D 
 
 o 
 
 C3T 
 
 
The Autobiography of 
 
 Benjamin Franklin 
 
 The Unmutilated and Correct Version 
 
 Compiled and Edited, with Notes 
 By 
 
 John Bigelow 
 
 G. P. Putnam s Sons 
 New York and London 
 fmicfterbocfcer press 
 1916 
 
Add to Lib. 
 GIF? 
 
91 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 ""THOUGH a voluminous writer and one of the great 
 * masters of English expression, Franklin wrote 
 habitually with a single eye to immediate practical 
 results. He never posed for posterity. Of all the 
 writings to which he mainly owes his present fame, 
 it would be difficult to name one which he gave to the 
 press himself or of which he saw the proofs. Yet 
 he never wrote a dull line nor many which a century 
 of time has robbed of their interest or value. What 
 ever he wrote seems to have been conceived upon a 
 scale which embraced the whole human race as well 
 as the individual or class to whom it was specifically 
 addressed, the one evidence of true greatness which 
 never deceives nor misleads. If he wrote to his wife, 
 it was more or less a letter from every husband to 
 his wife; if to his daughter, it was a letter that any 
 daughter would be pleased to receive from her father; 
 if to a philosopher or a statesman, there was always 
 that in the manner and the matter of it which time 
 cannot stale, and which will be read by every states 
 man and philosopher with the sort of interest they 
 would have felt had it been addressed personally to 
 them. The Autobiography is here printed in the 
 text as edited by Mr. John Bigelow for the Collected 
 Edition of Franklin s Works. It is the only text 
 
 iii 
 
 40<! 
 
iv Preface 
 
 of this famous volume which is based on the original 
 manuscript, and which is given without mutilation. 
 Mr. Bigelow writes (in the Introduction to the 
 Works of Franklin, published in 1879): 
 
 Most of the versions of this delightful work are reprints 
 of a translation from the French, in which language it 
 happened first to be given to the world. The actual text 
 was not discovered until some thirty years back -when the 
 editor was fortunate enough to become possessed of the 
 original manuscript. It was then found that the first 
 edition, which purported to be made from the original 
 manuscript, and was published in 1816, under the nomi 
 nal editorship of William Franklin Temple, the grand 
 son of Dr. Franklin, had in fact been prepared from a 
 copy and from a copy that was incomplete, and that the 
 text had been further mutilated to suit the political 
 taste of the time in England, and, it is presumed, the 
 personal exigencies of the editor. 
 
 Upon a careful collation of the edition of 1816 with the 
 autograph manuscript, it was discovered that over 1200 
 alterations had been made in the text, and, what was 
 more remarkable, that some of the later pages of this 
 masterpiece of biography had been omitted altogether. 
 It was a text of this incomplete London reprint that was 
 followed by Dr. Sparks in his edition of Franklin s works, 
 and that has been utilized for all the popular English 
 editions of the volume. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 1706-1757 
 
 PAGE 
 
 PREFACE iii 
 
 INTRODUCTION TO THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF FRANKLIN . 3 
 I. FRANKLIN S SKELETON SKETCH OF HIS AUTO 
 BIOGRAPHY 28 
 
 II. 1706-1757. AUTOBIOGRAPHY 31 
 
THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 C RANKLIN began his Autobiography, the longest 
 of his writings, during his residence in Eng 
 land as agent of the colonies, in the year 1771. He 
 was at the time on a visit to the family of Dr. Jona 
 than Shipley, the bishop of St. Asaph, with whom 
 he was on terms of peculiar and cordial intimacy. 
 The part then written covers the period from his 
 birth, in 1706, to his marriage, in 1730. It was ex 
 ecuted to this point, he informs us, for the gratifica 
 tion of his own family. It afterwards was continued, 
 at the solicitation of some of his friends, with the 
 expectation that it would ultimately be given to the 
 public. The second part, which is comparatively 
 brief, was written at his residence in Passy, while 
 Minister to France. The third part was begun in 
 August, 1788, after his return to his home in Phil 
 adelphia, and brings the narrative down to 1757. 
 This part ends the autobiography so far as it 
 was printed up to 1867, when the first edition ever 
 printed from the original manuscript was given to 
 the public, and which contained a fourth part, con 
 sisting of a few pages written in 1789. Franklin 
 died in the spring of the following year, and by his 
 will left most of his papers and manuscripts, this 
 
 3 
 
4 Autobiography of 
 
 autobiography among them, to his grandson, Wil 
 liam Temple Franklin, who sailed for England a few 
 months after, with the intention, as he then pro 
 claimed, of publishing it in a collection of his grand 
 father s works. This purpose was not destined to be 
 realized, however, until after an interval of twenty- 
 s,ven or eight years. 1 Meantime, and in the year 
 following Franklin s death, a French version of the 
 first portion of the autobiography was published in 
 Paris. From this point the history of this manu 
 script is a succession of surprises, which has scarce 
 any parallel in ancient or modern bibliography, with 
 the possible exception of the writings of Aristotle 
 and the Table Talk of Martin Luther. Where the 
 text was obtained, from which this translation was 
 made, and by whom it was made, are secrets which 
 the grave of time has not yet given up. 2 The Nou- 
 velle Bio graphic G6nerale, Paris, 1858, attributes the 
 translation to Dr. Jacques Gibelin, who, to the profes 
 sions of physician and naturalist, added that of a 
 translator from the English. Whether he or some 
 one else made the translation is of very little con 
 sequence now. It would, however, be a satisfaction 
 to know how he obtained the text from which he 
 translated. The first sentence in his Preface prac 
 tically concedes that it was obtained by some 
 
 1 See supra, Preface, and "The Life of Benjamin Franklin, Written 
 by Himself, now first Edited from Original Manuscript, and from his 
 Printed Correspondence and Other Writings" by John Bigelow. J. P. 
 Lip pine ott & Co., Philadelphia, jd edition, 1884. 
 
 2 Memoir es de la vie privee du Benjamin Franklyn, Merits par luimeme 
 et addresses a son fils; suivis d un precis historique de sa vie politique, et 
 de plusieurs precis, relatives a ce pere de la libertf. A. Paris: chez Buis- 
 son, Libraire, rue Hautefeuille No. 20, I/pi. 
 
Benjamin Franklin 5 
 
 method which he does not think it worth his while 
 to reveal to the public. 
 
 " I shall not enter, " he says, " into a detail of little 
 importance to my readers on the manner in which 
 the original manuscript of these memoirs, which is in 
 English, fell into my hands. From the moment I had 
 run over it, it appeared to me to be so interesting 
 that I do not hesitate to allow myself the pleasure 
 of putting it into French." 
 
 It appears by Franklin s correspondence that 
 copies of this first part of his autobiography were 
 sent to two or three of his friends in Europe prior to 
 his beginning work on the second part. It is proba 
 ble in fact, it hardly admits of a doubt, that the 
 first French version of 1791 was made from one of 
 these. 
 
 In a note to the Preface of this first French edition 
 the publisher says: Persons curious to see the 
 Memoirs of the Private Life of Franklin in their 
 original tongue may inscribe their names at Buis- 
 son s, bookseller, rue Hautefeuille No. 20, for a copy 
 of this work. It will be put to press as soon as four 
 hundred subscribers are secured. The price for each 
 subscriber will be 48 sols." The requisite number 
 of subscribers was probably not secured, for no Eng 
 lish version of the autobiography appeared until two 
 years later, in 1793, and then two separate transla 
 tions were published in London, one edited by Dr. 
 Price, and commonly known as the Robinson edi 
 tion. In this the editor for the first time supple 
 ments the fragment of autobiography, which only 
 comes down to 1731, with a continuation of Dr. 
 
6 Autobiography of 
 
 Franklin s life, most of which had appeared in the 
 Columbian Magazine, 1 of Philadelphia. The greater 
 part of this supplementary sketch was written by 
 Dr. Henry Stuber, whose death at the early age of 
 twenty-four, however, brought his work to a some 
 what abrupt conclusion. Parsons s edition is another 
 translation from the French edition of Buisson. 2 
 
 There were three issues of Robinson s edition in a 
 short time, and it was soon reprinted in Dublin, 
 Dundee, Edinburgh, New York, Salem, and in many 
 other places, while of Parsons s edition, though it 
 contains some matter not to be found in Buisson s 
 edition, we have never seen a reprint. 
 
 The Robinson edition practically kept possession 
 of the English market until 1817, when William 
 Temple Franklin published a new edition of the auto 
 biography in his collection of the works of his grand 
 father. It was taken from the copy that had been 
 sent by Franklin to his friend Le Veillard, the 
 mayor of Passy, one of his most devoted friends. 
 
 From this time forth the original manuscript of 
 the autobiography went into eclipse. It was known 
 not to be among the manuscripts in the possession 
 of William Temple Franklin ; but what had become 
 of it its destruction was hardly conceivable was 
 a mystery. Where and how it was discovered, 
 
 1 See Nos. for May, June, July, September, October., November of 
 i;90 > and February, March, May, and June of 1791. 
 
 3 The Private Life of the Late Benjamin Franklyn, LL.D., late Minister 
 and Plenipotentiary from the United States of America to France, and 
 originally written by himself. And now translated from the French. To 
 which are added some account of his public life, and a variety of anecdotes 
 concerning him, by M. M . Brissot, Condorcet Rochefoucault, Le Roy, etc., 
 ittc. And the Eulogium of M. Fauchet. London: J. Parsons, 1798. 
 
Benjamin Franklin 7 
 
 after an interval of half a century, is one of the re 
 markable incidents in its remarkable history. We 
 shall give the story here as it has been set down by 
 the editor for another occasion. 
 
 Among my guests one day at dinner in Paris, in 
 the summer of 1866, was the late Professor Labou- 
 laye. He had recently translated and published a 
 selection from the writings of Franklin, and as he 
 had amiably sent me a copy, it naturally became 
 one of the topics of our conversation. In the course 
 of the entertainment, I asked my guests, who, as 
 far as I remember, were all French gentlemen of 
 letters, if they had ever heard, or if they had any 
 reason to suspect, that the original manuscript of 
 Franklin s autobiography was in France. All an 
 swered in the negative. I then assigned some 
 reasons for thinking that unless it had been de 
 stroyed, which, was in the highest degree improbable, 
 it was somewhere within the limits of the empire. 
 
 i st. I said I had received the impression some 
 years previous from Mr. Henry Stevens, a profes 
 sional book-collector in London, that he had seen the 
 manuscript in the hands of a gentleman residing in 
 France I had an indistinct impression that he said 
 at Amiens, and had only been discouraged from 
 buying it by the price. 
 
 2d. Romilly (Sir Samuel) in his diary speaks of 
 having looked through the autobiography of Frank 
 lin at the house of a friend whom he was visiting in 
 Paris in 1802. 
 
 1 " Sept. 7th, Mad. Gautier procured for me the reading of the original 
 manuscript of Dr. Franklin s Life. There are only two copies this, 
 
8 Autobiography of 
 
 3d. If, as this record authorized the belief, the 
 original manuscript was ever in France, there was 
 every reason to presume it was there still. 
 
 4th. It was in the highest degree improbable 
 that a manuscript of that character could be in 
 the United States without its lodging-place being 
 a matter of common notoriety, whereas none of 
 Franklin s numerous biographers profess to have 
 had any trace of it after the death of William Tem 
 ple Franklin in 1823. 
 
 5th. As William Temple Franklin embarked for 
 Europe within a few weeks after the death of his 
 grandfather, whose papers he inherited, and never 
 returned to the United States, the presumption was 
 that this manuscript was in Europe and that it was 
 not in the United States. 
 
 M. Laboulaye seemed struck by the force of 
 these considerations ; said he had a friend at Amiens 
 who would be sure to know if any literary treasure 
 of that nature was concealed in the neighborhood; 
 and if in France, whether at Amiens or not, he felt 
 
 and one which Dr. Franklin took with a machine for copying letters, 
 and which is in possession of his grandson. Franklin gave the manu 
 script to M. le Veillard, of Passy, who was guillotined during the Revo 
 lution. Upon his death it came into the hands of his daughter or 
 granddaughter, Mad lle le Veillard, who is the present possessor of it. It 
 appears evidently to be the first draught written by Franklin, for in a 
 great many places the word originally written is erased with a pen, and 
 a word nearly synonymous substituted in its place, not over the other, 
 but further on, so as manifestly to show that the correction was made 
 at the time of the original composition. The manuscript contains a 
 great many additions made upon a very wide margin; but I did not 
 find that a single passage was anywhere struck out. Part of the work, 
 but not quite half of it, has been translated into French, and from 
 French re-translated into English. The Life comes down no lower than 
 to the year 1758." "Life of Romilly, vol. i., p. 408. 
 
Benjamin Franklin 9 
 
 confident of being able to ascertain through some 
 of his friends in the Academy, and he very kindly 
 volunteered to look into the matter at once. 
 
 Weeks and months rolled on, but I heard nothing 
 further of the manuscript. 
 
 When about leaving for England on my way to 
 the United States in the winter of 1866-7, and after 
 sending my family and personal baggage to the rail 
 way station, I set out in a cab to make two or three 
 farewell calls upon some friends whose residences 
 were not much off of my route to the station. Among 
 them was M. Laboulaye. During our half-hour s 
 interview I asked him if he had ever thought to 
 make any inquiries about the autobiography. He 
 replied that he had, but that his friend, upon whom 
 he specially relied, had not been able to throw any 
 light upon the subject. He added, however, that 
 he meant to institute some further inquiries among 
 his associates of the Academy, and if, as certainly 
 seemed probable, it was in France, he said he did not 
 despair of finding it. I thanked him, gave him my 
 address in London and in New York, and went on 
 my way. 
 
 I had spent nearly a month in London, had ar 
 ranged to sail in a few days for the United States, 
 and had nearly abandoned all expectation of hearing 
 any thing of the autobiography, when on the igth 
 of January a letter from M. Laboulaye was handed 
 me by the postman, which informed me not only 
 that the habitat of the manuscript had been dis 
 covered, but that it, with several other precious 
 relics of our illustrious countryman, could be bought 
 
io Autobiography of 
 
 for a price; a large price, it is true, but a price which 
 did not seem to me beyond their value to an Amer 
 ican. M. Laboulaye s letter ran as follows: 
 
 12 Janvier, 1867, 34 RUE TAITBOUT. 
 
 CHER MONSIEUR BIGELOW: 
 
 Eureka! J ai trouve, grace a un ami, le manuscrit de 
 Franklin et son possesseur. 
 
