to their 
 own use instead of selling it to pay debts." "The king's servants and
 
 368 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTJTCHIXSOX. [1653 58. 
 
 the country, intending a very neat cabinet for them ; and 
 these, with the surveying of his buildings, and improving by 
 inclosure the place he lived in, employed him at home, and, 
 for a little time, his hawks employed him abroad ; but when 
 a very sober fellow, that never was guilty of the usual vices 
 of that generation of men, rage and swearing, died, he gave 
 over his hawks, and pleased himself with music, and again 
 fell to the practice of his viol, on which he played excellently 
 well, and entertaining tutors for the diversion and education 
 of his children in all sorts of music, he pleased himself with 
 these innocent recreations during Oliver's mutable reign. As 
 he had great delight, so he had great judgment, in music, 
 and advanced his children's practice more than their tutors : 
 he also was a great supervisor of their learning, and indeed 
 was himself a tutor to them all, besides all those tutors whom 
 he liberally entertained in his house for them. He spared not 
 any cost for the education of both his sons and daughters in 
 languages, sciences, music, dancing, and all other qualities 
 befitting their father's house. He was himself their instructor 
 in humility, sobriety, and in all godliness and virtue, which he 
 rather strove to make them exercise with love and delight 
 than by constraint. As other things were his delight, this 
 only he made his business, to attend to the education of his 
 children, and the government of his own house and town. 
 This he performed so well that never was any man more 
 feared and loved than he by all his domestics, tenants, and 
 hired workmen. He was loved with such a fear and reverence 
 as restrained all rude familiarity and insolent presumptions in 
 those who were under him, and he was feared with so much 
 love that they all delighted to do his pleasure. 
 
 As he maintained his authority in all relations, so he en- 
 
 creditors may gape long enough before they sell the king's goods to pay 
 debts."
 
 1653 58. J HIS SOCIAL AND DOMESTIC 1IFE. 369 
 
 deavoured to make their subjection pleasant to them, and 
 rather to convince them by reason than compel them to obe- 
 dience, and would give way even to the lowest of his family 
 to make them enjoy their lives in sober cheerfulness, and not 
 to find their duties burdensome. 
 
 As for the public business of the country, he would not act 
 in any office under the protector's power, and therefore con- 
 fined himself to his own, which the whole country about him 
 were grieved at, and would rather come to him for counsel as 
 a private neighbour than to any of the men in power for 
 greater help. 
 
 He being now reduced into an absolutely private condition, 
 was very much courted and visited by those of all parties, and 
 while the grand quarrel slept, and both the victors and van- 
 quished were equal slaves under the new usurpers, there was 
 a very kind correspondence between him and all his country- 
 men. As he was very hospitable, and his conversation no 
 less desirable and pleasant, than instructive and advanta- 
 geous, his house was much resorted to, and as kindly open to 
 those who had in public contests been his enemies, as to his 
 continued friends ; for there never lived a man that had less 
 malice and revenge, nor more reconcilableness and kindness 
 and generosity in his nature, than he. 
 
 In the interim. Cromwell and his army grew wanton with 
 their power, and invented a thousand tricks of government, 
 which, when nobody opposed, they themselves fell to dislike 
 and vary every day. First he calls a parliament out of his 
 own pocket, himself naming a sort of godly men for every 
 county, who meeting and not agreeing, a part of them, in the 
 name of the people, gave up the sovereignty to him. Shortly 
 after he makes up several sorts of mock parliaments, but 
 not finding one of them absolutely to his turn, turned them 
 them off again. He soon quitted himself of his triumvirs, 
 and first thrust out Harrison, then took away Lambert's com- 
 2 B
 
 370 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTTTCHINSON. [1653 58. 
 
 mission, and would have been king but for fear of quitting 
 his generalship. He weeded, in a few months' time, above a 
 hundred and fifty godly officers out of the army, with whom 
 many of the religious soldiers went off, and in their room 
 abundance of the king's dissolute soldiers were entertained ; 
 and the army was almost changed from that godly religious 
 army, whose valour God had crowned with triumph, into the 
 dissolute army they had beaten, bearing yet a better name. 
 His wife and children were setting up for principality, which 
 suited no better with any of them than scarlet on the ape ; 
 only, to speak the truth of himself, he had much natural 
 greatness, and well became the place he had usurped. His 
 daughter Fleetwood was humbled, and not exalted with 
 these things, but the rest were insolent fools. Claypole, 
 who married his daughter, and his son Henry, were two de- 
 bauched, ungodly cavaliers. Richard was a peasant in his 
 nature, yet gentle and virtuous, but became not greatness. 
 His court was full of sin and vanity, and the more abomin- 
 able, because they had not yet quite cast away the name of 
 God, but profaned it by taking it in vain upon them. 
 True religion was now almost lost, even among the religious 
 party, and hypocrisy became an epidemical disease, to the 
 sad grief of Colonel Hutchinson, and all true-hearted Chris- 
 tians and Englishmen. Almost all the ministers every- 
 where fell in and worshipped this beast, and courted and 
 made addresses to him. So did the city of London, and 
 many of the degenerate lords of the land, with the poor- 
 spirited gentry. The cavaliers, in policy, who saw that while 
 Cromwell reduced all by the exercise of tyrannical power 
 under another name, there was a door opened for the restor- 
 ing of their party, fell much in with Cromwell, and height- 
 ened all his disorders. He at last exercised such an arbi- 
 trary power, that the whole land grew weary of him, while 
 he set up a company of silly, mean fellows, called major-
 
 1653 58.] ARBITRARY POWER OP CROMWELL. 371 
 
 generals as governors in every country. These ruled ac- 
 cording to their wills, by no law but what seemed good in 
 their own eyes, imprisoning men, obstructing the course of 
 justice between man and man, perverting right through par- 
 tiality, acquitting some that were guilty, and punishing some 
 that were innocent as guilty. Then he exercised another 
 project to raise money, by decimation of the estates of all 
 the king's party, of which action it is said Lambert was the 
 instigator. At last he took upon himself to make lords and 
 knights, and wanted not many fools, both of the army and 
 gentry, to accept of, and strut in, his mock titles.* 4 Then 
 the Earl of Warwick's grandchild and the Lord Falcon- 
 bridge married his two daughters ; such pitiful slaves were 
 the nobles of those days. At last Lambert, perceiving him- 
 
 * The description given of the usurpations of Cromwell and his myrmi- 
 dons, concise and contemptuous as it is, will be found perfectly just. With 
 all his professions he did little else but deteriorate that state of things in 
 which the parliament had left them: he patched up a much worse peace with 
 the Dutch than the parliament would have made : to gratify or serve his 
 personal views, he assisted the French against the Spaniards, and for ever 
 weakened that power which would now have supported this nation against so 
 dangerous a neighbour. Ireland he depopulated by encouraging the cava- 
 lier chiefs to emigrate with their adherents into foreign services. At 
 home he rendered the very names of religion and liberty contemptible, 
 and paved the way for the return of the Stuarts. Mrs. Hutchinson men- 
 tions nothing of a circumstance which perhaps she did not know, or if she 
 did, passed it over as beneath notice. The following letter shows the nature 
 of it : 
 
 Thurloe's State Papers, vol. iv. p. 299, Major-general Whalley writes to the 
 protector : " For the town of Nottingham, I have a great influence upon 
 it ; they will not choose any without my advice. The honest part of the 
 county have of late, which I much wonder at, nominated Colonel Hutch- 
 inson to me, as not knowing upon whom better to pitch, to make up the 
 fourth man, he having satisfied some of them concerning his judgment of 
 the present government ; but I hope what I have hinted to them will cause 
 them to think upon some other." 
 
 2B 2
 
 372 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTTTCH1NSOX. [1653 0&. 
 
 serf to have been all this while deluded with hopes and 
 promises of succession, and seeing that Cromwell now in- 
 tended to confirm the government in his own family, fell off 
 from him; hut behaved himself very pitifully and meanly, 
 was turned out of all his places, and returned again to plot 
 new vengeance at his house at Wimbledon, where he fell to 
 dress his flowers in his garden, and work at the needle with 
 his wife and his maids, while he was watching an opportu- 
 nity to serve again his ambition, which had this difference 
 from the protector's ; the one was gallant and great, the 
 other had nothing but an unworthy pride, most insolent in 
 prosperity, and as abject and base in adversity.* 
 
 The cavaliers, seeing their victors thus beyond their hopes 
 falling into their hands, had not patience to stay till things 
 ripened of themselves, but were every day forming designs, 
 and plotting for the murder of Cromwell, and other insur- 
 rections, which being contrived in drink, and managed by 
 false and cowardly fellows, were still revealed to Cromwell, 
 who had most excellent intelligence of all things that passed, 
 even in the king's closet; and by these unsuccessful plots 
 they were only the obstructors of what they sought to ad- 
 vance, while, to speak truth, the Cromwell's personal courage 
 and magnanimity upheld him against all enemies and mal- 
 contents. His own army disliked him, and once when 
 sevenscore officers had combined to cross him in something 
 he was pursuing, and engaged one to another, Lambert being 
 the chief, with solemn promises and invocations to God, the 
 
 * A Life of Lambert has been very obligingly put into the hands of the 
 editor, together with some other scarce tracts relating to those times by 
 Mr. White, jun., of Lincoln's Inn, who had collected them in the north 
 of England, where Lambert resided. He seems to have enjoyed a better 
 reputation among his countrymen : his horticulture is therein much spoken 
 of, and he is said to have painted flowers, not to have embroidered 
 them.
 
 16o3 58.J DISCOVERS LAMBERT'S PLOT. 373 
 
 protector hearing of it, overawed them all, and told them, 
 " it was not they who upheld him, but he them," and rated 
 them, and made them understand what pitiful fellows they 
 were ; whereupon, they all, like rated dogs, clapped then 
 tails between their legs, and begged his pardon, and left 
 Lambert to fall alone, none daring to own him publicly, 
 though many in their hearts wished him the sovereignty. 
 Some of the Lambertonians had at that time a plot to come 
 with a petition to Cromwell, and, while he was reading it, 
 certain of them had undertaken to cast him out of a window 
 at Whitehall that looked upon the Thames, where others 
 would be ready to catch him up in a blanket if he escaped 
 breaking his neck, and carrying him away in a boat prepared 
 for the purpose, to kill or keep him alive, as they saw occa- 
 sion, and then to set up Lambert. This was so carried on that 
 it was near its execution before the protector knew any- 
 thing of it. Colonel Hutchinson being at that time at Lon- 
 don, by chance came to know all the plot. Certain of the 
 conspirators coming into a place where he was, and not being 
 so cautious of their whispers to each other before him, but 
 that he apprehended something ; by making use of which to 
 others of the confederates, he at last found out the whole 
 matter, without having it committed to him as a matter of 
 trust, but which, carelessly thrown down in pieces before him, 
 he gathered together, and became perfectly acquainted 
 with the whole design ; and weighing it, and judging that 
 Lambert would be the worse tyrant of the two, he deter- 
 mined to prevent it, without being the author of any man's 
 punishment. Hereupon, having occasion to see Fleetwood 
 (for he had never seen the protector since his usurpation, 
 but publicly declared his testimony against it to all the ty- 
 rants' minions), he bade Fleetwood wish him to have a 
 care of petitioners, by whom he apprehended danger to 
 his life. Fleetwood desired more particular information, hut
 
 374 MEMOIKS OF COL. HUTCHIXSOX. [1653 58. 
 
 the colonel was resolved tie would give him no more than to 
 prevent that enterprise which he disliked. For indeed those 
 who were deeply engaged rather waited to see the cavaliers in 
 arms against him, which they thought would be the best time 
 to arm for their own defence, and either to make a new con- 
 quest, or fall with swords in their hands. Therefore, they all 
 connived at the cavaliers' attempts, and although they joined 
 not with them, would not have been sorry to have seen them 
 up upon equal terms with the protector, that then a third party, 
 which was to be ready both with arms and men, when there 
 was an opportunity, might have fallen in and capitulated, 
 with swords in their hands, for the settlement of the rights 
 and liberties of the good people : but God had otherwise 
 determined things ; and now men began so to flatter with 
 this tyrant, so to apostatise from all faith, honesty, religion, 
 and English liberty, and there was such a devilish practice 
 of trepanning grown in fashion, that it was not safe to speak 
 to any man in those treacherous days. 
 
 After Colonel Hutchinson had given Fleetwood that cau- 
 tion, he was going into the country, when the protector sent to 
 search him out with all the earnestness and haste that could 
 possibly be, and the colonel went to him ; who met him in 
 one of the galleries, and received him with open arms and the 
 kindest embraces that could be given, and complained that 
 the colonel should be so unkind as never to give him a visit, 
 professing how welcome he should have been, the most wel- 
 come person in the land, and with these smooth insinuations 
 led him along to a private place, giving him thanks for the 
 advertisement he had received from Fleetwood, and using all 
 his art to get out of the colonel the knowledge of the per- 
 sons engaged in the conspiracy against him. But none of 
 his cunning, nor promises, nor flatteries, could prevail with 
 the colonel to inform him more than he thought necessary 
 to prevent the execution of the design, which when the pro-
 
 1653 58.] HIS CONFERENCE WITH CROMWELL. 375 
 
 tector perceived, he gave him most infinite thanks for what 
 he had told him, and acknowledged it opened to him some 
 mysteries that had perplexed him, and agreed so with other 
 intelligence he had, that he must owe his preservation to 
 him : " But," says he, " dear colonel, why will not you come 
 in and act among us ?" The colonel told him plainly, because 
 he liked not any of his ways since he broke up the parliament, 
 being those which would lead to certain and unavoidable 
 destruction, not only of themselves, but of the whole parlia- 
 ment party and cause ; and thereupon took occasion, with 
 his usual freedom, to tell him into what a sad hazard all 
 things were placed, and how apparent a way was made for 
 the restitution of all former tyranny and bondage. Crom- 
 well seemed to receive this honest plainness with the greatest 
 affection that could be, and acknowledged his precipitateness 
 in some things, and with tears complained how Lambert had 
 put him upon all those violent actions, for which he now ac- 
 cused him and sought his ruin. He expressed an earnest 
 desire to restore the people's liberties, and to take and pursue 
 more safe and sober councils, and wound up all with a very 
 fair courtship of the colonel to engage with him, offering him 
 anything he would account worthy of him. The colonel 
 told him, he could not be forward to make his own advan- 
 tage, by serving to the enslaving of his country. The other 
 told him, he intended nothing more than the restoring and 
 confirming the liberties of the good people, in order to which 
 he would employ such men of honour and interest as the 
 people would rejoice in, and he should not refuse to be one 
 of them. And after he had endeavoured, with all his arts, 
 to excuse his public actions, and to draw in the colonel, 
 who again had taken the opportunity to tell him freely his 
 own and all good men's discontents and dissatisfactions, he 
 dismissed the colonel with such expressions as were pub- 
 licly taken notice of by all his little courtiers then about
 
 376 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1653 58. 
 
 him, when he went to the end of the gallery with the colonel, 
 and there, embracing him, said aloud to him, "Well, colonel, 
 satisfied or dissatisfied, you shall be one of us, for we can no 
 longer exempt a person so able and faithful from the public 
 service, and you shall be satisfied in all honest things." The 
 colonel left him with that respect that became the place he 
 was in ; when immediately the same courtiers, who had some 
 of them passed by him without knowing him when he came 
 in, although they had once been of his familiar acquaintance, 
 and the rest, who had looked upon him with such disdainful 
 neglect as little people use to those who are not of their 
 faction, now flocked about him, striving who should express 
 most respect, and, by an extraordinary officiousness, redeem 
 their late slightings. Some of them desired he would com- 
 mand their service in any business he had with their lord, 
 and a thousand such frivolous compliments, which the colonel 
 smiled at, and quitting himself of them as soon as he could, 
 made haste to return to the country. There he had not been 
 long before he was informed, that notwithstanding all these fair 
 shows, the protector, finding him too constant to be wrought 
 upon to serve his tyranny, had resolved to secure his per- 
 son, lest he should head the people, who now grew very 
 weary of his bondage. But though it was certainly con- 
 firmed to the colonel how much he was afraid of his hon- 
 esty and freedom, and that he was resolved not to let him 
 be any longer at liberty, yet before his guards apprehended 
 the colonel, death imprisoned himself, and confined all his 
 vast ambition and all his cruel designs into the narrow com- 
 pass of a grave. His army and court substituted his eldest 
 son, Richard, in his room, who was a meek, temperate, and 
 quiet man, but had not a spirit fit to succeed his father, or to 
 manage such a perplexed government. 
 
 The people, being vexed with the pocket-parliaments and 
 the major-generals of the counties, who behaved like bashaws,
 
 1658.] CONFERENCE WITH RICHARD CROMWELL. 377 
 
 were now all muttering to have a free parliament, after the old 
 manner of elections, without pledging those that were chosen 
 to any terms. Those at Richard's court, that knew his 
 father's counsels to prevent Colonel Hutchinson from being 
 chosen in his own country, advised Richard to prick him 
 for sheriff of the county of Nottingham, which as soon as 
 the colonel understood, he wrote him a letter, declaring his 
 resentment in such a civil manner as became the person. 
 Richard returned a very obliging answer, denying any inten- 
 tion in himself to show the least disfavour to him for former 
 dissents, but rather a desire to engage his kindness. And 
 soon after, when the colonel went himself to London and 
 went to the young protector, he told him, that since God had 
 called him to the government, it was his desire to make men 
 of uprightness and interest his associates, to rule by their 
 counsels and assistance, and not to enslave the nation to an 
 army ; and that if by them he had been put upon anything pre- 
 judicial or disobliging to the colonel in pricking him for sheriff, 
 he should endeavour to take it off, or to serve him any other 
 way, as soon as he had disentangled himself from the officers 
 of the army, who at present constrained him in many things ; 
 and therefore if the colonel would please, without unkind- 
 ness, to exercise this office, he should receive it as an obliga- 
 tion, and seek one more acceptable to him afterwards. The 
 colonel, seeing him herein good-natured enough, was per- 
 suaded by a very wise friend of his to take it upon him, and 
 returned well enough satisfied with the courteous usage of 
 the protector. This gentleman who had thus counselled the 
 colonel, was as considerable and as wise a person as any in 
 England, who did not openly appear among Richard's ad- 
 herents or counsellors, but privately advised him, and had a 
 very honourable design of bringing the nation into freedom 
 under this young man ; who was so flexible to good counsels, 
 that there was nothing desirable in a prince which might not
 
 378 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHIKSON. [1658. 
 
 have been hoped for in him, but a great spirit and a just title : 
 the first of which sometimes doth more hurt than good in a 
 sovereign ; the latter would have been supplied by the 
 people's deserved approbation. This person was very free 
 in imparting to the colonel all the designs of settling the 
 state under this single person, and the hopes of felicity in 
 such an establishment. The colonel, debating this with him, 
 told him, that if ever it were once fixed in a single per- 
 son, and the army taken off, which could not consist with 
 the liberty of the people, it could not be prevented from re- 
 turning to the late ejected family; and that on whatever 
 terms they returned, it was folly to expect the people's cause, 
 which, with such blood and expense, had been asserted, 
 would not be utterly overthrown. To this the gentleman 
 gave many strong reasons, why that family could not be re- 
 stored, without the ruin of the people's liberty and of all 
 their champions ; and thought that these carried so much 
 force with them, that it would never be attempted, even 
 by any royalist that retained any love to his country ; 
 and that the establishing this single person (Richard) 
 would satisfy that faction, and compose all the differences, 
 bringing in all those of all parties that were men of in- 
 terest and love to their country. Although the business 
 was very speciously laid, and the man such a one whose 
 authority was sufficient to sway in any state, the colonel was 
 not much opiniated of the things he propounded, but willing 
 to wait the event; being in himself more persuaded that the 
 people's freedom would be best maintained in a free republic, 
 delivered from the shackles of their encroaching slaves in the 
 army.* This was now not merely muttered, but openly asserted 
 
 * The mention of this political discussion without the name of the prin- 
 cipal speaker in it, naturally awakes curiosity and excites to conjecture. 
 The judicious writer of the critique on this work in the Annual Review,
 
 1658.] THE ENCROACHING ARMY. 379 
 
 by all but the army : although of those who contended for it, 
 there were two sorts ; some that really thought it the most 
 conducible to the people's good and freedom ; others, who by 
 this pretence, hoped to pull down the army and the protec- 
 torian faction, and then restore the old family. It is believed 
 that Richard himself was compounded with, to have resigned 
 the place that was too great for him; certain it is that his 
 poor spirit was likely enough to do any such thing. The 
 army, perceiving they had set up a wretch who durst not 
 reign, and that there was a convention met, by their own 
 assent, who were ready, with a seeming face of authority of 
 parliament, to restore the Stewarts, they were greatly dis- 
 tressed ; finding also that the whole nation was bent against 
 them, and would not bear their yoke, and having therefore no 
 refuge to save themselves from being torn in pieces by the 
 people, or to deliver themselves from their own puppets who 
 had sold and betrayed them, they found out some of the 
 members of that glorious parliament which they had violently 
 driven from their seats with a thousand slanderous crimina- 
 tions and untruths. To these they counterfeited repentance, 
 and that God had opened their eyes to see into what a mani- 
 fest hazard of ruin they had put the interest and people of 
 God in these nations, so that it was almost irrecoverable; but 
 if any hope were left, it was that God would sign it, with his 
 wonted favour, into those hands out of which they had in- 
 juriously taken it. Hereupon they opened the house doors 
 for them ; and the Speaker, with some few members, as many 
 
 combines this with a passage at p. 383, and supposes the secret there re- 
 ferred to, and which endeavours were in vain used to draw from Mrs. 
 Hutchinson, to be the same thing as is here hinted at : it is highly proba- 
 ble that it is so ; and as no evil could now result from a discovery, the 
 editor has taken pains to effect one, he believes with success though when 
 the grounds of his conjecture are laid before the reader, he will judge for 
 himself.
 
 380 MEMOIBS OF COL. HTTTCHINSON. [1658- 
 
 as made a house, were too hasty to return into their seats, 
 upon capitulation with those traitors who had brought the 
 commonwealth into such a sad confusion. But after they 
 were met, they immediately sent summons to all the members 
 throughout England, among whom the colonel was called 
 up,* and much perplexed, for now he thought his conscience, 
 life, and fortunes were again engaged with men of mixed and 
 different interests and principles ; yet in regard of the trust 
 formerly reposed in him, he returned into his place, infinitely 
 dissatisfied that any condescension had been made to the 
 army's proposals, whose necessity rather than honesty had 
 moved them to counterfeit repentance and ingenuity. This 
 they did by a public declaration, stating how they had been 
 seduced and done wickedly in interrupting the parliament, 
 and that God had never since that time owned them and 
 their counsels as before, and that they desired to humble 
 themselves before God and man for the same, and to return 
 to their duty in defending the parliament in the discharge of 
 their remaining trust. According to this declaration, the 
 army kept a day of solemn humiliation before the Lord ; yet 
 all this, as the event afterwards manifested, in hypocrisy, f 
 Now the parliament were sat, and were no sooner assembled 
 
 * By this passage, that error which has become general, and which is to 
 be found in Rapin, vol. ii. p. 605, is rendered palpable. He says they 
 met in parliament to the number of forty-two; and again, p. 607, calls it 
 a parliament of forty persons, but takes no notice of their sending sum- 
 monses to all the members throughout England; but in the addition or 
 suppression of this circumstance lies the total difference between truth and 
 falsehood. Ludlow, who was one of them, says, vol. ii. p. 645, " That they 
 amounted to a hundred and sixty, who had sat in the house since the 
 seclusion of members in 1648." 
 
 f There are copies of this declaration extant, signed by Lambert, Fleet- 
 wood, &c., one particularly in the hands of John Townley, Esq., as likewise 
 pamphlets written at that time, calling on the army to make the only 
 amends they could to the nation, by restoring the parliament.
 
 1658 59.] DECLARATION OF THE ARMY. 381 
 
 but they were invaded by several enemies. The presby- 
 terians had long since espoused the royal interest, and for- 
 saken God and the people's cause, when they could not 
 obtain the reins of government in their own hands, and exer- 
 cise dominion over all their brethren.* It was treason, by 
 the law of those men in power, to talk of restoring the king ; 
 therefore the presbyterians must face the design, and accord- 
 ingly all the members ejected in 1648, now came to claim 
 their seats in the house, whom Colonel Pride, that then 
 guarded the parliament, turned back, and thereupon there 
 was some heat in the lobby between them and the other 
 members. Particularly Sir George Booth uttered some 
 threats, and immediately they went into their several counties, 
 and had laid a design all over England, wherein all the 
 royalists were ;ngaged, and many of the old parliament 
 officers ; and this was so dexterously, secretly, and unani- 
 mously carried on, that before Jie parliament had the least 
 intimation of it, the flame was everywhere kindled, and small 
 parties attempting insurrections in all places ; but their main 
 strength was with Sir George Booth in Cheshire, who there 
 appeared the chief head of the rebellion. The city, at that 
 time, was very wavering and false to the parliament, yet the 
 usual presence of God, that was with them in former times, 
 
 * Rapin, in a parallel passage, vol. ii. p. 611, says, that " the presby- 
 terians, seeing no hopes of recovering the ground they had lost, agreed 
 with the king's party to deliver the nation from the servitude to which it 
 was reduced by an independent parliament, and an army whose officers 
 were mostly fanatics. The particulars and terms of this union are not 
 known, because the historians who speak of it, being all royalists, have not 
 thought fit to do so much honour to the presbyterians. But it cannot be 
 concealed, that from this time they not only ceased to be the king's enemies, 
 but very much promoted his restoration." Behold the honour he asks for 
 them granted by their greatest enemy, an independent ! As was their 
 motive such was their reward ; beginning in rage and folly, it ended in 
 disgrace and ruin.
 
 3R$ MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1658 59. 
 
 never appeared so eminent as now, miraculously bringing 
 to light all the plots against them, and scattering their 
 enemies before the wind, making them fly when there was 
 none to pursue them ; although even in the parliament- 
 house there wanted not many close traitors and abettors of 
 this conspiracy. It was presently voted to send an army 
 down into Cheshire ; but then it fell into debate who should 
 lead. Fleetwood, upon the deposing his brother Richard 
 (wherein he was most unworthily assistant), was made general, 
 but not thought a person of courage enough for this enter- 
 prize ; whereupon many of Lambert's friends propounded 
 him to the house, and undertook for his integrity and hearty 
 repentance for having been formerly assistant to the protector. 
 Colonel Hutchinson was utterly against receiving him again 
 into employment ; but it was the general vote of the house, 
 and accordingly he was brought in to receive his commission 
 from the Speaker ; who, intending to accept the humble sub- 
 mission he then falsely made, with high professions of fidelity, 
 and to return him an encouragement in declaring the confi- 
 dence the house had in him, through mistake made such a 
 speech to him, as afterwards proved a true prophecy of his 
 perfidiousness. Many of the house took notice of it then only 
 to laugh, but afterwards thought that some hidden impulse, the 
 man was not then sensible of, led his tongue into those mis- 
 takes. However, Lambert went forth, and through the 
 cowardice of the enemy obtained a very dheap victory, and 
 returned. In Nottinghamshire Colonel White rose, only to 
 show his apostacy, and run away. The Lord Byron also lost 
 himself and his companions in the forest, being chased by a 
 piece of the county troop. And Mr. Robert Pierrepont, the 
 son of the late colonel, went out to make up the rout, and 
 ran away, and cast away some good arms into the bushes to 
 make his flight more easy. 
 
 During the late protectors' tunes Colonel Hutchinson, who
 
 1650. J HIS CONDUCT DURING THE PB.OTECTORATE. 383 
 
 thought them greater usurpers on the people's liberties than 
 the former kings, believed himself wholly disengaged from 
 all ties, but those which God and nature, or rather God by 
 nature obliges every man of honour and honesty in to his 
 country, which is to defend or relieve it from invading tyrants, 
 as far as he may by a lawful call and means, and to suffer 
 patiently that yoke which God submits him to, till the Lord 
 shall take it off ; and upon these principles, he seeing that 
 authority, to which he was in duty bound, so seemingly taken 
 quite away, thought he was free to fall in or oppose all 
 things, as prudence should guide him, upon general rules of 
 conscience. These would not permit him in any way to assist 
 any tyrant or invader of the people's rights, nor to rise up 
 against them without a manifest call from God ; therefore he 
 stayed at home, and busied himself in his own domestic 
 employments, having a very liberal heart, and a house open 
 to all worthy persons of all parties. Among these the Lord 
 Byron, who, thinking that no gentleman ought to be unpro- 
 vided with arms, in such an uncertain time, had provided 
 himself with a trunk of pistols, which were brought down 
 from London ; but some suspicion of it having reached the 
 protector's officers, he durst not fetch the trunk from the 
 carrier's himself, but entreated the colonel to send for them 
 to his house, and secure them there. This the colonel did ; 
 but afterward, when my Lord Byron had entered into a con- 
 spiracy with the enemies of the parliament, he knew that 
 Colonel Hutchinson was not to be attempted against them, 
 and was in great care how to get his arms out of the colonel'^ 
 house. The colonel, being of a very compassionate and 
 charitable nature, had entertained into his service some poor 
 people who on the enemy's side had been ruined, and were 
 reduced from good estates to seek that refuge ; and w o 
 counterfeited, so long as their party was down, such sobriety, 
 love, and gratitude, and sense of their sins and miscarriages
 
 384 MEMOIES OP COL. HUTCHIXSOJf. [1659. 
 
 whilst on the other side, that he hoped they had been converts, 
 but could not believe they would have proved such detestable, 
 unthankful traitors, as afterwards they did. Among these, 
 Lord Byron corrupted a gentleman who then waited on the 
 colonel, as the man afterwards alleged ; my lord said he 
 offered himself. However it was, the plot was laid that fifty 
 men, near the colonel's house, should be raised for him, and 
 he with them should first come to the colonel's house, and 
 take away my lord's arms, with all the rest of the colonel's 
 that they could find. To raise him these men, certain neigh- 
 bours, who used to come to the house, were very busy, and 
 especially two parsons, he of Plumptre and he of Bingham ; 
 this one had an active, proud, pragmatical curate, who used to 
 come to this traitor in the colonel's house and help to 
 manage the treason, and the chaplain, the waiting woman, 
 and two servants more, were drawn into the confederacy. 
 The colonel was then at the parliament-house, and only his 
 wife and children at home, when, the night before the insur- 
 rection, Ivie (that was the gentleman's name) came to a 
 singing-boy who kept the colonel's clothes, and commanded 
 him to deliver him the colonel's own arms and buff coat. 
 
 The boy was fearful, and did not readily obey him, where- 
 upon he threatened immediately to pistol him, if he made the 
 least resistance or discovery of the business ; so the boy 
 fetched him the arms, and he put them on, and took one of 
 the best horses and went out at midnight, telling the boy he 
 was a fool to fear, for the next night, before that time, there 
 would come fifty men to fetch away all the arms in the house. 
 
 As soon as the boy saw him quite gone, his mistress being 
 then in bed, he went to the chaplain and acquainted him ; 
 but the chaplain cursed him for breaking his sleep : then he 
 went to the waiting gentlewoman, but she said she thought it 
 would be unfit to disturb her mistress ; so the boy rested till 
 next day, when Ivie, having failed of his men, was come
 
 Itt&y j ATTEMPT OF LORD BYRON. 385 
 
 back again. Then the boy, finding an opportunity after 
 dinner, told his mistress, that though he had been bred a 
 cavalier he abhorred to betray or be unfaithful to those he 
 served ; and that he had reason to suspect there was some 
 vile conspiracy in hand, wherein Ivie was engaged against 
 them, and told her his grounds. When Mrs. Hutchinson had 
 heard that, she bade him keep it private, and called imme- 
 diately a servant that had been a cornet of the parliament's 
 party, and bade him go to the county troop's captain, and 
 desire him to send her a guard for her husband's house, for 
 she had intelligence that the cavaliers intended some attempt 
 against it. Mrs. Hutchinson, ashamed to complain of her 
 own family, thought of this way of security, till she could 
 discharge herself of the traitor, not knowing at that time how 
 many more such were about her. Then calling her gentle- 
 woman, whom she thought she might trust, upon her solemn 
 protestations of fidelity, she took her to assist her in hiding 
 her plate and jewels, and what she had of value, and scrupled 
 not to let her see the secret places in her house, while the false 
 and base dissembler went smiling up and down at her mis- 
 tress's simplicity. Meantime, the man that was sent for 
 soldiers came back, bringing news that the cavaliers had risen 
 and were beaten, and that the county troop was in pursuit of 
 them. Then also the coachman, who finding himself not 
 well, had borrowed a horse to go to Nottingham to be let 
 blood, came home, bringing with him a cravat and other 
 spoils of the enemy, which he had gotten. For when he 
 came to the town, hearing the cavaliers were up, he got a 
 case of pistols, and thought more of shedding than losing 
 blood, and meeting the cavaliers in the rout, it is said, he 
 killed one of them ; although this rogue had engaged to 
 Ivie to have gone on the other side with him. Mrs. Hut- 
 chinson not being willing, for all this, to take such notice of 
 Ivie's treason as to cast him into prison, took him immedi- 
 2 c
 
 386 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1659. 
 
 ately to London with, her, and said nothing till he came 
 there. Then she told him how base and treacherous he had 
 been ; but to save her own shame for having entertained so 
 false a person, and for her mother's sake whom he had for- 
 merly served, she was willing to dismiss him privately, with- 
 out acquainting the colonel, who, if he knew, must punish 
 him. So she gave him something and turned him away, and 
 told her husband she came only to acquaint him with the 
 insurrection, and her own fears of staying in the country 
 without him. He, being very indulgent, went immediately 
 back with her, having informed the parliament, and received 
 their order for going down to look after the securing of the 
 country. His wife, as soon as she came down, having learned 
 that the chaplain had been Ivie's confederate, told him pri- 
 vately of it, and desired him to find a pretence to take his 
 leave of the colonel, that she might not be necessitated to 
 complain, and procure him the punishment his treason de- 
 served. He went away thus, but so far from being wrought 
 upon, that he hated her to the death for her kindness. 
 
 The colonel having set things in order in the country, 
 intended to have carried his family that winter with him to 
 London ; when just in that week he was going, news was 
 brought that Lambert had once more turned out the parlia- 
 ment, and the colonel rejoiced in his good fortune that he 
 was not present. 
 
 Lambert was exceedingly puffed up with his cheap victory, 
 and cajoled his soldiers ; and, before he returned to London, 
 set on foot among them their old insolent way of prescribing 
 to the parliament by way of petition. 
 
 The parliament, after the submission of the army, had voted 
 that there should no more be a general over them, but to keep 
 that power in their own hands, all the officers should take 
 their commissions immediately from the Speaker.* The 
 
 * It was a great oversight that they had not taken this course from the
 
 1659.] THE ARMY AND PARLIAMENT STRUGGLES. 387 
 
 conspiracy of the army, to get a leader in their rebellion, was 
 laid, that they should petition for generals and such like 
 things as might facilitate their intents. Among others who 
 were taken in arms against the parliament, Lord Castleton 
 was one of the chief heads of the insurrection. Him Lambert 
 brought along with him in his coach, not now as a prisoner, 
 but unguarded, as one that was to be honoured. The parlia- 
 ment hearing of this, sent and fetched him out of his company 
 and committed him to prison, and then the army's saucy 
 petition was delivered, and, upon the insolent carriage of nine 
 colonels, they were by vote disbanded. Lambert being one 
 of them, came in a hostile manner and plucked the members 
 out of the house ; Fleetwood, whom they trusted to guard 
 them, having confederated with Lambert and betrayed them. 
 After that, setting up their army court at Wallingford-house, 
 they began their arbitrary reign, to the joy of all the van- 
 quished enemies of the parliament, and to the amazement and 
 terror of all men that had any honest interest : and now they 
 were all devising governments ; and some honourable mem- 
 bers, I know not through what fatality of the times, fell in 
 with them.* When Colonel Hutchinson came into the 
 
 beginning: for although it is very difficult for a republic, which has need 
 of considerable armies, to maintain its independence, which is for ever 
 liable to be invaded by those who have the sword iii their hands, yet the 
 best chance it has lies in keeping the military under the direction of the 
 civil power. This method succeeded a good while with the French 
 republic, and might have done still longer if some of the members of the 
 executive power had not leagued with some of the military commanders. 
 
 * This was that committee of safety, or council of the Stratocracy, 
 among the principal members of which were Sir Henry Vane, Ludlow, and 
 Whitelocke, as mentioned by Whitelocke, p. 685. He there says that he 
 took his share in it reluctantly, and that all three were censured for it by 
 the parliament at their return. Ludlow was accused of treason; Vane 
 made an ingenious excuse, but was banished to one of his country seats. 
 Colonel Hutchinson evidently divided from Sir H. Vane on this occasion, 
 2 c 2
 
 388 MEMOIRS OP COL. HUTCHINSON. [1659. 
 
 country some time before Lambert's revolt, Mr. Robert 
 Pierrepont, the son of the late Colonel Francis Pierrepont, 
 sent friends to entreat the colonel to receive him into his 
 protection. Upon the entreaty of his uncle he took him into 
 his own house, and entertained him civilly there, whilst he 
 wrote to the Speaker, urging his youth, his surrender of him- 
 self, and all he could in favour of him, desiring to know how 
 they would please to dispose of him. Before the letters Avere 
 answered Lambert had broken the parliament, and the colonel 
 told him he was free again to do what he pleased ; but the 
 young gentleman begged of the colonel that he might con- 
 tinue under his sanctuary till these things came to some issue. 
 This the colonel very freely admitted, and entertained him 
 till the second return of the parliament, not without much 
 trouble to his house, himself, and his servants, so contrary to 
 the sobriety and holiness the colonel delighted in, yet for 
 his father's and his uncle's sakes he endured it about six 
 months. 
 
 Some of Lambert's officers, while he marched near Notting- 
 hamshire, having formerly served under the colonel's com- 
 mand, came to his house at Owthorpe and told him of the 
 petition that was set on foot in Lambert's brigade, and con- 
 sulted whether they should sign it or not. The colonel 
 advised them by no means to do it, yet notwithstanding, they 
 did, which made the colonel exceeding angry with them, 
 thinking they rather came to see how he stood affected, than 
 
 and, as Ludlow says, urged on the censure against him, which he considers 
 as inconsistent with Colonel Hutchinson's judgment passed on the king, 
 and as a proof of his treachery and underhand agreement with Monk. But 
 no conclusion can be more unwarranted than this: it was Col. Hutchinson's 
 anxiety to keep the king out, or at least to prevent his coming in with a 
 high hand and without limitation, that caused him so strenuously to oppose 
 these rash steps which made all wish for the king's return, to deliver them 
 from greater evils.
 
 1659.] ADVENTURE WITH SIX TROOPERS. 389 
 
 really to ask his counsel. When Lambert had broken up the 
 nouse, the colonel made a short journey to London to inform 
 himself how things were, and found some of the members 
 exceedingly sensible of the sad estate the kingdom was 
 reduced unto by the rash ambition of these men, and resolving 
 that there was no way but for every man that abhorred it to 
 improve their interest in their countries, and to suppress these 
 usurpers and rebels. Hereupon the colonel took measures to 
 have some arms bought and sent him, and had prepared a 
 thousand honest men, whenever he should call for their 
 assistance ; intending to improve his posse comitatus when 
 occasion should be offered. To provoke him more par- 
 ticularly to this, several accidents fell out. Among the rest, 
 six of Lambert's troopers came to gather money, laid upon 
 the country by an assessment of parliament, whom the colonel 
 telling that in regard it was levied by that authority, he had 
 paid it, but otherwise would not ; two of them only who were 
 in the room with the colonel, the rest being on horseback in 
 the court, gave him such insolent terms, with such insuffer- 
 able reproaches of the parliament, that the colonel drew a 
 sword which was in the room to have chastised them. While 
 a minister that was by held the colonel's arm, his wife, not 
 willing to have them killed in her presence, opened the door 
 and let them out, who presently ran and fetched in their 
 companions in the yard with cocked pistols. Upon the bustle, 
 while the colonel having disengaged himself from those that 
 held him, had run after them with the sword drawn, his 
 brother came out of another room, upon whom, the soldiers 
 pressing against a door that went into the great hall, the door 
 flew open, and about fifty or sixty men appeared in the hall,* 
 who were there upon another business. For Owthorpe, 
 
 * The description of the house, contained in a former note, will give a 
 just idea of the position of all the parties, and of the striking scene here 
 described.
 
 390 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1659 
 
 Kinolton, and Hicklin, had a contest about a cripple that was 
 sent from one to the other, but at last, out of some respect 
 they had for the colonel, the chief men of the several towns 
 were come to him, to make some accommodation, till the law 
 should be again in force. .When the colonel heard the soldiers 
 were come, he left them shut up in his great hall, who by 
 accident thus appearing, put the soldiers into a dreadful 
 fright. When the colonel saw how pale they looked, he 
 encouraged them to take heart, and calmly admonished them 
 for their insolence, and they being changed and very humble 
 through their fear, he called for wine for them, and sent them 
 away. To the most insolent of them he said, " These car- 
 riages would bring back the Stewarts." The man, laying his 
 hand upon his sword, said, " Never while he wore that." 
 Among other things they said to the colonel, when he de- 
 manded by what authority they came, they showed their 
 swords, and said, "That was their authority." After they 
 were dismissed, the colonel, not willing to appear because he 
 was sheriff of the county, and had many of their papers sent 
 him to publish, concealed himself in his house, and caused 
 his wife to write a letter to Fleetwood, to complain of the 
 affronts had been offered him, and to tell him that he was 
 thereupon retired, till he could dwell safely at home.* To 
 this Fleetwood returned a civil answer, and withal sent a 
 protection, to forbid all soldiers from coming to his house, 
 
 * Probably this circumstance of Colonel Hutchinson concealing himsell 
 in his own home came at that time to be known at Nottingham, and gave 
 rise to a tradition which is to be found in Throsby's edition of Thoroton, 
 that he concealed himself in this manner after the restoration, but was 
 taken in his return from church; both of which were untrue, as probably 
 were some other tales, resembling the legends of romance, which the Editor 
 heard of him at Owthorpe. But that there was an apartment so adapted 
 for concealment, security, and convenience, as that he might have made a 
 long residence in it without being discovered, the Editor had ocular 
 demonstration.
 
 1659.] INSOLENCE OF THE SOLDIEItS. 391 
 
 and a command to Swallow, who was the colonel of these 
 men, to examine and punish them. Mrs. Hutchinson had sent 
 before to Swallow, who was then quartered at Leicester, the 
 next day after it was done, to inform him, who sent a letter 
 utterly disowning their actions, and promising to punish them. 
 This, Mrs. Hutchinson sent to show the soldiers who then 
 lay abusing the country at Colson ; but when they saw their 
 officer's letter they laughed at him, and tore it in pieces. 
 Some days after he, in a civil manner, sent a captain with 
 them and other soldiers to Owthorpe, to inquire into their 
 misdemeanours before their faces ; which being confirmed to 
 him, and he beginning to rebuke them, they set him at light, 
 even before Mrs. Hutchinson's face, and made the poor man 
 retire sneaped to his colonel ; while these six rogues, in one 
 week's space, besides the assessments assigned them to gather 
 up within the compass of five miles, took away violently from 
 the country, for their own expense, above five-and-twenty 
 pounds. Notwithstanding all this pretended civility, Fleet- 
 wood and his counsellors were afraid of the colonel, and the 
 protection was but sent to draw him thither, that they might 
 by that means get him into their custody. But he, having 
 intimation of it, withdrew, while men and arms were pre- 
 paring, that he might appear publicly in the defence of the 
 country, when he was strong enough to drive out the soldiers 
 that were left in those parts. Three hundred of them were 
 one night drawn out of Nottingham to come to Owthorpe for 
 him, but some of the party gave him notice, and he being 
 then at home, immediately went out of the house. Neither 
 wanted they their spies, who gave them notice that he was 
 gone again, so that they turned off upon the wolds and went 
 to Hickling ; and the next day Major Grove, their commander, 
 sent to Mrs. Hutchinson to desire permission for himself only 
 to come down, which she gave, and so with only five or six 
 of his party he came. With him Mrs. Hutchinson so easily
 
 392 ME5IOIES OF COL. HUTCHINSOX. [1659. 
 
 dealt, that, after she had represented the state of things to 
 him, he began to apologize that he had only taken this com- 
 mand upon himself to preserve the country, and should be 
 ready to submit to any lawful authority; and he and his men 
 were not come for any other intent but to prevent disturbance 
 of the peace and gatherings together of men, who, they were 
 informed, intended to rise in these parts. Mrs. Hutchinson 
 smiling, told him it was necessary for him to keep a good 
 guard, for all the whole country would shortly be weary of 
 their yoke, and, no question, would find some authority to 
 shelter them. At last he went so far as to desire her to let 
 the colonel know he intended him no mischief, but he and all 
 his men should be at her command to defend her from the 
 insolencies of any others. She heard him without faith, for 
 she knew the good will they pretended to her husband pro- 
 ceeded only from their fear. It is true that at that time the 
 colonel had met with Colonel Hacker, and several other gen- 
 tlemen of Northampton and Warwickshire, and at the same 
 time Major Beque was to have reduced Coventry, and another 
 colonel Warwick Castle. Two regiments of horse should 
 have marched to a place within seven miles of Colonel Hut- 
 chinson's house, where his men should have rendezvoused, 
 and the town of Nottingham at the same time to have seized 
 all the soldiers there, and they of Leicester the like. These 
 people had, through the spies that were about the colonel^ 
 gotten some little inkling of his rendezvous, but not right, 
 neither could they have prevented it, had they desired.* But 
 
 * Perhaps this crisis was the most favourable to the cause of liberty of 
 any that had occurred; for the genuine assertors of it would, at this 
 moment, have found all the different factions weakened, and the body of 
 the nation so tired of tumult and anarchy, that, had they now stood forth 
 in any force, the voice of reason would in all probability have prevailed. 
 But the fluctuations of power and party were at this time so frequent and 
 sudden as hardly to leave sufficient interval for any enterprize that required
 
 1659.] PAKLIAMENT BESTORED TO THEIE SEATS. 393 
 
 just before it should have been put into execution the parlia- 
 ment were restored to their seats, Lambert was deserted by 
 his men and fled, and Monk was marching on southwards, 
 pretending to restore and confirm the parliament ; insomuch 
 that Colonel Hutchinson, instead of raising his country, was 
 called up to his seat in parliament. Here there were so 
 many favourers of Lambert, Fleetwood, and their partakers, 
 that the colonel, who used to be very silent, could not now 
 forbear high opposition to them ; in whose favour things were 
 carried with such a stream, that the colonel then began to 
 lose all hopes of settling this poor land on any righteous 
 foundation. 
 
 It was the 26th of December, 1659, that the parliament 
 met again. The manner of it, and the contest and treaty in 
 the north between Monk and Lambert, are too well known to 
 be repeated ; the dissimulations and false protestations that 
 Monk made are too public ; yet the colonel and others sus- 
 pected him, but knew not how to hinder him ; for this insolent 
 usurpation of Lambert's had so turned the hearts of all men, 
 that the whole nation began to set their eyes upon the king 
 beyond the sea, and think a bad settlement under him better 
 than none at all, or than being under the arbitrary power of 
 such proud rebels as Lambert. The whole house was divided 
 into miserable factions, among whom some would then have 
 violently set up an oath of renunciation of the king and his 
 family. The colonel, thinking it a ridiculous thing to swear 
 out a man, when they had no power to defend themselves 
 against him, vehemently opposed that oath, and carried it 
 against Sir Ar. Haslerig and others, who as violently pressed 
 it ; urging very truly that those oaths that had been formerly 
 
 combination. Moreover it is to be considered that the march of patriotism 
 is impeded by reserves and restraints which ambition overleaps in its career; 
 and after all it is perhaps justly observed, that Colonel Hutchinson was too 
 unambitious for his own glory or the public good.
 
 394 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHINSON. j 1659, 
 
 imposed had but multiplied the sins of the nation by perjuries ; 
 instancing how Sir Arthur and others, in Oliver's time, coming 
 into the house, swore on their entrance they would attempt 
 nothing in the change of that government, which, as soon as 
 ever they were entered, they laboured to throw down. Many 
 other arguments he used, whereupon many honest men, who 
 thought till then he had followed a faction in all things, and 
 not his own judgment, began to meet often with him, and to 
 consult what to do in these difficulties, out of which their pru- 
 dence and honesty would have found a way to extricate them- 
 selves ; but that the end of our prosperity was come, hastened 
 on partly by the mad rash violence of some that, without 
 strength, opposed the tide of the discontented tumultuous 
 people, partly by the detestable treachery of those who had 
 sold themselves to do mischief, but chiefly by the general 
 stream of the people, who were as eager for their own destruc- 
 tion as the Israelites of old for their quails.* 
 
 One observation of the colonel's I cannot omit, that the 
 secluded members whom Monk brought in were, many of 
 them, so brought over to a commonwealth that, if Sir Ar. 
 Haslerig and his party had not forsaken their places because 
 they would not sit with them, they would have made the 
 strongest party in the house, but which by reason of their 
 going off were afterwards outvoted in all things, f 
 
 * A frank acknowledgment that the independent parliament, however 
 good the intentions of many of them might be, had become unpopular; 
 but with the general mass of mankind the escape from any present evil is 
 paramount to all future considerations. Perhaps this reflux of the public 
 mind was the most effectual cause of the counter revolution, without which 
 Monk might have plotted in vain. And thus perhaps in this, as in so many 
 other instances, Mrs. Hutchinson's natural and rational way of tracing and 
 unfolding the causes of great events will be found to bring us much nearer 
 to the truth than all the subtleties employed by others ! 
 
 t We do not know this circumstance to have been noticed by any othei
 
 1659.] SIR A. COOPER INSINUATES HIS FRIENDSHIP. 395 
 
 Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper at that time insinuated himself 
 into a particular friendship with the colonel, and made him 
 all the honourable pretences that can be imagined ; called 
 him his dear friend, and caressed him with such embraces as 
 none but a traitor as vile as himself could have suspected ; 
 yet was he the most intimate of Monk's confidants. Where- 
 upon some few days before the rising of that house, when it 
 began to be too apparent which way Monk inclined, the 
 
 historian; but it appears much more probable than that the secluded 
 members should have been unanimous, and that in measures of such tran- 
 scendant import as were now to be decided upon. For this secession 
 Whitelocke blames and Ludlow commends Sir Arthur Haselrig and hia 
 friends ; their total ruin, which ensued, decides the question. 
 
 In support of the opinions and statements contained in this and the two 
 next following pages, are adduced the following out of many extracts that 
 might be made from the third volume of Clarendon's State Papers. Page 
 687, Broderick to Hyde, Dec. 30, 1659, ridicules the idea of its being 
 possible to establish the Rump ; says Vane, Salway, and Whitelocke sit 
 without blush or excuse; Haslerig must ruin them or be ruined. A. A. 
 Cooper desires to establish these people. Haslerig would admit the se- 
 cluded members provided they would renounce a single person and the line 
 of the Stuarts. 
 
 Page 696, Do. to Do. March 9, 1659-60, Of Monk I have much 
 more reason to hope better than you apprehend, and would lose the hand 
 with which I pay you this duty, that Mr. Edmondson (the king) had in- 
 closed an answer to Howard by this conveyance, time being very precious, 
 .and what a day may produce known only to the prescience of Almighty 
 God. All the progress that can be made without is carefully pursued, nor 
 shall anything be wanting any care can supply. The last night's conference 
 between the officers of the army and the members is so variously reported, 
 sven by themselves (with several of whom I have this morning discoursed), 
 that it is hard to give a narrative of particulars; the main they agree in, 
 viz. that the demands were, indemnity for all past actions, confirmation of 
 all purchases, sale of what remains to the state in the king's houses, forests, 
 &c. towards the payment of arrears; with some sharp reflections on the 
 militia of several counties put into disaffected hands. 
 
 " Sir William Lewis" (one of the secluded members, as appears by Dug-
 
 396 MEMOIES OF COL. HTJTCHIKSOX. [1659. 
 
 colonel, upon the confidence of his friendship, entreated him 
 to tell him what were Monk's intentions, that he and others 
 might consider their safety, who were likely to be given up 
 as a public sacrifice. Cooper denied to the death any inten- 
 tion besides a commonwealth ; " but," said he, with the 
 greatest semblance of reality that could be put on, " if the 
 violence of the people should bring the king upon us, let me 
 be damned, body and soul, if ever I see a hair of any man's 
 head touched, or a penny of any man's estate, upon this 
 quarrel." This he backed with so many and such.deep pro- 
 testations of that kind, as made the colonel, after his treachery 
 was apparent, detest him of all mankind, and think himself 
 obliged, if ever he had opportunity, to procure exemplary 
 
 dale's list, and who evidently had joined Colonel Hutchinson's party since 
 his return), "Arthur Annesley, and Colonel Hutch inson, endeavoured their 
 satisfaction by repeating the acts already passed in their favour, justifying 
 many persons so chosen, promises of arrears, with whatever else they thought 
 reasonable to urge against the intrusion of military stipendiaries upon the 
 privilege of parliament. Haslerig and some of his faction abetted the 
 soldiery, but all ended fairly, though far from satisfaction. The general 
 had indeed before declared that he expected their obedience to the su- 
 preme authority, not their usurpation of it ; adding that it would be easier 
 to find officers in the room of those that remained obstinate, than for them 
 to find regiments if the house should deny pay. Upon the whole, I am 
 commanded to tell you that we suffered nothing in the conference. Hasle- 
 rig concluded there was no other basis to build on than the parliament. 
 Colonels Rich, Scott, and the rest who hitherto refrained, now enter the 
 house with faint hopes of opposing the general current. We make no 
 doubt of success every where. All people cry out, the king ! the king ! 
 some indeed add, he must come in on terms ; and why doth he not pre- 
 vent the imposition by a fair offer published authentically, to release fears, 
 settle their minds, and render his entrance facile." 
 
 The same to the king, March 10, 1659-60, says, "Monk declared he 
 would acquiesce in the judgment of the parliament both as to king and 
 lords. Another day he would spend the last drop of his blood rather than 
 the Stuarts should ever come into England; but he is in good temper again 
 the same night."
 
 1659.] TEMPTED BY THE RING'S PARTY. 397 
 
 justice on. him, who was so vile a wretch as to sit himself and 
 sentence some of those that died. And although this man 
 joined with those who laboured for the colonel's particular 
 deliverance, yet the colonel, to his dying day, abhorred the 
 mention of his name, and held him to be a more execrable 
 traitor than Monk himself. At this time the colonel, as 
 before, was by many of his friends tempted every way to fall 
 in with the king's interest, and often offered both pardon and 
 preferment, if he could be wrought off from his party, whose 
 danger was now laid before him : but they could in no way 
 move him.* A gentleman that had been employed to tamper 
 with him told me, that he found him so unmovable, that one 
 time he and a certain lord being in the colonel's company, 
 and having begun their vain insinuations, he, to decline them, 
 seeing Cooper, went away with him ; upon which this lord, 
 that had some tenderness for the colonel, said to this gentle- 
 man, "The colonel is a ruined man; he believes that traitor, 
 who will ruin him." When they could not work upon him 
 one way, some, that were most kindly concerned in him, per- 
 suaded him to absent himself and not act for the parliament, 
 and undertook with their lives to secure him, but he would 
 not. He foresaw the mischief, and resolved to stay in his 
 duty, waiting upon God, who accordingly was good to him. 
 Some, when they saw Monk had betrayed them, would have 
 
 * It was hard for him, after this, to be accused by Ludlow of treachery 
 and connivance with the king's friends ; but Ludlow was at this time en- 
 gaged in a different party, perhaps envious of him for escaping with im- 
 punity, when himself despaired of doing so, and went into voluntary exile : 
 and besides Sir A. Ashley Cooper may have stipulated for Colonel Hutchin- 
 son's indemnity gratuitously ; while most people suppose that some condi- 
 tions were imposed. His moderation in a time of phrenzy was surely 
 a sufficient argument, and was probably that which Cooper used in support 
 of the man whom he was forced to esteem, though he did not choose to 
 imitate him.
 
 398 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1659. 
 
 fallen in with Lambert, but the colonel thought any destruc- 
 tion was to be chosen before the sin of joining with such a 
 wretch.* 
 
 Now was that glorious parliament come to a period, not 
 more fatal to itself than to the three nations, whose sun of 
 liberty then set, and all their glory gave place to the foulest 
 mists that ever overspread a miserable people.f A new 
 parliament was to be chosen, and the county of Nottingham 
 
 * This was the point whereupon the heads of the republican party 
 divided, but probably at this day the warmest friends of the liberties of the 
 people will think that it was better to return to a monarchy, though not 
 sufficiently limited and defined, than to fall under a stratocracy, or govern- 
 ment of the army, which this would have been more completely than even 
 that which existed under Cromwell: indeed it is not easy to see which way 
 it would have differed from that of Algiers. Accordingly we do not find 
 Mrs. Hutchinson ever to have repined that the king had been restored in 
 preference to the establishment of such a power; but there were many other 
 modes which might have been adopted, without flying to either of these 
 extremes, had not their passions overpowered the reason of some of the 
 great men of that day. In page 705 of the third volume of Clarendon's 
 State Papers, a spy of Charles 1 1. says to the Lords Bedford and Manchester, 
 that Pierrepont, Popham, Waller, and St. John, made a junto to treat with 
 the king before his restitution. But the most obvious method for obtaining 
 a better settlement was that proposed by Whitelocke to Fleetwood, of an 
 offer of their services to the king upon reasonable conditions: this oppor- 
 tunity was lost by hesitation, and an easy triumph left to Monk, whose 
 determined conduct gave efficacy to the small force he possessed. 
 
 t If the change in politics was great, the change in morals was much 
 greater: statutes have since retrieved the errors committed in the former; 
 it is doubtful whether the national character in taste and morals has ever 
 freed itself from the taint it then received. 
 
 Under the patronage and example of the king, wit put decency to 
 flight; religion and patriotism, veneration of God and the love of our 
 country, the two noblest affections of the mind, were dragged through the 
 mire of doggrel rhymes, under the pretence of deriding hypocrisy; under 
 the notion of gaiety and good fellowship, profligacy and sensuality gained a 
 footing which they have never quitted, but still maintain their ground, by
 
 1659.] THE KING'S RETURN DESIRED. 399 
 
 had yet such respect for Colonel Hutchinson, that they fixed 
 their eyes on him to be their knight, but Mr. William Pierre- 
 pont having a great desire to bring in his son-in-law, the 
 Lord Haughton, to be his fellow knight, the colonel would 
 not come into the town till the election was passed ; which 
 if he had, he had been chosen without desiring it; for many 
 people came, and when they saw he would not stand, returned 
 and voted for none, among whom were fifty freeholders of the 
 town of Newark. 
 
 Some time before the writs for the new elections came, 
 the town of Nottingham, as almost all the rest of the island, 
 began to grow mad, and to declare themselves so, in their 
 desires of the king. The boys, set on by their fathers and 
 masters, got drums and colours, and marched up and down 
 the town, and trained themselves in a military posture, and 
 offered many affronts to the soldiers of the army that were 
 quartered there, which were two troops of Colonel Hacker's 
 regiment. Insomuch that one night there were about forty 
 of the soldiers hurt and wounded with stones, upon the occa- 
 sion of taking away the drums, when the youths were gather- 
 ing together to make bonfires to burn the Rump,* as was the 
 
 the dangerous secret then taught them of reducing all by invidious surmises 
 and unjust depreciations nearly to the level of their own baseness. 
 
 The plays and other writings of those days are tinctured with an air of 
 rakishness which often appears affected and misplaced; it was the polite 
 ridicule of the Spectators which put this folly out of countenance and 
 practice. Some modern wits have attempted to revive it, and but for the 
 general turn to philosophical inquiry they would probably have succeeded. 
 Those who reason cannot but see that shameless depravity is a very bad sub- 
 stitute for even simulated virtue. 
 
 * The number of the members of the long parliament having been, by 
 seclusion, death, &c., very much reduced, the remainder was compared to 
 the rump of a fowl which was left, all the rest being eaten; and this coarse 
 emblem was burnt in derision by the mob, to hail and flatter the rising 
 power of the ca^ aliers.
 
 400 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHIXSOX. [1059 
 
 custom in those mad days. The soldiers, provoked to rage, 
 shot again, and killed in the scuffle two presbyterians, 
 whereof one was an elder, and an old professor ; and one 
 that had been a great zealot for the cause, and master of the 
 magazine of Nottingham Castle. He was only standing at 
 his own door, and whether shot by chance or on purpose, or 
 by whom, it is not certain ; but true it is, that at that time 
 the presbyterians were more inveterately bitter against the 
 fanatics than even the cavaliers themselves, and they set on 
 these boys. But upon the killing of this man they were 
 hugely enraged, and prayed very seditiously in their pulpits, 
 and began openly to desire the king ; not for good will 
 to him, but only for destruction to all the fanatics. One 
 of the ministers, who were great leaders of the people, had 
 been firmly engaged in Booth's rebellion, and led on very 
 many of the godly, who, by the timely suppression of those 
 who began the insurrection in Nottingham, were prevented 
 from declaring themselves openly. Colonel Hutchinson was 
 as merciful as he could safely be, in not setting on too strict 
 inquisition ; but privately admonished such as were not passed 
 hopes of becoming good commonwealth's men, if it were 
 possible that the labouring state might outlive the present 
 storm. Upon this bustle in the town of Nottingham the 
 soldiers were horribly incensed, and the townsmen ready to 
 take part with the boys ; whereupon the soldiers drew into 
 the meadows near the town, and sent for the regiment, 
 resolving to execute their vengeance on the town, and the 
 townsmen again were mustering to encounter them. Mrs. 
 Hutchinson by chance coming into the town, and being ac- 
 quainted with the captains, persuaded them to do nothing in 
 a tumultuary way, however provoked, but to complain to the 
 general, and let him decide the business. 
 
 The men, at her entreaty, were content so to do, the 
 townsmen also consented to restrain their children and serv-
 
 1659.] DISTURBANCES IN NOTTINGHAM. 401 
 
 ants, and keep the public peace ; while it was agreed that 
 both of them should send up together a true information to 
 the general concerning the late quarrel. But one of the 
 officers, more enraged than the rest, went away immediately 
 to Monk, and complained to him of the malice of the pres- 
 byterians and cavaliers against the soldiers. He, without 
 asking more on the other side, signed a warrant to Colonel 
 Hacker, to let loose the fury of his regiment upon the town, 
 and plunder all they judged guilty ; with which the officer 
 immediately went away. Colonel Hutchinson being at that 
 time at the general's lodging, my Lord Howard told him 
 what order against the town of Nottingham had just been 
 sent down. The colonel, who had been by his wife informed 
 of the disorders there, went to the general, and prevailed 
 with him for a countermand of all hostility against the town, 
 till he should hear and determine the business ; which coun- 
 termand the colonel sent immediately by one of the towns- 
 men, who, though he rode post, came not till Colonel 
 Hacker, with all his regiment, were come into the town 
 before him, and the soldiers were in some of the houses 
 beginning to rifle them. Wherefore the countermand coming 
 so seasonably from Colonel Hutchinson, they could not but 
 look upon him as their deliverer ; and this being done a very 
 few days before the election for the next parliament, when 
 the colonel came to town and had waived the county, they 
 generally pitched upon him for the town. But then Dr. 
 Plumptre laboured all he could to get the burgess-ship for 
 himself, arid to put by the colonel, with the basest scandals he 
 and two or three of his associates could raise. Mr. Arthur 
 Stanhope, in whose house the soldiers were entered to plunder, 
 being pitched upon for the other burgess, and having a great 
 party in the town, was dealt with to desert the colonel, and 
 offered all Plumptre's party ; but he, on the other side, la- 
 boured more for the colonel than for himself, and at length, 
 2 D
 
 402 MEMOIKS OP COL. HTTTCHINSOIf. [1(J60. 
 
 when the election day came, Mr. Stanhope and the colonel 
 were clearly chosen.* 
 
 The colonel and Mr. Stanhope went up to the parliament, 
 which began on the 25th day of April, 1660 ; to whom the 
 king sending a declaration from Breda, which promised, or 
 at least intimated, liberty of conscience, remission of all 
 offences, enjoyment of liberties and estates ; they voted to 
 send commissioners to invite him.f And almost all the 
 gentry of all parties went, some to fetch him over, some to 
 meet him at the sea side, some to fetch him into London, 
 into which he entered on the 29th day of May, with a uni- 
 versal joy and triumph, even to his own amazement; who, 
 when he saw all the nobility and gentry of the land flowing 
 in to him, asked where were his enemies. For he saw 
 nothing but prostrates, expressing all the love that could 
 make a prince happy. Indeed it was a wonder in that day to 
 see the mutability of some, and the hypocrisy of others, and 
 the servile flattery of all. Monk, like his better genius, con- 
 ducted him , and was adored like one that had brought all 
 the glory and felicity of mankind home with this prince. 
 
 The officers of the army had made themselves as fine as 
 
 * Both Whitelocke and Ludlow assure us, that there were great solici- 
 tations in all parts to get to be parliament-men; and Rapin says, that 
 almost all the elections were in favour of the presbyterians and royalists, 
 peculiarly the former. This circumstance renders Colonel Hutchinson's 
 popularity and personal merit so much the more conspicuous. 
 
 t That the parliament, and this, as Rapin calls it, a presbyterian parlia- 
 ment, should thus simply and unconditionally have invited the king, has 
 always been matter of astonishment. The first to find out the error into 
 which their precipitancy had led them were the royalists, and of them the 
 best, the Earl of Southampton, who by Burnet, p. 89, is said to have laid 
 the chief blame on Chancellor Hyde. But was it not equally in the 
 power of the parliament after the king's arrival to have imposed any rea- 
 sonable conditions, at least before they established for him such an income 
 as to render him independent ?
 
 10(W \ UEUA.TES TN PARLIAMENT. 403 
 
 the courtiers, and all hoped in this change to change their 
 condition, and disowned all things they before had advised. 
 Every ballad singer sang up and down the streets ribald 
 rhymes, made in reproach of the late commonwealth, and of all 
 those worthies that therein endeavoured the people's freedom 
 and happiness. 
 
 The presbyterians* were now the white boys, and according 
 to their nature fell a thirsting, and then hunting after blood, 
 urging that God's blessing could not be upon the land, till 
 justice had cleansed it from the late king's blood. First 
 that fact was disowned, then all the acts made after it ren- 
 dered void, then an inquisition made after those that were 
 guilty thereof, but only seven were nominated of those that sat 
 in judgment on that prince, for exemplary justice, and a pro- 
 clamation sent for the rest to come in, upon penalty of losing 
 their estates. 
 
 While these things were debating in the house, at the first, 
 divers persons concerned in that business sat there, and when 
 the business came into question, every one of them spoke of 
 it according to their present sense. But Mr. Lenthall, son to 
 the late Speaker of that parliament, when the presbyterians 
 first called that business into question, though not at all con- 
 cerned in it himself, stood up and made such a handsome and 
 
 * It has been pretty generally reported and believed of the king, that he 
 was more inclined to confirm and augment than disturb or diminish the 
 extent of the amnesty he had proffered at Breda; and there are upon 
 record very honourable instances of many of the royalists exhibiting 
 spirit of forgiveness and reconciliation ; perhaps the most rational way f 
 accounting for the chief of the presbyterian party showing rigour, is to 
 suppose that they did it in order to remove from themselves the odium of 
 those violences of which they had been the original and remote cause, and 
 to cast it on those who were the immediate and proximate ones. Be the cause 
 or reasoning what it may, the fact is well established by the trials of the 
 regicides. 
 
 2 D2
 
 404 MEMOIKS OF COL. HTTTCHINSON. [1660. 
 
 honourable speech in defence of them all, as deserves eternal 
 honour. But the presbyterians called him to the bar for it, 
 where, though he mitigated some expressions, which might 
 be ill taken of the house, yet he spoke so generously, that it 
 will never be forgotten of him. Herein he behaved himself 
 Avith so much courage and honour as was not matched at 
 that time in England, for which he was looked on with an 
 evil eye, and, upon a pretence of treason, put in prison ; 
 from whence his father's money, and the lieutenant of the 
 tower's jealousy, delivered him. When it came to Ingoldsby's 
 turn, he, with many tears, professed his repentance for that 
 murder, and told a false tale, how Cromwell held his hand, 
 and forced him to subscribe the sentence, and made a most 
 whining recantation, after which he retired ; and another had 
 almost ended, when Colonel Hutchinson, who was not there 
 at the beginning, came in, and was told what they were about, 
 and that it would be expected he should say something. He 
 was surprised with a thing he expected not, yet neither then, 
 nor in any like occasion, did he ever fail himself, but told 
 them, " That for his actings in those days, if he had erred, 
 it was the inexperience of his age, and the defect of his 
 judgment, and not the malice of his heart, which had ever 
 prompted him to pursue the general advantage of his country 
 more than his own ; and if the sacrifice of him might conduce 
 to the public peace and settlement, he should freely submit 
 his life and fortunes to their disposal; that the vain expense 
 of his age, and the great debts his public employments had 
 run him into, as they were testimonies that neither avarice 
 nor any other interest had carried him on, so they yielded 
 him just cause to repent that he ever forsook his own blessed 
 quiet, to embark in such a troubled sea, where he had made 
 shipwreck of all things but a good conscience ; and as to 
 that particular action of the king, he desired them to believe 
 he had that sense of it that befitted an Englishman, a Chris-
 
 166U.] HIS SUSPEHSION. 405 
 
 tian, and a gentleman."* What he expressed was to this 
 effect, but so very handsomely delivered, that it took gener- 
 ally the whole house ; only one gentleman stood up and 
 said, he had expressed himself as one that was much more 
 sorry for the events and consequences than the actions ; but 
 another replied, that when a man's words might admit of two 
 interpretations, it befitted gentlemen always to receive that 
 which might be most favourable. As soon as the colonel had 
 spoken, he retired into a room where Ingoldsby was with 
 his eyes yet red, who had called up a little spite to succeed 
 his whinings, and embracing Col. Hutchinson, " O colonel," 
 said he, " did I ever imagine we could be brought to this ? 
 Could I have suspected it, when I brought them Lambert in 
 the other day, this sword should have redeemed us from 
 being dealt with as criminals, by that people for whom we 
 had so gloriously exposed ourselves." The colonel told him 
 he had foreseen, ever since those usurpers thrust out the 
 lawful authority of the land to enthrone themselves, it could 
 end in nothing else ; but the integrity of his heart, in all he 
 had done, made him as cheerfully ready to suffer as to triumph 
 in a good cause. The result of the house that day was to 
 suspend Colonel Hutchinson and the rest from sitting in tht 
 house. Monk, after all his great professions, now sat still, 
 and had not one word to interpose for any person, but was as 
 forward to set vengeance on foot as any man. 
 
 Mrs. Hutchinson, whom to keep quiet, her husband had 
 hitherto persuaded that no man would lose or suffer by this 
 
 * This speech will probably be considered as a specimen of art carried 
 as far as a man of honour would permit himself to go, and managed with 
 as much refinement and dexterity as the longest premeditation could have 
 produced; accordingly it furnished his friends with a topic for his defence, 
 without giving his adversaries grounds for reproaching him with tergi- 
 versation.
 
 406 MJ3MOIBS OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1660 63. 
 
 change, at this beginning was awakened, and saw that he 
 was ambitious of being a public sacrifice, and therefore, 
 herein only in her whole life, resolved to disobey him, and 
 to improve all the affection he had to her for his safety, and 
 prevailed with him to retire ; for she said, she would not live 
 to see him a prisoner. With her unquietness, she drove him 
 out of her own lodgings into the custody of a friend, in order 
 to his further retreat, if occasion should be, and then made 
 it her business to solicit all her friends for his safety. Mean- 
 while, it was first resolved in the house, that mercy should 
 be shown to some, and exemplary justice to others; then 
 the number was defined, and voted it should not exceed 
 seven ; then upon the king's own solicitation, that his sub- 
 jects should be put out of their fears, those seven were 
 named ; and after that a proclamation was sent for the rest 
 to come in. Colonel Hutchinson not being of the number of 
 those seven, was advised by all his friends to surrender him- 
 self, in order to secure his estate, and he was very earnest to 
 do it, when Mrs. Hutchinson would by no means hear of it: 
 but being exceedingly urged by his friends, that she would 
 hereby obstinately lose all their estate, she would not yet 
 consent that the colonel should give himself into custody, and 
 she had wrought him to a strong engagement, that he would 
 not dispose of himself without her. At length, being ac- 
 cused of obstinacy, in not giving him up, she devised a way 
 to try the house, and wrote a letter in his name to the 
 Speaker, to urge what might be in his favour, and to let 
 him know, that by reason of some inconveniency it might 
 be to him, he desired not to come under custody, and yet 
 should be ready to appear at their call ; and if they in- 
 tended any mercy to him, he begged they would begin it 
 in permitting him his liberty upon his parole, till they 
 should finally determine of him. This letter she conceived
 
 1660 63.] MRS. HTJTCHIXSON'S LETTER. 407 
 
 would try the temper of the house ; if they granted this, 
 she had her end, for he was still free ; if they denied it, 
 she might be satisfied in keeping him from surrendering 
 himself. 
 
 Having contrived and written this letter, before she carried 
 it to the colonel, a friend came to her out of the house, near 
 which her lodgings then were, and told her that if they had 
 but any ground to begin, the house was that day in a most 
 excellent temper towards her husband ; whereupon she wrote 
 her husband's name to the letter, and ventured to send it in, 
 being used sometimes to write the letters he dictated, and 
 her character not much differing from his. These gentle- 
 men who were moved to try this opportunity, were not the 
 friends she relied on ; but God, to show that it was he, not 
 they, sent two common friends, who had such good success 
 that the letter was very well received ; and upon that occa- 
 sion all of all parties spoke so kindly and effectually for him. 
 that he had not only what he desired, but was voted to be 
 free without any engagement ; and his punishment was only 
 that he should be discharged from the present parliament, 
 and from all offices, military or civil, in the state for ever ; 
 and upon his petition of thanks for this, his estate also was 
 voted to be free from all mulcts and confiscations. Many 
 providential circumstances concurred in this thing. That 
 which put the house into so good a humour towards the colonel 
 that day, was, that having taken the business of the king's 
 trial into consideration, certain committees were found to be 
 appointed to order the preparation of the court, the chairs 
 and cushions, and other formalities, wherein Colonel Hutch- 
 inson had nothing to do ;* but when they had passed their 
 
 * In Nelson's Trial of Charles I., it appears, that on Friday, January 
 12, when a committee was appointed for ordering the trial, and many mi- 
 nute particulars agreed to for the management of it, Colonel Hutchinson
 
 408 MEMOIRS OF COI,. HUTCHINSON. [1660 63. 
 
 votes for Ms absolute discharge and came to the sitting of 
 the court, he was found not to have been one day away. A 
 rogue that had been one of their clerks had brought in all 
 these informations ; and above all, poor Mrs. Hacker, think- 
 ing to save her husband, had brought up the warrant for 
 execution, with all their hands and seals.' 5 * 
 
 Sir Allen Apsley too, who, with all the kindest zeal of 
 friendship that can be imagined, endeavoured to bring off the 
 colonel, and used some artifice in engaging his friends for 
 him. There was a young gentleman, a kinsman of his, who 
 thirstily aspired after preferment, and Sir Allen had given 
 him hopes, upon his effectual endeavours for the colonel, 
 to introduce him ; who being a person that had understand- 
 ing enough, made no conscience of truth, when an officious lie 
 might serve his turn. This man, although he owed his life 
 to the colonel, and had a thousand obligations to Mrs. 
 Hutchinson's parents, yet not for their sakes, nor for virtue, 
 nor for gratitude, but for his own hopes, which he had of 
 Sir Allen Apsley, told some of the leading men among the 
 court party, that it was the king's desire to have favour 
 shown to the colonel ; whereupon Mr. Palmer, since Castle- 
 main,! was the first man that spoke for the colonel, whom 
 Finch most eloquently seconded. Then Sir George Booth 
 
 was absent, but attended most other days. On January 25, however, when 
 the sentence was suggested, he was absent, but was present at the signingi 
 and himself signed the warrant for execution. 
 
 * To those who have not read or not remembered the trials of the regi- 
 cides, it may be useful to remark, that Colonel Hacker was tried for super- 
 intending the execution of the king in his military capacity, for which it 
 seems this warrant was expected to prove a sufficient justification : and 
 perhaps it ought to have been so considered : but it is extraordinary that 
 his wife, before she gave up an instrument which seemed so precious 
 to those who were seeking revenge, had not stipulated for her husband's 
 pardon. 
 
 f This Mr. Palmer was the husband of the celebrated Mrs. Palmer,
 
 166063.] DISCHAKGED THE HOUSE. 409 
 
 and his party all appeared for the colonel, in gratitude for 
 his civility to them. For when the parliament had passed 
 by the rebellion of Lambert and Fleetwood, and those who 
 joined with them, and would not make their offences capital* 
 he had told the house, they could not without great parti- 
 ality punish these, and had moved much in their favour. 
 Mr. Pierrepont, and all the old sage parliament men, out of 
 very hearty kindness, spoke and laboured very effectually to 
 bring him clear off; and there was not at that day any 
 man that received a more general testimony of love and 
 good esteem from all parties than he did, not one of the most 
 violent hunters of blood opposing favour, and divers most 
 worthy persons giving a true and honourable testimony of 
 him. Although they knew his principles to be contrary to 
 theirs, yet they so justified his clear and upright carriage, 
 according to his own persuasion, that it was a record much 
 advancing his honour, and such as no man else in that day 
 received.* 
 
 Yet though he very well deserved it, I cannot so much 
 attribute that universal concurrence that was in the whole 
 house to express esteem for him and desire to save him, 
 to their justice and gratitude, as to an overruling power of 
 Him that orders all men's hearts, who was then pleased to 
 reserve his servant, even by the good and true testimony of 
 some that afterwards hated him and sought his ruin, for the 
 perseverance in that goodness, which then forced them to be 
 his advocates ; for even the worst and basest men have a 
 secret conviction of worth and virtue, which they never dare 
 to persecute in its own name. The colonel being thus dis- 
 
 mistress to Charles II., afterwards created Lady Castlemain and Duchess 
 of Cleveland. See Grammont's Memoirs. 
 
 * Mr. Lassels (probably Lascelles) enjoyed exactly a similar exemption, 
 the peculiar reasons for it are not accurately known, but it is natural to 
 suppose they were similar.
 