 M. de Senarmont, heritier de la famille Le Veillard, et 
 qui demeure a Paris, rue de Varennes, No. 98, nous ecrit 
 qu il possede : 
 
 1. La MS. original autograph complet (?) des memoires 
 de Franklin. 
 
 2. Une collection considerable de lettres de Franklin, 
 formant un ensemble de correspondance. 
 
 3. Un portrait en pastel de Franklin, donne par lui a 
 M. Le Veillard. 
 
 Et il demande de tout la somme de vingt-cinq mille 
 francs. Vous voici sur la voie. C est a vous maintenant 
 a faire ce qui vous conviendra. Adieu! Recevez encore 
 tous mes vceux pour votre bonheur en ce monde et dans 
 Vautre (je parle du Nouveau Monde). Votre bien devoue, 
 
 ED. LABOULAYE. 
 
 The next mail took from me a letter to my cher 
 ished friend, the late William H. Huntington, in 
 Paris, enclosing Laboulaye s note, asking him to go 
 to No. 98 Rue de Varennes, and examine the articles 
 referred to, and, if satisfied of their genuineness, I 
 authorized him to offer fifteen thousand francs for 
 them. In two or three days I received from him 
 the following most characteristic letter: 
 
Benjamin Franklin n 
 
 (High private and fiducial) 
 
 22 Janvier, 67. 
 
 DEAR MR. BIGELOW: 
 
 Yours of no date whatever reached me Saturday, and 
 that of Mr. Laboulaye, 1 the same afternoon. M. L. knows 
 nothing more of the MSS. and portrait than what he wrote 
 you; gave me letter of presentation to M. Senarmont, 
 whom he does not know, in the which he mentioned your 
 name with full titles, and addressed it 78 Rue de Verneuil. 
 
 It was late to go there that day. A "glance at the 
 map" will show you that it is the J- St. Germain, and so 
 I did not go Sunday. 
 
 Fytte Second 
 
 After breakfast and "girding myself up" how much 
 easier one feels after it, I took the letter in my hand on 
 this blessed day, and got myself up in the highest number 
 in the Rue de Verneuil, which I found, like Franklin s 
 Memoirs, broken off some time before 78. Whereupon 
 " I fetched a compass," as St. Paul would say, and ran for 
 Rue de Varennes, where I presently made No. 98, and 
 hailing the concierge, found I had reached port this time. 
 O such a concierge both he and his female! reputable, 
 civil, in a comfortable room. While getting up a broad 
 clean staircase, did hear bell ringing in the court. By the 
 time I reached the door au 2 me, a gentle domestic was 
 already there The dining-room was thoroughly warmed : 
 through the open door, into the salon; a carpet con 
 tinuous with the parquet, and comfortable chairs, and 
 other quietly, not newly rich furnishing, and still another 
 fire, offered so many peaceful indications that here was 
 not a shop to buy things cheap in. M. de S. presently 
 
 1 A letter of introduction to M. Laboulaye, which I had sent him by 
 a subsequent post. 
 
12 Autobiography of 
 
 appeared from up-stairs (occupy two floors, then !) . Hand 
 some (not pretty), 33 a 37 years of age, courteous, shrewd 
 I guess, but really a gentleman. He said that the MSS. 
 were: 
 
 I. The original Autobiography, with interlinings, eras 
 ures, etc., from which the copy was made that was sent to 
 W. T. Franklin, and the first French translation : It is in 
 folio, bound, complete. 
 
 II. Letters, mostly, he thinks, to M. Veillard, not relating 
 to politics, at least not specially political friendly letters, 
 and not, he thinks, ever communicated to Mr. Sparks or 
 other book-making person. The portrait is by Duplessis, 
 and, according to " a tradition in the family," the original, 
 not the replica: it was given by B. F. to M. Veillard. 
 
 He had neither MSS. nor portrait in the house ; they are 
 at his cousin s (who is, as I understand, part owner of 
 them). On Wednesday I am to go to No. 98 Rue de V. 
 again, when he will have them there or will accompany me 
 to his cousin to see them. He did reside formerly in 
 Amiens, where he or his father had these things. An 
 American, he thinks, did come some years ago to see the 
 portrait there ; name of that stranger unknown ; also his 
 quality, whether merely an inquisitive or an acquisitive 
 traveller ; is ready but not eager to sell (if he knows him 
 self) at 25,000 francs the lot; does not want to sell any 
 one of the three articles separately. Does not know that 
 they are mercantilely worth 25,000 francs, but intimates 
 that he shall run the risk of waiting for or provoking the 
 chance of that price being given. Has been applied to 
 by a photographer (this some time ago) to photograph 
 the portrait : declined proposition at the time, but now 
 conceives that it might gratify curiosity of Americans 
 coming to Exposition next May to see copies of it, or the 
 original hung up there! 
 
Benjamin Franklin 13 
 
 I fancy that this Universal French-Exposition idea 
 stands more in the way of reducing the price than any 
 thing else. 
 
 I write you all these things so that, if you see fit, you 
 can let me know before Wednesday noon whether 15,000 
 francs is your last price. Please write me by mail any 
 suggestions or directions you will: also how, in case he 
 does yield to the charm of 15,000 down, and I can get 
 the MSS. and portrait in time, I am to send them to you. 
 Suppose M. de S. yields on Wednesday the 23d, I get your 
 money Saturday the 26th, and the articles that night. I 
 express them Sunday morning the 2 ;th. And seeing we 
 are in France, that is the quickest time we could hope to 
 make. I must hurry now to catch the mail. Yours truly, 
 
 W. H. HUNTINGTON. 
 
 On the 24th of January I received a second letter 
 from Huntington, giving the results of his first view 
 of what he terms the * Franklinienacs. 
 
 PARIS (8 Rue de Boursault), 23 January, 1867. 
 
 DEAR MR. BIGELOW: 
 
 I have seen the Frankliniseries (say Franklinienacs) . 
 The autobiography is writ on large foolscap, bound very 
 simply, but without the slightest lesion of the pages. 
 This is undoubtedly the original manuscript, with inter 
 lining, erasures, marginal notes, and blots (of which one 
 smasher, that was smatched thin nearly over one whole 
 page) of B. F. of the period. It is complete in both parts. 
 The French publication of 1791 stops with the first part, 
 you recollect and more complete than the " clean copy," 
 from which W. T. Franklin printed the two parts : i. e. 
 it has several more pages after the arrival in London in 
 1757, where W. T. F. s print stops. I should think there 
 are other passages in this MS. omitted by W. T. F. or by 
 
14 Autobiography of 
 
 the writer of the clean copy. The MS. closes with these 
 words: "They were never put in execution." 
 
 Of the letters only two or three are from B. F. one 
 dated Philadelphia, 1787, another, ditto, 1788, 16 or 14 
 are from W. Temple Franklin, 2 from Sarah Bache, 2 
 from B. F. Bache: all addressed to M. Veillard. I judge, 
 from what M. Paul de Senarmont said, that they do not 
 relate to political subjects. I had not time to read any 
 of them, having to go to M. George de Senarmont, the 
 cousin, to see the portrait. 
 
 It is nearly a half-length, life-size pastel, perfectly well 
 preserved, under glass, not a franc of additional value 
 from the frame. It is not signed. A labelled black and 
 gilt statement, which is undoubtedly true, is attached to 
 the bottom of the frame, and reads nearly as follows: 
 "Portrait de Benjamin Franklin, age 77, donne par lui 
 meme a M. Veillard. Peint par J. S. Duplessis, 1783." 
 I have no doubt of the genuineness of the portrait. M. S. 
 says that the family tradition is that this was the original, 
 and the other one, which was in possession of W. T. 
 Franklin ( ?) , the replica. Duplessis had a good reputation 
 as a portrait painter. The Biographic Nouvelle cites, 
 among twelve of his most esteemed portraits, one of 
 Franklin in the "Galerie Pamard a Avignon." The one 
 that Mr. Edward Brooks bought of J. de Mancy, or his 
 heirs, a few years ago, was claimed to be by Duplessis. 
 That was in oils it was offered to me by old de Mancy, in 
 1852, for 2,000 francs. There was a break in his history 
 of it, that led me to suspect that it might be a copy. 
 
 M. de Senarmont holds firmly to the fixed price of 
 25,000 francs: agrees that it may be an extravagant one, 
 but will not set any other till after the Exposition. He 
 means to advertise Americans here of the manuscripts 
 and portrait, and where they may be seen depositing 
 
Benjamin Franklin 15 
 
 them for that end with some bookseller or other party. 
 Meantime he is quite willing to keep my address, and in 
 case he does not sell at Exposition season, to talk further 
 about the matter. The manuscripts and portrait are, as 
 I understand him, an undivided family property. 
 
 Immediately upon the receipt of the foregoing I 
 sent Mr. Huntington a check on John Munroe & Co., 
 in Paris, for 25,000 francs, and told him to buy the 
 collection on as favorable terms as possible, but not 
 to leave without it, and when bought, to forward by 
 the first conveyance to London, that it might be 
 sure to reach me before I sailed. 
 
 To this I received, on the 28th, the following 
 letter: 
 
 PARIS (8 Rue de Boursault), January 27, 1867. 
 
 EVER HONORED: 
 
 My passage out from apartment in search of breakfast 
 this morning was obstructed by the concierge handing 
 your letter of 24th. Yours of 22d, leaving all to my dis 
 cretion, I thought it discreetest not to spend so large a 
 sum as 25 m. frs. without positive orders. These last 
 instructions being decisive, I gat myself; 
 
 Onely, to Munroe & Co. s, where I showed Mr. Richards 
 (who had his hat on) your enabling act to them for my 
 drawing of Pactolian draughts to the amount of 25 m. frs. 
 
 2ly, to Legoupy, a printseller of my acquaintance, on 
 Blvd. de la Madeleine, to ask how best the portrait of 
 B. F. could be safely packed, with or without the glass. 
 "With," quoth he decidedly. Then I asked if he would 
 charge himself with the packing, he being much in the 
 way of sending large framed and glazed engravings out of 
 the city ; and he said he would. 
 
 Threely, to the S. E. R. way and package and express 
 
1 6 Autobiography of 
 
 office, to ask at what latest minute they would receive 
 and forward packages to London, which proved to be 5 
 o clock P.M. 
 
 Four mostly to breakfast. Presently after that refec 
 tion I girded up my loins and took voiture for 98 Rue de 
 Varennes, where, coming into the presence of M. Paul de 
 Senarmont, I spake, saying: " I will take the Franklinea- 
 ments and MSS. on these three conditions : I. That I take 
 them immediately; II. That you deduct 200 francs from 
 the 25,000 frs. to pay my expenses for going with them to 
 London; III. That you furnish sending it to me here 
 after for Mr. Bigelow the history of the transitions of the 
 three Franklinienacs from M. Veillard s to your hands. 
 
 All of which being agreed to, I wrote then and there an 
 order, draught, draft, or whatever the name of the paper 
 may be, on J. M. & Co. for 24,800 francs in his favor at 
 3 days vision. Then P. de S. and the literary remains of 
 B. P., and self with cane, being bestowed in the voiture 
 (No. of the same not preserved), we careered away to 
 cousin George de Senarmont s, No. 23 Rue de Sevres. 
 While Paul went in unto George, to the bedroom of him 
 for George was poorly, it seems, this morning, and late 
 abed; leastway, late to breakfast I ventured to relieve 
 B. F. from the state of suspense he was in on the wall of 
 the salon, screwed out of his frame the iron ring, and, in the 
 distraction of the moment, gave it to Cousin George s 
 housekeeper. That was what B. F. calls an erratum, for 
 I have often use for that sort of screw which the house 
 keeper, let us hope, could not care for. Repacking, now, 
 Paul de S., the MSS., umbrella, cane, and B. F. his 
 eidolon, which I sustained ever with one hand, into the 
 carriage, I bade cocher drive to 7 Rue Scribe, where I 
 presented M. P. de S. to Mr. J. Munroe, to whom I com 
 mitted your enabling note and identified Paul. Then P. 
 
Benjamin Franklin 17 
 
 de S. wished good voyage to London, and the cocher asked, 
 as I was delicately handling B. F. s portrait, if that was 
 the Franklin who perished in the Northern Seas. Queer 
 but disappointing. Cocher evidently took a lively inter 
 est in the frozen party, and but a cold, indifferent one 
 in the to him unheard-of philosopher. Now straight to 
 Legoupy s whose packer declared he could have all ready 
 by 4 o clock. I did not believe him, but by way of en 
 couragement pretended to, and held out to him as reward, 
 in case of success, that I would gladly contribute some 
 thing to the Washington Monument, which, let us hope, 
 will never be completed. 
 
 There was time enough between this and five o clock to 
 go to the Legation, but small chance of finding Mr. Dix 
 there. So I went to the consulate and offered David x to 
 pay his passage and expenses if he would go with B. F. 
 to London to-night. David would gladly but could not; 
 had infrangible pre-engagements for this evening; I al 
 most found, but missed another man, who would, it was 
 thought, take charge of the box and surely deliver it 
 Sunday, for 50 francs. During these entrefaites, four 
 o clock sounded. At J past, the caisse was on the back 
 of Legoupy s boy following your servant up the Boule 
 vard. The very best I could do at the R. and express 
 office was to obtain the most positive assurance, that a 
 special messenger should take the box from Cannon Street 
 to Cleveland Square 2 before noon on Monday. There is 
 no delivery at any price on Sunday. I was on the point 
 of deciding what I had been debating ever since morning 
 to take a go and return ticket and carry box and bag 
 gage to London myself. But you know how I hate 
 
 1 The trusty messenger at the Consulate and now the Dean of the 
 representatives of the U. S. in foreign parts. 
 
 2 Where I was staying with some friends. 
 
1 8 Autobiography of 
 
 travelling at all times. On leaving the express office, 1 
 passed a brief telegrammatic sentence to your address, 
 through the window of Grand Hotel T. bureau. The 
 gentleman who counted its letters estimated them at t 
 francs, which is more, proportionately, than what yon 
 paid for B. F. s MSS. and flattering to me. If I am ever 
 able, I shall set up a telegraph wire, and dance on tc 
 fortune. 
 
 Although my way along the quais and other marts 
 where books do congregate, are not as they were when you 
 were my fellow pilgrim, yet are they still not all without 
 pleasantness. Thus, coming away from my annual visit 
 to the neuvaine fete of St. Genevieve three weeks ago, I 
 fell upon the rummest bronze medallion of B. Franklin 
 (hitherto quite unheard of by this subscriber) that evei 
 you could conceive of. And yet another day, one of those 
 days lapsed last week from the polar circles into the more 
 temperate society of our Paris time, I clutched with numb 
 fingers a diminutive little 4to of pp. 48 with this title : " La 
 Science du Bonhomme Richard, par M. Franklin: suivie des 
 commandements de I Honnete Homme, par M. Fintry prio( 
 quatre sols. Se vend a Pans, chez Renault, Libraire, Rue de 
 la Harpe. 1778." So, another day, was all my home 
 ward walk a path of exceeding peace by reason of the 
 primary, pre-adamite, genuine, juvenile, original Eloge de 
 Franklin hugged under my arm, like healing in the wing. 
 But the half of the enjoyment of these good gifts oi 
 fortune fails me, in that I have now no one to congratulate 
 me or hate me for their acquisition. 
 