 410 MEMOIES OF COL. HUTCHINSOX. [1660 63. 
 
 charged the house, retired to a lodging further from West- 
 minster, and lay very private in the town, not coming into 
 any company of one sort or other, waiting till the act of ob- 
 livion were perfected, to go down again into the country ; 
 but when the act came to be passed in the house, then the 
 Lord Lexington set divers friends at work in the commons' 
 house to get a proviso inserted, that the Newarker's money, 
 which he paid into the committee of Haberdashers' Hall, 
 and was by that committee paid to the colonel for his pay, 
 might, with all the use of it, be paid out of the colonel's 
 estate. He forged many false pretences to obtain this ; but 
 it was rejected in the commons' house, and the bill going up 
 to the lords, it was passed without any provisoes. Only the 
 gentlemen who were the late king's judges, and w r ho were 
 decoyed to surrender themselves to custody by the house's 
 proclamation, after they had voted only seven to suffer, were 
 now given up to trial, both for their lives and estates, and put 
 into close prison ; where they were miserably kept, brought 
 shortly after to trial, condemned, and all their estates con- 
 fiscated and taken away, themselves kept in miserable bond- 
 age under that inhuman, bloody jailor, the lieutenant of the 
 Tower, who stifled some of them to death for want of air ; 
 and when they had not one penny, but what was given them 
 to feed themselves and their families, exacted abominable 
 rates for bare, unfurnished prisons ; of some forty pounds 
 for one miserable chamber ; of others double, besides undue 
 and unjust fees, which their poor wives were forced to beg 
 and engage their jointures and make miserable shifts for : 
 and yet this rogue had all this while three pounds a week 
 paid out of the exchequer for every one of them. At last, 
 when this would not kill them fast enough, and when some 
 alms were thus privately stolen into them, they were sent 
 away to remote and dismal islands, where relief could not
 
 1H60 63.] BARBAKISM OF MOJTK. 411 
 
 reach them, nor any of their relations take care of them : in 
 this they were a thousand times more miserable than those 
 that died, who were thereby prevented from the eternal in- 
 famy and remorse, which hope of life and estate made these 
 poor men bring upon themselves, by base and false recanta- 
 tions of their own judgments, against their consciences ; 
 which they wounded for no advantage, but lived ever after- 
 wards in misery themselves, augmented by seeing the misery 
 of their wretched families, and in the daily apprehension of 
 death, which, without any more formality, they are to expect 
 whenever the tyrant gives the word. And these are the 
 " tender MERCIES of the ivicked /"* Among which I cannot 
 forget one passage that I saw. Monk and his wife, before 
 they were removed to the Tower, while they were yet pri- 
 soners at Lambeth House, came one evening to the gar- 
 den and caused them to be brought down only to stare at 
 them, which was such a barbarism, for that man, who 
 
 * Almost all who have written any account of the transactions of those 
 days show a desire to gratify the faction which then prevailed, and have 
 endeavoured to establish a notion that great lenity was shown to all the 
 regicides who were not of the seven excepted : what it was we here 
 learn. 
 
 The English nation have long dealt on the hackneyed theme of French 
 oppression, lettres de cachet, bastilles, &c., and have affected an ignorance 
 of what has passed here, in full sight of a British parliament. Those who 
 have viewed the matter near at hand know very well that these superlative 
 powers were not at all more dangerous, nor so much abused in France as 
 here, nor the treatment near so rigorous. The prisons of state there were 
 always under the command of noblemen and military officers, who were 
 little likely to practise the jailor's arts. The more any office is despised, 
 the more vile hands will it fall into, and the more atrociously will it be 
 executed ; this reasoning sufficiently establishes the necessity of watching 
 with a jealous eye the conduct of these ministers of justice, if such they 
 should be called, in a country like this. A more desolating picture of 
 misery long drawn out can hardly be imagined. We shall again have to 
 notice the conduct of this lieutenant of the Tower.
 
 412 KEMOIKS OF COL. HUTCHIXSOX. [1660 63. 
 
 had betrayed so many poor men to death and misery that 
 never hurt him, but who had honoured him, and had trusted 
 their lives and interests with him, to glut his bloody eyes with 
 beholding them in their bondage, that no story can parallel 
 this inhumanity. 
 
 Colonel Scrope, who had been cleared by vote as the 
 colonel was, was afterwards rased out for nothing, and had the 
 honour to die a noble martyr. 
 
 Although the colonel was cleared both for life and estate in 
 the house of commons, yet he not answering the court expec- 
 tations in public recantations and dissembled repentance, and 
 applause of their cruelty to his fellows, the chancellor was 
 cruelly exasperated against him, and there were very great 
 endeavours to have rased him out of the act of oblivion. But 
 then Sir Allen Apsley solicited all his friends, as if it had 
 been for his own life, and divers honorable persons drew up a 
 certificate, with all the advantage they could, to procure him 
 favour ; who in all things that were not against the interest of 
 the state had ever pitied and protected them in their distresses.* 
 The Countess of Rochester wrote a very effectual letter to the 
 Earl of Manchester, making her request that the favour to him 
 might be confirmed as an obligation to her, to quit some that 
 she, and, as she supposed, her lord had received from him. 
 This letter was read in the house, and Sir Allen Apsley's 
 candidate for preferment again made no conscience of deceiv- 
 
 * The Countess of Rochester was the wife of Wilrnot, general of the 
 horse for the king, who upon disgust quitted his service, and, receiving a 
 passport, went abroad ; his wife expressed loyalty to, and received much 
 favour from, the parliament, as Whitelocke informs us; very likely by the 
 procurement of Colonel Hutchinson. The passage before us (and many 
 others such like) may serve as a useful memento to those who are engaged 
 in civil broils, to maintain all they can of private kindness, consistently with 
 what they think their public duty. For the honour of human nature let 
 due notice be taken of the steady friendship of Sir Allen Apsley.
 
 1660 63.] EXERTIONS IN HIS FAVOUR. 413 
 
 ing several lords, that the preserving of the colonel would be 
 acceptable to the king and the chancellor, who he now knew 
 hated his life. Many lords also of the colonel's relations and 
 acquaintance, out of kindness and gratitude (for there was not 
 one of them whom he had not in his day more or less obliged), 
 used very hearty endeavours for him. Yet Sir Allen Apsley's 
 interest and most fervent endeavours for him, was that only 
 which turned the scales, and the colonel was not excepted in 
 the act of oblivion to anything but offices. 
 
 The provisoes to the act of oblivion were all cut off, and it 
 was determined that those things should pass in particular 
 acts ; when the Lord Lexington got one for that Newark 
 money to be repaid out of the colonel's estate, with all the 
 interest for fourteen years. This act was committed, and the 
 colonel had counsel to plead against it, and the Marquis 
 Dorchester* having the chair, was wonderfully civil to the 
 colonel. The adverse counsel, having been men that practised 
 under the parliament, thought they could no way ingratiate 
 themselves so well as by making invectives against those they 
 formerly clawed with, and when, quite beside their matter, 
 they fell into railings against the injustice of the former times 
 and scandals of the colonel, the marquis checked them 
 severely, and bade them mind their cause: but Mr. Finch, 
 one of the colonel's counsel, after a lawyer had made a long 
 
 * The same whom, when Viscount Newark, Colonel Hutchinson rescued 
 from the violence of the countrymen at Nottingham ; to whom afterwards 
 the colonel made, at the request of her friends, the offer of the hand and 
 fortune of Lady Anne Somerset, and who so handsomely now evinces his 
 candour and gratitude. His character is well contrasted with that of Lord 
 Lexington, who in the first place obtained a peerage for the sacrifice of this 
 very money; next refused payment of it to the Newark ers, of whom he had 
 borrowed it ; then, upon being compelled to pay it, procured easy terms by 
 the colonel's interference; and now attempts to plunder his benefactor of 
 the whole !
 
 414 MEitOIES OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1660 63. 
 
 railing speech, which held them a tedious while, he replied, 
 " My lord, this gentleman hath taken up a great deal of time 
 to tell your lordship how unjust that parliament was, how 
 their committees perverted judgment and right, which he sets 
 forth with all his power of language to make them odious, 
 and in conclusion would persuade your lordship therefore to 
 do the same things." After the hearing at the committee, a 
 report was made so favourable for the colonel that the bill 
 was cast aside, and the house being then ready to adjourn, 
 most of the colonel's friends went out of town, which oppor- 
 tunity Lexington taking notice of, the very last day in a 
 huddle got the bill past the lords' house.* 
 
 Then the colonel went down into the country, and found it 
 necessary to reduce and change his family, which were many 
 of them people he took in for charity, when they could no 
 where else be received ; and they had been more humble and 
 dutiful while they were under hatches, but now that they 
 might find better preferments, they were not to be confided in ; 
 yet he dismissed not any of them without bountiful rewards, 
 and such kind dismissions as none but that false generation 
 would not have been obliged by. But some of them soon 
 afterwards betrayed him as much as was in their power, whose 
 prudence had so lived with them, that they knew nothing that 
 could hurt his person. 
 
 "When the colonel saw how the other poor gentlemen were 
 trepanned that were brought in by proclamation, and how the 
 whole cause itself, from the beginning to the ending, was 
 betrayed and condemned, notwithstanding that he himself, by 
 a wonderfully overruling providence of God, in that day was 
 preserved ; yet he looked upon himself as judged in their 
 judgment, and executed in their execution ; and although he 
 
 * The practice of parliament at that time must have differed from what 
 it now is, for such a bill to originate in the house of lords : we shall pre- 
 sently see it miscarry in the commons.
 
 1660 63."] HIS STUDIES IN THE COTJXTKY. 415 
 
 was most thankful to God, yet he was not very well satisfied 
 in himself for accepting the deliverance. His wife, who 
 thought she had never deserved so well of him, as in the 
 endeavours and labours she exercised to bring him off, never 
 displeased him more in her life, and had much ado to persuade 
 him to be contented with his deliverance ; which, as it was 
 eminently wrought by God, he acknowledged it with thank- 
 fulness. But while he saw others suffer, he suffered with 
 them in his mind, and, had not his wife persuaded him, he had 
 offered himself a voluntary sacrifice ; but being by her con- 
 vinced that God's eminent appearance seemed to have singled 
 him out for preservation, he with thanks acquiesced in that 
 thing ; and further remembering that he was but young at 
 the time when he entered into this engagement, and that many 
 who had preached and led the people into it, and many of 
 that parliament who had declared it to be treason not to 
 advance and promote that cause, were all now apostatised, and 
 as much preached against it, and called it rebellion and 
 murder, and sat on the tribunal to judge it ; he again reflected 
 seriously upon all that was past, and begged humbly of God to 
 enlighten him and show him his sin if ignorance or misunder- 
 standing had led him into error. But the more he examined 
 the cause from the first, the more he became confirmed in it, 
 and from that time set himself to a more diligent study of the 
 scriptures, whereby he attained confirmation in many principles 
 he had before, and daily greater enlightenings concerning the 
 free grace and love of God in Jesus Christ, and the spiritual 
 worship under the gospel, and the gospel liberty, which ought 
 not to be subjected to the wills and ordinances of men in the 
 service of God. This made him rejoice in all he had done in 
 the Lord's cause, and he would often say, the Lord had not 
 thus eminently preserved him for nothing, but that he was yet 
 kept for some eminent service or suffering in this cause ; 
 although having been freely pardoned by the present powers,
 
 410 MEMOIKS OF COL. HTTTCHIXSOX. J04S. 
 
 he resolved not to do anything against the king, but thought 
 himself obliged to sit still and wish his prosperity in all things 
 that were not destructive to the interest of Christ and his 
 members on earth; yet as he could not wish well to any ill 
 way, so he believed that God had set him aside, and that 
 therefore he ought to mourn in silence and retiredness, while 
 he lay under this obligation. 
 
 He had not been long at home before a pursuivant from the 
 council was sent to fetch him from his house at Owthorpe, 
 who carried him to the attorney-general. He, with all pre- 
 paratory insinuations, how much he would express his grati- 
 tude to the king and his repentance for his error, if he would 
 now deal ingenuously, in bearing testimony to what he should 
 be examined, sifted him very thoroughly ; but the colonel, 
 who was piqued at heart that they should thus use him, to 
 reserve him with an imagination that he would serve their 
 turns in witnessing to the destruction of the rest, composed 
 himself as well as he could, and resolved upon another testi- 
 mony than they expected, if they had really called him to any. 
 But the attorney-general was so ill satisfied with his private 
 examination that he would not venture a public one. He 
 dealt with him with all the art and flatteries that could be, to 
 make him but appear, in the least thing, to have deserted his 
 own and embraced the king's party ; and he brought the 
 warrant of execution to the colonel, and would fain have 
 persuaded him to own some of the hands, and to have 
 imparted some circumstances of the sealing, because himself 
 was present. But the colonel answered him, that in a 
 business transacted so many years ago, wherein life was con- 
 cerned, he durst not bear a testimony, having at that time 
 been so little an observer, that he could not remember the 
 least tittle of that most eminent circumstance, of Cromwell's 
 forcing Colonel Ingoldsby to set his unwilling hand, which, if 
 !>;? UJe had depended on that circumstance, he could not have
 
 1660 63.] HIS APPEAKANCE IN COUKX. 417 
 
 affirmed. " And then. Sir," said he, " if I have lost so great 
 a thing as that, it cannot be expected less eminent passages 
 remain with me." Then being shown the gentlemen's 
 hands, he told him he was not weii acquainted with them, as 
 having had commerce with but few of them by letters; and 
 those he could own, he could only say they resembled the 
 writings which he was acquainted with ; among these he only 
 picked out Cromwell's, Ireton's, and my Lord Grey's. The 
 attorney-general, very ill-satisfied with his private examina- 
 tion, dismissed him; yet was he served with a writ to appear 
 in the court the next day. The colonel had been told that, 
 when they were in distress for witnesses to make up their 
 formality, Colonel Ingoldsby had put them upon sending for 
 him, which made him give that instance to the attorney.* 
 The next day the court sat, and the colonel was fetched in 
 and made to pass before the prisoners' faces, but examined in 
 nothing ; which he much waited for, for the sight of the 
 prisoners, with whom he believed himself to stand at the bar ; 
 and the sight of their judges, among whom was that vile 
 traitor who had sold the men that trusted him; and he that 
 openly said he abhorred the word accommodation, when 
 moderate men would have prevented the war ; and the 
 colonel's own dear friend, who had wished damnation to his 
 soul if he ever suffered penny of any man's estate, or hair oi 
 any man's head, to be touched; the sight of these f had so 
 
 * Risum teneatis. The subject is too serious for laughter, but an invo- 
 luntary smile will be excited by this sarcasm, so well pointed. It is no 
 wonder the attorney-general did not wish to examine him further ! 
 
 t Monk, Ashley Cooper, and Hollis. Does not every one feel his indig- 
 nation roused at this wanton outrage upon decency? Perhaps Colonel 
 Hutchinson's appearance in court may have been misconstrued by many, 
 as they might be ignorant that it was involuntary, and no one but himself 
 could know that he meant to give evidence contrary to what was desired of 
 nim. 
 
 2 E
 
 418 MEMOIES OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1660 63 
 
 provoked his spirit that, if he had been called to speak, he 
 was resolved to have borne testimony to the cause and against 
 the court; but they asking him nothing, he went to his lodg- 
 ing, and so out of town, and would not come any more into 
 their court, but sent the attorney-general word he could wit- 
 ness nothing, and was sick with being kept in the crowd and 
 in the press, and therefore desired to be excused from coming 
 any more thither. The attorney made a very malicious report 
 of him to the chancellor and to the king, insomuch that his 
 ruin was then determined, and an opportunity only was 
 watched to effect it.* 
 
 When Sir A. Apsley came to the chancellor he was in a 
 great rage and passion, and fell upon him with much vehe- 
 mence. " O Nail," said he, " what have you done ? you 
 have saved a man that would be ready, if he had opportunity, 
 to mischief us as much as ever he did." Sir Allen was forced 
 to stop his mouth, and tell him, that he believed his brother 
 a less dangerous person than those he had brought into the 
 king's council, meaning Maynard and Glynne ;f but the truth 
 is, from that time, all kindness that any one expressed to the 
 colonel was ill resented, and the Countess of Rochester was 
 also severely rebuked for having appeared so kind to the 
 colonel. 
 
 When tne parliament sat again, the colonel sent up his 
 wife to solicit his business in the house, that the Lord Lex- 
 
 * The king intimated to the lords, when there were disputes on foot 
 respecting the exceptions to the bill of indemnity, that " other ways might 
 be found to meet with those of turbulent and factious spirits :" thereby 
 showing that he had, like the rest of his family, secret reserves for rendering 
 insignificant his public acts. 
 
 t Maynard and Glynne had chimed in not only with the parliament but 
 with Cromwell, under whom both held offices. The chancellor will here- 
 after fiad them dangerous inmates; in pushing the affair of his accusation 
 and exile.
 
 1660 63.] THE DESIGNS AGAINST HIM. 419 
 
 ington's bill might not pass the lower house. At her first 
 coming to town a parliament-man, a creature of Worcester- 
 house, being in his coach, she out of hers called to him, who 
 was her kinsman, and desired his vigilance to prevent her 
 injury. " I could wish," said he, " it had been finished last 
 time, for your husband hath lately behaved himself so ill, that 
 it will pass against him." She answered, "I pray let my 
 friends but do their endeavours for me, and then let it be as 
 God will." He, smiling at her, replied, " It is not now as 
 God ivill* hit as we will." However, notwithstanding many 
 other discouragements, she waited upon the business every 
 day, when her adversaries as diligently solicited against her. 
 One day a ftiend came out of the house and told her that they 
 were that day so engaged that she might go home and rest 
 secure that nothing would be done ; and that day most of her 
 friends were away, and her opposites took this opportunity to 
 bring it into the house, which was now much alienated, 
 especially all the court party, from the colonel ; but God, to 
 show that not friends, nor diligence, preserved our estates, 
 stirred up the hearts of strangers to do us justice, and the bill 
 was thrown out when we had scarce one of those friends we 
 relied on in the house. 
 
 Presently after Mrs. Hutchinson came to town, a kinsman 
 of hers, fallen into the wicked counsels of the court, came to 
 visit her one evening, and had been so freely drinking as to 
 unlock his bosom, when he told her that the king had been 
 lately among them where he was, and told them that they 
 had saved a man, meaning Colonel Hutchinson, who would 
 do the same thing for him that he had done for his father; 
 for he was still unchanged in his principles, and readier to 
 protect than to accuse any of his associates, and would not 
 discover any counsels or designs, or any party, though he was 
 
 * This well marks the change of style that had taken place. 
 2-E 2
 
 420 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTTTCHIXSOX. [1660 63. 
 
 known to have hated them.* Then this gentleman told her 
 how contemptuous a carriage it was, that he would only own 
 to the signatures of those who were dead, and how they were 
 resolved his pardon should never pass the seal, and what a 
 desperate condition he was reduced to. Having thus affrighted 
 her, then, to draw her in by examples, he told her how the 
 late statesmen's wives came and offered them all the informa- 
 tions they had gathered from their husbands, and how she 
 could not but know more than any of them ; and if yet she 
 would impart anything that might show her gratitude, she 
 might redeem her family from rum ; and then he particularly 
 told her how her husband had been intimate with Vane, 
 Pierrepont, and St. John, whose counsels they knew had 
 gone far in this matter, and that if she would prevent others 
 in the declaring them, she might much advantage herself. 
 But she told him, she perceived that any safety one could 
 buy of them was not worth the price of honour and con- 
 science ; that she knew nothing of state managements, or if 
 she did, she would not establish herself upon any man's blood 
 and ruin. Then he employed all his wit to circumvent her in 
 discourse, and to have gotten something out of her concerning 
 some persons they aimed at, which, if he could, I oelieve it 
 would have been beneficial to him ; but she discerned his 
 drift, and scorned to become an informer, and made him 
 believe she was ignorant, though she could have enlightened 
 him in the very thing he sought for ; which they are now 
 
 * The king's satirical favourite, Rochester, reports of him that he never 
 said a foolish thing; but surely this was not a very wise one ! How could 
 he have faith in any such sudden changes ? What he did not mean to do 
 he did, which was to establish Colonel Hutchinson's steadiness and con- 
 sistency beyond question. We know from this history that Colonel Hut- 
 chinson's sense of honour was a complete safeguard against him; but this 
 was a principle of which Charles felt not, and affected to disbelieve, the 
 existence.
 
 1660 63.] HIS WIFE TEMPTED BY A KINSMAN. 421 
 
 never likely to know much of, it being locked up in the 
 grave, and they that survive not knowing that their secrets 
 are removed into another cabinet.* After all, natural affec- 
 
 * Any who are delighted with the discovery of a secret will be dis- 
 appointed that Mrs. Hutchinson did not even here reveal hers, but resisted 
 the bewitching vanity of showing the confidence that had been reposed in 
 her by betraying it. She might perhaps, with great propriety, think it not 
 prudent to commit it to writing, though it was to be read only by her own 
 family. Of the persons here named, Sir H. Vane, it is well known, was 
 sacrificed to the manes of Lord Straft'ord, whose attainder he was supposed 
 in a great measure to have procured; but there seems not to have been 
 any pretence for excepting him out of the amnesty. He viewed his fate, 
 and the king who sentenced him to it, with equal contempt; and the 
 passage before us is a proof of the fidelity he maintained towards his 
 associates. St. John was excluded from all offices; but Pierrepont escaped 
 untouched in all respects, and represented the county of Nottingham in the 
 short parliament which restored the king, but appears not to have been re- 
 chosen in that which succeeded it. That he who was so deeply engaged 
 should have come off so well, is matter of wonder, and the more so when 
 we take into consideration the following particulars. 
 
 The ingenious writer of the critique of this work in the Annual Review, 
 conjectures that the secret which this friend of Mrs. Hutchinson en- 
 deavoured to extort from her was, the name of that consider able person who 
 had formed the design of settling the state under Richard Cromwell, as 
 mentioned in p. 378 : this is highly probable, and still more so that this 
 person was Mr. William Pierrepont, and that the royalists aimed peculiarly 
 at his destruction, as will appear from many passages that are to be found 
 in the third volume of Clarendon's State Papers. In one part the good 
 will of Pierrepont to Richard Cromwell and Richard's respect for him is 
 spoken of : in another Hyde instructs his spies to " gam Thurloe, whom he 
 thinks considerable, and he would gain St. John and Pierrepont," adding 
 significantly, " they have manifested that they have no inveterate objection 
 to a single person, and the right heir is the best person." In another 
 place it is said by one of the spies that " St. John, Pierrepont, and Thurloe, 
 continue to cabal and press the general (Monk); three such evil beasts do 
 not exist" But when Pierrepont is reported to be ill, the most eager 
 wishes are expressed for his death. No doubt hut the virtuous minister* 
 of Charles II. dreaded his abilities and integrity as they coveted his pro-
 
 422 MEMOIES OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1660 63. 
 
 tion working at that time with the gentleman, he in great 
 kindness advised her that her husband should leave England. 
 She told him he could not conveniently, and the act of 
 oblivion being passed, she knew not why he should fear, who 
 was resolved to do nothing that might forfeit the grace he 
 had found. But he told her it was determined that, if there 
 was the least pretence in the world, the colonel would be 
 imprisoned, and never be again let loose, which warning, 
 though others of her friends said it was but an effect of his 
 wine, the consequence proved it but too true. 
 
 She advertised the colonel and persuaded him, being also 
 advised to the same by other friends, to go out of England, 
 but he would not : he said this was the place where God had 
 set him, and protected him hitherto, and it would be in him 
 an ungrateful distrust of God to forsake it.* At this time he 
 would have sold part of his estate to pay his debts, but the 
 purcnasers scrupled, desiring to see his pardon, which he not 
 having, was fain to break off the treaty ; and though all his 
 friends laboured for it, the chancellor utterly refused it. 
 There was a thousand pounds offered to one person to pro- 
 cure it, but it was tried several times and could not be passed, 
 by reason of which he lost the opportunity then of settling his 
 estate ; yet a year afterwards a little solicitor shuffled it in 
 
 perty : but supported by such connexions as he was, they could not venture 
 to attack him without some clear and strong information against him. 
 That these harpies were disappointed in their project of extinguishing this 
 eminent patriot and his family, and pouncing on their possessions, may 
 then most likely be attributed to the constancy and discretion of Mrs. 
 Hutchinson. 
 
 * This is a pregnant instance of Colonel Hutchinson's strong belief in 
 the decrees of providence, and at the same time of his sincere conformity 
 to them : it is much to be regretted that he adhered so minutely and 
 literally to it, instead of making use of his own and his friends' discretion. 
 He might well have lived to see the happy Revolution, and have returned 
 and benefited his native country again by his spirit, wisdom, and experience.
 
 1660 63.] LORD LEXINGTON'S BILL THROWN OUT. 423 
 
 among many others, and managed it so dexterously that it 
 passed all the seals. The colonel's estate being in mortgage 
 with a peevish alderman, who designed to have bought it for 
 little or nothing, he had a great trouble with him ; for having 
 procured him his money, he would not assign the mortgage, 
 and the others would not lend the money without assignment 
 from him, so that it put the colonel to many inconveniences 
 and great expense. 
 
 This parliament being risen, another was called by the 
 king's writ, wherein the act of oblivion was again confirmed, 
 not without some canvassing and opposition ; and here again 
 another act about that money of the Lord Lexington's was 
 prepared and twice read in the house, through divers abomi- 
 nable untruths which they had forged and possessed the 
 members withal. The colonel himself solicited his own 
 defence, and had all the injustice and foul play imaginable at 
 the committee appointed to examine it, and it was so des- 
 perate that all his friends persuaded him to compound it; 
 but he would not, though his enemies offered it, but he said 
 he would either be cleared by a just, or ruined by an unjust 
 sentence, and, pursuing it with his usual alacrity and vigour 
 in all things, he at last removed that prepossession that some 
 of the gentlemen had against him ; and clearing himself to 
 some that were most violent, it pleased God to turn the 
 hearts of the house at last to do him justice, and to throw out 
 the bill for evermore, which was a great mercy to him and 
 his family, for it was to have thrown him out of possession of 
 all the estates he had, and to have put them into his enemies' 
 hands till they had satisfied themselves. But the defending 
 himself was very chargeable to him, and not only so, but this 
 rumour of trouble upon his estate, and the brags of his 
 enemies, and the cloud he lay under, hindered him both from 
 letting and selling, and improving his estate, so that it very 
 much augmented his debt.
 
 424 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHIXSOX. [1660 63. 
 
 Before this time, in December, 1660, Captain Cooper sent 
 one Broughton, a lieutenant, and Andrews, a cornet, with a 
 company of soldiers, who plundered his house at Owthorpe, 
 while he was absent, of all the weapons they found in it, to 
 his very wearing-swords, and his own armour for himself, 
 although at that time there was no prohibition of any person 
 whatsoever to have or wear arms. The colonel was not then 
 at home, and the arms were laid up in a closet within his 
 chamber, which they searched, and all the house over, to see 
 if they could have found plate or any thing else ; but when 
 they could not, they carried these away, which one of his 
 servants, whom he had dismissed with a good reward, be- 
 trayed to them. His eldest son went to the Marquis of 
 Newcastle, lord lieutenant of the county, and complained of 
 the violence of the soldiers, and my lord gave him an order 
 to have the swords and other things back, and some pistols 
 which were the Lord Byron's, but Mr. Cooper contemned my 
 lord's order, and would not obey it. The arms were worth 
 near 100. 
 
 Also an order came down from the secretary, commanding 
 certain pictures and other things the colonel had bought 
 out of the late king's collection, which had cost him in ready 
 money between 1000 and 1500, and were of more value; 
 and these, notwithstanding the act of oblivion, were all taken 
 from him. 
 
 After these troubles were over from without, the colonel 
 lived with all imaginable retiredness at home, and because 
 Ids active spirit could not be idle nor very sordidly employed, 
 he took up his time in opening springs, and planting trees, 
 and dressing his plantations ; and these were his recreations, 
 wherein he relieved many poor labourers when they wanted 
 work, which was a very comfortable charity to them and 
 their families : with these he would entertain himself, giving 
 them much encouragement in their honest labours, so that
 
 1660 63.] DEATH OF HIS DAUGHTER-IN-LAW. 425 
 
 they delighted to be employed by him. His business was 
 serious revolving the law of God, wherein he laboured to in- 
 struct his children and servants, and enjoyed himself with 
 much patience and comfort, not envying the glories and 
 honours of the court, nor the prosperity of the wicked ; but 
 only grieved that the straitness of his own revenues would 
 not supply his large heart to the poor people in affliction. 
 Some little troubles he had in his own house. His son, un- 
 known to him, married a very worthy person,* but with the 
 manner of Avhich he was so discontented that he once re- 
 solved to have banished them for ever, but his good nature 
 was soon overcome, and he received them into his bosom ; 
 and for the short time he enjoyed her, he had no less love 
 for her than for any of his own children. And indeed she 
 was worthy of it, applying herself with such humble dutiful- 
 ness and kindness to repair her fault, and to please him in 
 all things he delighted in, that he was ravished with the joy 
 of her, who loved the place not as his own wife did, only 
 because she was placed in it, but with a natural affection, 
 which encouraged him in all the pains he took to adorn it, 
 when he had one to leave it to that would esteem it. She 
 was besides naturalised into his house and interests, as if she 
 had had no other regard in the world ; she was pious and 
 cheerful, liberal and thrifty, complaisant and kind to all the 
 family, and the freest from humour of any women ; loving 
 home, without melancholy or sullenness, observant of her 
 father and mother, not with regret, but with delight, and the 
 most submissive, affectionate wife, that ever was. But she, 
 and all the joy of her sweet, saint-like conversation, ended 
 in a lamented grave, about a year after her marriage, when 
 she died in childbirth, and left the sweetest babe behind her 
 that ever was beheld, whose face promised all its mother's 
 graces, but death within eight weeks after her birth, ravished 
 * The daughter of Sir Alexander Ratcliffe, of the Royalist party.
 
 426 MEMOIKS OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1660 63. 
 
 this sweet blossom, whose fall opened fresh the wounds of sor- 
 row for her mother, thus doubly lost. While the mother lived, 
 which was ten days after her delivery, the colonel and his 
 wife employed all imaginable pains and cares for her recovery, 
 whereof they had often hopes, but in the end all was in vain ; 
 she died, and left the whole house in very sensible affliction, 
 which continued upon the colonel and his wife till new 
 strokes awakened them out of the silent sorrow of this fune- 
 ral. Her husband having no joy in the world after she was 
 gone, for some months shut himself up with his grief in his 
 chamber, out of which he was hardly persuaded to go, and 
 when he did, every place about home so much renewed 
 his remembrance of her, that he could not think of her but 
 with deep affliction ; so, being invited by his friends abroad 
 to divert his melancholy,* he grew a little out of love with 
 home, which was a great damping to the pleasures his father 
 took in the place: but he, how eager soever he was in the 
 love of any worldy thing, had that moderation of spirit that 
 he submitted his will always to God, and endeavoured to 
 give him thanks in all things. 
 
 This winter, about October and the following months, the 
 papists began to be very high, and some strangers were come 
 into Nottingham, who were observed to distinguish them- 
 selves by scarlet ribbons in their hats ; and one night, in a 
 drunken humour, a papist fired a hay barn in a wood-yard 
 in Nottingham, which, if not discovered and prevented by 
 many providences, might have endangered much of the town : 
 but it did 200 worth of mischief; but the matter was shuf- 
 fled up and compounded, although on the same night several 
 other towns were attempted to be fired. A great papist, at 
 Eastwold, was known to assemble two hundred men in arms 
 in the night, and some of the Lord Carrington's tenants, who 
 went to Arundel House to speak with their landlord, observed 
 
 * Mr. Thomas Hutchinson did not many again, but died without issue.
 
 16(50 63.] MISCONDUCT OF THE PAPISTS. 427 
 
 very strange suspicious signs of some great business on foot 
 among the papists, who, both in Nottinghamshire and Lei- 
 cestershire, were so exalted, that the very country people 
 everywhere apprehended some insurrection. Among the 
 rest, there was a light-headed, debauched young knight, living 
 in the next town to Owthorpe, who vapoured beyond all 
 bounds, and had twelve pair of holsters for pistols at one 
 time of the colonel's saddler, and rode at that time with half 
 a dozen men armed, up and down the country, and sent them, 
 and went himself, to several men who had been soldiers in 
 the army, to offer them brave terms to enlist under him, telling 
 them, that they, meaning the papists, should have a day 
 for it. Besides, he, with the parson of the parish, and some 
 other men, at an alehouse, began a health to the confusion of 
 all the protestants in England ; and one of the colonel's maids 
 going to Colson, to have a sore eye cured by a woman in 
 the town, heard there that he had vapoured that the papists 
 should shortly have their day, and that he would not leave 
 one alive in the colonel's house. He sent to the preacher of 
 Cotgrove, to forbid him to preach on gunpowder treason-day, 
 threatening to kill him if he did, insomuch that the town 
 were forced to keep a guard all that day upon the steeple. 
 
 The men whom the papists had endeavoured to enlist, ac- 
 quainted the colonel with it, whereof some being in Leicester- 
 shire, the colonel sent his son to Sir George Villiers, one 
 of the deputy-lieutenants of that county, to acquaint him 
 with it ; but he slighted the matter, although at that time it 
 could have been proved that Golding brought a whole 
 coach laden with pistols, as many as they could stuff under 
 the seats and in the boots, to the house of one Smith, a 
 papist, dwelling at Quineborough, in Leicestershire. The 
 colonel also sent to the deputy-lieutenants of our county to 
 acquaint them with the public danger, and how he himself 
 was threatened ; and, by reason that his house had been
 
 428 MEMOIKS OF COL. HUXCHINSON. [1660 63. 
 
 disarmed, desired that he might have leave to procure some 
 arms necessary to defend it; but they sent him word that the 
 insurrection of the papists was but a fanatic jealousy, and 
 if he were afraid, they would send him a guard, but durst 
 not allow him to arm his house. He, disdaining their secu- 
 rity who would not trust him with his own, would have taken 
 a house at Nottingham for his wife to lie in, who being then 
 big with child, was near her account ; but although she was 
 fearful, yet when she found him resolved to stay in his own 
 house, she would not go ; whereupon he made strong shut- 
 ters to all his low windows with iron bars ; and that very 
 night that they sat up, the house was attempted to be broken 
 in, and the glass of one of the great casements broken, and 
 the little iron bars of it crashed asunder. Mrs. Hutchin- 
 son being up late, heard the noise, and thought somebody 
 had been forcing the doors, but, as we since heard, it was 
 Golding who made the attempt. The common people, every- 
 where falling into suspicion of the papists, began to be 
 highly offended at their insolence, and to mutter strange 
 words ; whether it was this, or what else we know not, 
 but their design proceeded no further ; yet there is nothing 
 more certain than that at that time they had a design of rising 
 generally all over England in arms. But the colonel lived 
 so retired that he never understood how it was taken up, 
 and how it fell off, yet, although they would not take the 
 alarm from him, even the gentlemen of the county after- 
 wards believed they were hatching some mischief, and 
 feared it. 
 
 The colonel continued his usual retirement all that winter 
 and the next summer, about the end of which he dreamt 
 one night that he saw certain men in a boat upon the Thames, 
 labouring "against wind and tide, to oring their boat, which 
 stuck in the sands, to shore ; at which he, being in the boat, 
 was angry with them, and told them they toiled in vain, and
 
 166063.] HIS DREAM. 429 
 
 would never effect their purpose; but, said he, let 'it alcne and 
 let me try ; whereupon he laid himself down in the boat, and 
 applying his breast to the head of it, gently shoved it along, 
 till he came to land on the Southwark side, and there, going 
 out of the boat, he walked into the most pleasant lovely fields, 
 so green and flourishing, and so embellished with the cheer- 
 ful sun that shone upon them, that he never saw anything so 
 delightful, and there he met his father, who gave him certain 
 leaves of laurel which had many words written on them 
 which he could not read. The colonel was never super- 
 stitious of dreams, but this stucK a little in his mind, and 
 we were therefore seeking applications of it, which proved to 
 be nothing in the event, but that having afforded one, I know 
 not whether the dream might not have been inspired. The boat 
 represented the commonwealth, which several unquiet people 
 sought to enfranchise, by vain endeavours against wind and 
 tide, paralleling the plots and designs some impatient people 
 then carried on without strength, or council, or unity among 
 themselves ; his lying down and shoving it with his breast, 
 might signify the advancement of the cause by the patient 
 suffering of the martyrs, among which his own was to be 
 eminent ; and on the other side of the river his landing, 
 into walks of everlasting pleasure, he dying on that shore, 
 and his father's giving him these laurel leaves with unin- 
 telligible characters, foretold him those triumphs which he 
 could not read in his mortal estate. But to let dreams pass, 
 I cannot here omit one story, though not altogether so 
 much of the colonel's concern, yet happening this summer, 
 is not unworthy of mention. Mr. Palmer, a certain non- 
 conformist preacher, was taken at his own house in Not- 
 tingham, by the mayor of the town, for preaching, upon the 
 Lord's day, and some others with him (whereof one was 
 formerly a servant of the colonel's, and had married one of 
 his maids), and put into the town's gaol, where they continued
 
 430 MEMOIKS OF COL. HtTTCHIXSON. [1660 63. 
 
 about two 6r three months. There being a grated window 
 in the prison, which was almost even with the ground, and 
 looked into the street, all people coming by might see these 
 poor people, kept in a damp, ill-favoured room, where they 
 patiently exhorted and cheered one another. One Lord's 
 day, after sermon time, the prisoners were singing a psalm, 
 and the people as they passed up and down, when they came 
 to the prison, stood still, till there were a great many gathered 
 about the window at which Mr. Palmer was preaching ; 
 whereupon the mayor, one Toplady, who had formerly been a 
 parliament officer, but was now a renegade, came violently with 
 his officers, and beat the people, and thrust some into prison 
 that were but passing the street, kicked and pinched the men's 
 wives in his rage, and was but the more exasperated, when 
 some of them told him, how ill his fury became him who had 
 once been one of them. The next day, or a few days after, 
 having given order that the prisoners should every Lord's day 
 after be locked in the coal-house, he went to London and 
 made information, I heard on oath, to the council, that a 
 thousand of the country came into the town armed, and 
 marched to the prison window to hear the prisoner preach ; 
 whereupon he procured an order for a troop of horse to 
 be sent down to quarter at Nottingham to keep the fana- 
 tics in awe. But one who had a relation to the town, be- 
 ing then at court, and knowing this to be false, certified to 
 the contrary and prevented the troop. After the mayor came 
 down, he was one night taken with a vomiting of blood, and 
 being ill, called his man and his maid, who also at the 
 same time fell a bleeding, and were all ready to be choked 
 in their own blood, which at last stopping, they came to assist 
 him; but after that he never lifted up his head, but languished 
 for a few months and died. 
 
 While these poor people were in prison, the colonel sent 
 them some money, and as soon as their time was expired, 

 
 1660 63.J ANECDOTE OF THE NONCONFOKMISTS. 431 
 
 Mr. Palmer came to Owthorpe to give him thanks, and 
 preached there one Lord's day.* Whether this was taken 
 notice of is not evident, but within a short time after, upon 
 the Lord's day, the llth of October, 1663, the colonel having 
 that day finished the expounding of the Epistle to the Romans 
 to his household, and the servants being gone off out of the 
 parlour from him, one of them came in and told him soldiers 
 were come into the house. He was not at all surprised, but 
 stayed in the room till they came in, who were conducted by 
 Atkinson, one of those Newark men, who had so violently 
 before prosecuted him at the parliament, and he told the 
 colonel he must go along with them, after they had searched 
 
 * This transaction is seemingly of small note; but will be found of the 
 last importance to the parties concerned. By the declaration from Breda, 
 " Liberty was granted to tender consciences, and none were to be 
 questioned for difference of opinion in matters of religion, which do not 
 disturb the peace of the kingdom." But the parliament which was chosen 
 after the restoration, and which consisted in a great degree of tories and 
 high churchmen, encouraged and led on by the chancellor, passed several 
 severe acts against all dissenters indiscriminately. Particularly one called 
 the Act of Uniformity, and this they followed up with an act forbidding 
 nonconformists to frequent conventicles, under which probably Mr. Palmer 
 was seized. As it had been declared that those who differed from the 
 church could not fail to be enemies to the state, and that the fanatics as 
 they called them, resorted to these means under pretence of religion, but 
 in reality to form and ripen plots and seditions, and that principally for 
 this reason these acts were framed, this renegade very aptly introduced his 
 thousand men in arms. 
 
 How far it was discreet in Colonel Hutchinson at such a juncture to let 
 this man preach at Owthorpe, on whom a mark had been set, is doubtful ; 
 it seems that in general he confined his religious opinions and worship to 
 his own house, and was of course inoffensive even to the captious govern- 
 ment under which he lived. 
 
 The manner, time, and place of his being seized, demonstrate the false- 
 hood of the legend contained in Throsby's edition of Thoroton's Notting- 
 hamshire, of his long concealment in his own house, and at last being taken 
 coming home from church.
 
 432 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1660 63. 
 
 the house ; for which the colonel required their commission, 
 which at the first they said they need not show, but after- 
 wards they showed him an order from Mr. Francis Leke, 
 one of the deputy-lieutenants, forthwith to repair to his 
 house, to search for and bring away what arms they could 
 find, and to seize his person. All which they did, and found 
 no arms in the house but four birding-guns, that hung open 
 in the kitchen, which being the young gentleman's, they left 
 at that time. It was after sunset when they came, and they 
 -vere at least two hours searching every corner and all about 
 the house, and the colonel was not at that time very well 
 in health, and not having been on horseback for six months 
 before, had neither horses nor saddles at that time in the 
 house ; the coachman was also gone away, and the coach- 
 horses turned out, and it was as bitter a stormy, pitchy, dark, 
 black, rainy night as any that year ; all which considered, 
 the colonel desired that they Avould but stay for the morning 
 light, that he might accommodate himself ; but they would 
 not, but forced him to go along with them then, his eldest 
 son lending him a horse, and also voluntarily accompanying 
 him to Newark, where, about four o'clock in the morning, 
 he was brought into the Talbot, and put into a most vile 
 room, and two soldiers kept guard upon him in that room. 
 
 And now what they ailed we knew not, but they were all 
 seized with a panic fear, and the whole country fiercely 
 alarmed, and kept at Newark many days at intolerable 
 charges, and I think they never yet knew what they were 
 sent for in to do, but to guard Colonel Hutchinson; who 
 being at first put into a room that looked into the street, 
 was afterwards removed into a back room, worse, if worse 
 could be, and so bad that they would not let the Duke of 
 Buckingham's footmen lodge in it ; and here he continued, 
 no man coming to him nor letting him know why he was 
 brought in. The next day Mrs. Hutchinson sent him some
 
 1663.] CONFINEMENT AT NEWARK. 433 
 
 linen, and as soon as the man came, Tomson, the host of the 
 inn, would not suffer him to see his master, but seized him 
 and kept him prisoner two days. Mr. Thomas Hutchinson 
 had a mare which the innkeeper had a desire to buy, and his 
 father persuaded him to let him have her though worth more 
 money, who" thereupon agreed on the price, only Tomson 
 desired him to let him try the mare six miles, which he conde- 
 scended to, upon condition that if Tomson rode the mare above 
 six miles he should pay the money for her, and furnish Mr. 
 Hutchinson with a horse home, or to my Lord of Newcastle's, 
 or for any other occasion he had while he was at Newark. 
 Upon this bargain Tomson had the mare, but instead of 
 going but six miles, he led a greater party of horse than 
 those who had first seized the colonel, to Owthorpe, and 
 coming in after sunset, to the affright of Mrs. Hutchinson 
 and her children, again searched their house more narrowly 
 if possible than at first, with much more insolent behaviour, 
 although they found no more than at first ; but they took 
 away the birding-guns they had left before, and from Ow- 
 thorpe went to Nottingham, where they took one Captain 
 Wright and Lieutenant Frank, who had been Lambert's ad- 
 jutant-general, and brought the poor men to Newark, where 
 they are yet prisoners, and to this day know not why.* 
 Several others were taken prisoners, among the rest one 
 Whittinton, a lieutenant, who, being carried to prison, " Col. 
 Hutchinson," said he, " hath betrayed us all ;" such were 
 the base jealousies of our own party over him, who, because 
 he was not hanged at first, imagined and spoke among them- 
 selves all the scandals that could be devised of him, as one 
 that had deserted the cause, and lay private here in the 
 country to trepan all the party, and to gather and transmit 
 
 * This shows that the confinement of these persons lasted still longer 
 than Colonel Hutchinson's, and likewise that this history as written whiU- 
 the events were still recent and fresh in the memory. 
 2 P
 
 434 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTJTCHINSON. [1663. 
 
 all intelligence to the court, and a thousand such things, 
 giving each other warning to take heed of coming near him. 
 Those who began to render him thus odious among his own 
 party were the Lambertonians, in malice because he had 
 openly opposed their rebellious insolencies against the par- 
 liament. Frank, Whittington, Sec. were of these, but the 
 colonel would not hazard himself to rectify their unjust 
 thoughts, and had no resort of his own friends, the more 
 sober and honest men of the party ; only, as much as the 
 straights that were upon him would allow, he would send 
 them relief when any of them were in distress. Hereupon 
 some, convinced of the injuries they did him, about this time 
 sought to do him right, in some meeting where one of the 
 Buckingham's trepans was, and said he was unchanged in 
 his principles, which was all that ever I could hear was in- 
 formed against him, but anything would serve for those who 
 sought a pretence.* 
 
 While the colonel was at Newark, Golding, the papist, 
 was a very busy fellow in spying and watching his house at 
 Owthorpe, and sending in frivolous stories, which amounted 
 to nothing, but declaring his pitiful malice, as they that re- 
 ceived them afterwards told the colonel. 
 
 When Tomson came back, Mr. Hutchinson, out of the win- 
 dow, spied his own gun, which some of the men brought in, 
 and soon understood that this rogue had made use of his own 
 horse to plunder him. At night Tomson, the host, came up 
 
 * The whole history of the reign of Charles the Second is filled with 
 plots, real or imaginary, but mostly the latter. Of all the engines of state 
 the most nefarious is that at this time much employed, of sham or pre- 
 tended fomenters of sedition or trepans, who drew unwary persons either 
 into some confederacy or expression of discontent, and then gave inform- 
 ation, probably heightened by invention. Many have thought the inform- 
 ation given against Lord Russell and Algernon Sidney, whereon they were 
 tried and condemned, was no better.
 
 1663.] INSULTED AND ILL-USED AT NEWARK. 435 
 
 into the colonel's chamber, and behaved iiimself most inso- 
 lently, whereupon the colonel snatched up a candlestick and 
 laid him over the chaps with it ; whereupon Mr. Leke, being 
 in the house, and hearing the bustle, with others, came in 
 with drawn swords, and the colonel took that opportunity to 
 tell him that he stood upon his justification, and desired to 
 know his crime and his accusers, and that till then he was 
 content to be kept as safe as they would have him, but 
 desired to be delivered out of the hands of that insolent 
 fellow, and to have accommodation fit for a gentleman ; which 
 when they saw he would not be without, for he would eat no 
 more meat in that house, two days after they removed him to 
 the next inn, where he was civilly treated, with guards still 
 remaining upon him. 
 
 It was not passion which made the colonel do this, for he 
 was not at all angry, but despised all the malice of his ene- 
 mies ; but he having been now four days in Newark, Mr. Leke 
 came every day to the house where he was kept by Leke's 
 warrant, and never vouchsafed so much as to look on him, but 
 put him into the hands of a drunken insolent host, who daily 
 affronted him; which, if he would have suffered, he saw would 
 be continued upon him, therefore knowing that Leke was 
 then in the house, he took that occasion to oblige him come 
 to him, and thereupon obtained a removal to an accommoda- 
 tion more befitting a gentleman. 
 
 While he was at the other inn, several gentlemen of the 
 king's party came to him, some whom he had known, and 
 some whom he had never seen, complimenting him, as if he 
 had not been a prisoner; which he very much wondered at, and 
 yet could never understand, for by his former usage he saw 
 it was not their good nature : but whether this carriage of his 
 had made them believe innocence was the ground of his con- 
 fidence, or whether the appearance of his great spirit had 
 made them willing to oblige him, or whether even his virtue 
 2 F 2
 
 436 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1663. 
 
 had stricken them with a, guilty dread of him, though a pri- 
 soner, certain it is, that some who had been his greatest 
 enemies began to natter him ; whereupon, in a Bible he carried 
 in his pocket, and marked upon all occasions, he marked that 
 place, Prov. xvi. 7, " When a man's ways please the Lord, he 
 maketh his enemies to be at peace with him." 
 
 The 19th of October, Mr. Leke, with a party of horse, car- 
 ried the colonel to the Marquis of Newcastle's, who treated 
 him very honorably ; and then falling into discourse with him, 
 " Colonel," saith he, " they say you desire to know your 
 accusers, which is more than I know." And thereupon very 
 freely showed him the Duke of Buckingham's letter, com- 
 manding him to imprison the colonel, and others, upon sus- 
 picion of a plot ; which my lord was so fully satisfied the 
 colonel was innocent of, that he dismissed him without a guard 
 to his own house, only engaging him to stay there one week ? 
 till he gave account to the council, upon which he was confi- 
 dent of his liberty.* The colonel thus dismissed, came home, 
 
 * Here shines out the genuine spirit of a noble Briton ! This was the 
 same man, who, commanding a host, against which the forces Colonel Hut- 
 chinson had to defend Nottingham Castle with were but as a dwarf before 
 a giant, yet, saw his fidelity to be proof both against danger, and the temp- 
 tation of great rewards, and had generosity enough to see and value virtue 
 in an adversary ; he well knew that such a person as the colonel, was safer 
 in the keeping of his own honour than of all the guards or prisons of his ene- 
 mies. Who can fail to regret that such a man should have been so long 
 the dupe of his loyalty to the Stuarts, and above all that he should have to 
 receive mandates from the infamous sycophants of Charles the Second ? If 
 a man were inevitably to be persecuted, it made much for his honour, and 
 somewhat for his satisfaction, to have two men of such opposite characters 
 as Newcastle and Buckingham, the one for his protector, the other for hi? 
 persecutor. 
 
 Of Buckingham we shall again have occasion to speak. 
 
 As we shall not again see anything more of this truly noble man, the 
 Marquis of Newcastle, we take this opportunity to cite, from a tradition pre- 
 served by Deering in his History of Nottingham, that at the time of the
 
 1663.] TAKEN BACK TO NEWARK. 437 
 
 and upon the 22d day of October a party of horse, sent only 
 with a wretched corporal, came about eleven o'clock with 
 a warrant from Mr. Leke, and fetched him back to Newark, 
 to the inn where he was before, Mr. Twentyman's, who being 
 still civil to him, whispered him as soon as he alighted, that 
 it was determined he should be close prisoner; whereupon 
 the colonel said he would no more pay any sentinels that they 
 set upon him, yet they set two hired soldiers, having now dis- 
 missed the county, but the colonel forbade the inn to give 
 them any drink, or anything else upon his account. The 
 next day, being the 23rd, Mr. Leke came to him and showed 
 him a letter from my Lord Newcastle, wherein my lord wrote 
 that he was sorry he could not pursue that kindness he 
 intended the colonel, believing him innocent, for that he had 
 received a command from Buckingham to keep him a close pri- 
 soner, without pen, ink, or paper ; and to show the reality of 
 this, with the order he sent a copy of the duke's letter, which 
 was also shown the colonel ; and in it was this expression, 
 " that though he could not make it out as yet, he hoped he should 
 
 great revolution, another Cavendish, Earl, and afterwards Duke of Devon- 
 shire, together with Lord Delamere, son of that Sir George Booth whose 
 life and fortunes Colonel Hutchinson preserved, together with Colonel Hut- 
 chinson's half-brother, and others of that country, set up their standard at 
 Nottingham ; there waked again the soul of liberty and patriotism, which 
 had slept ever since Colonel Hutchinson's days, and causing the trumpet to 
 sound to arms, and telling the inhabitants a Stuart was at hand with all his 
 army, saw the whole people fly to arms, some on horseback, some on foot, 
 with all the various weapons they could find, march all as one man to meet 
 him, and take their determined stand at that pass of the Trent where their 
 old governor had repeatedly fought and conquered, and whose spirit they 
 imagined to hover over and inspire them with its wonted energy. Having 
 thus tried their temper, he committed to the guard of these true-born sons 
 of freedom, that princess (Anne) who was to carry the British name to its 
 highest pitch of glory.
 
 4S8 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1663. 
 
 bring Mr. Hutchinson into the plot." Mr. Leke having com- 
 municated these orders to Mr. Hutchinson, told him he was 
 to go to London, and should leave him in the charge of the 
 mayor of Newark. 
 
 Because here is so much noise of a plot, it is necessary to 
 tell what it hath since appeared. The Duke of Buckingham 
 set a work one Gore, sheriff of Yorkshire, and others, who 
 sent out trepanners among the discontented people, to stir 
 them up to insurrection to restore the old parliament, gospel 
 ministry, and English liberty; which specious things found 
 very many ready to entertain them, and abundance of simple 
 people were caught in the net ; whereof some lost their lives, 
 and others fled.* But the colonel had no hand in it, holding 
 himself obliged at that time to be quiet. It is true he still 
 suspected insurrections of the papists, and had secured his 
 house and his yards, better than it was the winter before, 
 against any sudden night assaults. 
 
 After Mr. Leke was gone, the mayor, one Herring, of 
 Newark, a rich, but simple fellow, sent the jailor to Mr. Hut- 
 chinson, to tell him he must go to his house ; which the 
 colonel refusing to do voluntarily, without a mittimus from 
 some magistrate, the mayor sent five constables and two 
 soldiers, who by violence both forced the colonel out of his 
 quarters, and into the gaol without any legal commitment, 
 although the colonel warned both the jailor and the men of 
 the danger of the law, by this illegal imprisonment. The 
 colonel would not advance at all into the prison, into whieh 
 the men would fain have entreated him ; but when they saw 
 they could not persuade, they violently thrust him in, where 
 the jailor afterwards used him pretty civilly : but the room 
 
 * Rapin speaks slightly and cursorily of this, under the name of the 
 Northern Plot; but plainly shows that some of the principal persons whom 
 tt was pretended had been concerned in it, neither were nor could oe.
 
 1663.] SEIZED WITH ILLNESS. 439 
 
 being unfit for him, he got cold and fell very sick, when, upon 
 the 27th of October, Mr. Leke, with the marquis's secretary, 
 came to him, and found him so, and acquainted him that the 
 marquis had received express orders from the king, to send 
 him up in safe custody to London. Mr. Leke finding him so 
 ill, was so civil as to permit him to go by his own house, 
 which was as near a road, that he might there take accommo- 
 dations for his journey, and be carried up at more ease in his 
 own coach ; Mr. Leke himself went away before, being neces- 
 sitated to make more haste than he could have done if he had 
 stayed for the party that was to guard the colonel, and left his 
 orders for sending him away with Mr. Atkinson, who first 
 seized him. The same 27th day, at night, his house at 
 Owthorpe was again searched, and he and his wife being 
 abroad, all their boxes and cabinets were broken open, and 
 all their papers rifled, but yet for all this they could find noth- 
 ing to colour their injustice to him. 
 
 Having been falsely and illegally imprisoned, from six 
 o'clock on Friday night, the 23rd of October, till ten o'clock 
 in the morning, October 28th, he was then, in order to his 
 going to London, brought by Beek, the jailor, to Twentyman's 
 inn, from whence he was hailed, to stay there till a com- 
 manded party of the county horse came to guard him to 
 London. But one division of the county who had warrants 
 pent them, not coming in, Atkinson sent into that part where 
 the colonel lived, and his own neighbours coming slowly and 
 unwillingly to that service, he was forced to stay there all 
 that day till night in the custody of the jailor. At night, 
 when he was in bed, the mayor being drunk, commanded him 
 to be carried back to the jail, but the jailor, weary of his 
 drunken commands, sat up with two soldiers, and guarded 
 him in the inn. 
 
 The next day, the party not being come in, one Corporal 
 Wilson, a mean fellow, who was appointed to comman 1
 
 440 MEMOIES OF COL. HTTXCHIIfSON. [1663. 
 
 the colonel's guard, came and told him that he must not go 
 by his own house, nor have the privilege of his coach, hut be 
 carried up another way; whereupon the colonel sent to 
 Atkinson, to desire him he might not be denied that civility 
 Mr. Leke had allowed him ; but he was so peevish and ob- 
 stinate that the colonel was sending his son post to the 
 Marquis of Newcastle's to complain of his malicious inhu- 
 manity, who would have forced him on horseback without 
 any accommodation, when he was so taken ill that he could 
 not have ridden one stage without manifest hazard of his life : 
 and yet Mr. Cecil Cooper and Mr. Whally, though justices 
 and deputy lieutenants, could not prevail with him, till he 
 saw the colonel as resolute as himself : and then at last, by 
 their mediation (wherein Mr. Cecil Cooper did something to 
 redeem his former causeless hatred, which made him plunder 
 the house, and detain the plunder when it was ordered back), 
 the colonel, about sunset, was sent out of Newark, with 
 those horse that were come in, to stay for the rest at his own 
 house. Being driven in the night by an unskilful coachman, 
 the coach was overturned and broken; but about twelve 
 o'clock at night they came safe home. Thus the colonel 
 took his last leave of Newark, which being a place he had 
 formerly subdued, and replete with so many malicious 
 enemies to the whole party, and more particularly to him, 
 upon no other account but that he had been the most formid- 
 able protector of the other party in this country, he expected 
 far worse treatment from the generality of the town; who 
 were so far from joining in joy of his captivity, that when he 
 was forced through their streets, they gave him very civil 
 respect, and when he came away, civil farewells, and all 
 muttered exceedingly at their mayor, and said he would undo 
 their town by such simple illegal proceedings. The colonel 
 regarded all these civilities from the town, who were generally 
 much concerned in his injuries, and from Cooper and others,
 
 1603.] CARRIED TO THE TOWER. 441 
 
 not as of themselves, but as from God, who at that time 
 overawed the hearts of his enemies, as once he did Laban's 
 and Esau's; and he was much confirmed in the favour of God 
 thereby, and nothing at all daunted at the malice of his pro- 
 secutors, but went as cheerfully into captivity as another 
 would have come out of it. 
 
 They were forced to stay a day at Owthorpe, for the mend- 
 ing of the coack and the coming in of the soldiers, where the 
 colonel had the opportunity to take leave of his poor labour- 
 ers, who all wept bitterly when he paid them off; but he 
 comforted them and smiled, and without any regret went 
 away from his bitterly weeping children, and servants, and 
 tenants, his wife and his eldest son and daughter going with 
 him, upon Saturday, the 31st of October. 
 
 Golding, the night before he went, had sent him a pot of 
 marmalade to eat in the coach, and a letter to desire all 
 grudges might be forgotten, and high flattering stuff, by his 
 man who was to be one of the guard, whom, he said, he had 
 chosen out from the best he had, and his best horse, and if 
 he did not pay him all respect, he would turn him away; and 
 as the colonel came by his door, he came out with wine, and 
 would fain have brought him into the house to eat oysters, 
 but the colonel only drank with him, and bid him friendly 
 farewell, and went on, not guarded as a prisoner, but waited 
 on by his neighbours. Mrs. Hutchinson was exceedingly 
 sad, but he encouraged and kindly chid her out of it, and told 
 her it would blemish his innocence for her to appear afflicted, 
 and told her if she had but patience to wait the event, she 
 would see it was all for the best, and bade her be thankful 
 for the mercy that she was permitted this comfort to accom- 
 pany him in the journey ; and he with divers excellent 
 exhortations cheered her who was not wholly abandoned to 
 sorrow, while he was with her, who, to divert her, made him- 
 self sport with his guards, and deceived the way, till upon
 
 442 MEMOIRS OF COT,. HUTCHINSOX. [1663. 
 
 the 3rd of November he was brought to the Crown, in Hoi- 
 born. From thence, the next day, he was carried by Mr. 
 Leke to the Tower, and committed there close prisoner, by 
 warrant, signed by Secretary Bennett, the 20th of October, 
 whereby he stood committed for treasonable practices, though 
 he had never yet been examined by any magistrate, one or 
 another. His wife, by his command, restrained herself as much 
 as she could from showing her sadness, whom he bade to 
 remember how often he had told her that God never preserved 
 him so extraordinarily at first, but for some great work he had 
 further for him to do or to suffer in this cause ; and bade her 
 be thankful for the mercy by which they had so long in peace 
 enjoyed one another, since this eminent change; and bade her 
 trust God with him, whose faith and cheerfulness were so 
 encouraging that it a little upheld her ; but, alas ! her 
 divining heart was not to be comforted : she remembered 
 what had been told her of the cruel resolutions taken against 
 him, and saw now the execution of them. 
 
 On Friday, November the 6th, he was sent for by Secretary 
 Bennett, to his lodgings at Whitehall, which was the first 
 time he was examined, and the questions he asked him were : 
 1st. " Where he had lived this four or five months ?" To 
 which he answered, " Constantly at home, at his own house 
 in Nottinghamshire." 2nd. " What company used to resort 
 to his house ?" He told him, " None, not so much as his 
 nearest relations, who scarcely ever saw him." 3rd. "What 
 company he frequented ?" He told him, " None; and that he 
 never stirred out of his own house to visit any." Bennett 
 said, " That was very much." 4th. " Whether he knew Mr. 
 Henry Nevill ?'' He answered, " Very well." 5th. "When 
 he saw him ?" He said, " To his best remembrance never 
 since the king came in." 6th. " When he wrote to him ?" 
 He said, " Never in his life." 7th. " When Mr. Nevill wrote 
 to him ?" He said, " Never." 8th. " Whether any messages
 
 1663.] INTERVIEW WITH SECRETARY BENNETT. 4**> 
 
 had past between them?'' He said, "None at all." 9tb. 
 " Whether none had moved anything to him concerning a 
 republic ?" He answered, " He knew none so indiscreet." 
 10th. "What children he had?" He said, "Four sons and 
 four daughters." llth. "How old his sons were?" He 
 said, " Two were at men's estate, and two little children." 
 12th. "Whether his sons had not done any thing to injure 
 him?" He replied, "Never that he knew of, and he was 
 confident they had not." 13th. " Where he went to church 
 to hear divine seivice, common prayer?" He said, "No 
 where, for he never stirred out of his own house." 14th, 
 " Whether he heard it not read there ?" He answered, " To 
 speak ingenuously, no." 15th. " How he then did for his 
 soul's comfort ?" He replied, " Sir, I hope you leave me that 
 to account between God and my own soul." Then Bennett 
 told him his answers to these had cut him off of many ques- 
 tions he should have asked, and he might return. So he was 
 carried back to the Tower with only two of the warders which 
 brought him thither.* 
 
 Not long afterwards one Waters was brought prisoner out 
 
 What will the reader think of this examination when he is reminded, 
 or, if he knew it not before, is informed, that this gentleman who is so 
 anxious for the welfare of Colonel Hutchinson's soul, and so earnest for his 
 frequenting the church, was himself a concealed papist, and privy to the 
 king's being so too ! It is necessary to be here observed, that upon the 
 publication of the act of uniformity a very great number of the parochial 
 clergy quitted their benefices, and were replaced by others; it is highly 
 probable this would be the case at Owthorpe, and it was a very natural 
 consequence of it that Colonel Hutchinson should absent himself from his 
 church, where, although he had heretofore taken much pains to get a good 
 minister established and his salary augmented, he had now to expect, 
 instead of spiritual comfort, such pulpit railings as he had been assailed 
 with at Nottingham. Accordingly he performed the worship of God in his 
 own family, much as a protestant father of a family would have done in a 
 catholic country. And the history informs us he was so occupied wneo
 
 444 MEMOIE8 OF COL. HTTTCHINSON. [1063. 
 
 of Yorkshire, a fellow of a timorous spirit, who, being taken, 
 was in so great a fear, that he accused many, guilty and not 
 guilty, to save himself ; and caused his own wife to be put in 
 prison, and hanged the dearest friend he had in the world, 
 and brought his wife's brother into the same danger ; some 
 say through fear, others that he was a trepanner from the 
 beginning, for he drew in all the people whom he accused. 
 Whatever he was, he was so utter a stranger to colonel Hut- 
 chinson, that he never saw his face ; yet the day he was 
 examined at Whitehall, Colonel Hutchinson was in great 
 haste fetched away from his dinner at the Tower, and told he 
 should be examined in the king's own hearing; which he was 
 very glad of, and, with great haste, and formality, and strict- 
 ness he was carried by the deputy lieutenant and a strong 
 guard by water from the Tower to Whitehall ; and when he 
 came to land at Whitehall Stairs, one Andrews, an officer, 
 with two files of musketeers, was ready to receive him, and led 
 him to Bennett's lodgings, where he observed a great deal of 
 care to place the guard at the outward door in the court, and 
 to keep the chamber door continually shut, that none might 
 peep in, but a few gentlemen who were admitted to come 
 now and then and stare him in the face at the door, but none 
 were in the room for a long space but Andrews and himself, 
 till at the last the keeper thrust himself in. The colonel, 
 having stayed two hours, concluded that he should now be 
 confronted by some accuser, or at least have an examination 
 more tending to treasonable practices than his first seemed to 
 do, especially understanding that Mr. W T aters had been many 
 hours before in the house, and was yet there. But at last, 
 
 the soldiers came to seize him : but it was prudent to say nothing of this to 
 the secretary confessor ! 
 
 Mr. Nevill, whom he speaks of, made a considerable figure in the latter 
 times of the long parliament, as a staunch republican, a man of strict 
 integrity, and a steady opposer of all the usurpations.
 
 1663.] HIS WIFE ADMITTEB TO SEE HIM. 445 
 
 parturiunt monies! and out comes Secretary Bennett! who, 
 taking him to a window apart from Mr. Andrews and the 
 keeper, most formally begins thus : " Mr. Hutchinson, you 
 have now been some days in prison, have you recollected 
 yourself to say any more than when I last spoke to you r" 
 Mr. Hutchinson answered, " He had nothing to recollect, nor 
 more to say." "Are you sure of that?" said the secretary. 
 " Very sure," said Mr. Hutchinson. " Then," said Bennett, 
 " you must return to prison." And accordingly he was 
 carried by the same guard back again to the Tower, where 
 he was kept with a great deal of strictness, and some weeks 
 passed before his wife was admitted to see him ; for whom, 
 at the last, Sir Allen Apsley procured an order that she might 
 visit him, but they limited it that it might not be but in the 
 presence of his keeper. The lieutenant, in hopes of a fee, 
 gave leave that her son and daughter might go into the room 
 with her, who else must have stood without doors ; but he 
 would not permit her to take lodgings in the Tower, which, 
 being in a sharp winter season, put her to great toil and 
 inconvenience, besides excessive charge of providing his meat 
 at the Tower, and her company in another place : meanwhile 
 he was kept a close prisoner, and had no air allowed him, but 
 a pair of leads over his chamber, which were so high and 
 cold, that he had no benefit from them ; and every night he 
 had three doors shut upon him, and a sentinel at the outmost. 
 His chamber was a room where it is said the two young 
 princes, King Edward the Fifth and his brother, were mur- 
 dered in former days, and the room that led to it was a dark 
 great room, that had no window in it, where the portcullis 
 to one of the inward Tower gates was drawn up and let down, 
 under which there sat every night a court of guard. There 
 is a tradition, that in this room the Duke of Clarence was 
 drowned in a butt of malmsey ; from which murder this 
 room, and that joining it, where Mr. Hutchinson lay, was
 
 446 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHIXSOX. [1GG3. 
 
 called the Bloody Tower. Between Mr. Hutchinson's cham- 
 ber and the dark room there was a door, which Mr. Hutchin- 
 son desired the lieutenant might be left open in the night, 
 because it left a little necessary house open to the chamber, 
 which he and his man had occasion of in the night, having 
 gotten fluxes with their bad accommodations and diet : but 
 the lieutenant would not allow it him, although, when that 
 was open, there were two doors more shut upon him, and he 
 could not have any way attempted any escape, but he must, 
 if it had been possible to work through the walls, have fallen 
 upon a court of guard. 
 
 Notwithstanding all this strictness, which was also exer- 
 cised on most of the other prisoners, yet their own sentinels 
 hated the lieutenant, and his Cerberus, Cresset, because they 
 cheated them, and had nothing of generosity or bounty to 
 engage the hearts of their soldiers, who, seeing so much of 
 their wickedness, abhorred them, and pitied the poor gen- 
 tlemen that were so barbarously used by them ; and whether 
 out of humanity, or necessity, or villainy, I know not, but 
 they would offer the prisoners many courtesies, and convey 
 letters between them. Mr. Hutchinson was never so im- 
 prudent to trust any of them with his, having within an hour 
 of his imprisonment been instructed by another prisoner a 
 safer and more convenient way ; yet was it their interest to 
 use courteously all those who offered themselves to do them 
 service. Among the rest, as he was one day sitting by the 
 fire, the sentinel at the door peeped in his head and called to 
 him : " Sir," said he, " God bless you ! I have sometimes 
 guarded you in another manner at the parliament house, and 
 am grieved to see the change of your condition, and only 
 take this employment now, to be more able to serve you, still 
 hoping to see you restored to what I have seen you." The 
 colonel, not turning his head, told the man that language 
 suited not the coat he wore, bade him mind his present duty (
 
 1663.] 8TOKY OF THE SENTINEX. 447 
 
 and told him he had no employment of his service. " Well," 
 said the soldier, " I perceive, sir, you dare not trust me, but 
 my Lady Vane and my Lady Lambert know me, and if you 
 have any service to command me to them, I will bring you a 
 testimony from them." The colonel took no more notice of 
 him, but the fellow, officious, or hoping to get money, went 
 to my Lady Lambert's house, and told her that he had for- 
 merly been her husband's soldier, and that he wished his 
 restitution, and that he used sometimes to guard the pri- 
 soners, and would carry her letters to any of them, and that 
 he had lately been sentinel at Colonel Hutchinson's chamber, 
 and would carry anything she would send to him. She only 
 bade him remember her service to him, and tell him she 
 wished him liberty ; and the fellow nattering her with pro- 
 fessing his love to her lord, she expressed some pleasure with 
 his speeches, and gave him some money ; which her daughter 
 considering, as soon as he was gone out told her that she had 
 done unwarily to open herself so much to one of the soldiers 
 in present employment, whom she did not know but he might 
 be set on purpose to trepan her. My lady, to prevent any 
 inconvenience of her error, thought it the best way to go 
 immediately and complain that one of the soldiers had come 
 to her to trepan her, under colour of a message from Colonel 
 Hutchinson, which she had not entertained ; and desired 
 they might not be allowed to do any such thing, protesting 
 her own loyalty and readiness to discover any that were 
 false to them. This was extremely well represented of her 
 at the court, and as ill of Colonel Hutchinson, that he had 
 not done the like ; and Colonel Leg, whose company it was 
 that then had the guard of the tower, was commanded to 
 find out and punish this soldier, who, as it proved afterwards, 
 was a good honest fellow, and was the only protestant in that 
 company, the rest being most of them Irish and papists, and 
 some rebels. This poor fellow, having been a parliament
 
 448 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTJTCHTNSON. [16G3, 
 
 soldier, enlisted among them to get a living, but was very 
 tender-hearted to the prisoners, and .had a desire to do them 
 kindness. Hereupon he came to the colonel's man, and 
 desired his master would not own him, and that he would 
 send to my Lady Lambert to do the same, which the colonel 
 did ; but when she was sent to by him, she sent a maid 
 to see all the soldiers, who owned the man, and he was put 
 in prison, and cashiered and undone, for nothing but offering 
 his service to have done the prisoners slight services. And 
 Colonel Hutchinson was ill thought of at the court, because 
 when Colonel Leg brought his men under the window of his 
 prison, and came up to Mr. Hutchinson and desired him to 
 view them all, he would not accuse any of them ; which if 
 he had, he would not only have cut off his own, but all the 
 other prisoners' ways of sending to their friends abroad ; 
 yet he never made use of this fellow, nor any of them, in 
 any business of trust, although he thought it not good to 
 discourage any that appeared to wish them well, among so 
 many bloody murderers as they were given up to. 
 
 The colonel endured his prison patiently till the trial of 
 those they called conspirators in Yorkshire was over ; but 
 when he had lain from November till Candlemas term in 
 prison, he sent his wife to Secretary Bennett to desire that 
 such persons as had business with him might have liberty to 
 come to him. She had before been with some of the privy 
 council who were her husband's friends and allies, to com- 
 plain of his unjust imprisonment, and his harsh usage there, 
 contrary to all law from the beginning to the ending, even 
 their own laws ; and they had told her that they were sensible 
 of it, but that they only stood for cyphers, while the chan- 
 cellor and Bennett managed all things without their privity, 
 in most oppressive and illegal ways.* She, as she was 
 
 * It was thought better to bring together here several observations 
 relating to Hyde, Earl of Clarendon, and chancellor Bennett, Earl of
 
 1664.] SEKDS HIS WIFE TO BENNETT. 449 
 
 advised, went therefore to Bennett and told him that, by reason 
 of some engagements for money her husband had upon his 
 
 Arlington, and secretary, and Villiers, second Duke of Buckingham. The 
 first is well known from his history and letters to have been an unreasonable 
 enemy to presbytery and presbyterians ; which prejudice induced him to 
 persuade his royal master, whose confidence for a great length of time he 
 almost entirely engrossed, to violate all his promises to them, though gra- 
 titude as well as honour should have made him keep them. About this 
 time his credit began to diminish by the introduction of Bennett to be 
 secretary of state instead of Nicholas, who was the particular friend of 
 Hyde. But at the period here spoken of, this had taken effect but par- 
 tially, and not enough to furnish for those who were oppressed by the one, 
 a succour in the opposition of the other ; nor did there appear much 
 reason to hope for moderation in either. Who it was of the privy council 
 that gave Mrs. Hutchinson her information cannot be conjectured; but 
 there is no doubt that the too great ascendency of the chancellor did, no 
 long time after, cause him to be impeached in parliament, and accused of 
 all the misconduct of many years. It was in vain that he endeavoured, in 
 the written defence he sent to the parliament, to distribute the odium 
 among the council in general ; the information here given to Mrs. Hutchin- 
 son obtained general belief ; he was condemned, and died in banishment. 
 He very justly, in the same writing, attributes a good deal of the hatred 
 and bitterness which prevailed against him to his many refusals of setting 
 the seal to pardons and other indulgences. When, among the speakers 
 against him, we see the names of Maynard, St. John, Hampden, and 
 I'rynn,* we may well conclude that these men, though they had a little 
 temporized, were glad to assist in the downfall of the man who had perse- 
 cuted the more zealous of their former associates, and pleased to see him 
 sue for that clemency which his own former severity gave him good reason 
 to despair of. Bennett was several years after impeached together with 
 Buckingham, the same who first entrapped and caused Colonel Hutchinson 
 to be seized, and whose infamous letter the Marquis of Newcastle showed 
 the colonel. On this occasion he employed his usual treachery, and cri- 
 minated the earl, who was fain to save himself from the indignation of the 
 parliament by a total change of conduct ; by practising the hypocrisy he 
 had recommended to Colonel Hutchinson, of frequenting the communion 
 of a church he was averse to, and persecuting the papists, whom he h*? 
 
 * Rapin, vol. ii. p. 648. 
 2 <J
 
 450 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTJTCHINSON. \1GQ1. 
 
 estate, this very close imprisonment had been infinitely pre- 
 judicial to him, both his tenants and his creditors taking 
 advantage of his incapacity (by reason of his close restraint) 
 to defend himself, or to speak with lawyers or others about 
 affairs that nearly concerned his estate ; besides the neglect 
 of all his business, and the intolerable charge and incon- 
 venience of his disordered family, dispersed into three several 
 places, which would suddenly bring ruin upon his whole 
 family, besides the destruction of his health. Bennett told 
 her, her husband was a very unfortunate person in regard of 
 his former crimes. She told him she had rather hoped he 
 had been happy in being comprised in the act of oblivion, 
 
 protected, and wished to protect. On account of his conduct a strict 
 inquiry was made by the commons concerning the commitment of persons 
 by order of council, and amendments were made in the Habeas Corpus 
 Act, which, if they had existed in the colonel's time, would have preserved 
 him from his long and unjust imprisonment. Buckingham, after bringing 
 the family of Fairfax to extinction by marrying and slighting his daughter, 
 heightening and exposing his master's vices, and passing his whole life in 
 playing, by countless alternations, the parts of traitor and sycophant, died 
 in disgrace and beggary, and, to sum all up in that which to him would be 
 the greatest suffering, his memory remains hung up to ridicule in the chains 
 of never-dying satire by Pope, in some of the best lines he has written. 
 
 To those who believe in the peculiar interposition of God in human 
 affairs, as our author did, it must be very striking, and to her, if she lived 
 to witness it, highly gratifying, to observe this course of events. Mr. Hut- 
 chinson's three great enemies, Buckingham, Clarendon, and Arlington, 
 ruin each other, and two of them, Clarendon and Arlington, without the 
 desi<m of doing anything so good, laid the foundations of an alliance which 
 furnished the assertors of British liberty and toleration with a champion 
 who overthrew, it is hoped never to rise again, despotism in church and 
 state; for Clarendon recommended Charles the Second to constrain his 
 brother to marry his daughter, whom he had dishonoured; she brought 
 him the Princesses Mary and Anne, successively queens of England; and 
 Bennett, Earl of Arlington, to gain himself popularity in a moment of 
 need, first proposed the match between Mary and the Prince of Orange, 
 afterwards William the Third !
 
 1664.] HIS WIFE'S MEETING WITH BENNETT. 451 
 
 which allowed him not to be remembered as a criminal ; and 
 that she had chosen to make her addresses to him on this 
 occasion, because some of the council had told her the king 
 left all the management of these things to him. He was 
 very urgent with her to know who it was that informed her 
 that he was the sole actor in these businesses ; but she de- 
 sired to be excused from naming any author hi that thing, 
 which she had not mentioned but that she thought it his 
 honour to own ; but he told her he would not move for any 
 more liberty for her husband than he had, unless he could 
 be assured it might be done with more safety to his majesty 
 than he could apprehend from it. " But," said he, " Mrs. 
 Hutchinson, I have some papers of yours which I would show, 
 not to examine you, but to see whether you will inform me 
 anything of them." She told him she had curiosity enough 
 to see anything that passed under her name ; whereupon he 
 called forth his man, who brought out a great bundle of 
 papers, called examinations, taken at Grantham, of passages 
 between Mrs. Hutchinson and Mrs. Vane. First he showed 
 her a character which contained cyphers for the names of 
 many gentlemen and women who were not very distant 
 neighbours, with others whom she knew not at all. She told 
 him she understood nothing at all of that paper ; then he 
 turned down the rest, and showed her a letter, beginning, 
 " My dear Amaranta ;" which she told him she knew not at 
 all. " But," said he, " you will yet own your own hand ;" 
 and showed her among these papers the copy of the letter 
 that was sent to the house of parliament in her hushand's 
 name, written hi her hand, which when she saw she was a 
 little confounded, wondering how it should come into his 
 hands ; but she told him that she could not absolutely say 
 that was her writing, though it had some resemblance. So 
 when she had again urged the business she came for, and 
 could obtain nothing from him, she went away, and left in 
 2 G 2
 
 452 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1604. 
 
 the room with, the secretary, Sir Robert Byron, a cousin- 
 german of her husband's, who had by chance come in thither 
 upon some business of his own, and had stood by while she 
 urged to the secretary the mischief and ruin her husband's 
 imprisonment had brought upon his family and estate. As 
 soon as she was gone, the secretary told Sir Robert that he 
 had heard Mrs. Hutchinson relate the sad condition of her 
 husband and his house ; " and," said he, " \ ou may here 
 take notice how the justice of God pursues those murderers, 
 that, though the king pardoned both his life and estate, yet 
 by the hand of divine justice they were now likely to come to 
 ruin for that crime ;" which words being told Mr. Hutchin- 
 son, he laughed much at the simple folly of the man, who 
 could call his own illegal persecutions and oppressions of 
 innocence the judgments of God. The papers which he 
 showed Mrs. Hutchinson she afterwards learned to have been 
 some letters between Mrs. Vane, one of Sir Henry Vane's 
 daughters, and one Mrs. Hutchinson, a gentlewoman who 
 used to come thither, filled with such frivolous intelligence 
 of private amours and intrigues as young people used to com- 
 municate to their confidants, and such as any wise statesman 
 would have believed himself affronted to have had brought 
 to him, and not made such politic inquiries, and imprisoned 
 those with whom they were found, about so unconcerning a 
 matter. 
 