 M. de Senarmont promises me a letter giving the his- 
 torique of the triad of Franklin treasures, from the time 
 of M. de Veillard to his possession of them. It will not 
 amount to much not from lack of willingness on his part, 
 but because the special sense in the case is wanting in him. 
 
Benjamin Franklin 19 
 
 A dry, authenticating certificate, however, I will insist on 
 having, and will forward it to your American address, 
 which do not forget to advertise me of from Liverpool or 
 London. M. de S. asks me to ask you, if you have the 
 Duplessis photographed, to send him two or three cards ; 
 please add one other or two for me, since you will be apt 
 to send them to my address. I shall be glad to have word 
 from you, though in your flitting hurry it must be brief, 
 from London, and much gladder to have news from 
 America that you and yours are all safely and soundly 
 arrived there. 
 
 With best regards and good wishes to all your house, I 
 rest Yours truly, 
 
 W. H. HUNTINGTON. 
 
 Here followeth an account of ye expenditures, outlays, 
 and disbursements of ye FRANKLIN EXPEDITION. 
 
 FRANCS 
 
 To a chariot and ye horseman thereof. Hire of the 
 vehicle and pourboire, as it were oats to the driver 
 for the greater speed ...... 5 
 
 To packing B. Franklin under glass and in MSS. with 
 
 extra haste and yet care 9 
 
 To the binding of B. F. on a boy his back and porterage 
 
 of the same i 
 
 To studiously brief telegrammatic phrase sent to 
 
 London ........ 6 
 
 To arduous sperrits (with water) taken for sustentation 
 of the body thys day 
 
 Condamned tottle . 
 
 On the day following the receipt of the foregoing 
 note I received the following certificate of authen 
 tication from M. de Senarmont: 
 
20 Autobiography of 
 
 PARIS, 27 Janvier, 1867. 
 
 MONSIEUR: 
 
 J ai 1 honneur de vous remettre ci-contre une note de 
 tons les renseignements que j ai pu recueillir sur le manu- 
 scrit de Franklin dont M. Huntington s est rendu hier 
 acquerir en votre nom. 
 
 Je suis heureux de vous voir possesseur de ces precieux 
 souvenirs, et du beau portrait du fondateur de la liberte de 
 votre patrie. 
 
 La rapidite avec laquelle j ai etc" oblige de remettre le 
 portrait a M. Huntington m a empeche de le faire repro- 
 duire par la photographic comme j en avais 1 intention. 
 Dans le cas ou vous ferez faire cette reproduction je vous 
 serais bien reconnaissant de vouloir bien m en envoyer 
 trois exemplaires. J ai 1 honneur de vous temoigner, 
 Monsieur, 1 expression de ma plus haute consideration. 
 
 P. DE SENARMONT. 
 
 98 Rue de Varennes. 
 
 MONSIEUR JOHN BIGELOW, 
 
 Ancien Ministre des Etats-Unis. 
 
 Les manuscrits de memoires de Franklin est un in-folio 
 de 220 pages ecrit a uni-marge, sur papier dont tous les 
 cahiers ne sont pas uniformes. 
 
 M. le Veillard, gentilhomme ordinaire du Roi, Maire de 
 Passy, etait in time ami du Docteur Franklin. II avait 
 ve*cu avec lui a Passy (pres Paris) dans une societe de tous 
 les jours, pendant le temps de Franklin en France a 
 1 epoque de la guerre de l inde"pendance americaine, et 
 c est de sa patrie que le docteur lui envoya, comme gage 
 d amitie, la copie de ses memoires exchange" depuis centre 
 Voriginal. 
 
 Le manuscrit original est unique. 
 
 M. William Temple Franklin, petit-fils de Benjamin 
 
Benjamin Franklin 21 
 
 Franklin, 1 a recueilli au deces de son aieul qui lui avait 
 legue tous ses ecrits. Lorsque M. Temple vient en France 
 pour y faire 1 edition qu il a public, il demanda a M. le 
 Veillard sa copie pour la faire imprimer, parcequ elle lui 
 parut plus commode pour le travail typographique, a 
 cause de sa nettete. II donna a M. Veillard en echange 
 de sa copie le manuscrit original entierement ecrit de la 
 main de Franklin. 
 
 L original etait cependant plus complet que la copie, ce 
 que M. Temple n avait pas verifie. On en trouve la 
 preuve au 2 e volume de la petite edition des Memoires en 2 
 volumes, en i8mo, donnee par Jules Renouard, a Paris, 
 en 1828. On y lit, en tete d une suite qu il fait paraitre 
 pour la premiere fois, une note (page 21), ou il declare 
 devoir cette suite a la communication que la famille Le 
 Veillard lui a donn6 du manuscrit. 
 
 L inspection seule en demon tre I authenticite a 1 appui 
 de laquelle viennent d ailleurs des preuves positives tirees 
 de differentes pieces ; telles que : 3 lettres du Dr. Franklin 
 a, M. le Veillard, 1 1 lettres de M. William Temple Frank 
 lin et diverses lettres de Benjamin Franklin Bache, de 
 Sarah Bache, sa femme, d un libraire qui voulait acquerir 
 le manuscrit de M. le Veillard en 1791, etc. 
 
 M. le Veillard, qui est Tauteur de la traduction fran- 
 $aise des Memoires de Franklin, a conserve le manuscrit 
 autographe avec le meme sentiment qui determine son 
 ami a lui envoyer ses memoires encore in6dits. 
 
 Apres la mort de M. le Veillard, qui perit sur 1 echafaud 
 revolutionnaire en 1794, le manuscrit a passe a sa fille: 
 an deces de celle-ci, en 1834, il est devenu la propriete de 
 son cousin M. de Senarmont, dont le petit-fils a cede le 
 26 Janvier, 1867, a Mr. John Bigelow, ancien Ministre des 
 Etats-Unis a Paris. 
 
 Le manuscrit est accompagne d un beau portrait au 
 
22 Autobiography of 
 
 pastel par Duplessis. Franklin avait pose pour ce portrait 
 pendant son sejour a Passy et en avait fait cadeau a M. le 
 Veillard. 
 
 P. DE SENARMONT. 
 
 PARIS, le 26 Janvier, 1867. 
 
 Early on Monday the 28th of January, I drove to 
 Charing Cross Station, where I expected to find the 
 precious and costly parcel of which Huntington had 
 advised me the consignment. There I was told that 
 the Continental parcels were usually delivered at 
 the Cannon Street Station. To the Cannon Street 
 Station I then made my way as fast as I could be 
 transported, but was greatly vexed to be told on 
 arriving there that nothing had been heard of my 
 parcel. While leaving the station, uncertain what 
 to do next, but feeling certain that something needed 
 to be done and at once, it occurred to me that the 
 person to whom the parcel had been entrusted in 
 Paris had assured Mr. Huntington that it should be 
 sent from Cannon Street directly upon its arrival, to 
 Cleveland Square. I immediately returned to the 
 station, repeated the paragraph to this effect in 
 Huntington s letter to the person in charge, and in 
 sisted that the parcel must be there. He asked what 
 it consisted of. I told him generally. Ah! said 
 he, there is a portrait here, but it is consigned to 
 one of our clerks who is away at this moment and 
 not expected back until four o clock/ He then 
 showed me a bill of lading for a portrait. I felt 
 greatly relieved and now at liberty to be indignant 
 that I should have been compelled to wait for a 
 parcel booked at Paris at 5 P.M. on Saturday, until 
 
Benjamin Franklin 23 
 
 4 P.M. of the following Monday. I disregarded the 
 assurances that were now showered upon me that 
 the parcel should be promptly sent to me on the 
 clerk s return. I said I would wait till the hour ap 
 pointed, to insure the minimum of risk of further 
 delays and anxiety. 
 
 While loitering about the station a man in rail 
 way uniform approached and requested me to call 
 again at the office. There I was informed that the 
 parcel had just come in. Where precisely the lying 
 began and where it ended I never knew nor cared to 
 inquire, so absorbed was I in getting the treasure 
 into my possession. I immediately took it, heavy 
 as it was ; put it into the cab myself I would allow 
 no one else to touch it, and drove off triumphantly 
 to Cleveland Square. 
 
 Several months elapsed after my return to the 
 United States before a propitious occasion presented 
 itself for me to verify the correctness of the state 
 ment in M. de Senarmont s note, that my manu 
 script was more complete than the copy which had 
 been used in preparing the edition published by 
 William Temple Franklin and copied by Dr. Sparks. 
 It had not occurred to me that the text had been 
 tampered with in England after it had left the 
 writer s hand. A very cursory examination of it, 
 however, awakened my suspicions, and I availed 
 myself of my earliest leisure to subject the Memoirs 
 to a careful collation with the edition which ap 
 peared in London in 1817, and which was the first 
 and only edition that ever purported to have been 
 printed from the manuscript. The results of this 
 
24 Autobiography of 
 
 collation revealed the curious fact that more than 
 twelve hundred separate and distinct changes had 
 been made in the text, and, what is more remarkable, 
 that the last eight pages of the manuscript were 
 omitted entirely. 
 
 Many of these changes are mere modernizations 
 of style; such as would measure some of the modi 
 fications which English prose had undergone be 
 tween the days of Goldsmith and Southey. Some, 
 Franklin might have approved of; others he might 
 have tolerated; but it is safe to presume that very 
 many he would have rejected without ceremony. 
 
 I immediately prepared a correct edition of the 
 autobiography for the press, and it was published by 
 Messrs. J. B. Lippincott & Co., of Philadelphia, in 
 1867, when this autobiography, after an interval of 
 more than seventy years since its author s death, 
 was for the first time given to the public as it was 
 written. It is with the assent and by the courtesy 
 of the Messrs. Lippincott & Co. that we are now per 
 mitted to reproduce in this collection the only correct 
 version of, with a single exception, the most widely 
 popular production of Franklin s genius. 1 
 
 1 In an auction-sale catalogue of Stevens s Historical Collections, 
 printed in 1881, Stevens thus refers to his unsuccessful effort to acquire 
 this manuscript : 
 
 "That his old friend might possess a substantial memorial of Frank 
 lin, the grandson left the original draft with the Veillard family. The 
 writer saw it in 1852 at Amiens in the possession of M. de Senarmont, 
 a relative by marriage of M. le Veillard, who had been beheaded in 1794. 
 He spent two days with that amiable gentleman and his family, and 
 was permitted to collate the autograph with Temple Franklin s printed 
 text of the autobiography. The manuscript was then the undivided 
 property of three persons. They were all there, but on consultation 
 were not willing to sell unless they could obtain a sum worth dividing. 
 
Benjamin Franklin 25 
 
 The following translation of a letter from William 
 Temple Franklin to M. le Veillard, written a few 
 days after his grandfather s death, will conclude all 
 that need be recited here of the history of this famous 
 manuscript : * 
 
 "PHILADELPHIA, 22 May, 1790. 
 
 You have already learned, my dear friend, the loss 
 which you and I, and the world, have experienced, in the 
 death of this good and amiable papa. Although we have 
 long expected it, we were none the less shocked by it when 
 it arrived. He loved you very tenderly, as he did all your 
 family, and I do not doubt you will share my just sorrow. 
 I intended writing you the details of his death by M. de 
 Chaumont, but the duty of arranging his affairs, and es 
 pecially his papers, prevents my answering your last, as 
 well as the one which your daughter was pleased to write 
 me, accompanying her work. I have been touched with 
 this mark of her condescension and friendship, and I beg 
 you to testify to her my gratitude until I have an oppor 
 tunity of writing to her, which will certainly be by the first 
 occasion for France. Now, as I am about writing, her 
 goodness will awaken me. This letter will reach you by 
 way of England. 
 
 I feel it my duty to profit by this occasion to inform 
 you that my grandfather, among other legacies, has left all 
 
 A small price, therefore, was no temptation. They did not then care 
 to dispose of the other autograph papers or the portrait by Duplessis. 
 The writer left a standing offer of 200 for it ; they wanting 600. As 
 it was not an unpublished paper, the purchase was not completed, 
 though considerable friendly correspondence followed." 
 
 1 For further details the reader is referred to The Life of Benjamin 
 Franklin, written by himself, now first edited, from original manuscripts 
 and from his printed correspondence and other writings, by John Bigelow, 
 second edition, Philadelphia, J. B. Lippincott & Co., 1884; Dr. 
 Satr.ael A. Green s Story of a Famous Book, Boston, 1874; and The Lost 
 Papers of Benjamin Franklin, Penn. Monthly for May, 1882. 
 
26 Autobiography of 
 
 his papers and manuscripts to me, with permission to turn 
 them to what profit I can. Consequently, I beg you, my 
 dear friend, to show to no one that part of his Life which 
 he sent you some time since, lest some one copy and 
 publish it, which would infinitely prejudice the publica 
 tion, which I propose to make as soon as possible, of 
 his entire Life and of his other works. As I have the 
 original here of the part which you have, it will not be 
 necessary for you to send it to me, but I beg you at all 
 events to put it in an envelope, well sealed, addressed 
 to me, in order that by no accident it may get into other 
 hands. 
 
 If, however, it should be necessary to assist the per 
 son who will pronounce his eulogy at the Academy, you 
 may lend it for that purpose, with the stipulation that 
 no copy of it shall be made, and with such other pre 
 cautions as you deem necessary. 
 
 The editor s only excuse for laying this history be 
 fore the public with such fulness, is his conviction 
 that the time is at hand, if not already come, when 
 no detail relating to the life or the writings of Frank 
 lin, however minute, will be deemed trivial or unim 
 portant. If to any of the readers of these pages this 
 excuse shall seem inadequate, the editor throws him 
 self upon his indulgence. 
 
 In addition to the continuation of the Memoirs 
 which was overlooked by William Temple Franklin, 
 the editor was so fortunate as to find in the Le Veil- 
 lard collection a skeleton sketch of the topics which 
 Dr. Franklin originally proposed to treat in the 
 autobiography. It was, doubtless, the first outline 
 of the work. It is written upon a letter sheet, the 
 
Benjamin Franklin 27 
 
 first three pages in black ink and in the hand of a 
 copyist, while the concluding seven lines on the 
 fourth page, beginning with " Hutchinson s Let 
 ters," are in red ink, and in the hand of Franklin 
 himself. 
 
 A line is drawn with a pen through the middle of 
 the first page of the manuscript down to the words 
 "Library erected manner of conducting the project- 
 its plan and utility." As these are the topics which 
 conclude the first part of the Memoirs, terminating 
 at page 87 of the manuscript, the line was probably 
 drawn by Franklin when he had reached that stage 
 of his work, that he might the more easily know with 
 what topic to resume it when he should have occasion 
 to do so. 
 
 We give this outline as an introduction to the 
 Memoirs. 
 
 It will be found extremely interesting, first, as 
 showing how systematically Franklin set about the 
 execution of the task of which these Memoirs are the 
 result; and, secondly, for the notions it gives us of 
 the unexecuted portion of his plan. 
 
 The printed manuscript ends with his departure 
 to England as agent of the Colony of Pennsylvania, 
 to settle the disputes about the proprietary taxes, 
 in 1757; while the Outline comes down to the con 
 clusion of his diplomatic career, of course embracing 
 the most interesting portion of his life. No one can 
 glance over the subjects that were to have been 
 treated in the succeeding pages of the Memoir with 
 out experiencing a new pang of regret at their in 
 completeness. 
 
28 
 
 Autobiography of 
 
 SKELETON SKETCH OF THE TOPICS FOR THE 
 AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 \Copie d un Projet ires Curieux de Benajmin Franklin I*" Esquisse 
 de ses Memoires. Les additions a Vencre rouge sont de la main de 
 Franklin.} I 
 
 My writing. Mrs. Dogood s letters. 
 Brother and me (his temper and min 
 Newspaper. The Prosecution he s 
 of Assembly. His manner of evadi 
 My attempt to get employ with other 
 frequent pleadings before our Father, 
 ments to quit Boston. Manner of co 
 ing him and going to New York (re 
 Pennsylvania. The journey, and it 
 The road. Meet with Dr. Brown. 
 At Burlington. The Good Woman. 
 Philadelphia. First Meal and first SI 
 Lodging. First acquaintance with 
 Ralph. With Keimer. Their char 
 Governor takes notice of me. T 
 
 Differences arise between my 
 their cause in general. His 
 red. My Examination. Vote 
 it. Whereby I became free, 
 rinters. He prevents me. Our 
 The final Breach. My induce- 
 ing to a Resolution. My leav- 
 rn to eating flesh); thence to 
 events on the Bay, at Amboy. 
 is character. His great work. 
 On the River. My arrival at 
 p. Money left. Employment, 
 my afterward Wife. With J. 
 ters. Osborne. Watson. The 
 e Occasion and Manner. His 
 return to Boston. Voyage and 
 
 character. Offers to set me up. M 
 
 accidents. Reception. My Father Idislikes the proposal. I return 
 to New York and Philadelphia. Governor Burnet. J. Collins. The 
 Money for Vernon. The Go vernor a Deceit. Collins not finding em 
 ployment goes to Barbados much ill my Debt. Ralph and I go to 
 England. Disappointment of Governor s Letters. Colonel French his 
 Friend. Cornwallis s Letters. Ca 
 rival in England. Get employment, 
 me. Adventures in England. W 
 Schemes. Lyons. Dr. Pemberto 
 through Ralph. My Landlady. 
 Cibber. Plays. Books I borrowed 
 AtWatts s. Temperance. Ghost. 
 Men. Persuaded by Mr. Denham t 
 and be his clerk. Our voyage and a 
 
 >m. Denham. Hamilton. Ar- 
 Ralph not. He is an expense to 
 Ite a Pamphlet and print 100. 
 My diligence, and yet poor 
 character. Wygate. Wilkes. 
 Preachers I heard. Redmayne. 
 mduct and Influence among the 
 return with him to Philadelphia 
 ival. My resolutions in Writing. 
 
 1 This memorandum, probably in the handwriting of M. le Veillard, 
 immediately precedes the Outline in the MS. The line through the 
 pages was doubtless drawn to show how far the topics had been treated 
 in the autobiography at the time the line was drawn. 
 
Benjamin Franklin 29 
 
 My Sickness. His Death. Found 
 with Keimer. Terms. His ill usa 
 ing of Decow. My Friends at 
 Meredith to set up in Partnership, 
 bly. Hamilton s Friendship. Se 
 money. Webb. Writing Busy 
 Character. Suit against us. Offer 
 Continue the Business, and M. goe 
 Money. Gazette from Keimer. 
 Library erected. Manner of cone 
 
 , R. married. Go to work again 
 
 of me. My Resentment. Say- 
 urlington. Agreement with H. 
 Do so. Success with the Assem- 
 ell s History. Gazette. Paper 
 ody. Breintnal. Godfrey. His 
 
 my Friends, Coleman and Grace. 
 
 o Carolina. Pamphlet on Paper 
 unto credit; its plan. Marry. 
 :ting the project. Its plan and 
 
 utility. Children. Almanac. The use I made of it. Great industry. 
 Constant study. Father s Remark and Advice upon Diligence. Caro 
 lina Partnership. Learn French and German. Journey to Boston 
 after ten years. Affection of my Brother. His Death, and leaving me 
 his Son. Art of Virtue. Occasion. City Watch amended. Post- 
 office. Spotswood. Bradford s Behavior. Clerk of Assembly. Lose 
 one of my Sons. Project of subordinate Juntos. Write occasionally 
 in the papers. Success in Business. Fire companies. Engines. Go 
 again to Boston in 1743. See Dr. Spence. Whitefield. My connec 
 tion with him. His generosity to me. My return. Church Differ 
 ences. My part in them. Propose a College. Not then prosecuted. 
 Propose and establish a Philosophical Society. War. Electricity. 
 My first knowledge of it. Partnership with D. Hall, etc. Dispute in 
 Assembly upon Defence. Project for it. Plain Truth. Its success. 
 Ten thousand Men raised and disciplined. Lotteries. Battery built. 
 New Castle. My influence in the Council. Colors, Devices, and 
 Mottos. Ladies Military Watch. Quakers chosen of the Common 
 Council. Put in the commission of the peace. Logan fond of me. His 
 Library. Appointed Postmaster-General. Chosen Assemblyman, 
 Commissioner to treat with Indians at Carlisle and at Easton. Project 
 and establish Academy. Pamphlet on it. Journey to Boston. At 
 Albany. Plan of union of the colonies. Copy of it. Remarks upon 
 it. It fails, and how. Journey to Boston in 1754. Disputes about 
 it in our Assembly. My part in them. New Governor. Disputes 
 with him. His character and sayings to me. Chosen Alderman. 
 Project of Hospital. My share in it. Its success. Boxes. Made a 
 Commissioner of the Treasury. My commission to defend the frontier 
 counties. Raise Men and build Forts. Militia Law of my drawing. 
 Made Colonel. Parade of my Officers. Offence to Proprietor. Assis- 
 ance to Boston Ambassadors. Journey with Shirley, etc. Meet with 
 Braddock. Assistance to him. To the Officers of his Army. Furnish 
 him with Forage. His concessions to me and character of me. Suc 
 cess of my Electrical Experiments. Medal sent me. Present Royal 
 Society, and Speech of President. Denny s Arrival and Courtship to 
 me. His character. My service to the army in the affair of Quarters. 
 
30 Autobiography of 
 
 Disputes about the Proprietor s Taxes continued. Project for paving 
 the City. I am sent to England] x Negotiation there. Canada delenda 
 est. My pamphlet. Its reception and effect. Projects drawn from me 
 concerning the Conquest. Acquaintance made and their services to me 
 Mrs. S. M. Small, Sir John P., Mr. Wood, Sargent Strahan, and others. 
 Their characters. Doctorate from Edinburgh, St. Andrews. Doctorate 
 from Oxford. Journey to Scotland. Lord Leicester. Mr. Prat. De 
 Grey. Jackson. State of Affairs in England. Delays. Eventful 
 Journey into Holland and Flanders. Agency from Maryland. Son s 
 appointment. My Return. Allowance and thanks. Journey to Bos 
 ton. John Penn, Governor. My conduct toward him. The Paxton 
 Murders. My Pamphlet. Rioters march to Philadelphia. Governor 
 retires to my House. My conduct. Sent out to the Insurgents. 
 Turn them back. Little thanks. Disputes revived. Resolutions 
 against continuing under Proprietary Government. Another Pam 
 phlet. Cool thoughts. Sent again to England with Petition. Nego 
 tiation there. Lord H. His character. Agencies from New Jersey, 
 Georgia, Massachusetts. Journey into Germany, 1766. Civilities re 
 ceived there. Gottingen Observations. Ditto into France in 1767. 
 Ditto in 1769. Entertainment there at the Academy. Introduced 
 to the King and the Mesdames, Mad. Victoria and Mrs. Lamagnon. 
 Due de Chaulnes, M. Beaumont, Le Roy, D Alibard, Nollet. See 
 Journals. Holland. Reprint my papers and add many. Books pre 
 sented to me from many authors. My Book translated into French. 
 Lightning Kite. Various Discoveries. My manner of prosecuting 
 that Study. King of Denmark invites me to dinner. Recollect my 
 Father s Proverb. Stamp Act. My opposition to it. Recommenda 
 tion of J. Hughes. Amendment of it. Examination in Parliament. 
 Reputation it gave me. Caressed by Ministry. Charles Townsend s 
 Act. Opposition to it. Stoves and chimney-plates. Armonica. 
 Acquaintance with Ambassadors. Russian Intimation. Writing in 
 newspapers. Glasses from Germany. Grant of Land in Nova Scotia. 
 Sickness. Letters to America returned hither. The consequences. 
 Insurance Office. My character. Costs me nothing to be civil to 
 inferiors; a good deal to be submissive to superiors, etc., etc. Farce 
 of Perpetual Motion. Writing for Jersey Assembly. 2 Hutchinson s 
 Letters. Temple. Suit in Chancery. Abuse before the Privy 
 Council. Lord Hillsborough s character and conduct. Lord Dart 
 mouth. Negotiation to prevent the War. Return to America. 
 
 1 Here is a bracket in the manuscript to show to what point the 
 topics had been worked up into the autobiography, which terminates 
 at this point. ED. 
 
 2 To this point the profit is in a strange and clerkly hand. The 
 remainder is in the handwriting of Franklin. ED. 
 
Benjamin Franklin 3 1 
 
 Bishop of St. Asaph. Congress. Assembly. Committee of Safety. 
 Chevaux-de-frise. Sent to Boston, to the Camp. To Canada, to Lord 
 Howe. To France. Treaty, etc. 
 
 1706-1730 
 II 
 
 TWYFORD, at the Bishop of St Asaph s* 1771. 
 
 DEAR SON: I have ever had pleasure in obtaining 
 any little anecdotes of my ancestors. You may re 
 member the inquiries I made among the remains of 
 my relations when you were with me in England, 
 and the journey I undertook for that purpose. Im 
 agining it may be equally agreeable to you to know 
 the circumstances of my life, many of which you are 
 yet unacquainted with, and expecting the enjoyment 
 of a week s uninterrupted leisure in my present 
 country retirement, I sit down to write them for you. 
 To which I have besides some other inducements. 
 Having emerged from the poverty and obscurity in 
 which I was born and bred, to a state of affluence 
 and some degree of reputation in the world, and 
 having gone so far through life with a considerable 
 share of felicity, the conducing means I made use of, 
 which with the blessing of God so well succeeded, my 
 posterity may like to know, as they may find some 
 of them suitable to their own situations, and there 
 fore fit to be imitated. 
 
 1 The country-seat of the Bishop of St. Asaph, Dr. Jonathan Shipley, 
 the " good Bishop," as Dr. Franklin used to style him. Their relations 
 were intimate and confidential. In his pulpit, and in the House of 
 Lords, as well as in society, the bishop always opposed the harsh 
 measures of the Crown toward the Colonies. 
 
32 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 That felicity, when I reflected on it, has induced 
 me sometimes to say, that were it offered to my 
 choice, I should have no objection to a repetition of 
 the same life from its beginning, only asking the ad 
 vantages authors have in a second edition to correct 
 some faults of the first. So I might, besides correct 
 ing the faults, change some sinister accidents and 
 events of it for others more favorable. But though 
 this were denied, I should still accept the offer. Since 
 such a repetition is not to be expected, the next 
 thing most like living one s life over again seems to 
 be a recollection of that life, and to make that recol 
 lection as durable as possible by putting it down in 
 writing. 
 
 Hereby, too, I shall indulge the inclination so 
 natural in old men, to be talking of themselves and 
 their own past actions ; and I shall indulge it without 
 being tiresome to others, who, through respect to age, 
 might conceive themselves obliged to give me a hear 
 ing, since this may be read or not as any one pleases. 
 And, lastly (I may as well confess it, since my denial 
 of it will be believed by nobody), perhaps I shall a 
 good deal gratify my own vanity. Indeed, I scarce 
 ever heard or saw the introductory words, " Without 
 vanity I may say," etc., but some vain thing im 
 mediately followed. Most people dislike vanity in 
 others, whatever share they have of it themselves; 
 but I give it fair quarter wherever I meet with it, 
 being persuaded that it is often productive of good 
 to the possessor, and to others that are within his 
 sphere of action; and therefore, in many cases, it 
 would not be altogether absurd if a man were to 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 33 
 
 thank God for his vanity among the other comforts 
 of life. 
 
 And now I speak of thanking God, I desire with 
 all humility to acknowledge that I owe the men 
 tioned happiness of my past life to His kind pro 
 vidence, which lead me to the means I used and gave 
 them success. My belief of this induces me to hope, 
 though I must not presume, that the same goodness 
 will still be exercised toward me, in continuing that 
 happiness, or enabling me to bear a fatal reverse, 
 which I may experience as others have done; the 
 complexion of my future fortune being known to 
 Him only in whose power it is to bless to us even our 
 afflictions. 
 
 The notes of one of my uncles (who had the same 
 kind of curiosity in collecting family anecdotes) 
 once put into my hands, furnished me with several 
 particulars relating to our ancestors. From these 
 notes I learned that the family had lived in the same 
 village, Ecton, in Northamptonshire, for three hun 
 dred years, and how much longer he knew not (per 
 haps from the time when the name of Franklin, that 
 before was the name of an order of people, was as 
 sumed by them as a surname when others took sur 
 names all over the kingdom ), on a freehold of about 
 thirty acres, aided by the smith s business, which 
 
 1 That Franklin was anciently the common name of an order or 
 rank in England, see Fortescue s De Laudibus Legum Anglicz, written 
 about the year 1412, in which is the following passage, to show that 
 good juries might easily be formed in any part of England : " Moreover, 
 the same country is so rilled and re-plenished with landed menne, that 
 therein so small a thorpe cannot be found wherein dweleth not a 
 knight, an esquire, or such an householder, as is there commonly called 
 
 VOL. I. 3. 
 