 Mr. Henry Nevill and Mr. Salloway had been put into the 
 Tower upon the same suspicion which they had of Mr. Hutchin- 
 son a northern plot, for which there was a peculiar assizes, 
 and some men were executed; and the judges, at their return, 
 said that their confessions almost amounted to treason ; but 
 that almost served their turns. As soon as those assizes were 
 past, Mr. Hutchinson sent to Mr. Nevill and Mr. Salloway, 
 that he thought it now time for them to endeavour their 
 liberty, and therefore desired to know what course they in-
 
 1664.] PETITIONS OF NEVILI, AND SALLOWA.T. 453 
 
 tended to proceed in, that they might all take one way. They 
 both sent Mr. Hutchinson word that they looked upon him as 
 the best befriended, and they were resolved to see first what 
 success he had, and to make him their leading card. Here- 
 upon he, fearful of doing anything which they could not, sat still 
 deliberating, while they, without giving him the least notice, 
 wrought their own liberties secretly, Mr. Nevill desiring to 
 travel, and Mr. Salloway making such a false, flattering peti- 
 tion, that no honest man could make such another, and a less 
 after his would have but more exasperated. It took so, that 
 immediately he had his liberty, both of them taking some 
 oaths to confirm their loyalty, which were given them by the 
 clerk of the Tower.* They had a mind at court that Mr. 
 Hutchinson should have made such another petition, and 
 therefore Salloway's was shown to a friend of his ; the words 
 of which were, " That since God by his miraculous providence 
 had set his majesty over us, he had acquiesced thankfully 
 under it, and never, not so much as in thought, made a wish 
 against it ;" and promises of the like nature : which perhaps 
 were no truer than his professions, for they were utterly false ; 
 for at his first coming into the Tower no man had muttered 
 more than he, who scarce refrained even from blasphemies 
 against God himself for bringing him into bondage. After 
 his release he went to their common prayer, and pleased them 
 so well that it was said they would give him an office. But 
 when they found that, notwithstanding their hint, Mr. Hutchin- 
 son would not follow his example, their malice grew very 
 bitter against him at the court, insomuch that a gentleman 
 having treated with Mrs. Hutchinson for a niece of his, to 
 
 * Mr. Nevill, as just before mentioned, had acted with steadiness and in- 
 tegrity ; Mr. Salloway had been more valuable, and had been successively of 
 the council of state, of the Rump parliament, of the committee of safety, 
 and council of officers.
 
 454 MEMOIRS OP COL. HTJTCHIXSON-. [1664. 
 
 whom he was guardian, that would have been a convenient 
 fortune for her son, the Chancellor sent for the gentleman and 
 peremptorily forbade him to proceed in the affair,* and openly 
 said, " he must keep their family down." 
 
 Mr. Hutchinson was not at all dismayed, but wonderfully 
 pleased with all these things, and told his wife this captivity 
 was the happiest release in the world for him ; for before, 
 although he had made no express engagement, yet, in regard 
 that his life and estate had been freely left him when they took 
 away others, he thought himself obliged to sit still all the 
 while this king reigned, whatever opportunity he might have ; 
 but now he thought this usage had utterly disobliged him 
 from all ties either of honour or conscience, and that he was 
 free to act as prudence should hereafter lead him, and that he 
 thought not his liberty out of prison worth purchasing by 
 any future engagement, which would again fetter him in 
 obligations to such persons as every day more and more mani- 
 fested themselves to be enemies to all just and godly interests. 
 He therefore charged his wife that she should not make applica- 
 tions to any person whatsoever, and made it his earnest 
 request to Sir Allen Apsley to let him stand and fall by his 
 own innocency, and to undertake nothing for him, which, if 
 he did, he told him he would disown. Mrs. Hutchinson, 
 remembering how much she had displeased him in saving 
 him before, submitted now to suffer with him, according to 
 his own will,f who, as he would do nothing that might en- 
 
 * What base and atrocious malice ! yet this was the virtuous Lord 
 Clarendon ! This method of alternately persecuting those whom they sus- 
 pect, and suspecting those they persecute, has for ever been the practice of 
 bad ministers, and has for ever created rebels, and will for ever continue to 
 create new ones in the place of those they destroy. 
 
 t There does not appear reason for supposing that Colonel Hutchinson 
 had any distinct prospect of manifesting his sentiments with effect, nor can 
 these declarations be accounted for upon any principle but that of general
 
 1664.] DESIGN OF TRANSPORTING HIM. 4f> 
 
 tangle him for his freedom, so he patiently suffered their 
 unjust bondage, and had no guilt found in him; yet was he 
 cruelly and maliciously persecuted and hated ; and criminals, 
 with threats and promises, were tried in all ways to see if 
 they could bring out any accusation against him, but all 
 they could arrive at was only that he was an unchanged per- 
 son, yet they kept him still as close a prisoner as at the first. 
 After Salloway was released, Sir Allen Apsley asking the 
 Chancellor why his brother was not let out as well as Salloway; 
 " What," said the Chancellor, " make you no difference between 
 your brother and Salloway?" Sir Allen replied, he thought 
 his brother as innocent. " Surely," said the Chancellor, 
 ' there is a great difference ; Salloway conforms to the govern- 
 ment, and goes to church, but your brother is the most 
 unchanged person of the party." 
 
 The colonel, at last, with some other prisoners were deliberat- 
 ing to sue out a habeas corpus, and in order thereunto sent 
 to the lieutenant of the Tower to desire a copy of the warrant 
 whereby he stood committed, which indeed was so imperfect, 
 that he could not legally be kept upon that, for there was 
 neither his Christian name nor any place of residence men- 
 tioned in it, so that any other Hutchinson might as well have 
 been kept upon it as he ; but the lieutenant refused to give 
 him a copy, and his jailor told the prisoner it was altered after 
 they had kept him four or five months in prison : then the 
 colonel wrote to Bennett, but neither from him could he 
 obtain any copy of his commitment. 
 
 After this a friend gave him notice that they had a design 
 to transport him to some island or plantation ; whereupon he 
 wrote a narrative of his imprisonment, and procured it to be 
 secretly printed, to have left behind him, if he had been sent 
 
 disdain. The complete and generous attachment of Mrs. Hutchinson 
 deserves a higher term ; if our language would admit of it, as the French 
 does dtvouement, we should call it devotion.
 
 456 MEMOIES OF COL. HUTCHIXSON. [10(54. 
 
 away, to acquaint the parliament, which was then shortly to 
 assemble, and to leave with his friends ; but he kept it in the 
 mean time privately.* 
 
 At length, through the lies that the lieutenant of the Tower 
 told of his prisoners, and the malice of their wicked perse- 
 cutors, who envied even the bread which charity sent in to 
 feed some of the men whose estates were wholly taken away, 
 warrants were signed for carrying away most of the prisoners, 
 some to Tangiers, and some to other barbarous and distantplaces : 
 among the rest Colonel Hutchinson was destined to the Isle 
 of Man, which Sir Allen Apsley hearing of, told the king he 
 had some private business of trusts with the colonel concern- 
 ing his own estate, for which he obtained a respite for him 
 for three months, with liberty for lawyers to come to him. 
 But when the colonel heard of it, he was more displeased 
 with this petty favour than with all their rigour, and had 
 resolved to have done something to reverse it, but that his 
 wife persuaded him to rest till she made a short voyage into 
 the country to fetch him supplies, which he did. 
 
 As soon as she was gone, the lieutenant of the Tower sent 
 his jailer, Mr. Edward Cresset, early in the morning, upon the 
 16th day of April, 1664, to fetch Mr. Hutchinson to his lodg- 
 ings, whither being come, Cresset withdrew, and the lieutenant 
 told Mr. Hutchinson that he had been civil to him in permit- 
 ting his children to come to him with their mother, and yet he 
 
 * At the time of Colonel Hutchinson's imprisonment the parliament were 
 so devoted to the views of the court, that they might very likely have taken 
 little notice of his representations. Many years elapsed before they 
 animadverted as they ought upon such arbitrary and unjust proceedings. 
 Probably the time will never arrive when parliaments will become sensible 
 of the solecism of making good laws and then dispensing with the execution 
 of them. The fact is, that governors and makers of laws seldom feel the 
 effects of them in their own persons : to the governed, any variableness 
 destroys the benefit of all law.
 
 1664.] REFUSED TO PAY THE DUES. 457 
 
 had not paid him his fees and dues, although that warrant 
 which allowed the access of his wife did not mention his 
 children, and therefore he now demanded his dues. Mr. 
 Hutchinson told him, " At his departure out of the Tower he 
 should not be behind hand with him for the civility of suffer- 
 ing his children to come to him." Robinson replied, " That 
 signified nothing, he expected his dues, and would have them." 
 Mr. Hutchinson answered, " His was not every prisoner's 
 condition, for he had been now twenty-four weeks kept close 
 prisoner, and yet never knew accuser nor accusation against 
 him, and therefore he should desire to consider before he 
 parted with his money ; but for any civilities he should repay 
 them." Robinson said, "He meddled with no man's crimes, 
 but whether guilty or not guilty, he expected his dues, which 
 he could recover by law if they were refused." Mr Hutchin- 
 son asking, " What they were ?" He said, " Fifty pounds." 
 Further demanding, " By what law they were due, whereby 
 he could recover them?" Robinson answered, "By custom." 
 Mr. Hutchinson told him, " He was confident that pretence 
 would not recover them; and if he thought it would, he 
 would go to a civil and fair trial with him the next term ; yet 
 due or not due, what civilities he either had or should afford 
 him, he Avould recompense at parting." Robinson answered, 
 " He stood upon his right, and he would make Mr. Hutchinson, 
 or somebody else, pay it." Mr. Hutchinson told him, " He knew 
 not whom he meant by somebody else, but if his liberty were taken 
 from him without any reason that he knew of, he would not so 
 part with his money, if he could help it." He then, in 
 anger, said, " he would lock him up close, and let nobody 
 come to him." Mr. Hutchinson told him, "He could be locked 
 no closer than he had been all this time, and he hoped he 
 would not forbid those coming to him who had warrant from 
 the secretary ; for the rest he might use his pleasure " He, 
 in fury, commanded Mr. Hutchinson to be taken away, and
 
 458 MEMOIKS OF COL. HTTTCHIXSON. [1664. 
 
 locked him up, so that no person could come to him; and he 
 gave order at the Tower Gates to keep out his children and 
 all his relations that should come to inquire for him; and he 
 sent word to Serjeant Fountaine who had an order to come 
 in, that he should not be admitted, although his business was 
 of great concernment to others, and not to Colonel Hutchin- 
 son, who being a trustee for some of his relations, was to 
 have made some settlements in their affairs ; which could not 
 be done, but they, to their prejudice, were forced to go with- 
 out it.* Although his commands were executed to the full, 
 yet Mr. Hutchinson's eldest son found means to steal into 
 the Tower, and to inform his father of a malicious lie which 
 the lieutenant had made of him at court, on that day that he 
 
 * The same respectable friend who, proceeding upon an intimation con- 
 tained in the Annual Review, communicated to the editor the particulars 
 of the deliverance of George Fox, given in page 201, has upon a similar 
 intimation pointed out several passages in the life of William Penn, de- 
 monstrating the officious readiness of this same Sir John Robinson to act 
 as the minister of oppression and persecution. He first sends a Serjeant 
 from the Tower to watch Penn; the serjeant finds him preaching to friends, 
 seizes him, drags him away to the Tower, and sends to Whitehall for Rob- 
 inson Robinson comes, sits as magistrate, overrules the just and legal 
 objections of Penn, and commits him to gaol. Penn, whilst in prison, 
 writes a very sensible and moderate letter to Bennett, Earl of Arlington, 
 complaining of coarse treatment in prison, although the secretary had pre- 
 tended to give orders for his decent accommodation. At the trial of Penn, 
 Sir John Robinson sits as assessor to the recorder, and at the same time 
 obtrudes himself upon the court as an evidence, interferes to influence the 
 jury against the prisoner, and abuses the foreman because he will not suffer 
 himself to be browbeaten nor biassed. At last, when a verdict could not 
 be obtained conformable to the views of the judges, they tine the jury for that 
 which they have given, and Penn for contempt of the court. To enume- 
 rate, from the " Histories of the Sufferings of the Quakers," the instances of 
 his oppression and cruelty, would fill a volume. Suffice it to hold him up 
 here to infamy as lasting as the fame of those two virtuous men, in the hope 
 of deterring other ministers of injustice from doing the like.
 
 1664.] IHE AKT1CLES AGAINST KOBINSON. 459 
 
 fell out with him ; which was this. Robinson told the king, 
 that, when Mr. Henningham and others were carried out of 
 the Tower to be shipped away, Mr. Hutchinson, looking out of 
 his window, bade them take courage, for they should yet have 
 a day for it. This lie coming to Mr. Hutchinson' s know- 
 ledge on the 19th of April, moved him more than all his other 
 base usage ; whereupon he Avrote a letter to Robinson, to 
 tell him he should have taken care of provoking his pri- 
 soners to speak, who had so much exposed himself to every 
 one of them ; and to let him know what he himself had ob- 
 served and could prove, he drew it up under certain heads, 
 which he told him, if he continued his vile usage of him, he 
 would publish. The articles were : 
 
 1st. That Robinson had affirmed that the king gave no 
 allowance to his prisoners, not so much as to those who had all 
 their estates taken from them ; and accordingly he gave them 
 none, but converted what the king allowed them to his own use, 
 and threatened some of the prisoners with death if they of- 
 fered to demand it ; and suffered others, at twelve o'clock at 
 night, to make such a miserable outcry for bread, that it was 
 heard in some parts of the city, and one was absolutely 
 starved to death for want of relief; although the king at that 
 time told a prisoner, that he took more care for the prisoners 
 than for his own table. 
 
 2nd. That he set down to the king seven pounds a week for 
 one prisoner, for whom he never laid out above twenty-seven 
 or thirty shillings a week at the most. 
 
 3rd. That he not only kept back the prisoners' allowances, 
 but exacted of them excessive rents for bare prison lodg- 
 ings, and empty warders' houses, unfurnished ; and if they 
 had not punctually paid him, would have stifled them up by 
 close imprisonment, without any order, although he knew 
 they had not a penny to buy bread, but what came from the 
 charity of good people.
 
 160 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1664. 
 
 4th. That he received salary of the king for forty warders, 
 and had not near so many, but filled up the list with false 
 names, and took the pay to himself. 
 
 5th. That when he had received money for those war- 
 ders he kept, he had detained it many months, to his 
 own use, while the poor men were thereby in miserable 
 wants. 
 
 6th. That he sold the warders' places, and let them houses 
 at a dear rate, and yet took the most considerable prisoners, 
 which ought to have been committed to them, into his own 
 house, and made them pay him excessive rates for bed-rooms, 
 and set his man, Cressett, over them, making them pay him 
 for attendance, which the warders should have had. 
 
 7th. That he made many false musters in his own com- 
 pany belonging to the Tower, and though he had received 
 the soldiers' money, yet it was run in arrears to them five or 
 six pounds a man ; at which they cruelly murmured, be- 
 cause by this means their maintenance was straitened, and 
 their duty brought more frequently upon them. 
 
 8th. That notwithstanding all his defrauding, oppressive, 
 and exacting ways of raising money, he had ungratefully com- 
 plained of the king's scanty recompense of his service. 
 
 9th. That after the starving of the poor prisoners and their 
 miserable outcry, when shame forced him to allow about a 
 a dozen poor tradesmen ten shillings a piece,* though at that 
 time he received forty from the king for each of them, he and 
 his man, Cressett, denied the king's allowance, and said it was 
 his own charity. 
 
 10th. That he was. frequently drunk, out of the Tower till 
 twelve, one, and two o'clock, and threatened one of the war- 
 
 * It hence appears that many more in number, and persons of a differ- 
 ent description from what other accounts mention, were made prisoners of 
 state at this time.
 
 1GG4.J ROBINSON'S COMPLAINT TO SIR A. APSLEY. 461 
 
 ders, who came one night to fetch him home, with .Newgate, 
 and spited him ever after. 
 
 All these things being notoriously true, this letter put him 
 into a great rage, and a no less dread that the colonel, as he 
 had threatened him, would publish it ; whereupon, as soon 
 as these things were laid to his charge, within ten days he 
 paid his soldiers fifteen months' pay out of twenty-two due to 
 them when the letter was written, he having all that while 
 kept back eighteen pence a week out of every soldier's pay ; 
 and the soldiers, understanding that Colonel Hutchinson's ob- 
 servations of his fraud had procured them this satisfaction, 
 used to give him thanks when they came to stand sentinels at 
 his door. 
 
 Presently after he received the letter, he went to Sir 
 Allen Apsley and complained to him that the colonel had 
 sent him a vile letter, but did not show it to Sir Allen, as he 
 sent word to the colonel he would ; whereupon Sir Allen 
 Apsley sent Mr. George Hutchinson with a letter to Sir John 
 Robinson, to tell him that if he would let him go to his 
 brother, he doxibted not but it would be a good means to 
 persuade the colonel to pay him his fees, and to reconcile the 
 differences between them. Sir John, upon the 21st of April, 
 went along with Mr. George Hutchinson to his brother, and 
 at his entrance, in a passion began to quarrel at the colonel's 
 sour looks ; who told him, if he had known they would not 
 have pleased him, and had had notice of his coming, he 
 would have set them in a glass for him. Then Robinson 
 told him, in a rage, he had written him a libel. Mr. 
 Hutchinson answered it was no libel, for he had set his 
 name to it, and they were truths, which if he put him to it, 
 he could prove by sufficient testimonies. Whereupon he 
 fell into horrible railing and cruel language, but by Mr. 
 George Hutchinson's interposition at length all was pacified, 
 and he was fairly going out of the room with Mr. George
 
 462 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHIXSON. [1664. 
 
 Hutchinson, when his man Cresset, reminding him that the 
 colonel had a foul copy of his letter, which he had said he 
 would send to Sir Allen, who had desired to see it ; Robinson 
 resolved to take that draught away from him ; but the colonel, 
 foreseeing that, had sent copies of it long before out of the 
 Tower, which Robinson's dull head not dreaming of, came 
 back and insolently commanded the colonel to give him the 
 first draught of the letter. The colonel desired to be ex- 
 cused, whereupon Robinson said he would have his pockets 
 searched, and accordingly bade Cresset feel in them. The 
 colonel, a little moved, took a bottle in his hand, and bade 
 Cresset forbear, if he loved his head, and told Sir John if 
 he had any warrant to search him from the king or coun- 
 cil, he would submit to it, but otherwise he would not suffer 
 it, especially for a paper which was only of private concern- 
 ment between them; for all this, when Sir John saw that 
 Cressett durst not approach the colonel, he commanded one 
 Wale, a warder, to search his pockets, who coming with en- 
 treaties to the colonel to permit it, he suffered him. And 
 then the lieutenant caused a little dressing box which the 
 colonel had to be opened, and took away all the papers he 
 found in it, among which there was one wherein the colonel 
 had written a verse out of the 43d Psalm ; it was the first 
 verse, to be joined with the narrative of his imprisonment, 
 that he had provided to leave behind him for the satisfac- 
 tion of his friends. This paper Robinson carried to court, 
 and said, that by the deceitful and unjust man the colonel in- 
 tended the king, although the application was of his own 
 making. In the meantime, while they were ransacking his 
 box and pockets Robinson fell a railing at the colonel, 
 giving him the base terms of rebel and murderer, and such 
 language as none could have learned, but such as had been 
 conversant with the civil society of Picked-hatch, Turnbull- 
 street, and Billings-gate, near which last place the hero had
 
 1064."] HIS WIFE REFUSED ADMITTANCE. 463 
 
 his education."* When the colonel patiently told him he 
 transgressed the act of oblivion, he said he knew that well 
 enough, and bade him sue out his remedy ; then in fury 
 and rage he turned the colonel's servant out of his cham- 
 ber, who had been locked up with him all the time of his 
 imprisonment, and left him altogether unattended, which 
 having never been before in his whole life, put him into a 
 cold and a flux, with a feverish distemper : but the great- 
 ness of his mind was not broken by the feebleness of his 
 constitution, nor by the barbarous inhumanity of his jailers, 
 which he received with disdain, and laughed at, but lost not 
 anger on them. 
 
 After these things, Mrs. Hutchinson coming out of the 
 country was, by the lieutenant's order, denied to see her hus- 
 band, but at her lodgings she found letters from him conveyed 
 to her every day, in spite of all his guards; and thereupon she 
 wrote to Robinson to desire to know whether the secretary had 
 countermanded his first order for her to see her husband, or 
 whether he denied obedience to it ; whereupon Robinson 
 sent to her to come to him the next day, but when she came 
 
 In a former note we remarked that the evils of imprisonment were 
 considerably enhanced by the custody of prisons, and peculiarly prisons of 
 state, being committed to persons of low education and sordid mind ; it is 
 here strongly exemplified, and doubly painful must it have been to Mrs. 
 Hutchinson to witness the unworthy treatment her husband now received, 
 and to compare it with that which the persons confined in this same place 
 had experienced from her father, a man of liberal and noble mind. Con- 
 sidering the prejudice which reigns against prisons and prisoners, and there- 
 fore how few visit them, and how few prisoners dare make observations or 
 remonstrances, it is to be feared many abuses pass unknown and uncor- 
 rected ; it is but once, in ages, that there appears a Howard ! These con- 
 siderations ought to render the guardians of the public welfare extremely 
 tender of the liberty of individuals : but if such things as state prisons be 
 at all necessary, then careful to provide for their being superintended by 
 gentlemen, and men of liberal and benevolent minds.
 
 464 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTTTCHIXSOX. [1664. 
 
 he was gone forth, and she was not admitted within the 
 gates, and thereupon she went back to her lodgings and 
 wrote him a smart letter, and sent him with it a copy of 
 her husband's letter, which she told him she would publish, 
 and not suffer him to be murdered to extort undue money 
 from him. The next day, being the Lord's day, he sent one 
 of the warders to entreat her to come to her husband, and 
 the blood-hound Cressett met her at the gate, and led her to 
 her husband, and left her all the day alone with him, which 
 they had never done before during all the time of his imprison- 
 ment, and in the evening Sir John Robinson sent for her, 
 and partly expostulated with and partly nattered her, and 
 told her that her husband would have been sent to the Isle 
 of Man,* but that he in kindness had procured a better place 
 for him, and that he was not covetous, but since her hus- 
 band would not pay him his fees, he might use his pleasure, 
 and she and his children and relations might freely go to 
 him. She received this as befitted her, being in his hands, 
 and knowing that not good nature, but fear she would put 
 him in print, moved him to this gentler course ; and this she 
 understood, both by the inquiries his servants made of the 
 colonel's warder concerning her intentions, and by Robin- 
 son's continuing, notwithstanding all his dissimulation, to 
 make a thousand false insinuations against the colonel every- 
 where, and to do him all ill offices at court; even if there 
 were not a more abominable wickedness than all this prac- 
 
 * An exile, for the second time, to the Isle of Man is mentioned. Had 
 the colonel, or his friends, been properly informed, they would not have 
 wished to exchange it for the flat coast of Kent. In our times, when it has 
 become the retreat of the gay and imprudent, it must seem strange to hear 
 it spoken of as a spot to be dreaded. Had he been sent there he would very 
 likely have lived to see the downfall of his enemies, and have returned to 
 shine in the autumn of his life aa an evening sun, when his virtues would 
 have been recognised and revered.
 
 1664.] SUSPICIONS OF POISOX. 465 
 
 tised, namely, a lingering poison given him, which, though 
 we had not wickedness enough to suspect then, the events 
 that have since ensued make a little doubtful. It is certain 
 that Cressett did make that attempt upon Sir Henry Vane 
 and others, and two or three days before the colonel was sent 
 away, he brought into his chamber, when he came to lock 
 him up at night, a bottle of excellent wine, under pretence 
 of kindness, which he, the colonel, and the warder drank to- 
 gether, and the warder and the colonel both died within 
 four months ; the colonel presently after fell sick, but was 
 very unsuspicious, and we must leave it to the great day, 
 when all crimes, how secret soever, will be made manifest, 
 whether they added poison to all their other iniquity, whereby 
 they certainly murdered this guiltless servant of God. 
 
 A few days after, at nine o'clock at night, after his wife 
 was gone from him, Cressett brought the colonel a warrant, 
 to tell him that he must, the next morning tide, go down to 
 Sandown Castle, in Kent ; which he was not surprised at, it 
 being the barbarous custom of that place to send away the 
 prisoners, when they had no knowledge of, nor time to accom- 
 modate themselves for their journey. But instead of putting 
 him into a boat at the morning tide, about eight o'clock Sir 
 Henry Wroth came with a party of horse to receive him of 
 the lieutenant, and finding him sick, and not well able to 
 endure riding in the heat of the day, he was so civil as to let 
 him go by water in the evening tide to Gravesend, with a 
 guard of soldiers in boats hired at his own charge, where the 
 horse guard met him. By these means he got opportunity 
 to take leave of his children which were in town, and about 
 four o'clock he was sent out of the Tower, with one Gregory, 
 designed to be his fellow prisoner ; who, going over the draw- 
 bridge, turned back to the lieutenant, and told him he would 
 have accepted it as a greater mercy if the king had commanded 
 him to have been shot to death there, rather than have sent 
 2 H
 
 466 MEMOIKS OF COL. HTJTCHINSOST. [1664. 
 
 him to a distant place to be starved, he having nothing but 
 his trade to maintain him, and his friends would now be so 
 far removed from him, that he could expect nothing.* The 
 lieutenant in scorn told him, he went with a charitable man 
 who would not suffer him to starve, whereby he exposed the 
 malice of their intentions to the colonel ; who thought it not 
 enough to send him to a far prison not much differing from 
 exile, but to charge him with a companion, whom however 
 his kindness might have rendered him charitable to, yet they 
 ought not to have put upon him ; neither would the colonel 
 take notice of their imposition, though he designed kindness 
 to the man, had he been worthy of it. 
 
 The colonel's wife and children got a boat and followed 
 him to Gravesend, whither also Gregory's wife, and one that 
 called him brother, went ; and that night all the company 
 and all the guards supped at the colonel's charge, and many 
 of the guards lay in the chamber with him, who, with the re- 
 freshment of the evening air, and the content he felt in being 
 out of Robinson's claws, found himself, or through the live- 
 liness of his spirit fancied himself, something better than he 
 was in the Tower. The next morning, very early, his guards 
 hurried him away on horseback ; but, to speak the truth, they 
 were civil to him. His son went along with him to see the 
 place he was sent to, and Sir Allen Apsley had procured an 
 order for his servant to continue with him in the prison ; his 
 wife went back to London, to stay there to provide him such 
 accommodation as she could hear he had need of. 
 
 When he came to the castle, he found it a lamentable old 
 ruined place, almost a mile distant from the town, the rooms 
 all out of repair, not weather proof, no kind of accommodation 
 either for lodging or diet, or any conveniency of life. Before 
 
 * This Gregory seems to have been a low man, but had probably com- 
 manded a company in some of the city regiments during the latter times of 
 the parliament.
 
 1664.] HIS RESIDENCE IN THE CASTLE. 467 
 
 he came, there were not above half a dozen soldiers in it, and 
 a poor lieutenant with his wife and children, and two or three 
 cannoniers, and a few guns almost dismounted, upon rotten 
 carriages ; but at the colonel's coming thither, a company of 
 foot besides were sent from Dover to help to guard the place, 
 pitiful weak fellows, half-starved and eaten up with veTmin, 
 whom the governor of Dover cheated of half their pay, and 
 the other half they spent in drink. These had no beds, but 
 a nasty court of guard, where a sutler lived, within a partition 
 made of boards, with his wife and family, and this was all 
 the accommodation the colonel had for his victuals, which 
 were bought at a dear rate in the town, and most horribly 
 dressed at the suttler's. For beds he was forced to send to 
 an inn in the town, and at a most unconscionable rate hire 
 three, for himself, his man, and Captain Gregory ; he had to 
 get his chamber glazed, which was a thoroughfare room, 
 having five doors in it, one of which opened upon a platform, 
 that had nothing but the bleak air of the sea, whilst every 
 tide washed the foot of the castle walls. This air made the 
 chamber so unwholesome and damp, that even in the summe 
 time the colonel's hat-case and trunks, and every thing o 
 leather, would be every day all covered over with mould, 
 wipe them as clean as you could one morning, by the next 
 they would be mouldy again ; and though the walls were 
 four yards thick, yet it rained in through the cracks in them, 
 and then one might sweep a peck of saltpetre off of them 
 every day, which stood in a perpetual sweat upon them. 
 Notwithstanding all this, the colonel was very cheerful, and 
 made the best shifts he could, with things as he found them ; 
 when the lieutenant's wife, seeing his stomach could not well 
 bear his food, offered to board him, and so he and his man 
 dieted with her for twenty shillings a week, he rinding wine 
 besides, and linen, &c. Whilst the sutler provided his meat, 
 Gregory ate with him ; but when he tabled with the captain, 
 2n 2
 
 468 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTTTCHINSOX. [1664. 
 
 Gregory's son coming to him, he had his meat from the 
 town, and soon after a woman came down who left not the 
 man destitute and comfortless. The worst part of the colonel's 
 sufferings in this prison, was the company of this fellow, who 
 being a fellow prisoner, and poor, and the colonel having no 
 particular retreat, he* could not wholly decline his company; 
 and he being a carnal person, without any fear of God, or any 
 good, but rather scandalous conversation, he could take no 
 pleasure in him ; meanwhile, many of his friends gave caution 
 to his wife concerning him, as suspecting him to be a tre- 
 panner, which we had afterwards some cause to fear. 
 
 The captain of the castle, one Freeman, had all this while 
 a chamber which was a little warmer, and had a bed in it, 
 but this he reserved, intending to set a rate upon it, and this 
 too was so dark that one could not have read by the fire or 
 the bedside without a candle at noon day. 
 
 When the colonel's wife understood her husband's bad 
 accommodation, she made all the means she could through her 
 friends to procure liberty that she might be in the castle with 
 him, but that was absolutely denied ; whereupon she and her 
 son and daughter went to Deal, and there took lodgings, 
 from whence they walked every day on foot to dinner and 
 back again at night, with horrible toil and inconvenience ; 
 and though they procured the captain's wife to diet them 
 with the colonel, when they had meat good enough, yet 
 through the poverty of the people, and their want of all neces- 
 saries, and the faculty of ordering things as they should be, 
 it was very inconvenient to them ; yet the colonel endured it 
 so cheerfully that he was never more pleasant and contented 
 in his whole life. When no other recreations were left him, 
 he diverted himself with sorting and shadowing cockle-shells, 
 which his wife and daughter gathered for him, with as much 
 delight as he used to take in the richest agates and onyxes 
 he could compass, with the most artificial engravings, which
 
 16G4.] COMFORTS HIS WIFE. 469 
 
 were things, when he recreated himself from more serious 
 studies, he as much delighted in as any piece of art. But 
 his fancy showed itself so excellent in sorting and dressing 
 these shells, that none of us could imitate it, and the cockles 
 began to be admired by several persons who saw them. 
 These were but his trifling diversions, his business and con- 
 tinual study was the Scripture, which the more he conversed 
 in, the more it delighted him ; insomuch that his wife having 
 brought down some books to entertain him in his solitude, 
 he thanked her, and told her that if he should continue as 
 long as he lived in prison, he would read nothing there but 
 his bible. His wife bore all her own toils joyfully enough 
 for the love of him, but could not but be very sad at the sight 
 of his undeserved sufferings ; and he would very sweetly and 
 kindly chide her for it, and tell her that if she were but 
 cheerful, he should think this suffering the happiest thing 
 that ever befell him ; he would also bid her consider what 
 reason she had to rejoice that the Lord supported him, and 
 how much more intolerable it would have been if the Lord 
 had suffered his spirits to have sunk, or his patience to have 
 been lost under this. One day when she was weeping, after 
 he had said many things to comfort her, he gave her reasons 
 why she should hope and be assured that this cause would 
 revive, because the interest of God was so much involved in 
 it that he was entitled to it.* She told him. she did not 
 
 * The notion of the revival of The Cause, and of the advancement of it 
 by their sufferings, seems to have been very prevalent with those who fell 
 in these times; accordingly they supported their fate with the true spirit of 
 martyrs. The speech of Colonel Okey at the time of his execution, pre- 
 served in the Trials of the Regicides, maintains the style of prophetic 
 eloquence with so much dignity and firmness, as almost to captivate the 
 imagination of the coolest reasoner. These sentences following are extracted 
 from it : 
 
 " And truly, as to the Cause, I am as confident, even as I am of my
 
 470 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1664 
 
 doubt but the cause would revive ; but, said she, notwith- 
 standing all your resolution, I know this will conquer the 
 weakness of your constitution, and you will die in prison. 
 He replied, I think I shall not, but if I do, my blood will be 
 so innocent, I shall advance the cause more by my death 
 hastening the vengeance of God upon my unjust enemies, than 
 I could do by all the actions of my life. Another time, when 
 she was telling him she feared they had but placed him on 
 the sea-shore in order to transport him to Tangier, he told 
 her, if they had, God was the same God at Tangier as at 
 Owthorpe ; prithee, said he, trust God with me, if he carry 
 me away, he will bring me back again. 
 
 Sometimes when he would not be persuaded to do things 
 wherein he had a liberty, for fear of putting a snare and 
 stumbling-block before others that had not so, and when she 
 would expostulate with him, why he should make himself a 
 martyr for people who had been so censorious of him, and so 
 unthankful and insensible of all his merits, he would say, he 
 did it not for them, but for the cause they owned. When 
 many ill usages he had received from godly people have been 
 urged to him, he would say, that if they were truly the people 
 of God, all their failings were to be borne ; that if God had 
 a people in the land, as he was confident he had, it was 
 among them, and not among the cavaliers, and therefore 
 
 resurrection, that that cause which we first took up the sword for, which 
 was for righteousness and justice, and for the advancement of a godly 
 magistracy and a good ministry (however some men turned about for their 
 own ends), shall yet revive again. I am confident, I say, that cause for 
 which so much blood hath been shed, will have another resurrection, and 
 that you \\~i\l have a blessed fruit of those many thousands that have been 
 killed in the late war. I would say to all good men, rather to suffer than 
 take any indirect means to deliver themselves; and God, when it shall 
 make most for his own glory and the good of his people, will deliver, and 
 that in such a way that himself shall have glory in, and the gospel have no 
 reproach by."
 
 1664.] HIS CONVERSATION WITH HIS WIFE. 471 
 
 although he should ever be severe against their miscarriages 
 in any person in whomsoever he found them, yet he would 
 adhere to them that owned God, how unkindly soever they 
 dealt with him. Sometimes he would say, that if ever he 
 should live to see the parliament power up again, he would 
 never meddle any more either in councils or in armies ; and 
 then sometimes again, when he saw or heard of any of the 
 debaucheries of the times, he would say, he would act only as 
 a justice of the peace in the country, and be severe against 
 drunkards, and suffer none in his neighbourhood. Often- 
 times he would say, that if ever he were at liberty in the world, 
 he would flee the conversation of the cavaliers, and would 
 write upon his doors, 
 
 Procul hinc, procul este, profani ! 
 
 and that, though he had in his former conversation with 
 them never had any communication with their manners nor 
 vices, yet henceforth he would never, in one kind or other, 
 have any commerce at all with them ; and indeed it was a 
 resolution he would oftener repeat than any other, telling 
 us that he was convinced there was a serpentine seed in 
 them. Yet he had many apprehensions of the rash, hot- 
 heated spirits of many of our party, and fears that their 
 pride and self-conceit of their own abilities would again 
 bring us into confusion, if they should ever have the reins 
 again in their hands ; and therefore he would bid us advise 
 his son, and would himself advise him, if ever we lived to 
 see a change, not to fall in with the first, how fair soever 
 their pretences were ; but to wait to see how their practices 
 suited them. For he would say, that a hot-spirited people 
 would first get up and put all into confusion, and then a 
 sober party must settle things ; and he would say, let my son 
 stay to fall in with these. He foresaw that the courses which 
 the king and his party took to establish themselves would be
 
 472 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHINSON. [1064 
 
 their ruin, and would say, that whenever the king had an 
 army it would be his destruction.* Once when his wife was 
 lamenting his condition, having said many things to comfort 
 her, he told her he could not have been without this afflic- 
 tion, for if he had nourished while all the people of God 
 were corrected, he should have feared he had not been ac- 
 counted among his children, as he had not shared their lot. 
 Then would he with thankfulness repeat the kind and gentle 
 dealings of the Lord at all times toward him, and erect a 
 firm and mighty hope upon it, and wonderfully encourage her 
 to bear it patiently, not only by words, but by his own ad- 
 mirable example. 
 
 After Mr. Hutchinson had been some time prisoner at 
 Sandown, the governor of the Castle came over, and would 
 fain have let him his chamber for 20s. a week, which Mr. 
 Hutchinson told him he would give him, if his wife might 
 come there to him ; but the governor refused that without 
 an express order, which was endeavoured but could not be 
 obtained. Then Freeman demanded a mark a week of the 
 colonel for fees, but the colonel told him, except he could 
 show how it was due by any known law, he would not pay 
 it. Some time after, the governor of Dover came over, with 
 the governor of Sandown and one Mr. Masters, and Freeman 
 consulting his master of Dover how he should get money of 
 the colonel, the governor of Dover advised him to put him into 
 a dungeon, but the fellow durst not attempt it. Yet some time 
 afterwards he came to the castle, and passing into his own 
 chamber, through Mr. Hutchinson's, who was there, as he 
 
 * Is it permissible to extend this prediction to the time when James the 
 Second mustered his army near Salisbury, and in their almost general 
 defection received his irrevocable doom ? If it is, it will appear a very 
 signal instance of foresight. The king then reigning, Charles II. never 
 made but one, and that a very short-lived attempt to raise an army, which 
 was speedily disbanded.
 