34 Autobiography of [1706- 17 30 
 
 had continued in the family till his time, the eldest 
 son being always bred to that business, a custom 
 which he and my father followed as to their eldest 
 sons. When I searched the registers at Ecton, I 
 found an account of their births, marriages, and 
 burials, from the year 1555 only, there being no 
 registers kept in that parish at any time preceding. 
 By that register, I perceived that I was the youngest 
 son of the youngest son for five generations back. 
 My grandfather Thomas, who was born in 1598, lived 
 at Ecton till he grew too old to follow business longer, 
 when he went to live with his son John, a dyer at 
 Banbury, in Oxfordshire, with whom my father 
 served an apprenticeship. There my grandfather 
 died and lies buried. We saw his gravestone in ji 7 58. j 
 His eldest son Thomas lived in the house at Ecton, 
 and left it with the land to his only child, a daughter, 
 who, with her husband, one Richard Fisher, of 
 Wellingborough, sold it to Mr. Isted, now lord of the 
 manor there. My grandfather had four sons that 
 grew up, viz. : Thomas, John, Benjamin, and Josiah. 
 I will give you what account I can of them at this 
 distance from my papers, and if these are not lost in 
 
 a Franklin, enriched with great possessions, and also other freeholders 
 and many yeomen able for their livelihoodes to make a jury in form 
 aforementioned . 
 
 Chaucer, too, calls his country gentleman a Franklin, and, after de 
 scribing his good housekeeping, thus characterizes him : 
 
 "This worthy Franklin has a purse of silk, 
 Fixed to his girdle, white as morning milk. 
 Knight of the Shire, first Justice at the Assize, 
 To help the poor, the doubtful to advise. 
 In all employments, generous, just, he proved, 
 Renowned for courtesy, by all beloved. 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 35 
 
 my absence, you will among them find many more 
 particulars. 1 
 
 Thomas was bred a smith under his father, but 
 being ingenious, and encouraged in learning (as all 
 my brothers were) by an Esquire Palmer, then the 
 principal gentleman in that parish, he qualified him 
 self for the business of scrivener, became a consider 
 able man in the county, was a chief mover of all 
 public-spirited undertakings for the county or town 
 of Northampton, and his own village, of which many 
 instances were related of him, and much taken notice 
 of and patronized by the then Lord Halifax. He 
 died in 1702, January 6, old style, just four years to 
 a day before I was born. The account we received 
 
 1 The following letter to Franklin from his father, relating mainly to 
 the origin of the Franklin family, was found among Dr. Franklin s 
 papers : 
 
 From Josiah to B. Franklin. 
 
 " LOVING SON : As to the original of our name, there is various opin 
 ions; some say that it came from a sort of title, of which a book that 
 you bought when here gives a lively account. Some think we are of 
 a French extract, which was formerly called Franks; some of a free 
 line, a line free from that vassalage which was common to subjects in 
 days of old; some from a bird of long red legs. Your uncle Benjamin 
 made inquiry of one skilled in heraldry, who told him there is two coats 
 of armor, one belonging to the Franklins of the North, and one to the 
 Franklins of the West. However, our circumstances have been such 
 as that it hath hardly been worth while to concern ourselves much 
 about these things any farther than to tickle the fancy a little. The 
 first that I can give account of is my great-grandfather, as it was the 
 custom in those days among young men too many times to goe to seek 
 their fortunes, and in his travels he went upon liking to a taylor; but 
 he kept such a stingy house, that he left him and travelled farther, 
 and came to a smith s house, and coming on a fasting day, being in 
 popish times, he did not like there the first day; the next morning the 
 servant was called up at five in the morning, but after a little time came 
 a good toast and good beer, and he found good housekeeping there; 
 he served and learned the trade of a smith. In Queen Mary s days, 
 either his wife, or my grandmother, by father s side, informed my 
 father that they kept their Bible fastened under the top of a joint-stool, 
 that they might turn up the book and read in the Bible, that when 
 
3 6 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 of his life and character from some old people at 
 Ecton, I remember, struck you as something extra 
 ordinary, from its similarity to what you knew of 
 mine. "Had he died on the same day," you said, 
 "one might have supposed a transmigration." 
 
 John was bred a dyer, I believe, of woollens. 
 Benjamin was bred a silk-dyer, serving an appren 
 ticeship at London. He was an ingenious man. I 
 remember him well, for, when I was a boy, he came 
 over to my father in Boston, and lived in the house 
 with us some years. He lived to a great age. His 
 grandson, Samuel Franklin, now lives in Boston. 
 He left behind him two quarto volumes, MS., of his 
 own poetry, consisting of little occasional pieces ad 
 dressed to his friends and relations, of which the 
 
 anybody came to the dore they turned up the stool for fear of the 
 aparitor, for if it were discovered, they would be in hazard of their lives. 
 My grandfather was a smith also, and settled in Eton, in Northampton 
 shire, and he was imprisoned a year and a day on suspicion of his being 
 the author of some poetry that touched the character of some great 
 man. He had only one son and one daughter; my grandfather s name 
 was Thomas, my mother s name was Jane. My father was born at 
 Ecton or Eton, Northamptonshire, on the 1 8th of October, 1698; mar 
 ried to Miss Jane White, niece to Coll. White, of Banbury, and died in 
 the 84th year of his age. There was nine children of us, who were 
 happy in our parents, who took great care by their instructions and 
 pious example to breed us up in a religious way. My eldest brother had 
 but one child, which was married to one Mr. Fisher, at Wallingborough, 
 in Northamptonshire. The town was lately burnt down, and whether 
 she was a sufferer or not I cannot tell, or whether she be living or not. 
 Her father dyed worth fifteen hundred pounds, but what her circum 
 stances are now I know not. She hath no child. If you by the free 
 dom of your office, makes it more likely to convey a letter to her, it 
 would be acceptable to me. There is also children of brother John and 
 sister Morris, but I hear nothing from them, and they write not to me, 
 so that I know not where to find them. I have been again to about 
 seeing . . ., but have mist of being informed. 
 
 " We received yours, and are glad to hear poor Jammy is recovered so 
 well. Son John received the letter, but is so busy just now that he 
 cannot write you an answer, but will do the best he can. Now with 
 hearty love to, and prayer for you all, I rest your affectionate father, 
 
 "JosiAH FRANKLIN. 
 " BOSTON, May 26, 1739 " 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 37 
 
 following, sent to me, is a specimen. 1 He had 
 formed a short-hand of his own, which he taught me, 
 but, never practising it, I have now forgot it. I was 
 named after this uncle, there being a particular 
 affection between him and my father. He was 
 very pious, a great attender of sermons of the best 
 preachers, which he took down in his short-hand, 
 and had with him many volumes of them. He was 
 also much of a politician ; too much, perhaps, for his 
 station. There fell lately into my hands in London 
 a collection he had made of all the principal pam 
 phlets relating to public affairs, from 1641 to 1717; 
 many of the volumes are wanting, as appears by the 
 numbering, but there still remain eight volumes in 
 folio, and twenty-four in quarto and in octavo. A 
 dealer in old books met with them, and knowing me 
 by my sometimes buying of him, he brought them to 
 me. It seems my uncle must have left them here 
 when he went to America, which was above fifty 
 
 1 Here follow in the margin the words, in brackets, "here insert it," 
 but the poetry is not given. Mr. Sparks informs us (Life of Franklin, 
 p. 6) that these volumes had been preserved, and were in possession of 
 Mrs. Emmons, of Boston, great-granddaughter of their author. The 
 following are specimens quoted by Mr. Sparks: 
 
 "Sent to his namesake upon a Report of his Inclination to Martial 
 Affairs July yth, 1710: 
 
 "Believe me, Ben, it is a dangerous trade, 
 The sword has many marred as well as made; 
 By it do many fall, not many rise, 
 Makes many poor, few rich, and fewer wise; 
 Fills towns with ruin, fields with blood; beside 
 T is sloth s maintainer, and the shield of pride. 
 Fair cities, rich to-day in plenty flow, 
 War fills with want to-morrow, and with woe. 
 Ruined estates, the nurse of vice, broke limbs and scars, 
 Are the effects of desolating wars." 
 
 The following piece was sent when his namesake was seven years 
 
38 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 years since. There are many of his notes in the 
 margins. 1 
 
 This obscure family of ours was early in the Re 
 formation, and continued Protestants : through the 
 reign of Queen Mary, when they were sometimes 
 in danger of trouble on account of their zeal against 
 popery. They had got an English Bible, and to 
 conceal and secure it, it was fastened open with 
 tapes under and within the cover of a joint-stool. 
 When my great-great-grandfather read it to his 
 
 old. It would appear that he had received from him some evidence of 
 his juvenile skill in composition : 
 "Sent to Benjamin Franklin, 1713: 
 
 T is time for me to throw aside my pen, 
 
 When hanging sleeves read, write, and rhyme like men. 
 
 This forward spring foretells a plentous crop ; 
 
 For if the bud bear grain, what will the top? 
 
 If plenty in the verdant blade appear, 
 
 What may we not soon hope for in the ear? 
 
 When flowers are beautiful before they re blown, 
 
 What rarities will afterward be shown ! 
 
 If trees good fruit un noculated bear, 
 
 You may be sure t will afterward be rare. 
 
 If fruits are sweet before they ve time to yellow, 
 
 How luscious will they be when they are mellow? 
 
 If first year s shoots such noble clusters send, 
 
 What laden boughs, Engedi-like, may we expect in the end!" 
 
 This uncle Benjamin died in Boston, in 1 728, leaving one son, Samuel, 
 the only survivor of ten children. This son had an only child, who died 
 in 1775, leaving four daughters. There are now no male descendants 
 of Dr. Franklin s grandfather living who bear his name. The Doctor s 
 eldest son, William, left one son, William Temple Franklin, who died 
 without issue bearing his name. His second son, Francis Folger, died 
 when about four years of age. His very clever daughter Sarah married 
 Richard Bache in 1767. Their descendants are: Benjamin Franklin 
 Bache, who married Margaret Markoe; William Hartman Bache, who 
 married Catharine Wistar; Eliza Franklin Bache, who married John 
 Edward Harwood; Louis Bache, who married (first wife) Mary Ann 
 Swift, (second wife) Esther Egee; Deborah Bache, who married 
 William J. Duane; Richard Bache, who married Sophia B., a daughter 
 of Alexander J. Dallas; Sarah Bache, who married Thomas Sargeant, 
 together with their children. 
 
 1 See infra a letter to Samuel Franklin, dated July 12, 1771. 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 39 
 
 family, he turned up the joint-stool upon his knees, 
 turning over the leaves then under the tapes. One 
 of the children stood at the door to give notice if he 
 saw the apparitor coming, who was an officer of the 
 spiritual court. In that case the stool was turned 
 down again upon its feet, when the Bible remained 
 concealed under it as before. This anecdote I had 
 from my uncle Benjamin. The family continued 
 all of the Church of England till about the end of 
 Charles the Second s reign, when some of the minis 
 ters that had been outed for non-conformity, hold 
 ing conventicles in Northamptonshire, Benjamin 
 and Josiah adhered to them, and so continued all 
 their lives: the rest of the family remained with 
 the Episcopal Church. 
 
 Josiah, my father, married young, and carried his 
 wife with three children into New England, about 
 1682. The conventicles having been forbidden by 
 law, and frequently disturbed, induced some con 
 siderable men of his acquaintance to remove to that 
 country, and he was prevailed with to accompany 
 them thither, where they expected to enjoy their 
 mode of religion with freedom. By the same wife 
 he had four children more; born there, and by a 
 second wife ten more, in all seventeen; of which I 
 remember thirteen sitting at one time at his table, 
 who all grew up to be men and women, and married; 
 I was the youngest son, and the youngest child but 
 two, and was born in Boston, New England. x My 
 
 1 Franklin was born in Milk Street and opposite the Old South 
 Church, of which his parents were members, Jan. 6, 1706, old style, or 
 January i7th, new style. He was baptized in the Old South Church 
 the same day. ED. % 
 
40 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 mother, the second wife, was Abiah Folger, daughter 
 of Peter Folger, one of the first settlers of New Eng 
 land, of whom honorable mention is made by Cotton 
 Mather, in his church history of that country en 
 titled Magnolia Christi Americana, as "a godly, 
 learned Englishman," if I remember the words 
 rightly. I have heard that he wrote sundry small 
 occasional pieces, but only one of them was printed, 
 which I saw now many years since. It was written 
 in 1675, * n the home-spun verse of that time and 
 people, and addressed to those then concerned in the 
 government there. It was in favor of liberty of con 
 science, and in behalf of the Baptists, Quakers, and 
 other sectaries that had been under persecution, 
 ascribing the Indian wars, and other distresses that 
 had befallen the country, to that persecution, as so 
 many judgments of God to punish so heinous an 
 offense, and exhorting a repeal of those uncharitable 
 laws. The whole appeared to me as written with a 
 good deal of decent plainness and manly freedom. 
 The six concluding lines I remember, though I have 
 forgotten the two first of the stanza; but the purport 
 of them was, that his censures proceeded from good 
 will, and therefore he would be known to be the author. 
 
 "Because to be a libeller (says he) 
 
 I hate it with my heart; 
 From Sherburne x town, where now I dwell 
 
 My name I do put here ; 
 Without offense your real friend, 
 
 It is Peter Folgier." a 
 
 1 Sherburne is now known by the name of Nantucket. ED. 
 
 2 These lines are from A Looking-Glass for the Times; or, The Former 
 Spirit of New England Revived in this Generation, by Peter Folger, 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 4 1 
 
 My elder brothers were all put apprentices to 
 different trades. I was put to the grammar-school 
 at eight years of age, my father intending to devote 
 me, as the tithe of his sons, to the service of the 
 Church. My early readiness in learning to read 
 (which must have been very early, as I do not re 
 member when I could not read), and the opinion of 
 all his friends, that I should certainly make a good 
 scholar, encouraged him in this purpose of his. My 
 uncle Benjamin, too, approved of it, and proposed 
 to give me all his short-hand volumes of sermons, I 
 suppose as a stock to set up with, if I would learn his 
 character. I continued, however, at the grammar- 
 school not quite one year, though in that time I had 
 
 printed in a pamphlet of fourteen duodecimo pages, and bearing 
 date April 23, 1676, while Philip s war was raging. The author was 
 the only son of John Folger, who came from Norwich in England, and 
 was among the first settlers of Watertown, Mass. The father after 
 ward removed to Martha s Vineyard, where Peter became thoroughly 
 versed in the Indian tongue, as spoken in that section, so that he could 
 speak and write it with facility. This accomplishment made him 
 useful as an interpreter, and it was through his agency that the island 
 of Nantucket was fairly purchased of the natives and honestly paid 
 for. His wife s maiden name was Mary Morrill, a servant of the cele 
 brated Hugh Peters, with w r hom and in the same ship he came to 
 America. During the voyage he became enamoured of her, and 
 purchased her time of her master for 20. She afterward became his 
 wife, the mother of Abiah Folger, and the grandmother, of course, of 
 Dr. Franklin. These lines, immediately preceding those quoted by 
 Dr. Franklin, which are necessary to complete the sentiment intended 
 to be conveyed by the author, are the following: 
 
 " I am for peace and not for war, 
 
 And that s the reason why 
 I write more plain than some men do, 
 
 That use to daub and lie. 
 But I shall cease, and set my name 
 
 To what I here insert, 
 Because to be a libeller 
 I hate it with my heart." 
 
4? Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 risen gradually from the middle of the class of that 
 year to be the head .of it, and farther was removed 
 into the next class above it, in order to go with that 
 into the third at the end of the year. But my 
 father, in the meantime, from a view of the expense 
 of a college education, which having so large a family 
 he could not well afford, and the mean living many 
 so educated were afterwards able to obtain, reasons 
 that he gave to his friends in my hearing, altered 
 his first intention, took me from the grammar- 
 school, and sent me to a school for writing and 
 arithmetic, kept by a then famous man, Mr. George 
 Brownell, very successful in his profession generally, 
 and that by mild, encouraging methods. Under him 
 I acquired fair writing pretty soon, but I failed in 
 the arithmetic, and made no progress in it. At ten 
 years old I was taken home to assist my father in 
 his business, which was that of a tallow-chandler 
 and sope-boiler; a business he was not bred to, but 
 had assumed on his arrival in New England, and on 
 finding his dying trade would not maintain his 
 family, being in little request. Accordingly, I was 
 employed in cutting wick for the candles, filling the 
 dipping mold and the molds for cast candles, at 
 tending the shop, going of errands, etc. 
 
 I disliked the trade, and had a strong inclination 
 for the sea, but my father declared against it ; how 
 ever, living near the water, I was much in and about 
 it, learnt early to swim well, and to manage boats; 
 and when in a boat or canoe with other boys, I was 
 commonly allowed to govern, especially in any case 
 of difficulty ; and upon other occasions I was gener- 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 43 
 
 ally a leader among the boys, and sometimes led 
 them into scrapes, of which I will mention one in 
 stance, as it shows an early projecting public spirit, 
 tho not then justly conducted. 
 
 There was a salt-marsh that bounded part of the 
 mill-pond, on the edge of which, at high water, we 
 used to stand to fish for minnows. By much tramp 
 ling, we had made it a mere quagmire. My proposal 
 was to build a wharf there fit for us to stand upon, 
 and I showed my comrades a large heap of stones, 
 which were intended for a new house near the marsh, 
 and which would very well suit our purpose. Ac 
 cordingly, in the evening, when the workmen were 
 gone, I assembled a number of my play-fellows, and 
 working with them diligently like so many emmets, ~ 
 sometimes two or three to a stone, we brought them 
 all away and built our little wharf. The next morn 
 ing the workmen were surprised at missing the 
 stones, which were found in our wharf. Inquiry was 
 made after the removers; we were discovered and 
 complained of; several of us were corrected by our 
 fathers ; and, though I pleaded the usefulness of the 
 work, mine convinced me that nothing was useful 
 which was not honest. 
 
 I think you may like to know something of his 
 person and character. He had an excellent constitu 
 tion of body, was of middle stature, but well set, and 
 very strong; he was ingenious, could draw prettily, 
 was skilled a little in music, and had a clear, pleasing 
 voice, so that when he played psalm tunes on his 
 violin and sung withal, as he sometimes did in an 
 evening after the business of the day was over, it was 
 
44 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 extremely agreeable to hear. He had a mechanical 
 genius too, and, on occasion, was very handy in the 
 use of other tradesmen s tools; but his great excel 
 lence lay in a sound understanding and solid judg 
 ment in prudential matters, both in private and 
 publick affairs. In the latter, indeed, he was never 
 employed, the numerous family he had to educate 
 and the straitness of his circumstances keeping him 
 close to his trade; but I remember well his being 
 frequently visited by leading people, who consulted 
 him for his opinion in affairs of the town or of 
 the church he belonged to, and showed a good deal 
 of respect for his judgment and advice: he was 
 also much consulted by private persons about their 
 affairs when any difficulty occurred, and frequently 
 chosen an arbitrator between contending parties. 
 At his table he liked to have, as often as he could, 
 some sensible friend or neighbor to converse with, 
 and always took care to start some ingenious or use 
 ful topic for discourse, which might tend to improve 
 the minds of his children. By this means he turned 
 our attention to what was good, just, and prudent in 
 the conduct of life; and little or no notice was ever 
 taken of what related to the victuals on the table, 
 whether it was well or ill dressed, in or out of season, 
 of good or bad flavor, preferable or inferior to this or 
 that other thing of the kind, so that I was bro t up 
 in such a perfect inattention to those matters as to 
 be quite indifferent what kind of food was set before 
 me, and so unobservant of it that to this day if I am 
 asked I can scarcely tell a few hours after dinner 
 what I dined upon. This has been a convenience to 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 45 
 
 me in travelling, where my companions have been 
 sometimes very unhappy for want of a suitable 
 gratification of their more delicate, because better 
 instructed, tastes and appetites. 
 
 My mother had likewise an excellent constitution : 
 she suckled all her ten children. I never knew either /J^ 
 my father or mother to have any sickness but that 
 of which they dy d, he at eighty-nine, and she at 
 eighty-five years of age. They lie buried together 
 at Boston, where I some years since placed a marble 
 over their grave, with this inscription: 
 
 JOSIAH FRANKLIN, 
 
 And 
 
 ABIAH his wife, 
 
 Lie here interred. 
 
 They lived lovingly together in wedlock 
 
 Fifty-five years. 
 
 Without an estate, or any gainful employment, 
 By constant labor and industry 
 
 With God s blessing, 
 They maintained a large family 
 
 Comfortably, 
 
 And brought up thirteen children 
 And seven grandchildren 
 
 Reputably. 
 
 From this instance, reader, 
 Be encouraged to diligence in thy calling, 
 
 And distrust not Providence. 
 
 He was a pious and prudent man ; 
 
 She, a discreet and virtuous woman. 
 
 Their youngest son, 
 In filial regard to their memory, 
 
 Places this stone. 
 
 J. F. born 1655, died 1744, ^tat 89. 
 A. F. born 1667, died 1752, - - 85. 
 
 1 A more durable monument was erected over the graves of the father 
 and mother of Franklin in 1827 by the voluntary subscriptions of a 
 
46 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 By my rambling digressions I perceive myself to 
 be grown old. I us d to write more methodically. 
 But one does not dress for private company as for a 
 publick ball. T is perhaps only negligence. 
 
 To return: I continued thus employed in my 
 father s business for two years, that is, till I was 
 twelve years old; and my brother John, who was 
 bred to that business, having left my father, mar 
 ried, and set up for himself at Rhode Island, there 
 was all appearance that I was destined to supply his 
 place, and become a tallow-chandler. But my dis 
 like to the trade continuing, my father was under 
 apprehensions that if he did not find one for me 
 more agreeable, I should break away and get to sea, 
 as his son Josiah had done, to his great vexation. 
 He therefore sometimes took me to walk with him, 
 and see joiners, bricklayers, turners, braziers, etc., 
 
 large number of the citizens of Boston. It is an obelisk of granite 
 twenty-one feet high, which rests on a square base measuring seven 
 feet on each side and two feet in height. The obelisk is composed of 
 five massive blocks of granite, placed one above another. On one 
 side is the name of Franklin in large bronze letters, and a little below is 
 a tablet of bronze, thirty-two inches long and sixteen wide, sunk into 
 the stone. On this tablet is engraven Dr. Franklin s original inscrip 
 tion, as quoted in the text, and beneath it are the following lines: 
 
 THE MARBLE TABLET, 
 
 Bearing the above inscription, 
 
 Having been dilapidated by the ravages of time, 
 
 A number of citizens, 
 
 Entertaining the most profound veneration 
 For the memory of the illustrious 
 
 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 
 
 And desirous of reminding succeeding generations 
 
 That he was born in Boston, 
 
 A.D. MDCCVI., 
 
 Erected this 
 
 Obelisk 
 
 Over the grave of his parents, 
 MDCCCXXVIL 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 47 
 
 at their work, that he might observe my inclination, 
 and endeavor to fix it on some trade or other on land. 
 It has ever since been a pleasure to me to see good 
 workmen handle their tools; and it has been useful 
 to me, having learnt so much by it as to be able to 
 do little jobs myself in my house when a workman 
 could not readily be got, and to construct little ma 
 chines for my experiments, while the intention of 
 making the experiment was fresh and warm in my 
 mind. My father at last fixed upon the cutler s 
 trade, and my uncle Benjamin s son Samuel, who was 
 bred to that business in London, being about that time 
 established in Boston, I was sent to be with him some 
 time on liking. But his expectations of a fee with 
 me displeasing my father, I was taken home again. 
 
 From a child I was fond of reading, and all the < / 
 little money that came into my hands was ever laid 
 out in books. Pleased with the Pilgrim s Progress, 
 my first collection was of John Bunyan s works in 
 separate little volumes. I afterward sold them to 
 enable me to buy R. Burton s Historical Collections; 
 they were small chapmen s books, and cheap, forty 
 or fifty in all. My father s little library consisted 
 chiefly of books in polemic divinity, most of which I 
 read, and have since often regretted that, at a time 
 when I had such a thirst for knowledge, more proper 
 books had not fallen in my way, since it was now re 
 solved I should not be a clergyman. Plutarch s Lives 
 there was in which I read abundantly, and I still 
 think that time spent to great advantage. There 
 was also a book of De Foe s, called an Essay on Pro 
 jects, and another of Dr. Mather s, called Essays to do 
 
48 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 Good, which perhaps gave me a turn of thinking that 
 had an influence on some of the principal future 
 events of my life. 
 
 This bookish inclination at length determined my 
 father to make me a printer, though he had already 
 one son (James) of that profession. In 1717 my 
 brother James returned from England with a press 
 and letters to set up his business in Boston. I liked 
 it much better than that of my father, but still had 
 a hankering for the sea. To prevent the appre 
 hended effect of such an inclination, my father was 
 impatient to have me bound to my brother. I stood 
 out some time, but at last was persuaded, and signed 
 the indentures when I was yet but twelve years old. 
 I was to serve as an apprentice till I was twenty-one 
 years of age, only I was to be allowed journeyman s 
 wages during the last year. In a little time I made 
 great proficiency in the business, and became a use 
 ful hand to my brother. I now had access to better 
 books. An acquaintance with the apprentices of 
 booksellers enabled me sometimes to borrow a small 
 one, which I was careful to return soon and clean. 
 Often I sat up in my room reading the greatest part 
 of the night, when the book was borrowed in the 
 evening and to be returned early in the morning, 
 lest it should be missed or wanted. 
 
 And after some time an ingenious tradesman, Mr. 
 Matthew Adams, who had a pretty collection of 
 books, and who frequented our printing-house, took 
 notice of me, invited me to his library, and very 
 kindly lent me such books as I chose to read. I now 
 took a fancy to poetry, and made some little pieces; 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 49 
 
 my brother, thinking it might turn to account, en 
 couraged me, and put me on composing occasional 
 ballads. One was called The Lighthouse Tragedy, 
 and contained an account of the drowning of Cap 
 tain Worthilake, with his two daughters; the other 
 was a sailor s song, on the taking of Teach (or Black- 
 beard) the pirate. They were wretched stuff, in 
 the Grub -street-ballad style; and when they were 
 printed he sent me about the town to sell them. 
 The first sold wonderfully; the event, being recent, 
 having made a great noise. This flattered my van 
 ity ; but my father discouraged me by ridiculing my 
 performances, and telling me verse-makers were 
 generally beggars. So I escaped being a poet, most- 
 probably a very bad one; but as prose writing has />^, 
 been of great use to me in the course of my life, and 
 was a principal means of my advancement, I shall tell 
 you how, in such a situation, I acquired what little 
 ability I have in that way. 
 
 There was another bookish lad in the town, John 
 Collins by name, with whom I was intimately ac 
 quainted. We sometimes disputed, and very fond 
 we were of argument, and very desirous of confuting 
 one another, which disputatious turn, by the way, 
 is apt to become a very bad habit, making people 
 often extremely disagreeable in company by the con 
 tradiction that is necessary to bring it into practice ; 
 and thence, besides souring and spoiling the con 
 versation, is productive of disgusts and, perhaps, 
 enmities where you may have occasion for friend 
 ship. I had caught it by reading my father s books 
 of dispute about religion. Persons of good sense, I 
 
 VOL. I. 4. 
 
5 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 have since observed, seldom fall into it, except law 
 yers, university men, and men of all sorts that have 
 been bred at Edinborough. 
 
 A question was once, somehow or other, started 
 between Collins and me, of the propriety of educat 
 ing the female sex in learning, and their abilities for 
 study. He was of opinion that it was improper, and 
 that they were naturally unequal to it. I took the 
 contrary side, perhaps a little for dispute s sake. He 
 was naturally more eloquent, had a ready plenty of 
 words, and sometimes, as I thought, bore me down 
 more by his fluency than by the strength of his rea 
 sons. As we parted without settling the point, and 
 were not to see one another again for some time, I 
 sat down to put my arguments in writing, which 
 I copied fair and sent to him. He answered, and I 
 replied. Three or four letters of a side had passed, 
 when my father happened to find my papers and read 
 them. Without entering into the discussion, he 
 took occasion to talk to me about the manner of my 
 writing; observed that, though I had the advantage 
 of my antagonist in correct spelling and pointing 
 (which I ow d to the printing-house), I fell far short 
 in elegance of expression, in method and in per 
 spicuity, of which he convinced me by several in 
 stances. I saw the justice of his remarks, and 
 thence grew more attentive to the manner in writing, 
 and determined to endeavor at improvement. 
 
 About this time I met with an odd volume of the 
 Spectator. It was the third. I had never before seen 
 any of them. I bought it, read it over and over, and 
 was much delighted with it. I thought the writing 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin gl 
 
 excellent, and wished, if possible, to imitate it. 
 With this view I took some of the papers, and, mak 
 ing short hints of the sentiment in each sentence, 
 laid them by a few days, and then, without looking 
 at the book, try d to compleat the papers again, by 
 expressing each hinted sentiment at length, and as 
 fully as it had been expressed before, in any suitable 
 words that should come to hand. Then I compared 
 my Spectator with the original, discovered some of my 
 faults, and corrected them. But I found I wanted a 
 stock of words, or a readiness in recollecting and 
 using them, which I thought I should have acquired 
 before that time if I had gone on making verses; 
 since the continual occasion for words of the same 
 import, but of different length, to suit the measure, 
 or of different sound for the rhyme, would have 
 laid me under a constant necessity of searching for 
 variety, and also have tended to fix that variety in 
 my mind, and make me master of it. Therefore I 
 took some of the tales and turned them into verse; 
 and, after a time, when I had pretty well forgotten 
 the prose, turned them back again. I also some 
 times jumbled my collections of hints into confusion, 
 and after some weeks endeavored to reduce them 
 into the best order, before I began to form the full 
 sentences and compleat the paper. This was to 
 teach me method in the arrangement of thoughts. 
 By comparing my work afterwards with the original, 
 I discovered my faults and amended them; but I 
 sometimes had the pleasure of fancying that, in cer 
 tain particulars of small import, I had been lucky 
 enough to improve the method or the language, and 
 
52 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 this encouraged me to think I might possibly in time 
 come to be a tolerable English writer, of which I was 
 extremely ambitious. My time for these exercises 
 and for reading was at night, after work or before it 
 began in the morning, or on Sundays, when I con 
 trived to be in the printing-house alone, evading as 
 much as I could the common attendance on public 
 worship which my father used to exact of me when 
 I was under his care, and which indeed I still thought 
 a duty, though I could not, as it seemed to me, afford 
 time to practise it. 
 