 1664.] INSOLENCE OF THE CAPTAIN. 473 
 
 went by with his Lieutenant, Moyle, at his heels, he called 
 out to Mr. Hutchinson's man, and bade him desire Hutchinson 
 to come to him, without the addition of so much as the title of 
 a gentleman. Mrs. Hutchinson being then in the room with 
 her husband, desired that she might go in with him and 
 answer the captain's insolency, and that he would take no 
 notice of it ; upon which he told her that he would not, neither 
 should she, and so they both went into the captain's chamber, 
 who had also called Gregory. When they were both there, 
 the captain, turning to Moyle, said, " Captain Moyle, I ordain 
 you to quarter Hutchinson and Gregory together in the next 
 room ; and if Hutchinson will make a partition at his own 
 charge, he may have that part of the chamber which has the 
 chimney, and for this you must expect a mark a week of 
 Hutchinson, and a noble of Gregory ; and if they will have 
 any enlargement besides, they must pay for it."* Mr. Hut- 
 chinson laughed at him, and bade his wife report his usage 
 of him to the secretary at London, to whom she immediately 
 wrote an account of it, and sent it to Sir Allen Apsley, de- 
 siring him either to procure an order for removal, or else for 
 better accommodation, and she showed this letter to Gregory 
 before it went, representing equally his condition with her 
 husband's. Seeing she could not get admission into the castle, 
 she took a house in the town, to which she intended to have 
 brought her children for the winter, had not God prevented it. 
 Notf long after, the colonel's brother, Mr. George Hut- 
 
 * In speaking of the persons who had the command of the castle, and the 
 custody of the prisoners, there seems in some parts of the narrative to be a 
 little perplexity ; but this passage shows clearly that Freeman was captain, 
 but did not reside at it; and that Moyle was his lieutenant, and did reside 
 at it. The former was the person who, on this and some other occasions, 
 attempted to extort money from Colonel Hutchinson and his.family; the 
 latter was the person whose wife boarded and accommodated them. 
 
 f- We now hasten to the conclusion of our tragedy, and accordingly 
 here are all the principal characters in their proper places and attitudes;
 
 474 MEMOIRS or COL. HUTCHIXSOX. [1664. 
 
 chinson, came down, and brought with him an order, signed 
 by the secretary Bennett, to allow the colonel leave to 
 walk by the sea-side with a keeper, which order Sir Allen 
 Apsley and his lady had at length procured with some diffi- 
 culty and sent him ; wherewith he was so well satisfied, that 
 now he thought not his prison insupportable ; neither indeed 
 was it so to him before, for his patience and faith wonderfully 
 carried him through all his sufferings. As it now drew 
 nigh to the latter end of the year, Mrs. Hutchinson, having 
 prepared the house, was necessitated to go to Owthorpe to 
 fetch her children, and other supplies for her husband ; whom, 
 when the time of her departure came, she left with a very 
 sad and ill-presaging heart, rather dreading that while he lay 
 so ready on the sea-coast, he might some time or other be 
 shipped away to some barbarous place in her absence, than 
 that which afterwards ensued. The colonel comforted her all 
 he could, and on the morning she went away said, " Now 
 I myself begin to be loth to part with thee." But yet, 
 according to his usual cheerfulness, he encouraged himself 
 
 our hero suffering with fortitude, calmness, and dignity; the kind-hearted 
 brother, the idolizing devoted wife, the observant son and daughter, soothing 
 him with their assiduities, and the constant friend procuring and sending 
 alleviations. Evils so endured, so consoled, almost begin to partake of the 
 nature of enjoyments; but even this state of things will prove very transient, 
 and like the last gleams of departing day, and we must speedily descend 
 into the vale of tears; those who solicited this exile as a mitigation of 
 oppression, and this license of walking on the shore as a relief, little knew 
 or thought of the effect this situation on this low shore would have on the 
 constitution of a person tenderly brought up, and who had lived all his time 
 in the centre of the kingdom ; or that walks by the sea-side, in the decline 
 of the day and of the year, would add considerably to the danger. Those 
 who are acquainted with these parts are well aware of it, and probably so 
 were those who granted both. 
 
 Timeo Danaos el dona ferentes. 
 
 Trust not the fraudful present of a foe.
 
 1^564. J HIS WIFE OBLIGED TO LEAVE HIM. 475 
 
 and her, and sent his son along with her. His daughter 
 and his brother stayed at Deal, who, coming to him every 
 day, he walked out with them by the sea-side, and would 
 discourse of the public concernments, and say that the ill- 
 management of the state would cause discontented wild 
 parties to mutiny and rise against the present powers, but that 
 they would only put things in confusion ; it must be a sober 
 party that must then arise and settle them. He would often 
 say to his son and his wife, as he did now to his brother, 
 " Let not my son, how fairly soever they pretend, too rashly 
 engage with the first, but stay to see what they make good, 
 and engage with those who are for settlement, who will have 
 need of men of interest to assist them ; let him keep clear 
 and take heed of too rash attempts, and he will be courted if 
 he behave himself piously and prudently, and keep free of all 
 faction, making the public interest only his own." He would 
 sometimes in discourse say, that when these people once had 
 an army, which they seemed to aim at, that army would 
 be their destruction, for he was very confident God would 
 bring them down ; he would often say they could not stand, 
 and that whoever had anything to do with them could not pros- 
 per. He once used this expression, " Although," said he, 
 " I am free from any truckling with them, yet even that con- 
 senting submission which I had, hath brought this suffering 
 upon me." And he would often say, he would never have so 
 much as a civil correspondence with any of them again ; yet 
 when he mentioned Sir Allen Apsley, he would say, he 
 would never serve any that would not for his sake serve the 
 person that had preserved him. When his wife went away 
 he was exceeding well and cheerful, and so confident of 
 seeing Owthorpe, that he gave her directions in a paper for 
 planting trees, and for many other things belonging to the 
 house and gardens. " You give me," said she, " these orders, 
 as if you were to see that place again." " If I do not," said
 
 476 MEMOIRS OF COL. HUTCHINSOtf. [1664. 
 
 he, " I thank God I can cheerfully forego it, but I will not 
 distrust that God will bring me back again, and therefore I 
 will take care to keep it while I have it." 
 
 On the third of September, being Saturday, he had been 
 walking by the sea-side, and coming home found himself 
 aguish, with a kind of shivering and pain in his bones, and 
 going to bed did sweat exceedingly : the next day he was 
 a little better, and came down ; but on the Monday, expecting 
 another fit, which came upon him, he lay in bed all day, and 
 rose again the next day, but went not down ; and after that 
 he slept no more till his last sleep came upon him, but con- 
 tinued in a feverish distemper, with violent sweatings, after 
 which he used to rise out of his bed to refresh him, and when 
 he was up used to read much in his bible. He had directed 
 his wife, when she went away, to send him the Dutch Anno- 
 tations on the Bible, and she had sent it down with some 
 other things ; which he presently caused to be brought him, 
 though he was in his bed, and some places in the Epistle to 
 the Romans read, which having heard, " these annotations," 
 said he, " are short ;" and then looking over some notes upon 
 that Epistle, which his wife had gathered from him, and had 
 written in a book ; " I have," said he, " discovered much more 
 of the mystery of truth in that Epistle, and when my wife returns 
 I will make her set it down ; for," said he, " I will no more 
 observe their cross humours, but when her children are near, 
 I will have her in my chamber with me, and they shall not 
 pluck her out of my arms ; and then, in the winter nights, 
 she shall collect several observations I have made of this 
 Epistle since I came into prison." The continual study of 
 the Scriptures did infinitely ravish and refine his soul, and 
 take it off from all lower exercise, and he continued i< in his 
 sickness even to the last, desiring his brother, when he was 
 in bed and could not read himself, to read it to him. He found 
 himself every day growing weaker, yet was not exceeding
 
 1664.] SEIZED WITH ILLNESS. 477 
 
 sick, only he could not sleep at all, day nor night. There 
 was a country physician at Deal, who had formerly belonged 
 to the army, and had some gifts, and used to exercise them 
 among godly people in their meetings ; but having been 
 taken there once by the persecutors, and being married to a 
 wicked unquiet woman, she and the love of the world had 
 perverted him to forsake all religious meetings ; yet the man 
 continued civil and fair-conditioned, and was much employed 
 thereabouts. He being sent for to Mr. Hutchinson, found 
 that on Friday his mouth grew very sore, whereupon he told 
 Mr. George Hutchinson that he distrusted his own skill in 
 looking to it, and apprehending some danger, advised him 
 to send for a very famous physician who was at Canterbury, 
 which they did, and he came on Saturday. As he came along 
 he inquired of the messenger that fetched him what kind of 
 person the colonel was, and how he had lived ; and what he 
 had been accustomed to, and which chamber of the castle he was 
 now lodged in ? Which when the man had told him, he said 
 his journey would be to no purpose, for that chamber had 
 killed him. Accordingly, when he came, he told the colonel's 
 brother, on Saturday night, that he apprehended danger, and 
 appointed some remedies, and some applications to his temples, 
 and a cordial to procure rest, but it had no effect. There 
 was a nurse watching in his chamber, and she told them after 
 his death, that she heard him pray in the night, with the 
 deepest sighs that ever she heard. The next morning, before 
 the doctor and his daughter, and brother and servants came 
 to him, the gentlewoman of the castle came up and asked him 
 how he did? He told her, incomparably well, and full of 
 faith. 
 
 Some time after, when the doctor came, he told his brother 
 that the fever had seized his head, and that he believed he 
 should soon fall into ravings and die, and therefore wished 
 him, if he had anything to say to him, to speak while he was
 
 478 MEMOIRS OF COL. HL T TCHINSO]S*. [1664 
 
 in his perfect senses. So Mr. George Hutchinson came to 
 him, and told him he helieved he could not live, and therefore 
 desired him if he had anything to do, to despatch it, for he 
 believed his end was approaching. The colonel, Avithout the 
 least dejection or amazement, replied, very composedly and 
 cheerfully, " The will of the Lord be done : I am ready for 
 it." And then he told them that he did now confirm the will 
 he wrote in the Tower as his last will and testament, and all 
 others were to be void. The doctor, who had, when religion 
 was in fashion, been a pretender to it, came to him and asked 
 him if his peace was made with God ; to which he replied, 
 " I hope you do not think me so ill a Christian, to have been 
 thus long in prison, and have that to do now !" The doctor 
 asked him concerning the ground of his hope ; to which he 
 answered, " There's none but Christ, none but Christ, in 
 whom I have unspeakable joy, more than I can express ; yet 
 I should utter more, but that the soreness of my mouth makes 
 it difficult for me to speak." Then they asked him where he 
 would be buried ? He told them, in his vault at Owthorpe ; 
 his brother told him it would be a long way to carry him : he 
 answered, " Let my wife order the manner of it as she will, 
 only I would lie there." He left a kind message to his wife, 
 " Let her," said he, " as she is above other women, show 
 herself, in this occasion, a good Christian, and above the 
 pitch of ordinary women."* He commanded his daughter 
 who was present to tell the rest, that he would have them all 
 guided by her counsels ; and left with his brother the same 
 message to his eldest son. " I would," said he, " have spoken 
 to my wife and son, but it is not the will of God ;" then, as 
 
 * This is that command of her husband which Mrs. Hutchinson speaks 
 of at the beginning of her narrative, where she says she has determined to 
 employ her thoughts upon the preservation of his memory, not the fruitless 
 bewailing of it.
 
 1664.] HIS LAST CONVERSATION. 479 
 
 he was going to utter something, " here's none but friends ;" 
 his brother reminded him that the doctor was present ; " Oh, 
 I thank you," said he ; and such was their amazement in 
 their sorrow, that they did not think of speaking to the 
 doctor to retire, but lost what he would have said, which 
 I am confident was some advice to his son how to demean 
 himself in public concernments. He lay all the day very 
 sensible and very cheerful, to the admiration both of the 
 doctors and of all that saw him ; and as his daughter sat 
 weeping by him, " Fie, Bab," said he, " do you mourn for 
 me as for one without hope ? There is hope." He desired 
 his brother to remember him to Sir Allen Apsley, and tell 
 him that he hoped God would reward his labour of love to 
 him. While he was thus speaking to them, his spirits 
 decayed exceedingly fast, and his pulse grew very low, and 
 his head was already earth in the upper part ; yet he raised 
 himself in his bed, " And now," said he to the doctor, " I 
 would fain know your reason why you fancy me dying ; I feel 
 nothing in myself, my head is well, my heart is well, and I 
 have no pain nor sickness any where." The doctor, seeing 
 this, was amazed; " Sir," said he, "I would be glad to be 
 deceived ;" and being at a stand, he told Mr. George Hut- 
 cliinson he was surprised, and knew not what to think, to see 
 him so cheerful and undisturbed, when his pulse was gone ; 
 which if it were not death, must be some strange working of 
 the spleen, and therefore advised him to send away for Dr. 
 Ridgely, which he would before have done, but that the 
 doctor told him he feared it would be in vain, and that he 
 would be dead before the doctor could come. While they 
 were preparing to write, the colonel spoke only these words : 
 " 'Tis as I would have it : 'tis where I would have it :" and 
 spoke no more, for convulsions wrought his mouth, yet did 
 his sense remain perfect to his last breath ; for when some 
 named Mrs. Hutchinson, and said, " Alas, how will she be
 
 480 MEMOI-RS OF COL. HUTCH1XSON. [1664. 
 
 surprised !" he fetched a sigh, and within a little while de- 
 parted ; his countenance settling so amiably and cheerfully 
 after death, that he looked after he was dead as he used to do 
 when best pleased in life. It was observable that at the same 
 hour, and the same day of the month, and the same day of 
 the week, that the wicked soldiers fetched him out of his own 
 rest and quiet condition at home, eleven months before, the 
 Lord of hosts sent his holy angels to fetch him out of their 
 cruel hands up to his everlasting and blessed rest above ; 
 this being the Lord's day, about seven o'clock at night, the 
 eleventh day of September, 1664; that, the same day and 
 hour, the eleventh of October, 1663. 
 
 The two doctors, though mere strangers to him, were so 
 moved that they both wept as if he had been their brother ; 
 and he of Canterbury said, he had been with many eminent 
 persons, but he never in his whole life saw any one receive 
 death with more Christian courage, constancy of mind, and 
 stedfastness of faith, than the colonel had expressed from 
 the first to the last; so that, considering the height of his 
 fever, and his want of rest, there was an evidence of a divine 
 assistance that overruled all the powers and operations of 
 nature. This doctor, who was called Dr. Jachin, had most 
 curiously and strictly observed all his motions. I know not 
 by what impulse, but he afterwards said that, on account of the 
 colonel's former engagements, he knew he should be examined 
 of all these circumstances, and therefore was resolved diligently 
 to observe them ; and as he guessed, it afterwards fell out, 
 for the gentlemen of the country, being of the royal party, 
 were busy in their inquiries, which the doctor answered with 
 such truth and clearness as made them ready to burst with 
 envy at the peace and joy the Lord was pleased to give his 
 servant, in taking him out of this wicked world. I am apt 
 to think that it was not tenderness of nature alone, but con- 
 viction of their own disturbed peace, which drew those tears
 
 1664.] PREPARATIONS TOR HIS FUNERAL. 481 
 
 from the doctors, when they saw in him that blessed peace 
 and joy which crowns the Lord's constant martyrs : whatever 
 it was, the men were faithful in divulging the glory of the 
 Lord's wonderful presence with his servant. 
 
 As soon as the colonel was dead, his brother sent away a 
 messenger to carry the sad news to his house, and caused his 
 body to be embalmed in order to his funeral, as he had 
 thrice ordered. When he was disembowelled, all his inwards 
 were found exceeding sound, and no taint in any part, only 
 two or three purple spots on his lungs : his gall, the doctor 
 said, was the largest that ever he saw in any man, and ob- 
 served it to be a miracle of grace that he had been so patient 
 as he had seen him. 
 
 Some two or three days before the colonel fell sick, 
 Freeman, the captain of the castle, had sent down a very strict 
 order that the colonel should carry nothing out of the castle ; 
 in pursuance of which the soldiers would not suffer them to 
 take out his beds, furniture, or clothes, which Mr. Hutchinson 
 forbore till an order came for them. 
 
 As soon as the news came to Owthorpe, the colonel's two 
 eldest sons and all his household servants went up to Lon- 
 don with his horses, and made ready a hearse, tricked with 
 escutcheons and six horses in mourning, with a mourning 
 coach and six horses to wait on it, and came down to Deal 
 with an order from the secretary for the body ; but when 
 they came thither, Captain Freeman, in spite, would not de- 
 liver it, because Mrs. Hutchinson herself was not come to 
 fetch it; so they were forced, at an intolerable expense, to keep 
 all this equipage at Deal, while they sent to the secretary for 
 another order, which they got directed to the lieutenant in 
 the absence of the captain, and as soon as it came they deli- 
 vered it to him, who immediately suffered them to take away 
 the body, which they did at that very hour, though it was 
 night, fearing a further dispute with Freeman. For he, after 
 2 i
 
 482 MEMOIRS OF COL. HTTTCHIKSON. [1664. 
 
 the body had been ten days embalmed, said he would have 
 a jury empannelled, and a coroner to sit upon it, to see 
 whether he died a natural death. Mr. Hutchinson asked him 
 why he urged that, when it lay on their side to have sought 
 satisfaction. He said he must do it to clear the king's garri- 
 son. Mr. Hutchinson told him he had slipped his time ; 
 it should have been done at the first, before the embalming. 
 He said he would have it unlapped, and accordingly he sent 
 for a coroner and a jury, who, when they came, would not 
 unlap the body, but called those persons who had been about 
 him, and examined them as to the occasion of his death. They 
 made affidavit, which remains yet upon record, that the doc- 
 tor said that the place had killed him, and, satisfied with this, 
 they did not unlap the body. As it came into Deal, Free- 
 man met it, and said, if he had been in the castle they should 
 not have had it till they had paid the money he demanded ; 
 which, when he could not justify any right to it by any law, 
 he began to beg most basely and unworthily, but had nothing 
 given him for that. However, though the secretary had also 
 ordered that the colonel should have his things out, yet he 
 detained all he found in the castle, his trunks, and beds, 
 and furniture, which could never be gotten out of his hands. 
 Although this spite of his put the colonel's family to an 
 excessive charge in staying so long in that cut-throat town 
 of Deal, yet there was a providence of the Lord in it ; for 
 the colonel's daughter who was there, through grief had con- 
 tracted a violent sickness, which took her with great seve- 
 rity, and wrought off of her stomach in black vomits, which 
 made her for the present desperately ill, and the doctor that 
 was with her said that if she had then been on her journey, 
 as she would have been had they not been delayed by Free- 
 man's cruel spite, she could not have lived. 
 
 The next day after they had gotten out the body, they 
 brought it with a handsome private equipage to Canterbury,
 
 1664.] BURIED AT OWTHORPE. 483 
 
 and so forwards towards London, meeting no affronts in their 
 way but at one town, where there was a fair, the priest of 
 which place came out, with his clerk in his fool's coat, to 
 offer them burial, and they laid hold of the horses to stop their 
 hearse ; but the attendants putting them by, the wicked rout 
 at the fair took part with them, and set upon the horsemen ; 
 but they broke several of their heads, and made their way 
 clear, having beaten off all the town and the fair, and came on 
 to London. They passed through Southwark, over the bridge, 
 and through the whole heart of the city, in the day time, 
 to their lodging in Holborn, and had not one reviling word 
 or indignity offered them all the way but several people were 
 very much moved at that sad witness of the murderous 
 cruelty of the men then in power. 
 
 From London he was brought down to Owthorpe, very 
 seriously bewailed all the way he came along by all those 
 who had been better acquainted with his worth than the 
 strangers were among whom he died ; and he was brought 
 home with honour to his grave through the dominions of 
 his murderers, who were ashamed of his glories, which all 
 their tyrannies could not extinguish with his life. 
 
 2 12
 
 484 
 
 INSCRIPTION ON THE MONUMENT OF COLONEL HTJTCHINSON, 
 AT OWTHORPE, IN NOTTINGHAMSHIRE, 
 
 (Supposed to have been written by Mrs. Hutchinson. ) 
 
 Quousque Domine ! 
 In a vauit under this wall lieth the body of 
 
 JOHN HUTCHINSON, 
 
 Of Owthorpe, in the county of Nottingham, Esq., 
 
 Eldest sonne and heire of Sir Thomas Hutchinson, by his first wife, the 
 
 Lady Margaret, daughter of Sir John Biron, of Newsted, 
 
 in the said county. 
 
 This monument doth not commemorate 
 
 Vaine ayrie glorious titles, birth, and state ; 
 
 But sacred is to free, illustrious grace, 
 
 Conducting happily a mortal's race ; 
 
 To end in triumph over death and hell, 
 
 When, like the prophet's cloake, the fraile flesh fell, 
 
 Forsaken as a dull impediment, 
 
 Whilst love's swift fiery chariot climh'd th' ascent. 
 
 Nor are the reliques lost, but only torn, 
 
 To be new made, and in more lustre worn. 
 
 Full of this ioy he mounted, he lay downe, 
 
 Threw off his ashes, and took up his crowne. 
 
 Those who lost all their splendor in his grave, 
 Ev'n there yet no inglorious period have. 
 
 He married Lucy, the daughter of Sir Allen Apsley, lieu- 
 tenant of the Tower of London, by his third wife, the 
 Lady Lucy, daughter of Sir John St. John, of Lidiard 
 Tregos, in the county of Wilts, who dying at Owthorpe, 
 October 11, 1659, lieth buried in the same vault. 
 e left surviving by the sayd Lucy 4 sons ; Thomas, who 
 married Jane, the daughter of Sir Alexander Radcliffe, 
 buried in the same vault : and Edward, Lucius, and John : 
 and 4 daughters ; Barbara, Lucy, Margaret, and Adeliza ; 
 which last lies buried in the same vault. 
 
 He died at Sandowne Castle, in Kent, after 11 months' 
 harsh and strict imprisonment, without crime or accu- 
 sation, upon the llth day of Sept. 1664, in the 49th 
 yeare of his age, full of joy, in assured hope of a glorious 
 resurrection.
 
 VERSES WRITTEN BY MRS. HUTCHINSON, 
 
 In. the small Book containing her own Life, and most probably composed 
 
 by her during her Husband's retirement from public business 
 
 to his seat at Owthorpe. 
 
 ALL sorts of men through various labours press 
 To the same end, contented quietness ; 
 Great princes vex their labouring thoughts to be 
 Possessed of an unbounded sovereignty ; 
 The hardy soldier doth all toils sustain 
 That he may conquer first, and after reign ; 
 Th' industrious merchant ploughs the angry seas 
 That he may bring home wealth, and live at ease. 
 These none of them attain : for sweet repose 
 But seldom to the splendid palace goes ; 
 A troop of restless passions wander there, 
 And only private lives are free from care. 
 Sleep to the cottage bringeth happy nights, 
 But to the court hung round with flaring lights, 
 Which th' office of the vanished day supply, 
 His image only comes to close the eye, 
 But gives the troubled mind no ease of care, 
 While country slumbers undisturbed are ; 
 Where, if the active fancy dreams present, 
 They bring no horrors to the innocent. 
 Ambition doth incessently aspire, 
 And each advance leads on to new desire ; 
 Nor yet can riches av'rice satisfy, 
 For want and wealth together multiply : 
 Nor can voluptuous men more fulness find, 
 For enjoyed pleasures leave their stings behind. 
 He's only rich who knows no want ; he reigns 
 Whose will no severe tyranny constrains ;
 
 486 LINES BY MBS. HUTCHINSON. 
 
 And he alone possesseth true delight 
 
 Whose spotless soul no guilty fears affright. 
 
 This freedom in the country life is found, 
 
 Where innocence and safe delights abound. 
 
 Here man's a prince ; his subjects ne'er repine 
 
 When on his back their wealthy fleeces shine : 
 
 If for his appetite the fattest die, 
 
 Those who survive will raise no mutiny : 
 
 His table is with home-got dainties crowned, 
 
 With friends, not flatterers, encompassed round ; 
 
 No spies nor traitors on his trencher wait, 
 
 Nor is his mirth confined to rules of state ; 
 
 An armed guard he neither hath nor needs, 
 
 Nor fears a poisoned morsel when he feeds ; 
 
 Bright constellations hang above his head, 
 
 Beneath his feet are flow'ry carpets spread ; 
 
 The merry birds delight him with their songs, 
 
 And healthful air his happy life prolongs ; 
 
 At harvest merrily his flocks he shears, 
 
 And in cold weather their warm fleeces wears ; 
 
 Unto his ease he fashions all his clothes ; 
 
 His cup with uninfected liquor flows : 
 
 The vulgar breath doth not his thoughts elate, 
 
 Nor can he be o'erwhelmed by their hate. 
 
 Yet, if ambitiously he seeks for fame, 
 
 One village feast shall gain a greater name 
 
 Than his who wears the imperial diadem, 
 
 Whom the rude multitude do still condemn. 
 
 Sweet peace and joy his blest companions are ; 
 
 Fear, sorrow, envy, lust, revenge, and care, 
 
 And all that troop which breeds the world's offence, 
 
 With pomp and majesty, are banish' d thence. 
 
 What court then can such liberty afford ? 
 
 Or where is man so uncontroll'd a lord?
 
 A JOURNAL 
 
 OP 
 
 THE SIEGE OF LATHOM HOUSE, 
 
 IN LANCASHIRE, 
 
 DKFENDED BY 
 
 CHARLOTTE DE LA TREMOUILLE, COUNTESS OF DERBY, 
 
 AGAINST 
 
 SIR THOMAS FAIRFAX, KNIGHT, 
 
 AND OTHER 
 
 PARLIAMENTARIAN OFFICERS. 
 1644. 
 
 Yt never was sene their Captayne being STANLEYS, 
 That Lancashyre, Cheshyre, and Wales ran aweye. 
 
 MS. Metrical Hist, of the Stanley Family. l>y 
 Tho. Stanley, Bp. of Man. Pitt. III. L. 652-
 
 ADVERTISEMENT 
 
 THE following luminous and accurate account of the 
 Siege of Lathom House will form an appropriate sequel to 
 the Memoirs of Colonel Hutchinson, as not only referring to 
 the same eventful and debatable period of our history, but 
 as contrasting, in a striking point of view, the highly culti- 
 vated and intellectual qualifications of the lady of the Governor 
 of Nottingham Castle, with the intrepid valour and heroic 
 spirit displayed by the Countess of Derby the worthy de- 
 scendant of the renowned Count William of Nassau. 
 
 The Journal of this memorable Siege is one so full of 
 chivalrous and dramatic effect, that it is gratifying to find 
 that Sir Walter Scott has conferred on it new and addi- 
 tional interest, by setting his own impress upon it in his 
 popular and interesting novel of " Peveril of the Peak." 
 
 Two manuscript copies of the Siege of Lathom House are 
 still in existence one in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford 
 (A. Wood, MSS. D. 16), written by Capt. Edward Halsall ; 
 and the other among the Harleian Manuscripts (No. 2043) in 
 the British Museum, probably a transcript of the former by Mr. 
 Cole, a diligent collector of documents relating to Lancashire. 
 
 Captain Halsall bore the name of an ancient family at 
 Halsall, near Ormskirk, Lancashire, and although he must 
 have been very young at the time of the siege, was evidently 
 an eye-witness of it, and an inmate of the mansion. In a 
 letter dated June, 1650, recounting the means used to dis- 
 cover the murderers of Anthony Aschaw, Cromwell's late 
 resident at Madrid, it is mentioned that five persons had been 
 arrested, and among these, in the official report of the Li- 
 centiate de Guevara, we find, " Dom Edward Halsall, En- 
 glishman, of the Duchy of Lancaster, of twenty-three years 
 of age, knight."* 
 
 * Rymer, vol. xx. Thurloe, vol. i. pp. 151, 204.
 
 ADVERTISEMENT. 489 
 
 Lathom is a township in the parish of Ormskirk, hundred 
 of West Derby, Lancashire. Lathom House, once the chief 
 seat of the Stanleys, was originally built by the De Lathoms ; 
 and at the time the great civil war broke out, James, the 
 seventh Earl of Derby, and his wife Charlotte, were living in 
 princely hospitality at this place. The mansion was so 
 spacious and noble that it is said three kings and their trains 
 could receive accommodation at one time in it. According 
 to a poem, written in the reign of Henry VIII., Thomas, the 
 second Earl of Derby, represents it as having eighteen 
 towers ; for in quitting that place in 1513, he says : 
 
 " Farewell, Lathom, that bright bower, 
 
 Nine towers thou bearest on high, 
 And other nine thou bearest in the utter walls, 
 Within thee may be lodged kings three."* 
 
 The following description of the mansion from Bishop 
 Rutter's f manuscripts, printed in Seacome's Historical 
 Account of the House of Stanley, will be found more minute 
 than the one given in the Journal : 
 
 " Lathom House stands upon a flat, upon a moorish, 
 springy, and spumous ground, and was encompassed Avith 
 a strong wall of two yards thick ; upon the walls were nine 
 towers, flanking each other, and in every tower were six 
 pieces of ordnance, that played three one way, and three the 
 other : without the wall was a moat eight yards wide, and 
 two yards deep ; upon the back of the moat, between the 
 wall and the graff, was a strong row of palisades around. 
 Besides all these, there was a high, strong tower, called the 
 Eagle Tower, in the midst of the house, surmounting all the 
 rest; and the gate-house had also two high and strong 
 buildings, with a strong tower on each side of it ; and in the 
 entrance to the first court, upon the top of these towers, were 
 
 * Weber's Flodden Field, from Harl. MSS. 293, 367. 
 
 t Samuel Rutter was the favourite companion and chaplain to the Earl 
 of Derby, as well as tutor to his eldest son. He was appointed archdeacon 
 of Man, and " governed the church with great prudence," says Sacheverell, 
 " during the late unhappy civil wars." At the Restoration he was raised 
 by the young earl to the bishopric of the island. He died in the year 
 1663, and was buried under the uncovered steeple of St. Germain's, then 
 in ruins.
 
 490 ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 placed the "best and choicest marksmen, who usually attended 
 the earl in his hunting and other sports, as huntsmen, keepers, 
 fowlers, and the like ; who continually kept watch, with 
 screwed guns and long fowling-pieces, upon those towers, 
 to the great annoyance and loss of the enemy, especially of 
 their commanders, who were frequently killed in their 
 trenches, or as they came or went to or from them. Be- 
 sides all that has hitherto been said of the walls, towers, 
 moat, &c., there is something so particular and romantic in 
 the general situation of this house, as if nature herself had 
 formed it for a strong-hold, or place of security ; for, before 
 the house, to the south and south-west, is a rising ground so 
 near it, as to overlook the top of it, from which it falls so 
 quick, that nothing planted against it on those sides can 
 touch it further than the front wall ; and on the north and 
 east sides, there is another rising ground, even to the 
 edge of the moat, and then falls away so quick, that you can 
 scarce, at the distance of a carbine shot, see the house over 
 that height ; so that all batteries placed there, are so far be- 
 low it, as to be of little service against it : and, let us ob- 
 serve, by the way, that the uncommon situation of it may be 
 compared to the palm of a man's hand, flat in the middle, 
 and covered with a rising round about it, and so near to it, 
 that the enemy, during the siege, were never able to raise 
 a battery against it, so as to make a breach in the wall prac- 
 ticable to enter the house by way of storm." 
 
 The officers engaged in this memorable siege were, under 
 the command of General Sir Thomas Fairfax, Colonels 
 Rigby, of Burgh ; Egerton, of Shaw ; Moor, of Moor Hall ; 
 Ashton, of Middleton ; Holcroft, of Holcroft ; and Holland, 
 of Denton; with Major Morgan as officer of engineers: 
 On the side of the Countess of Derby, who acted as gover- 
 ness, were Major William Turner, Captains William Farring- 
 ton, of Wearden ; Charnock, of Charnock ; Chisenhall, of 
 Chisenhall ; Edward Rawstorne, of New Hall ; Henry Ogle, 
 of Prescot ; Richard Fox, and Molineux Radcliffe ; and 
 Lieutenants Penketh, Worrill, and Walthew.
 
 491 
 
 A JOURNAL 
 
 OF THE 
 
 SIEGE OF LATHOM HOUSE. 
 
 THE Earl of Derby, having, on the rise of this rebellion, at 
 his own charge, brought up near 3000* of the best men and 
 arms to the king's standard, purposing to have attended his 
 sacred majesty in person, was, at the request of the truly 
 noble Sir Gilbert Haughton and others, sent back into Lan- 
 cashire by his majesty's express command, where, with naked 
 or thinly armed men, he sustained the fury of the rebels, and 
 kept the field against them for seven months together, storm- 
 ing several of their towns, and defeating them in sundry 
 battles ; himself, in every assault and skirmish, charging in 
 the front, and encouraging his soldiers with exemplary reso- 
 lution, when the multitude of the enemy exceeded his own 
 number by the advantage of two or three to one, till his 
 lordship, unhappily called to crush the thriving sedition in 
 Cheshire, withdrew his horse into that county. 
 
 The enemy now spying an opportunity for action in his 
 absence, drew out their garrisons, and with their whole 
 strength assaulted the town of Preston, which, not yet 
 fortified, and being suddenly surprised, notwithstanding the 
 endeavours and resolute resistance of Sir Gilbert Haughton, 
 the mayor, and other gentlemen, was lost to the enemy. 
 Upon his lordship's return he found himself straitened within 
 a narrow compass ; yet, opposing loyal thoughts to dangers, 
 and endeavouring to throw life in the business by speedy 
 
 * The Lord Molineux's and Sir Gilbert Gerard's regiments out of 
 Lancashire, Sir Thomas Salisbury's out of Wales.
 
 492 SIEGE OF LATHOM HOUSE. 
 
 action, he drew into the field, and marched above twenty 
 miles into the enemy's country, taking Lancaster, and regain- 
 ing Preston by assault, when the rebels, who were within 
 six hours' march, were pursuing him with a more numerous 
 army. After this his lordship gave two or three days to 
 refresh his soldiers, toiled out with three days' restless 
 service. The enemy also got fresh supplies from Yorkshire, 
 Cheshire, Staffordshire, and Derbyshire, so that, now again 
 swelled into a numerous body, they attempt an assault on 
 Wigan, which, with little service, was unfortunately lost ere 
 his lordship could come to its relief; whereof her majesty, 
 then at York, having intelligence, sent an express command 
 to his lordship not to engage his army in any service till she 
 sent him aid, which his lordship expected every day ; but, in 
 a fortnight, being disappointed in his hopes, and the enemy 
 growing insolent by his stillness, he was moved by the Lord 
 Molineux, Sir Thomas Tildsley, and other gentlemen with 
 him, to repair to the queen in person, to hasten the promised 
 supplies ; when, after a fortnight's attendance, there happened 
 that unfortunate surprise of the Lord Goreing in Wakefield, 
 which utterly disenabled her majesty to spare him any relief; 
 which the governor of Warrington (Colonel Norris) under- 
 standing, after five days' siege, gave up the town, the greatest 
 key of the county, to "the enemy, and all his lordship's forces, 
 then with the Lord Molineux and Colonel Tildsley, marched 
 down to York. 
 
 At the same time her majesty received intimation of the 
 Scottish design for the invasion of England, and his lordship 
 being signified of their intention to ship from Scotland for 
 the Isle of Man, and so for England ; it was therefore the 
 queen's pleasure expressly to command him to the island, to 
 prevent their passage that way. 
 
 Upon his arrival there, he found the whole country in 
 sedition and insurrection ; some turbulent spirits, tutored by 
 their brethren the Scots, having taught the commons the new 
 trick of rebellion, under the mask of defensive arming for the 
 preservation of their religion and liberties ; and indeed this 
 subtle poison had so wrought in that little body, that the 
 whole country was swelled into one tumult, which, by all 
 symptoms, would have broken out in three days, with the 
 death of the bishop-governor, and the loss of the island. 
 
 To prevent this rupture, his lordship presently raised the
 
 THE MANX EEBELLION. 493 
 
 horse of the country, apprehended the persons of their sedi- 
 tious agents, doing execution upon some, imprisoning others, 
 and striking a general terror into all, which suddenly calmed 
 the madness of the people, and threw a face of quiet upon 
 the country. 
 
 Yet to remove the ground of this disease required both 
 skill and time, as well to prevent the relapse of the country- 
 men, as an invasion of the Scots, who still promised, for con- 
 science-sake, to abet them in their rebellion, it being the 
 good fortune of that ungrateful nation to be esteemed angels 
 for troubling and poisoning all waters. 
 
 His lordship, by the queen's command, having spent 
 much time in this unhappy business, is at last called back 
 by his majesty to attend his parliament at Oxford, and on 
 his return to England, is welcomed with the news of a siege 
 against his lady, which had been long in consultation, and 
 which was now matured for action. 
 
 Upon the surrender of Warrington, May 27, 1643, a sum- 
 mons came from Mr. Holland, governor of Manchester, to 
 the Lady Derby, to subscribe to the propositions of the par- 
 liament, or yield up Lathom House ; but her ladyship denied 
 both she would neither tamely give up her house, nor pur- 
 chase her peace with the loss of her honour. But being 
 then in no condition to provoke a potent and malicious 
 enemy, and seeing no possibility of speedy assistance, she 
 desired a peaceable abode in her own house, referring all her 
 lord's estate to their disposal, with promise only to keep 
 so many men in arms, as might defend her person and house 
 from the outrages of their common soldiers, which was hardly 
 obtained. 
 
 From this time she endured a continued siege, being, with 
 the exception of her gardens and walks, confined as a pri- 
 soner within her own walls, with the liberty of the castle- 
 yard, suffering the sequestration of her whole estate, besides 
 daily affronts and indignities from unworthy persons, and 
 the unjust and undeserved censures of some that wore the 
 name and face of friends ; all which she patiently endured, 
 well knowing it to be no wisdom to quarrel with an evil she 
 could not redress. Therefore, to remove all pretences of 
 violence or force against her, she restrained her garrison 
 soldiers from all provocation and annoyance of the enemy, 
 and so by her wisdom kent them at a moie favourable dis-
 
 494 SIEGE OF LATHOM: HOUSE. 
 
 tance for the space of almost a whole year. Rigby, all this 
 time, restless in his malice, sought all occasions to disturb 
 her quiet, sending out his troops to plunder her next neigh- 
 bours, and to surprise such of the king's good subjects as had 
 fled unto her for safety. In the beginning of February, her 
 garrison soldiers had a skirmish with a troop of his horse, 
 commanded by Captain Hyndley, wherein they rescued some 
 of her friends, taking prisoners Lieutenant Dandy, first 
 wounded, his cornet, and some troopers. By his unjust re- 
 port of this action, and some other visitations of musket-shot 
 from her house, he wrought on Sir Thomas Fan-fax and the 
 rest of the parliament forces to his own purpose. 
 
 On Saturday, the 24th of February, it was resolved in 
 a council of the holy states at Manchester, after many pre- 
 vious debates and consultations to the same purpose, that 
 three parliament-colonels, Mr. Ashton of Middleton, Mr 
 Moor of Bank-hall, and Mr. Rigby of Preston, should wifh 
 all speed come against Lathom, of which her ladyship had 
 some broken intelligence on Sunday morning, and therefore 
 despatched a messenger to her secret friend, one acquainted 
 with their secret determinations, to receive fuller informa- 
 tion : in the meantime she used all diligence and care to 
 furnish her house with provisions and men, which was a hard 
 work, considering that she had been debarred of her estate 
 for a whole year. Yet in these straits she used not the least 
 violence to force relief from any of her neighbours, though 
 some of them were as bad tenants as subjects ; but with her 
 own small stock, by the charity of some few friends, and by 
 the industry of her careful servant, Mr. Broome, she provided 
 herself to bear the worst of a cruel enemy. 
 
 The messenger returned on Monday. She had assurance 
 of their design, who were then on their march as far as Bol- 
 ton, Wigan, and Standish, under pretence of going into West- 
 moreland, but were carrying the multitude blindfold against a 
 house which their fathers and themselves, whilst their eyes 
 were open, had ever honoured, reputing Lathom, in more in- 
 nocent times, to be both for magnificence and hospitality, 
 the only court in the northern parts of this kingdom ; when 
 good men would in mere love vent their harmless treason, 
 saying, " God save the Earl of Derby and the king. "But their 
 factious ministers, very dutiful sons of the church of Eng- 
 land, made the pulpit speak their design aloud; one of whom,
 
 FAIRFAX'S CONDITIONS. 495 
 
 Bradshaw, to the dishonour of that house (Brasenose) which 
 had given him more sober and pious foundations, took occa- 
 sion, before his patrons in Wigan, to profane the fourteenth 
 verse of the fiftieth chapter of Jeremiah, from thence by as 
 many marks and signs as ever he had given of antichrist, 
 proving the Lady Derby to be the scarlet whore and the 
 whore of Babylon, and Lathom to be Babel itself, whose 
 Avails he made as flat and as thin as his discourse. In- 
 deed, before he despatched his prophecy, he thumped them 
 down, reserving the next verse to be a triumph for the 
 victor. 
 