 When about 16 years of age I happened to meet 
 with a book, written by one Try on, recommending 
 a vegetable diet. I determined to go into it. My 
 brother, being yet unmarried, did not keep house, 
 but boarded himself and his apprentices in another 
 family. My refusing to eat flesh occasioned an in- 
 con veniency, and I was frequently chid for my sin 
 gularity. I made myself acquainted with Tryon s 
 manner of preparing some of his dishes, such as 
 boiling potatoes or rice, making hasty pudding, and 
 a few others, and then proposed to my brother, that 
 if he would give me, weekly, half the money he paid 
 for my board, I would board myself. He instantly 
 agreed to it, and I presently found that I could save 
 half what he paid me. This was an additional fund 
 for buying books. But I had another advantage in 
 it. My brother and the rest going from the printing- 
 house to their meals, I remained there alone, and, 
 despatching presently my light repast, which often 
 was no more than a bisket or a slice of bread, a hand 
 ful of raisins, or a tart from the pastry-cook s, and a 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 53 
 
 glass of water, had the rest of the time, till their 
 return, for study, in which I made the greater pro 
 gress, from that greater clearness of head and 
 quicker apprehension which usually attend tem 
 perance in eating and drinking. 
 
 And now it was that, being on some occasion made 
 asham d of my ignorance in figures, which I had 
 twice failed in learning when at school, I took Cock 
 er s book of Arithmetick, and went through the 
 whole by myself with great ease. I also read Seller s 
 and Shermy s books of Navigation, and became ac 
 quainted with the little geometry they contain ; but 
 never proceeded far in that science. And I read 
 about this time Locke On Human Understanding, 
 and the Art of Thinking, by Messrs, du Port Royal. 
 
 While I was intent on improving my language, I 
 met with an English grammar (I think it was Green 
 wood s), at the end of which there were two little 
 sketches of the arts of rhetoric and logic, the latter 
 finishing with a specimen of a dispute in the Socratic 
 method, and soon after I procur d Xenophon s 
 Memorable Things of Socrates, wherein there are 
 many instances of the same method. I was charm d 
 with it, adopted it, dropt my abrupt contradiction 
 and positive argumentation, and put on the humble 
 inquirer and doubter. And being then, from read 
 ing Shaftesbury and Collins, become a real doubter 
 in many points of our religious doctrine, I found this 
 method safest for myself, and very embarrassing to 
 those against whom I used it; therefore I took a 
 delight in it, practis d it continually, and grew very 
 artful and expert in drawing people, even of superior 
 
54 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 knowledge, into concessions, the consequences of 
 which they did not foresee, entangling them in 
 difficulties out of which they could not extricate 
 themselves, and so obtaining victories that neither 
 myself nor my cause always deserved. I continu d 
 this method some few years, but gradually left it, 
 retaining only the habit of expressing myself in 
 terms of modest diffidence, never using, when I ad 
 vanced any thing that may possibly be disputed, the 
 words certainly, undoubtedly, or any others that give 
 the air of positiveness to an opinion, but rather say, 
 I conceive or apprehend a thing to be so and so; it 
 appears to me, or / should think it so or so, for such 
 and such reasons; or / imagine it to be so; or it is so, 
 if I am not mistaken. This habit, I believe, has been 
 of great advantage to me when I have had occasion 
 to inculcate my opinions, and persuade men into 
 measures that I have been from time to time en- 
 gag d in promoting; and, as the chief ends of con 
 versation are to inform or to be informed, to please 
 or to persuade, I wish well-meaning, sensible men 
 would not lessen their power of doing good by a 
 positive, assuming manner, that seldom fails to dis 
 gust, tends to create opposition, and to defeat every 
 one of those purposes for which speech was given 
 to us, to wit, giving or receiving information or 
 pleasure. For, if you would inform, a positive and 
 dogmatical manner in advancing your sentiments 
 may provoke contradiction and prevent a candid 
 attention. If you wish information and improve 
 ment from the knowledge of others, and yet at the 
 same time express yourself as firmly fix d in your 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 55 
 
 present opinions, modest, sensible men, who do not 
 love disputation, will probably leave you undis 
 turbed in the possession of your error. And by 
 such a manner, you can seldom hope to recommend 
 yourself in pleasing your hearers, or to persuade 
 those whose concurrence you desire. Pope says, 
 judiciously : 
 
 Men should be taught as if you taught them not, 
 And things unknown proposed as things forgot; 
 
 farther recommending to us 
 
 To speak, tho sure, with seeming diffidence. 
 
 And he might have coupled with this line that which 
 he has coupled with another, I think, less properly: 
 
 For want of modesty is want of sense. 
 
 If you ask, Why less properly? I must repeat the 
 
 lines : 
 
 Immodest words admit of no defense, 
 For want of modesty is want of sense. 
 
 Now, is not want of sense (where a man is so unfor 
 tunate as to want it) some apology for his want of 
 modesty? and would not the lines stand more justly 
 thus? 
 
 Immodest words admit but this defense, 
 That want of modesty is want of sense. 
 
 This, however, I should submit to better judgments. 
 
 My brother had, in 1720 or 1721, begun to print a 
 
 newspaper. It was the second that appeared in 
 
 L^vy America, and was called the New England C our ant. 
 
 
 
5 6 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 The only one before it was the Boston News -Letter. 1 
 I remember his being dissuaded by some of his 
 friends from the undertaking, as not likely to succeed, 
 one newspaper being, in their judgment, enough for 
 America. At this time [1771] there are not less than 
 five-and-twenty. He went on, however, with the 
 undertaking, and after having worked in composing 
 the types and printing off the sheets, I was em 
 ployed to carry the papers thro the streets to the 
 customers. 
 
 He had some ingenious men among his friends, 
 who amus d themselves by writing little pieces for 
 this paper, which gain d it credit and made it more 
 in demand, and these gentlemen often visited us. 
 Hearing their conversations, and their accounts of 
 the approbation their papers were received with, I 
 was excited to try my hand among them; but, 
 being still a boy, and suspecting that my brother 
 would object to printing any thing of mine in his 
 paper if he knew it to be mine, I contrived to dis 
 guise my hand, and, writing an anonymous paper, 
 I put it in at night, under the door of the printing- 
 house. It was found in the morning, and com- 
 
 1 "This was written from recollection, and it is not surprising that, 
 after the lapse of fifty years, the author s memory should have failed 
 him in regard to a fact of small importance. The New England Cour- 
 ant was the fourth newspaper that appeared in America. The first 
 number of the Boston News-Letter was published April 24, 1704. This 
 was the first newspaper in America. The Boston Gazette commenced 
 December 21, 1719; the American Weekly Mercury, at Philadelphia, 
 December 22, 1719; the New England C our ant, August 21, 1721. Dr. 
 Franklin s error of memory probably originated in the circumstance 
 of his brother having been the printer of the Boston Gazette when it 
 was first established. This was the second newspaper published in 
 America." SPARKS. 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 57 
 
 municated to his writing friends when they call d in 
 as usual. They read it, commented on it in my 
 hearing, and I had the exquisite pleasure of finding 
 it met with their approbation, and that, in their 
 different guesses at the author, none were named 
 but men of some character among us for learning 
 and ingenuity. I suppose now that I was rather 
 lucky in my judges, and that perhaps they were not 
 really so very good ones as I then esteem d them. 
 
 Encourag d, however, by this, I wrote and con 
 vey d in the same way to the press several more 
 papers, which were equally approv d; and I kept 
 my secret till my small fund of sense for such per 
 formances was pretty well exhausted, and then I 
 discovered it, when I began to be considered a little 
 more by my brother s acquaintance, and in a man 
 ner that did not quite please him, as he thought, 
 probably with reason, that it tended to make me too 
 vain. And, perhaps, this might be one occasion of 
 the differences that we began to have about this time. 
 Though a brother, he considered himself as my 
 master, and me as his apprentice, and, accordingly, 
 expected the same services from me as he would from 
 another, while I thought he demean d me too much 
 in some he requir d of me, who from a brother ex 
 pected more indulgence. Our disputes were often 
 brought before our father, and I fancy I was either 
 generally in the right, or else a better pleader, be 
 cause the judgment was generally in my favor. But 
 my brother was passionate, and had often beaten me, 
 which I took extreamly amiss ; and, thinking my ap 
 prenticeship very tedious, I was continually wishing 
 
5 8 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 for some opportunity of shortening it, which at 
 length offered in a manner unexpected. 1 
 
 One of the pieces in our newspaper on some po 
 litical point, which I have now forgotten, gave of 
 fense to the Assembly. He was taken up, censur d, 
 and imprison d for a month, by the Speaker s war 
 rant, I suppose, because he would not discover his 
 author. I too was taken up and examin d before the 
 council ; but, tho I did not give them any satisfaction, 
 they con tent d themselves with admonishing me, and 
 dismissed me, considering me, perhaps, as an appren 
 tice, who was bound to keep his master s secrets. 
 
 During my brother s confinement, which I re 
 sented a good deal, notwithstanding our private 
 differences, I had the management of the paper; 
 and I made bold to give our rulers some rubs in it, 
 which my brother took very kindly, while others 
 began to consider me in an unfavorable light, as a 
 young genius that had a turn for libelling and satyr. 
 My brother s discharge was accompany d with an 
 order of the House (a very odd one), that "James 
 Franklin should no longer print the paper called the 
 New England C our ant. 1 
 
 There was a consultation held in our printing- 
 house among his friends, what he should do in this 
 case. Some proposed to evade the order by chang 
 ing the name of the paper; but my brother, seeing 
 inconveniences in that, it was finally concluded on 
 as a better way, to let it be printed for the future 
 
 1 I fancy his harsh and tyrannical treatment of me might be a means 
 of impressing me with that aversion to arbitrary power that has stuck 
 to me through my whole life. 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 59 
 
 under the name of BENJAMIN FRANKLIN; and to 
 avoid the censure of the Assembly, that might fall on 
 him as still printing it by his apprentice, the con 
 trivance was that my old indenture should be re 
 turn d to me, with a full discharge on the back of it, 
 to be shown on occasion, but to secure to him the 
 benefit of my service, I was to sign new indentures 
 for the remainder of the term, which were to be kept 
 private. A very flimsy scheme it was; however, it 
 was immediately executed, and the paper went on 
 accordingly, under my name for several months. 
 
 At length, a fresh difference arising between my 
 brother and me, I took upon me to assert my free 
 dom, presuming that he would not venture to pro 
 duce the new indentures. It was not fair in me to 
 take this advantage, and this I therefore reckon one 
 of the first errata of my life ; but the unfairness of it 
 weighed little with me, when under the impressions 
 of resentment for the blows his passion too often 
 urged him to bestow upon me, though he was other 
 wise not an ill-natur d man : perhaps I was too saucy * 
 and provoking. 
 
 When he found I would leave him, he took care , 
 to prevent my getting employment in any other 
 printing-house of the town, by going round and 
 speaking to every master, who accordingly refus d 
 to give me work. I then thought of going to New 
 York, as the nearest place where there was a printer ; 
 and I was rather inclin d to leave Boston when I 
 reflected that I had already made myself a little ob 
 noxious to the governing party, and, from the arbi 
 trary proceedings of the Assembly in my brother s 
 
60 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 case, it was likely it might, if I stay d, soon bring 
 myself into scrapes ; and farther, that my indiscrete 
 disputations about religion began to make me 
 pointed at with horror by good people as an infidel 
 or atheist. I determin d on the point, but my father 
 now siding with my brother, I was sensible that, if I 
 attempted to go openly, means would be used to 
 prevent me. My friend Collins, therefore, under 
 took to manage a little for me. He agreed with the 
 captain of a New York sloop for my passage, under 
 the notion of my being a young acquaintance of his 
 that had got a naughty girl with child, whose friends 
 would compel me to marry her, and therefore I could 
 not appear or come away publicly. So I sold some 
 of my books to raise a little money, was taken on 
 board privately, and as we had a fair wind, in three 
 days I found myself in New York, near 300 miles 
 from home, a boy of but 17,* without the least re 
 commendation to or knowledge of, any person in the 
 place, and with very little money in my pocket. 
 
 My inclinations for the sea were by this time 
 worne out, or I might now have gratify d them. 
 But, having a trade, and supposing myself a pretty 
 good workman, I offer d my service to the printer in 
 the place, old Mr. William Bradford, who had been 
 the first printer in Pennsylvania, but removed from 
 thence upon the quarrel of George Keith. He could 
 give me no employment, having little to do, and help 
 enough already; but says he: " My son at Phil 
 adelphia has lately lost his principal hand, Aquila 
 Rose, by death ; if you go thither, I believe he may 
 
 1 This was in October, 1723. ED. 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 6* 
 
 employ you." Philadelphia was 100 miles farther; 
 I set out, however, in a boat for Amboy, leaving my 
 chest and things to follow me round by sea. 
 
 In crossing the bay, we met with a squall that tore 
 our rotten sails to pieces, prevented our getting into 
 the Kill and drove us upon Long Island. In our 
 way, a drunken Dutchman, who was a passenger too, 
 fell overboard; when he was sinking, I reached 
 through the water to his shock pate, and drew him 
 up, so that we got him in again. His ducking 
 sobered him a little, and he went to sleep, taking 
 first out of his pocket a book, which he desir d I 
 would dry for him. It proved to be my old favorite 
 author, Bunyan s Pilgrim s Progress in Dutch, finely 
 printed, on good paper, with copper cuts, a dress 
 better than I had ever seen it wear in its own lan 
 guage. I have since found that it has been trans 
 lated into most of the languages of Europe, and 
 suppose it has been more generally read than any 
 other book, except perhaps the Bible. Honest John 
 was the first that I know of who mix d narration and 
 dialogue, a method of writing very engaging to the 
 reader, who, in the most interesting parts, finds him 
 self, as it were, brought into the company, and 
 present at the discourse. De Foe, in his Cruso, his 
 Moll Flanders, Religious Courtship, Family In 
 structor, and other pieces, has imitated it with suc 
 cess, and Richardson has done the same in his 
 Pamela, etc. 
 