 February 27, 1643-44. On Tuesday the enemy took their 
 quarters round the house, at the distance of a mile or two, 
 or three at the farthest. 
 
 February 28. On Wednesday Captain Markland brought 
 a letter from Sir Thomas Fairfax, and with it an ordinance ot 
 parliament, the one requiring her ladyship to yield up La- 
 thom House upon such honourable conditions as he should 
 propose ; and the other declaring the mercy of the parlia- 
 ment to receive the Earl of Derby, if he would submit him- 
 self, in which business Sir Thomas Fairfax promised to be a 
 faithful instrument. To which her ladyship gave answer, 
 " She much wondered that Sir Thomas Fairfax should require 
 her to give up her lord's house, without any offence on her 
 part done to the parliament ; desiring, that in a business of 
 such weight, which struck both at her religion and at her life, 
 and that so nearly concerned her sovereign, her lord, and 
 her whole posterity, she might have a week's consideration, 
 both to resolve the doubts of conscience, and to have advice 
 in matters of law and honour." Not that her ladyship was 
 unfixed in her own thoughts, but endeavoured to gain time 
 by demurs and protractions of the business, which the good 
 knight, happily suspecting, denied her the time desired, 
 moving her ladyship to come to New Park, a house of her 
 lord's, a quarter of a mile from Lathom, and to come thither 
 in her coach (no mean favour, believe it), where himself and 
 his colonels would meet her for a full discourse and transac- 
 tion of the business. 
 
 This her ladyship flatly refused, with scorn and anger, as 
 an ignoble and uncivil motion, returning only this answer, 
 *' That, notwithstanding her present condition, she remembered 
 both her lord's honour and her own birth, conceiving it
 
 496 SIEGE OF LATHOM HOUSE. 
 
 more knightly that Sir Thomas Fairfax should wait upon ner 
 than she upon him." 
 
 Thursday, February 29, and Friday, March 1, were spent 
 in letters and messages ; his generalship at last requiring 
 free access for two of his colonels, and assurance of their 
 safe return, unto which her ladyship condescended. 
 
 On Saturday, Mr. Ashton and Mr. Rigby vouchsafed to 
 venture their persons into Lathom House, being authorised 
 by the general to propound the following conditions : 
 
 1. That all the arms and ammunition of war shall be forth- 
 with surrendered into the hands of Sir Thomas Fairfax. 
 
 2. That the Countess of Derby, and all the persons in 
 Lathom House, shall be suffered to depart, with all their 
 goods, to Chester, or any other of the enemy's quarters, or, 
 upon submission to the orders of parliament, to their own 
 houses. 
 
 3. That the countess, with all her menial servants, shall 
 be suffered either to inhabit Knowsley House, and to have 
 twenty muskets allowed for her defence, or to repair to her 
 husband in the Isle of Man. 
 
 4. That the countess for the present, until the parliament 
 be acquainted with it, shall have allowed her for her main- 
 tenance all the lands and revenues of the earl her husband 
 within the hundred of Derby, and that the parliament shall 
 be moved to continue this allowance. 
 
 These conditions her ladyship rejected, as being in part 
 dishonourable, and in part uncertain ; adding withal, she 
 knew not how to treat with them who had not power to per- 
 form their own offers, till they had first moved the parlia- 
 ment, telling them it were a more sober course, first to 
 acquaint themselves with the pleasure of the parliament, and 
 then to move accordingly ; but for her part, she would not 
 trouble the good gentlemen to petition for her ; she would 
 esteem it a greater favour to be permitted to continue in her 
 present humble condition. 
 
 The two colonels, being blank in their treaty, spent their 
 stay in wise instructions to her ladyship, and in unjust ac- 
 cusations of her friends and servants, from which she not 
 only cleared them, but which she also nobly and sharply re- 
 turned upon their religious agents ; so that the grave men, 
 being disappointed both of their wit and malice, returned 
 as empty as they came.
 
 THE COUNTESS'S PROPOSITIONS. 497 
 
 Sunday was their sabbath. On Monday Mr. Ashton came 
 again, alone, with power to receive her ladyship's propo- 
 sitions, and to convey them to his general (a notable and 
 trusty employment), which came in these terms : 
 
 1. Her ladyship desired a month's time for her quiet con- 
 tinuance in Lathom ; and then for herself and children, her 
 friends, soldiers, and servants, with all her goods, arms, and 
 ordnance, to have free transport to the Isle of Man, and in 
 the meantime that she should keep a garrison in her house 
 for her own defence. 
 
 2. She promised that neither during her stay in the country, 
 nor after her coming to the Isle of Man, should any of the 
 arms be employed against the parliament. 
 
 3. That during her stay in the country, no soldier should 
 be quartered in the lordship of Lathom, nor afterwards should 
 any garrison be put into Lathom or into Knowsley House. 
 
 4. That none of her tenants, neighbours, or friends, then 
 in the house with her, should, for assisting her, suffer in their 
 persons or estates, after her departure. 
 
 In the first of these she struck at more time ; in the second, 
 she understood the parliament of the three Estates at Oxford, 
 knowing no other ; in the third, she laboured to remove im- 
 pediments that might hinder the victualling of her house ; in 
 the fourth, she gave a colour to her departure, and content to 
 her soldiers, of whom in her treaty she showed an honour- 
 able care. 
 
 These propositions, returned by Mr. Ashton, were inter- 
 preted in their right sense, being apprehended too full of 
 policy and danger to be allowed, as only beating for more 
 time and means, that her ladyship might use that oppor- 
 tunity to confirm herself in her fastness ; and therefore in 
 his answer Sir Thomas thus qualified them to a better under- 
 standing. 
 
 1. That the Countess of Derby shall have the time she 
 desires, and then liberty to transport her arms and goods to 
 the Isle of Man, excepting the cannon, which shall continue 
 there for the defence of the house. 
 
 2. That her ladyship, by ten o'clock to-morrow, disband 
 all her soldiers, except her menial servants, and receive an 
 officer, and forty parliament soldiers, as her guard. 
 
 This, as the last residue of all their councils, with some 
 terrible presages of the danger she stood in, was delivered to 
 2 K
 
 498 SIEGE OF LATHOM HOUSE. 
 
 her ladyship by one Morgan, one of Sir Thomas's colonels, 
 a little man, short, and peremptory, who met with staidness 
 and judgment to cool his heat ; and had the honour to carry 
 back this last answer, for her ladyship could screw them to 
 no more delays. 
 
 " That she refused all their articles, and was truly happy 
 that they had refused hers, protesting she had rather hazard 
 her life, than offer the like again. That though a woman 
 and a stranger, divorced from her friends, and robbed of her 
 estate, she was ready to receive their utmost violence, trusting 
 in God both for protection and deliverance." 
 
 Being now disappointed in their plot, who expected a 
 quick dispatch with the afflicted lady, by a tame surrender of 
 her house, and having scattered very fearful apprehensions of 
 their great guns, their mortar-piece, their fire-works, and their 
 engineers, after all their consultations, they prepare for action. 
 But they find her ladyship as fearless of their empty terrors, 
 as, careful to prevent a real danger, she is willing to under- 
 stand the power of the enemy, and studious to prevent it ; 
 leaving nothing with her eye to be excused afterwards by 
 fortune or negligence, and adding to her former patience a 
 most resolved fortitude. " Ne minimo quidem casui locum 
 relinqui debuisse." Cses. Com. lib. 6. Otho, in Tacit, lib. 1. 
 
 All treaties being now broken off, and Rigby, being of the 
 same opinion with the historian,* " That no delay should be 
 suffered in that enterprise which none will commend before 
 it be ended," proceeds forthwith to action. 
 
 The next morning discovered some of the enemy's night- 
 works, which were begun about musket-shot from the house, 
 on a sloping, declining ground, that their pioneers, by the 
 nature of the place, might be secured from our ordnance on 
 the towers, and so in an orb or ring-work they cast up much 
 earth every day, by the multitude of country people forced 
 to the service. 
 
 March 7, 8, 9, 10. After three clays, finding a fixedness 
 and resolution in her ladyship still to keep her house for 
 the service of his majesty against all his enemies, on Sunday 
 they employ six neighbours of "the best rank to take a petition 
 to her ladyship ; having thrust a form into their hands, and 
 prepared their heads with instructions, as by confession now 
 
 Tacitus.
 
 CAPTAIX ASHURST'S HESSAGE. 499 
 
 appears ; " That in duty to her ladyship, and love to their 
 country, they most humbly beseech her to prevent her own 
 personal dangers, and the impoverishing of the whole country, 
 which she might do if she pleased to slacken something of 
 her severe resolution, and to condescend in part to the offers 
 of the gentlemen." 
 
 These her ladyship received with all courtesy, discoursing 
 unto them the nature of former treaties, and the order of her 
 proceedings, and this so smoothly and agreeably, that the 
 good men were satisfied, and had little more to say, but 
 " God save the king and the Earl of Derby." In answer to 
 their paper, she told them it was more fit for them to petition 
 the gentlemen who robbed and spoiled their country, than 
 she, who desired only a quiet stay in her own house, and 
 the preservation not the spoil of her neighbours. One of 
 the six, of more ability and integrity than the rest, reported 
 the whole business of the answer, and of their entertainment, 
 as a true subject of his majesty and a faithful friend to her 
 ladyship ; upon which the noble colonels were moved to new 
 propositions, in mere mercy, if you might believe them, to 
 her ladyship and her children. The next day, therefore, 
 Captain Ashurst, a man who deserves a fairer character than 
 the rest, for his civil and even behaviour, brought a new 
 message to her ladyship in these terms : 
 
 1. That all former conditions be waived. 
 
 2. That the Countess of Derby, and all persons in the 
 House, with all arms, ordnance, and goods, shall have liberty 
 to march to what part of the kingdom they please, and yield 
 up the House to Sir Thomas Fairfax. 
 
 3. That the arms shall never be employed against the 
 parliament. 
 
 4. That all in the House, excepting 100 persons, should 
 immediately leave it, and the rest within ten days. 
 
 The message read, her ladyship perceived they began to 
 cool in their enterprise, and therefore, to lend them some 
 new heat, returned this answer by the captain ; that she 
 scorned to be a ten days' prisoner in her own house, judging 
 it more noble, whilst she could, to preserve her liberty by her 
 arms, than to buy a peace with slavery :* " And what as- 
 surance," said she, " have I either of liberty, or of the per- 
 
 * Fax servieiitibus gravior quam liberis bellura. Liv. lib. 3.
 
 600 SIEGE OF LATHOM HOUSE. 
 
 formance of any condition, when my strength, is gone ? 1 
 have received, under the hands of some eminent personages, 
 that your general is not very conscientious in the perform- 
 ance of his subscriptions, so that from him I must expect an 
 unsinewed and faithless agreement.* It is dangerous treating 
 when the sword is given into the enemy's hands ;" and 
 therefore her ladyship added, " that not a man should depart 
 from her house ; that she would keep it, whilst God enabled 
 her, against all the king's enemies ; and, in brief, that she 
 would receive no more messages without an express of her 
 lord's pleasure, who, she now heard, was returned from the 
 Isle of Man, and to whom she referred them for the trans- 
 action of the whole business, considering that frequent 
 treaties are a discouragement to the soldiers besieged, as 
 exhibiting some want or weakness within, and so commonly 
 become the first key that opens the gate to the enemy." 
 
 To second and confirm her answer, the next day, being 
 Tuesday, a hundred foot, commanded by Captain Farmer, a 
 Scotchman, a faithful and gallant soldier, with Lieut. Bretergh 
 ready to second him in any service, and some twelve horse, 
 our whole cavalry, commanded by Lieutenant Key, sallied 
 out upon the enemy ; and because the sequel of every busi- 
 ness dependeth much upon the beginning, the captain deter- 
 mined to do something that might remind the enemy that 
 there were soldiers within. He marched up to their works 
 without a shot, and then firing upon them in their trenches, 
 they quickly left their holes ; when Lieutenant Key, having 
 wheeled about with his horse from another gate, fell upon 
 them in their flight with much execution. They slew about 
 thirty men, took forty arms, one drum, and six prisoners. 
 The main retreat was that day made good by Captain Ogle, 
 a gentleman industrious to return the courtesy which some 
 of their party showed to him when he was taken prisoner at 
 the battle of Edgehill. The other passage was carefully 
 secured by Captain Rawstorne. Not one of our men was 
 that day slain or wounded. 
 
 By the prisoners we understood the purpose of the enemy 
 was to starve the house ; the commanders having courage to 
 pine a lady, not to fight with her. 
 
 The four days following (13, 14, 15, 16), passed without 
 
 * PaxSamnitica,-pax inficlzi, pax incerta.
 
 CAPTAIN CHISENHALL S SAI^Y. 501 
 
 much action on either side, saving that the garrison gave 
 them some night alarms, which ministered to some an occa- 
 sion of running away, and to others of belying their own 
 courage, that they had repulsed the garrison soldiers, and 
 slain thousands out of hundreds. 
 
 March 17. On Sunday night the commanders under her 
 ladyship resolved to try their watches, and therefore, at three 
 o'clock in the morning, Captain Chisenhall, a man of known 
 courage and resolution, Lieutenant Bretergh, and Lieutenant 
 Heape, with only thirty musketeers, issued out of the back 
 gates to surprise the enemy in their new trenches ; but they, 
 discovering that some of the light matches ran faster than 
 the captain or his soldiers could pursue, securing their flight 
 in a wood close by ; where, not willing to engage his soldiers 
 in unnecessary dangers, he left them, only killing two or 
 three, and chasing the rest in flight. 
 
 These sallies and frequent alarms so diseased the enemy 
 that their works went slowly on, they having been there three 
 weeks and not having yet cast up one mount for ordnance ; 
 but now, for their own security, to keep off our men with 
 their cannon, they hasten the business, with the loss, how- 
 ever, of many men's lives, compelled to do so desperate a 
 service. It moved both wonder and pity to see multitudes 
 of poor people so enslaved to the reformer's tyranny, 
 that they would stand the musket and lose their lives 
 to save nothing ; so near are these to the times com- 
 plained of by the historian, when they would no less fear 
 men for their vices, than they once honoured them for their 
 virtues.* 
 
 March 19, 20. On Tuesday night they brought up one piece 
 of cannon. On Wednesday morning they gave us some sport. 
 They then played their cannon three shots, the ball a twenty- 
 four pounder. They first tried the wall, which being found 
 proof, without yielding or showing the least impression ; they 
 afterwards shot higher to beat down the pinnacles and turrets, 
 or else to please the women that came to see the spectacle. 
 The same day Sir Thomas Fairfax sent her ladyship a letter 
 which he had received from the Earl of Derby, wherein his 
 lordship desired an honourable and free passage for his lady 
 
 Tacit, lib. 1.
 
 502 SIEGE OF LATHOM HOUSE. 
 
 and children, if she so pleased, being loth to expose them to 
 the uncertain hazard of a long siege, especially considering 
 the roughness and inhumanity of the enemy, who joined 
 pride and malice, ignorance and cruelty, against her ; not 
 knowing, by reason of his long absence, either how his house 
 was provided with victuals and ammunition, or strengthened 
 for resistance ; he was therefore desirous to leave only the 
 hardy soldiers for the brunt, till it should please his majesty 
 to yield him relief, and so to preserve his lady and children 
 from the mercy of cruel men, which indeed was the desire of 
 all her friends. But she had more noble thoughts within 
 her, which still kindled and increased at the apprehension of 
 danger ; and, returning an acknowledgment of that first 
 courtesy of Sir Thomas Fairfax, after some discourse with 
 the messenger, one Jackson, a savage and zealous chaplain to 
 Mr. Rigby, gave back this answer : " She should willingly 
 submit herself to her lord's commands, and therefore willed 
 the general to treat with him ; but till she was assured that 
 such was his lordship's pleasure, she would neither yield up 
 the house, nor desert it herself, but wait for the event ac- 
 cording to the good will of God." And with the like signi- 
 fication she despatched a messenger to his lordship in Chester, 
 who was sent out by an alarm which opened a passage through 
 their guards and sentries. 
 
 March 21, 22, 23, 24. These four following days were 
 Bpent in alarms and excursions, without doing business of 
 much service. 
 
 March 25. On Monday they gave us seven shot from 
 their culverins and demi- cannons, one whereof, by some check 
 in the way, entered the great gates, which were presently made 
 good by the opposition of beds, and such like impediments, 
 to stay the bullet from ranging the court. 
 
 March 28. On Thursday five cannons'. This day, the 
 enemy, capable of any impression of fear, took a strong 
 alarm, fighting one against another, and in the action fired 
 off two pieces of cannon in the air. 
 
 March 29. The next day, one of our men, foolishly pro- 
 voking danger with his body above a tower, was at once shot 
 to death. In the afternoon, they played four cannons, one 
 whereof, levelled to dismount one of our ordnance upon the 
 great gates, struck the battlements near one of our marks-
 
 EXCHANGE SHOTS. .508 
 
 men, ready to discharge at the cannoneer, and crushed him 
 to death. 
 
 March 31. On Sunday night, two cannons were mounted 
 at the lodging chambers, intending, most likely, to catch us 
 napping, as our men had often caught them. 
 
 April 1 . On Monday, during the day and night, six cannon 
 were fired, charged with chain-shot and bars of iron. 
 
 April 2. The next day they played their mortar-piece three 
 times, loaded with stones, thirteen inches in diameter, eighty 
 pounds in weight. It was planted about half a musket-shot 
 south-west from the House, on a rising ground, conveniently 
 giving the engineer a full prospect of the whole building. 
 Their work for securing it was orbicular, in the form of a 
 full moon, with two yards and a half of rampart above the 
 ditch. 
 
 April 4. On Thursday they shot one stone and one gre- 
 nado, which overplayed the house. We had chosen men 
 upon guard, standing ready with green and wet hides, to 
 quench any burning, had their skill, for they did not want 
 malice, enabled them to have cast fire-works. 
 
 April 5. Having hitherto met with such unprosperous suc- 
 cess in their holy work, the two colonels, Mr. Ashton and Mr. 
 Moor, threw a show of religion over their execrable actions, 
 and, like those devout men in the poets,* by public and pri- 
 vate supplications, called God to assist them in their merci- 
 less practices, for which purpose they issued their commands 
 to all their ministers, for a general and humble supplication, 
 in the following form : 
 
 * .... Nocturnus adulter, 
 Tempera Santonico velans adoperta cucullo. 
 
 Juv. viii. 145. 
 
 Tacito mala veta susurro 
 Concipimus. 
 
 Lucan (Pharsal. v. 104). 
 
 ..... Pulchra Laverna, 
 Da mihi fallere, da justum sanctumque videri. 
 
 Herat. (Ep. xvi. lib. 1. 1. GO.) 
 
 Quse nisi seductis nequeas committere Divis. 
 
 Persius (Stat. ii. 1. 4).
 
 504 SIEGE OF I/ATHOM HOUSE. 
 
 To all Ministers and Parsons in Lancashire, well-wishers to 
 our successe against Lathom House, theise. 
 
 Forasmuch as more then ordinary obstructions have from 
 the beginning of this present service agaynst Lathom House 
 interposed our proceedings, and yet still remaine, which can- 
 not otherwise be removed, nor our successe furthered, but 
 onely by devine assistance ; it is therefore our desires to the 
 ministers, and other well-affected persons of this county of 
 Lancaster, in publike manner, as they shall please, to com- 
 mend our case to God, that as wee are appoynted to the said 
 imployment, soe much tending to the settleing of our pre- 
 sent peace in theise parts, soe the Almighty would crowne 
 our weake endeavours with speedy successe in the said 
 designe. 
 
 RAPH ASHTON, 
 JOHN MOOR. 
 
 Ormskirk, April 5, 1644. 
 
 The four following days were on their parts slept out in 
 this pious exercise. 
 
 On Wednesday our men resolved to waken them. About 
 eleven o'clock, Captain Farmer and Captain Molineux Rad- 
 cliffe, Lieutenant Penketh, Lieutenant Worrill, with 140 
 soldiers, sallied out at a postern gate, beat the enemy from 
 all their works and batteries, which were now cast up 
 round the house, nailed all their cannon, killed about fifty 
 men, took sixty arms, one set of colours, and three drums. In 
 this action Captain Radcliffe deserves this remembrance, that 
 with three soldiers, the rest of his squadron being scattered 
 with the execution of the enemy, he cleared two sconces, and 
 slew seven men with his own hand. Lieutenant Worrill, en- 
 gaging himself in another work among fifty of the enemy, 
 bore the fury of them all, till Captain Farmer relieved him, 
 who, to the wonder of us all, came off without any dangerous 
 wound.* 
 
 The sally port was this day warded by Captain Chisenhal], 
 who with fresh men stood ready to succour our men had 
 they been put to any extremity ; but they bravely marched 
 round the works, and came in at the great gates, where 
 
 * Plus animi est inferenti quam periculum propulsanti. Cces. Com.
 
 EXCHANGE OF PRISONER?. 505 
 
 Captain Ogle, with a party of musketeers, kept open the 
 passage. Captain Rawstorne had the charge of the mus- 
 keteers upon the walls, whom he placed to the best advan- 
 tage to vex the enemy in their flight. Captain Fox, with 
 colours in the Eagle Tower, gave signals when to march and 
 when to retreat, according to the motions of the enemy, 
 which he observed at a distance. In all this service we had 
 but one man mortally wounded, and we took only one priso- 
 ner, an officer, for the sake of intelligence. In former sallies 
 some prisoners had been taken, and were released by ex- 
 change. Colonels Ashton and Rigby had promised to set at 
 liberty as many of the king's friends who were then prisoners 
 in Lancaster, Manchester, Preston, and other places, as her 
 ladyship proposed ; but they most unworthily broke their 
 conditions, it suiting well their religion neither to observe 
 faith with God nor with men ; and this occasioned a greater 
 slaughter than either her ladyship or the captains desired, be- 
 cause we were in no condition to keep many prisoners, and 
 knew their commanders would never release them but upon 
 base and dishonourable terms. 
 
 The same night they played a saker twice, to tell us they 
 had cannon that would speak, though our men had endea- 
 voured to steel up all their lips. This whole night was one 
 continued alarm with them, there being nothing but shouts 
 and cries amongst them, as if the cavaliers had still been upon 
 them. 
 
 April 12. On Friday they sent us two shots from their 
 mortar-piece, which our men had nailed and battered with 
 smiths' hammers, but it had too wide a mouth to be stopped. 
 This day a chance bullet from their saker passing through 
 the clay walls, entered the windows of my lady's chamber, 
 but was too weak to fright her from her lodging. 
 
 April 13. On Saturday their demi-cannon opened again, 
 yet spake but once, and then very low, some of the steel 
 nails yet sticking in her teeth, and the gunners also suspect- 
 ing poison in her belly. 
 
 April 15. On Monday they played their mortar-piece five 
 times with stones, and once with grenado, which fell short of 
 the house in a walk near the chapel tower. Some pieces of 
 the shell, two inches thick, flew over the walls, and were 
 taken up in the furthest part of the house. 
 
 April 16. On Tuesday morning they had a hot alarm, not
 
 506 SIEGE OF LATIIOM HOUSE. 
 
 having yet quitted themselves of the fright they took at the last 
 sally. They played their cannon twice, and their muskets 
 for half an hour. In addition to which, at about eleven 
 o'clock, they played their mortar-piece with stone, and per- 
 ceiving it struck within the body of the house, they cast a 
 grenado at the same level, which fell into an old court, strik- 
 ing above half a yard into the earth, yet it rose again with 
 such violence in bursting, that though its strength was much 
 lessened, and deadened by the earth, yet it shook down the 
 glass, clay, and weaker buildings near it, leaving only the 
 carcase of the walls standing about it, yet without hurting any 
 person, except that two women in a near chamber had their 
 hands scorched, to put them in mind hereafter that they had 
 been in the siege at Lathom. 
 
 The mortar-piece was now more terrible than formerly, in- 
 somuch that the captains, to prevent the soldiers' fears, 
 lodged them in upper rooms, within clay walls, as not fear- 
 ing there the force of the grenado : and one thing which 
 now happily lent more courage to our men, was this, that one 
 of their engineers, mounting the rampart to see the fall 
 of the grenado, was slain by a marksman from one of our 
 towers. 
 
 On Saturday, they made thirty shots from their demi-can- 
 non and culverin, to batter a postern-tower, some part where- 
 of stood without the moat and palisades, yet it was so fenced 
 in by a rising ground, that their ordnance took only the bat- 
 tlements and a yard of wall, which was made good again the 
 same night, with greater strength and safety for our mus- 
 keteers than formerly. It was some requital for the breach 
 of a few stones that their cannonier was slain through a port- 
 hole by one of our men on the tower. Having done either 
 with the cannon or cannonier, they now begin with the 
 mortar-piece, which during that afternoon they played 
 five times, in the night twice with stones and once with 
 grenado ; which also, by the change in the gunner, fell short 
 of the house. 
 
 April 22. On Easter Monday they must needs show the 
 people some pastime, and therefore they gave us the bullets, 
 and then the noise of nine cannons and two periers, in order 
 to hear the rabble shout. That night, being too dark for ac- 
 tion, the captain sent out two or three firelocks, which struck 
 them into alarm for the whole night, so that to their muskets
 
 EIGB5T DEMANDS A SURRENDER. 507 
 
 they added one mortar-piece, and two cannon with chain 
 and small shot. 
 
 April 23. The next day was the second wakes, when 
 Rigby must gratify the country for their 2,000 with the 
 battery of the Eagle Tower at Lathom, against which they 
 played their culverin and demi-cannon twenty-three times, 
 which, unhappily striking against a stair-case, forced a large 
 breach. Two of the bullets entered her ladyship's chamber, 
 which at length made her ladyship seek a new lodging, with 
 this protest, however, that she would keep the house, while 
 there was a single building to cover her head. 
 
 This action must needs have proceeded either from pride 
 or malice, as it could be no furtherance to the taking of 
 the house to batter a tower that stood in the midst of it : 
 but sure it was their plot either to strike off one of the 
 horns of the whore of Babylon, or else to level one of her 
 hills ; the seven towers, in the divine's sermon, being easily 
 found to be the seven hills of Rome. It saved the tower 
 some buffets that day, that two of their gunners were dis- 
 charged from their employment by our marksmen from the 
 top of the same tower which they were battering. The 
 same night a strong alarm beat all their men to their 
 cannon, not to defend them, but themselves, which they 
 bravely discharged, twice loaden with cartridge and chain, 
 against two lighted matches cast near their works in balls 
 of clay. 
 
 April 24. On Wednesday they only gave us three periers 
 and two cannon. But now Mr. Rigby, who undertook the 
 management, and expected the glory of this enterprise, having 
 wearied his soldiers, wasted his powder, and emptied him- 
 self of a good part of his exacted and plundered monies, 
 finding her ladyship inclined to yield nothing to his great 
 guns, but daily to beat and baffle his soldiers, is now for 
 present fire and ruin. He has provided a new stock of 
 grenadoes, and intends to spend the rest of his powder and 
 malice in them. 
 
 April 25. On Thursday he sends his last message, as he 
 calls it, a furious summons to her ladyship to yield up 
 Lathom House, and all the persons, goods, and arms within 
 it, into his hands, to receive the mercy of the parliament, 
 and to return her final answer the next day before two o'clock. 
 Her ladyship having read this, with a brave indignation calls
 
 508 SIEGE OF LATHOM HOUSE. 
 
 for the drum, and tells him that, " a due reward for his 
 pains is to be hanged up at her gates ; but," says she, " tliou 
 art but the foolish instrument of a traitor's pride ; carry this 
 answer back to Rigby," (with a noble scorn tearing the paper 
 in his sight), " and tell that insolent rebel, he shall neither 
 have persons, goods, nor house ; when our strength and pro- 
 vision is spent, we shall find a fire more merciful than Rigby's, 
 and then, if the providence of God prevent it not, my goods 
 and house shall burn in his sight ; and myself, children, and 
 soldiers, rather than fall into his hands, will seal our religion 
 and loyalty in the same flame ;" which being spoken aloud 
 in her soldiers' hearing, they broke out into shouts and accla- 
 mations of joy, all closing with this general voice, " We will 
 die for his majesty and your honour God save the king !" 
 
 The drum returned. Her ladyship and the captains fell 
 into consultation for a further answer to that proud message. 
 Something must be done, and now was the nick and joint of 
 time, according to the observation of the historian, " that 
 the changes of times are the most fit for brave attempts, and 
 delays are dangerous, and that softness and quietness draw 
 more danger than hazarding rashly."* 
 
 The mortar-piece was that which troubled us all. The 
 little ladies had stomachs to digest cannon, but the stoutest 
 soldiers had no hearts for grenadoes ; and why might they 
 not at once free themselves from the continual expectation of 
 death ? " 'Tis a hard choice for any good man," says young 
 Diso, " either to kill or be killed," and this was exactly our 
 present condition either sheepishly to receive death, when 
 they would send it upon our heads, or manfully to return it 
 upon their own. At last it was resolved, notwithstanding 
 that there was a battery and ordnance planted against every 
 passage, to sally out the next morning and venture for all. 
 
 April 26. All things being prepared, about four o'clock 
 the next morning Captain Chisenhall and Captain Fox, Lieut. 
 Bretergh, Lieutenant Pencket, Lieutenant Walthew, and 
 Lieutenant Worrill, are designed for the service. Captain 
 Ogle had the main guard to secure a retreat at the southern 
 gate ; Captain Rawstorne had the charge of the sally gate, to 
 secure our retreat on the east side ; Caotain Radcliffe had 
 
 * Transitus rerum. Tacit. lib. 1. Necem desperes nunc posse fieri 
 quod jam toties actum est. Goes. Comm.
 
 THE ENEMY'S MORTAR-PIECE CAPTURED. 509 
 
 the care of the marksmen and musketeers upon the walls, to 
 attend the approaches or vex the flight of the enemy. Capt. 
 Farmer, with a reserve of fresh men, was to stand ready at the 
 parade to relieve either captain in case of necessity. 
 
 All things being thus disposed, Captain Chisenhall, with 
 his eighty men and two lieutenants, issued out at the eastern 
 gate, and before he was discovered had got under their 
 cannon, marching straight upon the stones, where they had 
 planted their great guns. It cost him a slight skirmish to 
 gain the fort ; at last he entered ; many being slain, some 
 being taken prisoners, and some escaping. Now, by having 
 the command of that battery, their retreat being assured, 
 Captain Fox, according to orders, seconds him with much 
 bravery, beating up their trenches from the eastern to the 
 south-west point, till he came to the work which secured the 
 mortar-piece, which being guarded by fifty men, he found 
 sharp service in forcing his way through musket and cannon, 
 and in beating the enemy out of the sconce with stones, his 
 muskets, by reason of the high work, being unserviceable. 
 After a quarter of an hour's hard service, his men got the 
 trench, and scaled the rampart, whereupon many of the 
 enemy fled, and the rest were slain. The sconce, thus won, 
 was made good by a squadron of musketeers, who much 
 annoyed the enemy, who were attempting to come up again. 
 The two main works being thus obtained, the two captains 
 walked the rest of the round with ease ; whilst Mr. Broome, 
 with a company of her ladyship's servants and some fresh 
 soldiers, took care to level the ditch, and by a present device, 
 lifting the mortar-piece on with ropes to a low drag, by 
 strength of men drew it into the house, Captain Ogle de- 
 fending the passage against another company of the enemy 
 which played upon their retreat. The like endeavour was 
 used to gain their great guns ; but they lying beyond the 
 ditch, and being of such bulk and weight, all our strength 
 could not bring them off before the whole army would have 
 fallen upon us ; however, our men took time to poison all 
 the cannon round, if anything will do this feat ; Captain 
 Rawstorne still defending the first pass against some attempts 
 of the enemy to come up from the wood. 
 
 This action continued for an hour, with the loss of only 
 two men on our part, who, after they were mortally wounded, 
 still tired upon the enemy till all retreated. What number
 
 510 SIEGE OF LATHOM HOTTSE. 
 
 of the enemy were slain it is not easy to guess. Besides the 
 execution done to them in their works and trenches, the 
 reserves of Captain Farmer and Captain Radclifie, with the 
 best marksmen, played upon them from the walls with such 
 slaughter as to make them quit their holds. Our men 
 brought in many arms, three drums, and but five prisoners, 
 preserved by Captain Chisenhall, to show that he had mercy 
 as well as valour. One of these was an assistant to their 
 engineer Browne, who discovered to us the nature of their 
 trench, in which they had laboured for two months to draw 
 away our water. 
 
 Their first design was to drain and open our springs, not 
 considering their rise from a higher ground south-east of the 
 house, which must needs supply our deep well, wherever 
 they might sink their fall. This invention failing, they bring 
 up an open trench in a worm- work, the earth being indented 
 and sawn, for the security of their miners, and the ditch 
 being two yards wide and three deep, for the fall of the 
 water. 
 
 But now neither ditches nor aught else troubled our sol- 
 diers, their grand terror, the mortar-piece, which had 
 frightened them from their meat and sleep, lying like a dead 
 lion quietly among them ; every one had his eye and his foot 
 upon it, shouting and rejoicing as merrily as they used to 
 do with their ale and bagpipes. Indeed, every one had this 
 estimation of the service, that the main work had been done, 
 and that what was yet behind was but a mere pastime. 
 
 The house, though outwardly well fenced against the shot 
 of cannon, had many internal buildings of wood, especially 
 one ancient and weak fabric, in which many men's lives had 
 been nakedly exposed to the periers, but by this day's action 
 was now preserved, in respect of which, of all other occur- 
 rences in the siege, we may say what Livy speaks of the 
 battle at Nola " Ingens eo die res, ac nescio an maxima illo 
 bello gesta sit Circa Alesiam tantae res gestag, quantas 
 audere vix hominis, perficere nullius, nisi Dei sit." Pater- 
 culus. It was the greatest and most fortunate exploit. Her 
 ladyship, though not often overcarried with any light ex- 
 pressions of joy, yet religiously sensible of so great a blessing, 
 and desirous, according to her pious disposition, of returning 
 acknowledgments to the right author. God alone, commanded 
 her chaplains to make a public thanksgiving.
 
 MUTINY AMONG THE ENEMY. 511 
 
 The enemy, terrified by this defeat, durst not venture into 
 their works again till midnight ; towards morning removing 
 some of their cannon, and the next night stealing away all 
 the rest, save one piece left for a memorandum. This one 
 escaped nailing, which the colonels did not venture to place 
 on its own mount, but planted at a distance, for fear of the 
 madmen in the garrison. 
 
 One thing should not be here omitted. The day on which 
 our men gave Rigby that shameful defeat, he had destined 
 for the execution of his utmost cruelty. He had invited, as 
 it is now generally confessed, all his friends, the holy abettors 
 of this mischief, to come to see the house either yielded or 
 burned, he having purposed to use his mortar-gun with fire- 
 balls or grenados all the afternoon ; but her ladyship, before 
 two o'clock (his own time), gave him such a very scurvy satis- 
 fying answer, that his friends came opportunely to comfort 
 him, who was sick of shame and dishonour, in being routed 
 by a lady and a handful of men. 
 
 After this he was hopeless of gaining the house by any 
 other means than starving us 6ut, or withdrawing the 
 water ; which our captains perceiving, immediately sunk an 
 eye, to meet them in their works, to discover any mines 
 to blow up the towers or walls, in which we had diligent 
 observers to hearken to any noises from their trench, by 
 which our men might thereby direct their countermines. 
 
 From this time to the 25th of May we had a continued 
 calm, Mr. Rigby's spirit being laid within our circle, so that 
 we were scarcely sensible of a siege, except by the restraint 
 upon our liberty. But our men continually vexed their quiet, 
 either by the excursion of a few in the night, or by frequent 
 alarms, which the captains gave the soldiers leave to invent 
 and execute for their recreation. Sometimes, in spite of 
 their perdues, they would steal a cord round some tree near 
 the enemy's works, and, bringing the end round, would make 
 it terrible with many ranks and files of light matches ; some- 
 times dogs, and once a forlorn horse, handsomely starred 
 with matches, being turned out of the gate, appeared in 
 the dark night like some huge constellation. But the 
 enemy were so diseased and beaten both in jest and in ear- 
 nest, that many of them quitted their charge, and the rest 
 cried out for pay, ready to take any occasion to leave the 
 plunder of Lathom House to others. Colonel Rigby, per- 
 ceiving them ready to crumble into mutinies, endeavoured
 
 512 SIEGE OF 1ATHOM HOUSE. 
 
 to cement the breaches with some small pittance of their 
 pay, declaring that the siege had cost him 2000 of his own 
 money. He was never known to have been worth one till 
 he became a public robber by law ; but you must remember 
 that he had been a lawyer, and a bad one. 
 
 All this cheap talk would not keep his soldiers from de- 
 fection ; many ran away, one of whom, having escaped from 
 the enemy's works at mid-day, came to us, from whom we 
 received this intelligence. Our men, not judging it safe to 
 trust a fugitive enemy, would not venture upon another 
 sally, imagining that some treachery might have been weaved 
 in with all these plain webs, and been covered by the artifice 
 of this strange convert ; but Rigby, hearing of this renegade, 
 presently smelled a plot, and every day and night doubled his 
 guards. His men, wearied out with extraordinary duty, and 
 he himself being perplexed with fears and jealousies, was 
 forced to call Colonel Holland to come from Manchester to 
 his assistance. 
 
 About this time we discovered a cessation in their mine- 
 works, the abundance of rain so slackening and loosening 
 the earth, that all their trench fell in, with the death of three 
 of their miners. 
 
 May 23. On Thursday, Captain Edward Mosley brought 
 another summons to her ladyship from his colonels, Hol- 
 land and Rigby, something fuller than the former (it not 
 befitting Mr. Rigby' s greatness to remit anything of his former 
 rigour), that her ladyship should forthwith yield up her 
 house, her arms and goods, all her servants, and her own 
 person and children, into their hands, to be submitted to the 
 mercy of the parliament; which being read, her ladyship 
 smiled, and in a troubled passion challenged the captain with 
 a mistake in the paper, saying mercy instead of cruelty. 
 " No," says he, " the mercy of the parliament ;" when her 
 ladyship quickly and composedly replied, " The mercies of 
 the wicked are cruel. Not that I mean," says she, " a 
 wicked parliament, of which body I have an honourable and 
 reverend "esteem, but wicked factors and agents, such as 
 Moor and Rigby, who, for the advantage of their own in- 
 terests, labour to turn kingdoms into blood and ruin. That 
 unless they would treat with her lord, they should never have 
 her, nor any of her friends, alive ;" which the soldiers se- 
 conded with a general acclamation. 
 
 The captain finding her still resolute in her first intention,
 
 ARRIVAL OF PRINCE RUPERT. 613 
 
 in his discourse with her ladyship and some others, gave a 
 tacit intimation (most likely not without instructions from 
 the colonels), that her ladyship might now have her own first 
 conditions for quitting the house; but she returned the 
 captain with the first answer, that she would never treat 
 without commands from her lord. 
 
 The same night, one of our spies, sent out for news, ap- 
 proached the enemy's works, and taking the opportunity of a 
 single sentry, pistolled him, and entered the house with 
 intelligence from his lordship, that his highness Prince 
 Rupert was in Cheshire, on his march to her ladyship's 
 relief, which gave us a joyful occasion that night to pray for 
 the prince's happy and victorious approach. 
 
 May 24, 25. Friday and Saturday were passed over in a 
 hopeful ignorance, for while we knew nothing, we had good 
 cause to hope well. It being the custom of the enemy to 
 storm us with most hideous tales from their trenches, when 
 they had the least foundation for a lie. 
 
 May 26. On Sunday night, our sentries discovered a weak- 
 ness in the enemy in the thinness of their relief, wherefore 
 the captains agreed to sally out the next morning at three 
 o'clock with 200 men. 
 
 Captain Ogle and Captain Rawstorne were allotted for 
 this action ; but the enemy, like good provident fellows, 
 thrifty of their own lives, prevented the captain this honour ; 
 for, hearing of the prince's victorious entrance into the coun- 
 try (by the defeat of Colonels Duckenfield, Mainwaring, 
 Buckley, and others, who kept the pass at Stockport, the se- 
 cond key of the county), they stole away betwixt twelve and 
 one o'clock in the morning. 
 
 The next day Rigby drew up his companies, and what 
 fresh supplies he could raise, in all about three thousand 
 men (Mr. Holland having returned to Manchester, and Mr. 
 Moor to Liverpool), unto Eccleston Green, six miles from 
 Lathom, standing there in a great suspense which way to 
 turn. At last, imagining that the prince would either march 
 through Blackburn or Lancaster to the relief of York, he 
 determined not to come in his way, but diverts to Bolton, 
 formerly a garrison, and still fortified. 
 
 In this town the prince also intended to take up his quar- 
 ters, having been truly certified by his scouts that it Avas 
 without an enemy ; but being happily prevented by Rigby 
 2 L
 
 514 SIEGE OF LATHOM HOUSE. 
 
 with some other auxiliaries from Colonel Shuttleworth, to 
 the number of four or five thousand in all, his highness on 
 Tuesday drew up his army before the town, being truly happy 
 of an occasion to fight with the merciless besiegers of a prin- 
 cess in misery, and forthwith with all gallantry and resolution 
 led on his men to an assault. 
 
 The Earl of Derby desiring to be one of the first avengers 
 of that barbarity and cruelty displayed to his lady, with a 
 part of the prince's own horse charged a troop of the enemy, 
 which had bravely issued out of the town to disorder and 
 vex our foot in the assault. These he chased to the very 
 walls, where he slew the cornet, and with his own hand took 
 the colours, being the first ensign taken that day, and which 
 he sent to his highness. On his first passing into the town, 
 closely following the foot on their entrance, his lordship met 
 with Captain Bootle, formerly one of his own servants, but 
 now the most virulent enemy against his lady in the siege. 
 Him he did the honour of too brave a death of dying by 
 his lord's hand, with some others of his good countrymen, 
 who had for three months thirsted for his lady's and his chil- 
 drens' blood. 
 
 May 29. The prince this day not only relieved but re- 
 venged the most noble lady his cousin, leaving 1600 of her 
 besiegers dead in the place, and carrying away 700 prisoners. 
 For a perpetual memorial of his victory, as a brave expres- 
 sion of his own nobleness, and a gracious respect to her 
 ladyship's sufferings, the next day he presented her ladyship, 
 by the hands of the valiant and truly noble Sir Richard 
 Crane, with twenty-two of those colours, which three days be- 
 fore were proudly flourished before her house, which gift 
 will give honour to his highness and glory to the action, so 
 long as there lives one branch of that ancient and princely 
 family which his highness that day preserved. 
 
 A VIEW OF THE GARRISON, THEIR STRENGTH AND DISCI- 
 PLINE. Her ladyship commanded in chief; whose first care 
 was the service of God, which, in sermons and solemn prayers, 
 she saw duly performed. Four times a day was she com- 
 monly present at public prayer, attended by the two little 
 ladies her children, the Lady Mary and the Lady Catherine, 
 for piety and sweetness truly the children of so princely a 
 mother : and if daring in time of danger may add anything
 
 VIEW OF THE GARRISON. 515 
 
 to their age and virtues, let them have this testimony, that 
 though truly apprehensive of the enemy's malice, they were 
 never startled by any appearance of danger. 
 
 HER CAPTAINS. Capt. Henry Ogle, Capt. Edward Chis- 
 enhall, Capt. Edward Rawstorne, Capt. Wm. Farmer, Capt. 
 Molineux Radcliffe, Capt. Richard Fox, assisted in their con- 
 sultations by William Farrington of Wearden, Esq., who, for 
 executing the commission of array, and for attending her 
 ladyship in her troubles, had suffered the seizure of all his 
 personal estate, and the sequestration of all his lands. 
 
 THE SOLDIERS were three hundred in number, proportioned 
 to every captain. Their duty was to have one hundred and 
 fifty men upon the watch every second night, excepting six- 
 teen select marksmen out of the whole, who kept the towers 
 all day. The sallies were by lot. The captains drawn by 
 her ladyship chose their own lieutenants. Without the walls 
 is a deep ditch, fenced on each bank with strong pallisades ; 
 upon the walls were seven towers, conveniently flanking 
 one another. Within, the walls are lined with earth and 
 sods, two yards thick, by the industry of the soldiers in the 
 siege. 
 
 THE ORDNANCE consisted of six sakers and two sling- 
 pieces ; in every tower one or two murderers to scour the 
 ditches. 
 
 Our greatest fear was from the want of powder, which 
 would have been soon spent, had not the captains dispensed 
 it frugally, and prohibited the soldiers from waste of shots. 
 
 Every sally brought us in some new stock to augment our 
 magazine, which the soldiers found in the enemies' trenches. 
 
 This fear made the captains sparing in their sallies and 
 their ordnance, who would else have prevented the enemy's 
 near works. 
 
 In the whole siege we spent but seven barrels, besides 
 what we took from the enemy. During the whole time they 
 gave us neither assault nor alarm. 
 
 The provisions would have lasted two months longer, not- 
 withstanding the soldiers had always sufficient, whom her 
 ladyship took care oftentimes to see served herself. 
 
 We lost but six men in the whole siege, four in service, and 
 2 i, 2
 
 516 SIEGE OF LATHOM HOUSE. 
 
 two by their own negligence, or over-daring in appearing 
 above the towers. 
 
 A VIEW OF THE ENEMY. Sir Thomas Fairfax commanded 
 in chief; under him Col. Ashton, Col. Holland, Col. Moor, 
 and Col. Rigby, by turns assisting one another. 
 
 The common soldiers, continually in league, were between 
 two or three thousand, which, divided in tertias, made seven 
 or eight hundred watching every third day and night. 
 
 THEIE ARTILLEEY. One demi-cannon, one culverin, a 
 mortar -piece, and three sakers. 
 
 Their works were an open trench round, the house, a yard 
 of ditch, and a yard raised with turf, at the distance of sixty, 
 one hundred, or two hundred yards from the walls. 
 
 They had eight sconces raised in such places as might most 
 annoy our men in the sally, built directis lateribus ; with two 
 yards of rampart and a yard of ditch, in some places staked 
 and palisaded to keep off a violent assault. 
 
 Their pioneers were first sheltered by baskets and hurdles, 
 and afterwards by a kind of testudo, a wooden engine run- 
 ning on wheels, roofed towards the house, with thick planks, 
 and open for the enemy to cast up the earth. 
 
 They shot one hundred and seven cannon, thirty-two stones, 
 and four grenados. They spent, by the confession of their 
 own officers, nearly one hundred barrels of powder ; and they 
 lost about five hundred men, besides one hundred and forty 
 who were maimed and wounded. 
 
 The Oxford MS. contains the following formal termina- 
 tions, which have been omitted in the MS. Journal in the 
 British Museum : 
 
 " Finis of a brief Journal of the Siege against Lathom 
 House." 
 
 And on a fly-leaf is written in the same hand as the MS. 
 " Wherein I was wounded, EDWAKD HALSALL."
 
 POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 AFTER the siege of Lathom House, so vividly described in the preceding 
 Journal, the Countess of Derby, with her children, under the protection of 
 the earl, retired to the Isle of Man, leaving Lathom House to the care of 
 Colonel Rawstorne, who furnished the garrison with provisions and ammu- 
 nition for sustaining another siege. 
 
 In the month of July, of the following year (1645), the siege was re- 
 newed by General Egerton, at the head of four thousand men, who fixed 
 his head quarters at Ormskirk. Colonel Rawstorne immediately ordered 
 out a strong party of horse and foot, under the command of Major Mun- 
 day and Captain Moliueaux Radcliffe, who gallantly attacked the enemy's 
 quarters with so much courage, resolution, and bravery, as made them to 
 retreat for a few weeks from the neighbourhood. 
 
 The defeat of the Royalists about this time at Marston Moor, and the 
 flight of Prince Rupert to Chester, prevented the king from rendering his 
 loyal garrison at Lathom any further assistance ; which having now become 
 reduced to extremities for want of the munitions of war, his majesty advised 
 that a commission should be appointed by both parties to treat of a sur- 
 render. This intended compromise, however, was defeated through the 
 treachery of an Irish soldier connected with Lathom, and on the 2nd of 
 December, 1 645, Colonel Rawstorne, after a gallant and successful stand, 
 surrendered into the hands of the parliamentary forces, upon bare terms of 
 mercy, the ancient, noble, and almost invincible House of Lathom, "whose 
 antiquity, famous siege, and most heroic defence," says Seacome, " can 
 never be forgotten whilst history remains in the world." 
 
 At the time of the surrender, the mansion contained twelve pieces of ord- 
 nance, besides a large store of arms and ammunition. The besiegers soon 
 converted the most valuable effects of the house into booty ; the rich silk 
 hangings of the beds were rent in pieces; the towers, from whence so many 
 fatal shots proceeded, were demolished, and the sun of Lathom seemed for 
 ever to have set. 
 
 On the 8th of December, 1645, the "Perfect Diurnall," a newspaper 
 of the day, gave the following intelligence of its fall : " On Saturday, 
 December 6, after the house was up, there came letters to the Speaker of 
 the Commons' House of the surrender of Lathom House in Lancashire, 
 belonging to the Earl of Derby, which his lady, the Countess of Derby, 
 proving herself the better soldier of the two, hath above these two years 
 kept in opposition to our forces."* 
 
 Peck's Desiderata Curiosa, 449
 
 518 POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 At the Restoration, Lathom House returned into the possession of the 
 Earl of Derby ; but having been almost destroyed, the family residence 
 was fixed at Knowsley. William Richard George, the ninth Earl of Derby, 
 however, intending to rebuild this seat, erected in the same situation a 
 sumptuous and lofty front, which composes a part of the south front of the 
 present house, but did not live to complete his design. After his death it 
 devolved to his eldest daughter, Henrietta, married first to the Earl of An- 
 glesey, and secondly, to Lord Ashburnham, who sold it to Henry Fur- 
 nese, Esq., from whom it was purchased in 1 724, by Sir Thomas Bootle, 
 Knight of Melling, in this county, afterwards chancellor to Frederick 
 Prince of Wales, whose niece and heiress married Richard Wilbraham, 
 Esq., of Rode Hall, in Cheshire. The estate is now possessed by Lord 
 Skelmersdale, the eldest son of that marriage. 
 
 For the Earl of Derby and his consort, after the fall of Lathom House, 
 a gloomy prospect of troublous days was still before them. Cooped up in 
 their diminutive kingdom, the Isle of Man, where they were honoured as 
 patriarchal princes, they bade defiance to the fleets, the threats, and the 
 persuasions of parliament. On the faith of a safe conduct from Fairfax, 
 they sent their children into England for their education; who, however, 
 were seized and sent as prisoners to Liverpool. Though repeated offers 
 were made to restore them, and the whole of his estates, if the earl would 
 give up his island, he remained firm to his royal master, and boldly re- 
 plied " That he was greatly afflicted at the suffering of his children ; 
 that it was not hi the nature of great and noble minds to punish innocent 
 children for the offences of then- parents; that it would be a clemency in 
 Sir Thomas Fairfax either to send them back to him, or to their mother's 
 friends in France and Holland ; but if he would do neither, his children 
 must submit to the mercy of Almighty God, but should never be released 
 by his disloyalty." 
 
 " In 1651, when Charles the Second made an attempt to recover the 
 throne of his father, the Earl of Derby was among the first to join his 
 standard, leaving the government of the Isle of Man, as he had formerly 
 trusted the defence of Lathom, to his heroic countess. After the loss of 
 the battle of Worcester, the earl nobly provided for the safety of his young 
 sovereign at the expense of his own. On the borders of Chester tie was 
 overtaken by a party under Major Edge, to whom he surrendered his 
 sword, under a promise of being treated with honour as a prisoner of war; 
 but his enemies especially Bradshaw, Rigby, and Birch were resolved 
 on his downfall. The execution was fixed for the 15th of October, in his 
 own town of Bolton-le-Moors, where a scaffold was erected with the 
 timbers of the ruins of Lathom House. Just before he suffered he calmly 
 requested that the block might be removed so as to face the church, 
 saying, " I will look toward thy sanctuary while here, as I hope to live in 
 thy heavenly sanctuary for ever hereafter." 
 
 Colonel Birch soon after attacked the Isle of Man, when, through the 
 treachery of a false friend, the countess and her children were betrayed 
 into the hands of their enemies. During their incarceration in ac un- 
 healthy dungeon two of her children fell victims to the small-pox. She 
 remained in prison till the Resto'ation of Charles the Second, when she 
 returned with her remaining children to Knowsley Hall, in the neighbour- 
 hood of Lathom House, where she departed this life in the year 1663.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 APSIEY, account of the family of, 8. 
 
 Apsley, Sir Allen, his public and private 
 character, 56 ; quarters near Mrs. Hut- 
 hinson, 123 ; his composition on the 
 surrender of Barnstaple, 301 ; annoyed 
 by a woman, 354 ; his zeal for Mr. Hut- 
 chinson's safetv, 408, 412 ; his interces- 
 sion for his release, 455. 
 
 Apsley, Mrs. See Mrs. Hutchinson. 
 
 Army, right of, to act independently of the 
 parliament, 296 ; imprisons some of the 
 members, 331 ; effect of the -withdrawal 
 of, 378 ; keeps a day of humiliation, 380 ; 
 declaration of the, 381 ; army-court at 
 Wallingford House, 387. 
 
 Ashburnham, plot of, 93. 
 
 Ayscough, Mr. his advice, 172 ; overcome 
 by drink, 239. 
 
 Ballard, Mr. his disgraceful conduct, 142. 
 
 Bennett, secretary, his conduct, 442 ; re- 
 marks on, 449. 
 
 Booth, Sir George, 130. 
 
 Buckingham, Duke of, attends Charles I. in 
 Spain, 84 ; impeached for murdering 
 James I. 86 ; murdered, 87 ; remarks on, 
 450. 
 
 Byron, Sir John, brother of Lady Hutchin- 
 son. marriage of his daughter to Sir T. 
 Hutchinson, 36 ; anecdotes of, 42; buries 
 his sister, 45 ; brings up Colonel Hut- 
 chinson at Bulwell, 46 ; troubled at Col. 
 Hutchinson, 66 ; joins the king, 117. 
 
 Byron, Sir Richard, his advice to Colonel 
 Hutchinson, 173 ; discovery of a letter to, 
 232 ; his plot to rob Colonel Hutchinson, 
 
 Byron, Sir Thomas, capture of his troop, 216. 
 
 Cartwright, Major, summons Nottingham, 
 164 ; letter to Colonel Hutchinson, 178. 
 
 Chad wick, his character, 134 ; his behaviour, 
 191 ; exposure of, 244. 
 
 Charles I. his court, 84 ; his character, 85 ; 
 levies an army against the Scots, 90 ; 
 assembles a parliament, 1640, ib. ; se- 
 cond army against the Scots, 91 ; attends 
 
 parliament with a large guard, 96 ; pe- 
 titioned to relieve Ireland, 97 ; petitioned 
 at York, 100 ; attempts to seize the pow- 
 der-magazine at Hull, 108 ; began to en- 
 tertain soldiers, 111 ; his proclamations 
 against parliament, 112 ; raises an army 
 and besieges Hull, 113 ; sets up a mint at 
 Shrewsbury, ib. ; battle of Edgehill, 
 114 ; retires to Oxford, 115 ; marches to 
 London, ib. ; his injudicious actions, 
 227 ; escapes from Oxford, 228 ; repairs 
 to Newark from Wales, 283 ; goes over 
 to the Scots, 291 ; delivered up to the 
 parliament, 298; his various removals, 
 303 ; his flight to the Isle of Wight, 309 , 
 his trial and execution, 334. 
 
 Charles II. arrival in London, 402. 
 
 Chaworth, Lord, 117 ; meeting with Colonel 
 Hutchinson, 140; desires protection of 
 parliament, 209. 
 
 Chesterfield, Lord, 117. 
 
 Clarendon, Earl of, remarks on, 448. 
 
 Clare, Earl of, 117, 135. 
 
 Clarke, Mr., master of Lincoln Free-school, 
 46. 
 
 Clifton, Sir Gervas, 118. 
 
 Coates, Mr., a minister, made a captain, 208. 
 
 Collin, Langford, 134 ; persecution of, 225. 
 
 Cooper, Sir A. A., his friendship, 395 ; and 
 duplicity, 396. 
 
 Covenant, national, taken by Nottingham 
 garrison, 216. 
 
 Cromwell, Oliver, 144; his victory at 
 Newark, 189 ; at Marston Moor, 229 ; 
 lieutenant-general of the new army, 231 , 
 his progress, 320 ; effect of prosperity on, 
 342 ; his professions, 343 ; made general, 
 ib. ; his march to Scotland, 355 ; his re- 
 turn, 358 ; his dissolution of the parlia- 
 ment, 362 ; his wantonness in power, 
 369 ; discovers all plots against himself 
 372 ; his death, 376. 
 
 Cromwell, Richard, his protectorate. 376. 
 
 Dacie, Colonel, desires a convoy, 198. 
 Delinquents, treatment of, 326. 
 Derby, mayor of, 182.
 
 520 
 
 Digby, Sir John, 107, 117 ; designs to secure 
 
 Hooper, Mr., the engineer, 190 ; letter to, 
 
 the county, 131. 
 
 from committee, 210 ; falls out wit'n 
 
 Dives, Sir Lewis, plunders Mr. Needham's 
 
 Captain Pendock, 236 ; goes to Cromwel., 
 
 house, 122. 
 
 251 ; returns to Nottingham, 280. 
 Henry VIII., 60, 75. 
 
 Edgehill, battle of, 114. 
 
 Hotham, Sir John, defends the magazine at 
 
 Elizabeth, Queen, 70, 76, 89. 
 
 Hull, 110; proclaimed traitor, ib. ; floats 
 
 England, happiness of, 3 ; constitution of, 
 5 ; civil government of, 74. 
 
 the county, 113 ; his conduct at Notting- 
 ham, 152. 
 
 Essex, tumults in, 311. 
 
 Hutchinson, Sir Thomas, father of Colonel 
 
 Essex, Earl of, 95 ; general of the parlia- 
 
 Hutchinson, 36; his adventure with his 
 
 mentary army, 114 ; quarters about Lon- 
 don, 115; his proceedings against the 
 
 guardian, 38 ; his studious habits, 39 ; 
 confined in Kent, 48; his second mar- 
 
 enemy, 228 ; his misfortunes in Cornwall, 
 229 ; his want of zeal, 230. 
 
 riage, 50 ; sits in parliament, 68 ; on the 
 parliament side, 119 ; Lord Lindsey quar- 
 
 Excise, abuse of the, 271. 
 
 tered with him, 122; his respect for 
 
 
 Plumptre, 133 ; death of, 167 ; division of 
 
 Fairfax, Sir Thomas, visits Nottingham, 
 
 his estate, 171. 
 
 190 ; desires the Nottingham horse, 203 ; 
 
 Hutchinson, Lady Margaret, mother of 
 
 victor)- over the king's army, 229; justi- 
 
 Colonel Hutchinson, 36 ; her death and 
 
 fies Colonel Hutchinson to the committee, 
 
 character, 41 ; anecdotes of her parents, 
 
 248; conduct of his wife, 299; throws 
 
 42 ; her affection for Lady Arabella Stu- 
 
 up his commission, 344 ; lays siege to 
 
 art, 44. 
 
 Lathom House. 495, et seq. 
 
 liutchinson, Mr. George, his birth, 41 ; 
 
 Fleetwood, Mr., discovers the committee's 
 
 seized with falling sickness, 47 ; arrested 
 
 conspiracy, 256 ; marries Ireton's widow, 
 and deputy of Ireland. 361 ; betrayal of 
 
 by Captain Welsh, 125; chosen ' captain 
 of a troop at Nottingham, 132; major, 
 
 trust of parliament, 387 ; tries to secure 
 
 139; his charge at Nottingham, 179; 
 
 Colonel Hutchinson, 391. 
 
 tempted to give up his trust, 199; goes 
 
 Fox, George, extract from his journal, 226. 
 
 to Sandown, 474 ; hears of designs against 
 
 France, persecutions in, 73. 
 
 his brother, 239; impudence of commit- 
 
 Frecheville, Colonel, taken prisoner, 202. 
 
 tee to him, 254 ; his character, 275 ; res- 
 
 
 cues his brother, 286 ; vifcits his brother 
 
 Gainsborough surprised, 154; recovered, and 
 
 In the Tower, 461. 
 
 again lost to the parliament, 160. 
 
 Hntchinson, Mrs., her birth and parentage, 
 
 Gell, Sir John, character of, 127 ; malice to 
 Sir John Stanhope, 128 ; conduct of his 
 
 2 ; her advantages, 7 ; her skill in medi- 
 cine, 15 ; her -education, 17; her descrip- 
 
 men, 179 ; at Nottingham with his men, 
 
 tion of her husband, 19; Col. Hutchin^n's 
 
 187 ; encourages the committee's con- 
 
 first desire to see her, 56 ; their first meet- 
 
 spiracy, 255. 
 
 ing, 60 ; courtship, 62 ; fell sick of small 
 
 Germyn, plot of, 93. 
 
 pox, 63 ; marriage, 64 ; brought to bed 
 
 Gloucester, siege of, 147. 
 
 with twins, ib. , visited by Capt. Welsh 
 
 Golding, a papist, 117. 
 
 124 ; birth of her eldest daughter, 12? ; 
 
 Goodhall, preaches against the governor, 
 
 her skill in dressing wounds, 182 ; im- 
 
 253. 
 
 bibes baptist sentiments, 299 ; her con- 
 
 Goring, Lord, 93, 135. 
 
 duct on Lord Byron's plot. 385 ; her be- 
 
 Government, new form of, 337. 
 
 haviour to Major Grove, 391 ; effect of 
 
 Grandison, Lord, 126. 
 
 her advice, 400 ; her endeavours for her 
 
 Grantham, Ladv, designs a marriage for 
 
 husband's safety, 406 ; her contrivances, 
 
 Colonel Hutchinson, 49. 
 
 407; her further solicitations, 418; tempt- 
 
 Grantham, Sir Thomas, confined in Kent 
 
 ed by a relative, 419 ; distress for her 
 
 with Sir T. Hutchinson, 48 ; his death, 50. 
 
 husband, 441 ; her interview with Secre- 
 
 Grey, Lord, 
 
 tary Bennett, 449 ; refused accommoda- 
 
 
 tion at Sandown, 470 ; returns to Ow- 
 
 Hamilton, Duke, defeated at Preston and 
 
 thorpe, 474 ; his final illness, 476 ; his 
 
 taken, 320. 
 
 last conversation, 478 ; his death, 480 ; 
 
 Harrison, Major-general, his precept and 
 
 lines written by, 486. 
 
 practice, 348. 
 
 Hutchinson, Colonel, his character, as writ- 
 
 Hartup, Sir E. his misadventure at Newark, 
 
 ten by his wife, 19, <fcc. ; his birth and 
 
 216; his want of valour at Muscam 
 
 parentage, 36 ; his mother's death, 41 
 
 bridge, 219. 
 
 his childhood, 46 ; designs for his marriage, 
 
 Henrietta, Queen, her character, 69 ; goes 
 
 4:) ; writ to Cambridge, 50 ; leaves the 
 
 to Holland, 97 ; pawns the crown jewels, 
 
 university and resides in London, 51 ; his 
 
 113 ; returns to England, 146 ; her ac- 
 
 early love affairs, 53 ; studies the law, 54 ; 
 
 tivity, 227 ; goes over to France, 230. 
 
 story of a gentleman dying of love, 55 ;
 
 521 
 
 goes to Bichirond, ib. ; hears of Mrs. 
 Apsley, 56; his first meeting her, 60; his 
 courtship, 62 ; his marriage, 64 ; studies 
 school divinity, 65 ; purposes buying an 
 offica in the Star Chamber, 67 ; takes his 
 wife to Owthorpe, 68 ; studies the public 
 papers, 98 ; called a puritan, 100 ; pre- 
 sented a petition to the king, 101 ; his 
 conference with Lord Newark, 102 ; en- 
 deavours to prevent the king from taking 
 the county's ammunition, 120 ; adven- 
 ture with a soldier of Lord Lindsey's, 
 121 ; warrant to seize him, 123 ; escapes 
 to Northamptonshire, ib. ; rebukes a 
 writer in the daily journals, 129 ; per- 
 suades the Nottingham people to defend 
 themselves, 132 ; appointed lieutenant- 
 colonel, 139 ; brings his wife to Notting- 
 ham, 141 ; governor of Nottingham Cas- 
 tle, 155 ; preparation for defence, 163 ; 
 addresses the soldiers, 165 ; his hospita- I 
 lity, 167 ; his prospects on his father's 
 death, 170 ; pulls down St. Nicholas ! 
 church, 184 ; recovers the forts at Not- 
 tingham, 185 ; made governor of the town 
 of Nottingham, 195 ; his distress on this 
 account, 196 ; proposal to him to give up 
 the castle, 200 ; sends to Leicester for his 
 arms and horse, 202 ; independence of the 
 horse, 203; his dispute with committee 
 about Hooper, 211 ; advises Sir J. Mel- 
 drum of Prince Rupert's approach, 220 ; 
 his troubles with the factions in Notting- 
 ham, 224 ; his excursion to Elston and 
 Sierston, 234; meeting of the priests 
 against him, 237 ; goes to London, 238 ; 
 factions against him, 239 ; his faith in 
 Mr. Millington, 241 ; his disagreements 
 with the committee, 243 , kiudness to 
 Colonel Thornhagh, 247 ; in London 
 again, 252 ; with the committee of parlia- 
 ment, 257 ; his return, 265 ; determined 
 conduct in London, 277 ; elected member 
 of parliament, 289 ; his escapes, 290 ; 
 takes his seat in parliament, 293 ; his 
 change of opinion on baptism, 300 ; his 
 illness, 302 ; disturbed at Owthorpe, 312 ; 
 incident with his chaplain, 315 ; inter- 
 view with Cromwell, 317; slighted by 
 Cromwell, 324 ; return of his illness in 
 London, 328 ; chosen in council of state, 
 338 ; offered government of Hull, 341 ; 
 transactions with Lady Somerset, 347 ; 
 anxieties respecting it, 349 ; his zeal for 
 the oppressed, 353 ; his conduct at See- 
 ton's funeral, 359; his activity in his 
 county, 364 ; his return to parliament, 
 366 ; his patronage of art, 367 ; his social 
 life, 369 ; interview with Cromwell, 374 ; 
 returned as sheriff, 377 ; interview with 
 Richard Cromwell, his opinion, 382 ; his 
 kindness to Mr. R. Pierrepont, 388; ad- 
 venture with troopers, 389 ; returns to 
 parliament, 393 ; his speeches, 394 ; 
 tempted by the king's party, 397 ; return 
 
 to new parliament, 402; his defence, 
 464 ; his suspension, 405 ; exertions of his 
 friends, 412 ; his return to the country, 
 414 ; his devotion to his country, 415 ; 
 his examinations at court, 416 ; advised 
 to leave the country, 422, expense of his 
 defence, 423; his habits at Owthorpe, 
 425 , marriage of his son, and death 
 of his daughter-in-law, ib. ; his dream 
 428 ; carried to Newark, 432 ; his ill- 
 treatment there, 433 ; taken to Marquis of 
 Newcastle, 436 ; to Owthorpe, ib. ; again 
 to Newark, 437 ; his illness, 439 ; journey 
 to London, ib.; committed to the Tower, 
 examination at Whitehall, ib. ; his re- 
 examination, 445; his treatment in the 
 Tower, ib. ; his thoughts on his confine- 
 ment, 454; interview with Robinson, 
 456 ; his articles against him, 459 ; 
 searched by a warder, 462 ; suspicions of 
 poison, 465 ; removal to Sandown, 465 ; 
 his accommodation there, 467 ; his recrea- 
 tions, 468; his resigned spirit, 469; 
 thoughts on the state of parties, 471 ; 
 parting with his wife, 474 ; his study of 
 the scriptures, 476 ; removal of his body 
 to Owthorpe, and burial there, 483. 
 Hutchinson, Rev. Julius, his account of 
 Colonel Hutchinson's family and of the 
 collateral branches, Preface. 
 
 Tachin, Dr., attends him in his last illness, 
 
 480. 
 
 James, Alderman, character of, 132. 
 es I. 77 ; character of his court, 78. 
 
 Ingoldsby, Mr. his defence, 404. 
 Inscription on Colonel Hutchinson's mo- 
 urn en t, 484. 
 Insurrection, 310. 
 Ireton, Mr. Henry, 98 ; his character, 119; 
 
 married Cromwell's daughter, 324 ; death 
 
 of, 358. 
 Irish rebellion, 94, 97. 
 
 Kent, tumults in, 311. 
 Kingston, Earl of, 117 ; his intended neu- 
 trality, 149 ; his death, 150. 
 
 Lambert, his pride, 360 ; made general, and 
 marches into the country, 382 ; his disso- 
 lution of the parliament, 386 ; deserted 
 by his men, 393. 
 
 Langdale, Sir M., his capture and escape, 
 
 Lathom House, siege of, 491 ; defended by 
 Lady Derby, 493, tt seq. 
 
 Laud, archbishop of Canterbury, 88 ; ac- 
 cused of treason, 92. 
 
 Leicester, loss and recovery of, 282. 
 
 Lenthall, Mr., his defence, 403. 
 
 Levellers, origin of name of, 317. 
 
 Leven, General, his Scotch army, 229; takes 
 the town of Newcastle, 320. 
 
 Lexington, Lord, 118 ; his endeavour*
 
 522 
 
 against Colonel Hutchinson, 410; revival 
 
 of his, 423. 
 Lindsey, Lord, quartered with Sir Thomas 
 
 Hutchinson, 122. 
 Lomax, Mr., his character, 138. 
 London, state of things in, 315. ' 
 Lucas, Sir Charles, demands Nottingham 
 
 Castle, 205. 
 
 Marston Moor, battle of, 229. 
 
 Mary Queen of Scots. 73 ; her death, 76. 
 
 Mason, Mr., 183 ; made a captain at Not- 
 tingham, 209 ; revives the old mutiny, 222. 
 
 Maurice, Prince, put in command, 114 ; 
 possesses the west for the kins;, 227. 
 
 Meldrum, Sir John, 113 ; complains of the 
 envyings of the associated captains, 218 ; 
 skirmish with Prince Rupert, 220. 
 
 Millington, Mr., his neglect of the garrison 
 of Nottingham, 209 ; his duplicity, 23S ; 
 his abuse of Colonel Hutchinson's confi- 
 dence, 242 ; reasons for his enmity, 245 ; 
 his marriage, 260 ; loses credit, 278 ; his 
 subsequent career, 280. 
 
 Monk, contests of, with Lambert, 393 ; his 
 tergiversation, 405 ; barbarity of, 411. 
 
 Naseby, battle of, 282. 
 
 Needham, Mr., his house plundered, 122. 
 
 Nevill, Mr., confinement and release, 452. 
 
 Newark fortified, 141 ; assault on, delayed, 
 217 ; letter of commissioners of, 223 ; sur- 
 renders, 291. 
 
 Newark, Lord, Colonel Hutchinson's con- 
 ference with, 102; his character, 117. 
 
 Newcastle, Earl of, bis character, 117; be- 
 sieges Hull, 147 ; raises the siege, 189 ; 
 chines to Derby, 197; his army wasted, 
 229 ! goes to Germany, 230. 
 
 Northampton, Earl of, 129. 
 
 Northumberland, Earl of, 112. 
 
 Norwich, Mr., 50. 
 
 Nottingham, importance of, 142; in diffi- 
 culties, 151 ; expected attack on, 161 ; 
 treacherously given up, 177 ; evacuated, 
 179 ; attempted firing of, 184 ; fortifica- 
 tion commenced, 202 ; enemy enter, 204 ; 
 enemy driven out, 206 ; companies raised 
 in the town, 208 ; letter of committee of, 
 to parliament, 212 ; fast at, 217 ; appre- 
 hended attack by Prince Rupert, 224 ; 
 petition to parliament, 240 ; malpractices 
 of committee, 249 ; ibid, 254 ; ibid, 256 ; 
 continued factions of, 263 , flight of, 265 ; 
 treatment of soldiers of, 268 ; surprise at 
 Trent bridges, 276 ; fort given up, 281 ; 
 eagerness of, for return of the king, 3^9 ; 
 disturbances in, 401 ; papi. : attempt to 
 fire, 426. 
 
 Nottingham Castle, description of, 155; 
 soldiers of, will not mutiny, 273 ; garrison 
 reduced, 307 ; demolishing of, 357. 
 
 Noy, Attorney-general, 87. 
 
 Oblivion, act of, 406 ; confirmation of, 423 
 
 O'Neil, 93. 
 
 Owen, Sir J., ingratitude of, 339. 
 
 Owthorpe, incident at, 307 ; description of, 
 
 365 ; plundered of arms, 424 ; attempt to 
 
 enter, 428. 
 
 Palmer, Mr., his character, 175; riotous 
 conduct of, 182; discovers Hacker's de- 
 sign to surprise Nottingham, 214; his 
 provoking conduct, 261 ; resigns his com- 
 mission, 283. 
 
 Palmer, a preacher, account of, 429. 
 
 Papists, activity of, 426. 
 
 Parliament, present a petition to Charles I., 
 95 ; proclamations against the king, 112 ; 
 make an ordinance tor money and plate, 
 113 ; battle of Kdgehill, 114 ; create Earl 
 of Eesex general, it>. ; petition the king at 
 Colebrooke, 115 ; commission major- 
 generals, 140; solemn league and cove- 
 nant, 227 ; state of its affairs in the coun- 
 ties, 229 ; Uxbridge treaty with the king, 
 230; devise the self-denying ordinance, 
 231 ; difficulties of committee of, 274 ; 
 their propositions to the king, 297 ; king 
 delivered to them, 298 ; distractions of, 
 303 ; propositions to the king, SOU ; fac- 
 tions in, 328 ; re-assembling of, 380 ; 
 struggles between parliament and army, 
 387 ; restoration of, 393. 
 
 Pendock, Captain, his backwardness, 234 ; 
 insults Hooper the engineer, 235. 
 
 Penn, account of, in prison, 458. 
 
 Pennington, Sir John, 112. 
 
 Pennyman, Sir William, 67. 
 
 Percy, 93. 
 
 Pierrepoint, Mr. William, 118 ; presumed to 
 be the secret friend, 378, 421. 
 
 Pierrepoint, Mr. Francis, 131 ; his charac- 
 ter, 136. 
 
 Pierrepont (Col.), his duplicity, 162 ; his 
 wife's correspondence, 174 ; strives to be 
 governor of Nottingham, 192 ; his inter- 
 view with Sir J. Meldrum, 218 ; kindness 
 shown to, 352. 
 
 Pigott, Mr., his character, 137. 
 
 Plumptre, Dr., 52 ; character of, 133 ; con- 
 duct to Colonel Hutchinson, 159 ; beha- 
 viour at Nottingham, 181 ; his insolence 
 to Colonel Hutchinson, 236 ; ibid, 237. 
 
 Pollard, 93. 
 
 Poole, Sir Germaine, attempts to assassi- 
 nate Sir T. Hutchinson, 36. 
 
 Poulton, Captain, 139 ; interview with Col. 
 Dacre, 20u ; made governor of Notting- 
 ham, 307 ; retires, 357. 
 
 Poyntz, Captain, his energy, 290. 
 
 Presbyterians, jealousies of, 302 ; espouse 
 the royal interest, 381 ; bloodthirstynes* 
 of, 403. 
 
 Preston, battle of, 320. 
 
 Pridgeon, Dr., attends Mr. George Hutchin- 
 son, 47. 
 
 Puritans, rise of 70, 79.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 523 
 
 Radcliffe, Lady, 45. 
 
 Reading delivered up, 144. 
 
 Reformation, progress of, 71. 
 
 Regicides, trial and condemnation of, 410. 
 
 Rigby, Colonel, summonses Lady Derby to 
 surrender Lathom House, 495. 
 
 Robinson, Sir John, lieutenant of the Tower, 
 445 ; hatred of, by his men, 446 ; com- 
 plains to Sir A. Apsley, 461. 
 
 Rochester, Countess of, her intercession, 
 412. 
 
 Roundhead, origin of the name, 120. 
 
 Rump, burning of the, 399. 
 
 Rupert, Prince, put in command, 114 ; 
 plunders the country, 115 ; skirmish near 
 Muscam Bridge, 220. 
 
 Stuart, Lady Arabella, took Lady Hutchin- 
 son to court, 44. 
 
 Strafford, Earl of, his character, 88; im- 
 peachment of, 91 ; plot for his rescue, 93. 
 
 Suckling, 93. 
 
 Shrewsbury, battle of, 115. 
 
 Savill, Sir John, 117. 
 
 Stanhope, Mr. William, 118. 
 
 Southwell made a garrison for the king, 213. 
 
 Skippon, Major-general of new army, 231. 
 
 Shetford, taking of, 283. 
 
 Stanhope, Sir John, malice of Sir John Gell, 
 127. 
 
 Saunders, Colonel, commands Thornhagh's 
 regiment, 322. 
 
 Sentinel, story of the, 446. 
 
 Salloway, Mr., his confinement and release, 
 452. 
 
 Salisbury, Mr., his character, 138; cheats 
 the soldiers of their pay, 215 ; raises a 
 faction, 238; his flight, and breach of 
 trust, 269. 
 
 Sandown Castle, 465 ; exorbitance of the 
 keeper of, 472 ; insolence of the captain 
 of, 473. 
 
 St. John, Mrs., mother of Mrs. Hutchin- 
 son, 10. 
 
 Theobalds, Mr., master of Nottingham free- 
 school, 46. 
 
 Thornhagh, Colonel, schoolfellow of Colonel 
 Hutchinson, 49; his character, 130; ap- 
 pointed lieutenant-colonel, 139 ; his nar- 
 row escape, 161 ; gallant attack of Prince 
 Rupert, 220 ; his unjust suspicions, 247 ; 
 chosen burgess of Retford, 290 ; death of, 
 320. 
 
 Toplady, Alderman, treachery of, 174. 
 
 Vane, Sir H., 257 ; his honourable advice, 
 
 264. 
 Uniformity, act of, 431. 
 
 Wren, bishop of, Norwich, 92. 
 
 Wilmot, 93. 
 
 Warwick, Earl of, created admiral by Par 
 ament, 112 ; ibid, 319. 
 
 Waller, Mr., plot of, 146. 
 
 Welch, Captain, visits Mrs. Hutehinson, 
 124 ; arrests her brother, 125. 
 
 White, Captain, character of, 130 ; his as- 
 sistance at Nottingham, 179; his envy of 
 Colonel Hutchinson, 209 ; his annoyance 
 of the same, 214 ; his endeavours to thwart 
 the governor, 233 ; goes to London 238 ; 
 his return, and further insults, 240 ; his 
 marriage, 260 ; his misconduct, 267. 
 
 Widmerpoole, Mr., his character, 138. 
 
 Waller, Sir W., rout of, 227 ; with his new 
 army routs Hopton, 228. 
 
 Worcetter, battle of. 357. 
 
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