 When we drew near the island, we found it was at 
 a place where there could be no landing, there being 
 a great surff on the stony beach. So we dropt 
 
62 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 anchor and swung round towards the shore. Some 
 people came down to the water edge and hallow d 
 to us, as we did to them, but the wind was so high, 
 and the surff so loud, that we could not hear so as to 
 understand each other. There were canoes on the 
 shore, and we made signs and hallow d that they 
 should fetch us, but they either did not understand 
 us, or thought it impracticable, so they went away, 
 and night coming on, we had no remedy but to wait 
 till the wind should abate; and, in the mean time, 
 the boatman and I concluded to sleep, if we could; 
 and so crowded into the scuttle, with the Dutchman, 
 who was still wet, and the spray beating over the 
 head of our boat, leak d thro to us, so that we were 
 soon almost as wet as he. In this manner we lay all 
 night with very little rest ; but, the wind abating the 
 next day, we made a shift to reach Amboy before 
 night, having been thirty hours on the water, with 
 out victuals, or any drink but a bottle of filthy rum, 
 the water we sailed on being salt. 
 
 In the evening I found myself very feverish, and 
 went in to bed; but, having read somewhere that 
 cold water drank plentifully was good for a fever, I 
 follow d the prescription, sweat plentifully most of 
 the night, my fever left me, and in the morning, 
 crossing the ferry, I proceeded on my journey on foot, 
 having fifty miles to Burlington, where I was told I 
 should find boats that would carry me the rest of the 
 way to Philadelphia. 
 
 It rained very hard all the day ; I was thoroughly 
 soak d, and by noon a good deal tired; so I stopt at 
 a poor inn, where I staid all night, beginning now to 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 63 
 
 wish that I had never left home. I cut so miserable 
 a figure, too, that I found, by the questions ask d me, 
 I was suspected to be some runaway servant, and in 
 danger of being taken up on that suspicion. How 
 ever, I proceeded the next day, and got in the even 
 ing to an inn, within eight or ten miles of Burlington, 
 kept by one Dr. Brown. He entered into conversa 
 tion with me w r hile I took some refreshment, and, 
 finding I had read a little, became very sociable and 
 friendly. Our acquaintance continu d as long as he 
 liv d. He had been, I imagine, an itinerant doctor, 
 for there was no town in England, or country in 
 Europe, of which he could not give a very particular 
 account. He had some letters, and was ingenious, 
 but much of an unbeliever, and wickedly undertook, 
 some years after, to travestie the Bible in doggrel 
 verse, as Cotton had done Virgil. By this means he 
 set many of the facts in a very ridiculous light, and 
 might have hurt weak minds if his work had been 
 published; but it never was. 
 
 At his house I lay that night, and the next morn 
 ing reach d Burlington, but had the mortification to 
 find that the regular boats were gone a little before 
 my coming, and no other expected to go before 
 Tuesday, this being Saturday; wherefore I returned 
 to an old woman in the town, of whom I had bought 
 gingerbread to eat on the water, and I ask d her ad 
 vice. She invited me to lodge at her house till a 
 passage by water should offer; and being tired with 
 my foot travelling, I accepted the invitation. She 
 understanding I was a printer, would have had me 
 stay at that town and follow my business, being 
 
64 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 ignorant of the stock necessary to begin with. She 
 was very hospitable, gave me a dinner of ox-cheek 
 with great good will, accepting only of a pot of ale 
 in return; and I thought myself fixed till Tuesday 
 should come. However, walking in the evening by 
 the side of the river, a boat came by, which I found 
 was going towards Philadelphia, with several people 
 in her. They took me in, and, as there was no wind, 
 we row d all the way; and about midnight, not 
 having yet seen the city, some of the company were 
 confident we must have passed it, and would row no 
 farther; the others knew not where we were; so we 
 put toward the shore, got into a creek, landed near 
 an old fence, with the rails of which we made a fire, 
 the night being cold, in October, and there we re 
 mained till daylight. Then one of the company 
 knew the place to be Cooper s Creek, a little above 
 Philadelphia, which we saw as soon as we got out of 
 the creek, and arriv d there about eight or nine 
 o clock on the Sunday morning, and landed at the 
 Market-street wharf. 
 
 I have been the more particular in this description 
 of my journey, and shall be so of my first entry into 
 that city, that you may in your mind compare such 
 unlikely beginnings with the figure I have since made 
 there. I was in my working dress, my best clothes 
 being to come round by sea. I was dirty from my 
 journey; my pockets were stuff d out with shirts and 
 stockings, and I knew no soul nor where to look for 
 lodging. I was fatigued with travelling, rowing, 
 and want of rest ; I was very hungry ; and my whole 
 stock of cash consisted of a Dutch dollar, and about 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 65 
 
 a shilling in copper. The latter I gave the people of 
 the boat for my passage, who at first refus d it, on 
 account of my rowing ; but I insisted on their taking 
 it. A man being sometimes more generous when he 
 has but a little money than when he has plenty, per 
 haps thro fear of being thought to have but little. 
 
 Then I walked up the street, gazing about till near 
 the market-house I met a boy with bread. I had 
 made many a meal on bread, and, inquiring where he 
 got it, I went immediately to the baker s he directed 
 me to, in Second-street, and ask d for bisket, intend 
 ing such as we had in Boston; but they, it seems, 
 were not made in Philadelphia. Then I asked for a 
 three-penny loaf, and was told they had none such. 
 So not considering or knowing the difference of 
 money, and the greater cheapness nor the names of 
 his bread, I bade him give me three-penny worth 
 of any sort. He gave me, accordingly, three great 
 puffy rolls. I was surpriz d at the quantity, but 
 took it, and, having no room in my pockets, walk d 
 off with a roll under each arm, and eating the other. 
 Thus I went up Market-street as far as Fourth- 
 street, passing by the door of Mr. Read, my future 
 wife s father; when she, standing at the door, saw 
 me, and thought I made, as I certainly did, a most 
 awkward, ridiculous appearance. Then I turned 
 and went down Chestnut-street and part of Walnut- 
 street, eating my roll all the way, and, coming round, 
 found myself again at Market-street wharf, near the 
 boat I came in, to which I went for a draught of the 
 river water; and, being filled with one of my rolls, 
 gave the other two to a woman and her child that 
 
 VOL. I. 5. 
 
66 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 came down the river in the boat with us, and were 
 waiting to go farther. 
 
 Thus refreshed, I walked again up the street, 
 which by this time had many clean- dressed people 
 in it, who were all walking the same way. I joined 
 them, and thereby was led into the great meeting 
 house of the Quakers near the market. I sat down 
 among them, and, after looking round awhile and 
 hearing nothing said, being very drowsy thro labor 
 and want of rest the preceding night, I fell fast 
 asleep, and continu d so till the meeting broke up, 
 when one was kind enough to rouse me. This was, 
 therefore, the first house I was in, or slept in, in 
 Philadelphia. 
 
 Walking down again toward the river, and looking 
 in the faces of people, I met a young Quaker man 
 whose countenance I lik d, and accosting him, re 
 quested he would tell me where a stranger could get 
 lodging. We were then near the sign of the Three 
 Mariners. "Here," says he, "is one place that en 
 tertains strangers, but it is not a reputable house ; if 
 thee wilt walk with me, I 11 show thee a better." 
 He brought me to the Crooked Billet in Water- 
 street. Here I got a dinner, and, while I was eating 
 it, several sly questions were asked me, as it seemed 
 to be suspected, from my youth and appearance, that 
 I might be some runaway. 
 
 After dinner, my sleepiness re turn d, and, being 
 , shown to a bed, I lay down without undressing, and 
 slept till six in the evening; was call d to supper, 
 went to bed again very early, and slept soundly till 
 next morning. Then I made myself as tidy as I 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 67 
 
 could, and went to Andrew Bradford the printer s. 
 I found in the shop the old man, his father, whom I 
 had seen in New York, and who, travelling on 
 horseback, had got to Philadelphia before me. He 
 introduc d me to his son, who receiv d me civilly, 
 gave me a breakfast, but told me he did not at 
 present want a hand, being lately suppli d with one; 
 but there was another printer in town, lately set up, 
 one Keimer, who, perhaps, might employ me; if not, 
 I should be welcome to lodge at his house, and he 
 would give me a little work to do now and then till 
 fuller business should offer. 
 
 The old gentleman said he would go with me to 
 the new printer; and when we found him, "Neigh 
 bor," says Bradford, "I have brought to see you a 
 young man of your business ; perhaps you may want 
 such a one." He ask d me a few questions, put a 
 composing stick in my hand to see how I work d, and 
 then said he would employ me soon, though he had 
 just then nothing for me to do ; and taking old Brad 
 ford, whom he had never seen before, to be one of 
 the town s people that had a good will for him, 
 enter d into a conversation on his present undertak 
 ing and prospects; while Bradford, not discovering 
 that he was the other printer s father, on Keimer s 
 saying he expected soon to get the greatest part of 
 the business into his own hands, drew him on by 
 artful questions and starting little doubts, to explain 
 all his views, what interest he reli d on, and in what 
 manner he intended to proceed. I, who stood by 
 and heard all, saw immediately that one of them was 
 a crafty old sophister, and the other a mere novice. 
 
68 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 Bradford left me with Keimer, who was greatly sur- 
 pris d when I told him who the old man was. 
 
 Keimer s printing-house, I found, consisted of an 
 old shatter d press, and one small, worn-out font of 
 English, which he was then using himself, composing 
 an Elegy on Aquila Rose, before mentioned, an in 
 genious young man, of excellent character, much 
 respected in the town, clerk of the Assembly, and a 
 pretty poet. Keimer made verses too, but very in 
 differently. He could not be said to write them, for 
 his manner was to compose them in the types di 
 rectly out of his head. So there being no copy, but 
 one pair of cases, and the Elegy likely to require all 
 the " letter," no one could help him. I endeavor d 
 to put his press (which he had not yet us d, and of 
 which he understood nothing) into order fit to be 
 work d with; and, promising to come and print off 
 his Elegy as soon as he should have got it ready, I 
 return d to Bradford s, who gave me a little job to 
 do for the present, and there I lodged and dieted. 
 A few days after, Keimer sent for me to print off the 
 Elegy. And now he had got another pair of cases, 
 and a pamphlet to reprint, on which he set me to work. 
 These two printers I found poorly qualified for 
 their business. Bradford had not been bred to it, 
 and was very illiterate; and Keimer, tho some 
 thing of a scholar, was a mere compositor, knowing 
 nothing of press work. He had been one of the 
 French prophets, and could act their enthusiastic 
 agitations. 1 At this time he did not profess any 
 
 1 M. Laboulaye presumes Keimer was one of the Camisards or Pro 
 testants of the Cevennes, so persecuted by Louis XIV. ED. 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 69 
 
 particular religion, but something of all on occasion; 
 was very ignorant of the world, and had, as I after 
 ward found, a good deal of the knave in his com 
 position. He did not like my lodging at Bradford s 
 while I work d with him. He had a house indeed, 
 but without furniture, so he could not lodge me; 
 but he got me a lodging at Mr. Read s, before men 
 tioned, who was the owner of his house; and, my 
 chest and clothes being come by this time, I made 
 rather a more respectable appearance in the eyes of 
 Miss Read than I had done when she first happen d 
 to see me eating my roll in the street. 
 
 I began now to have some acquaintance among 
 the young people of the town, that were lovers of 
 reading, with whom I spent my evenings very 
 pleasantly ; and gaining money by my industry and 
 frugality, I lived very agreeably, forgetting Boston 
 as much as I could, and not desiring that any there 
 should know where I resided except my friend 
 Collins, who was in my secret, and kept it when I 
 wrote to him. At length, an incident happened 
 that sent me back again much sooner than I had in 
 tended. I had a brother-in-law, Robert Holmes, 
 master of a sloop that traded between Boston and 
 Delaware. He being at Newcastle, forty miles 
 below Philadelphia, heard there of me, and wrote 
 me a letter mentioning the concern of my friends in 
 Boston at my abrupt departure, assuring me of their 
 good will to me, and that every thing would be ac 
 commodated to my mind if I would return, to which 
 he exhorted me very earnestly. I wrote an answer 
 to his letter, thank d him for his advice, but stated 
 
70 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 my reasons for quitting Boston fully and in such a 
 light as to convince him I was not so wrong as he had 
 apprehended. 
 
 Sir William Keith, governor of the province, was 
 then at Newcastle, and Captain Holmes, happening 
 to be in company with him when my letter came to 
 hand, spoke to him of me, and show d him the letter. 
 The governor read it, and seem d surpris d when he 
 was told my age. He said I appear d a young man 
 of promising parts, and therefore should be encour 
 aged; the printers at Philadelphia were wretched 
 ones; and, if I would set up there, he made no doubt 
 I should succeed ; for his part, he would procure me 
 the public business, and do me every other service 
 in his power. This my brother-in-law afterwards 
 told me in Boston, but I knew as yet nothing of it; 
 when, one day, Keimer and I being at work together 
 near the window, we saw the governor and another 
 gentleman (which proved to be Colonel French, of 
 Newcastle), finely dress d, come directly across the 
 street to our house, and heard them at the door. 
 
 Keimer ran down immediately, thinking it a visit 
 to him; but the governor inquir d for me, came up, 
 and with a condescension and politeness I had been 
 quite unus d to, made me many compliments, de 
 sired to be acquainted with me, blam d me kindly 
 for not having made myself known to him when I 
 first came to the place, and would have me away 
 with him to the tavern, where he was going with 
 Colonel French to taste, as he said, some excellent 
 Madeira. I was not a little surprised, and Keimer 
 star d like a pig poison d. I went, however, with 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 7 1 
 
 the governor and Colonel French to a tavern, at the 
 corner of Third-street, and over the Madeira he pro- 
 pos d my setting up my business, laid before me the 
 probabilities of success, and both he and Colonel 
 French assur d me I should have their interest and 
 influence in procuring the public business of both 
 governments. On my doubting whether my father 
 would assist me in it, Sir William said he would give 
 me a letter to him, in which he would state the ad 
 vantages, and he did not doubt of prevailing with 
 him. So it was concluded I should return to Boston 
 in the first vessel, with the governor s letter recom 
 mending me to my father. In the mean time the 
 intention was to be kept a secret, and I went on 
 working with Keimer as usual, the governor sending 
 for me now and then to dine with him, a very great 
 honor I thought it, and conversing with me in 
 the most affable, familiar, and friendly manner 
 imaginable. 
 
 About the end of April, 1724, a little vessel offer d 
 for Boston. I took leave of Keimer as going to see 
 my friends. The governor gave me an ample letter, 
 saying many flattering things of me to my father, 
 and strongly recommending the project of my setting 
 up at Philadelphia as a thing that must make my 
 fortune. We struck on a shoal in going down the 
 bay, and sprung a leak; we had a blustering time at 
 sea, and were oblig d to pump almost continually, at 
 which I took my turn. We arriv d safe, however, 
 at Boston in about a fortnight. I had been absent 
 seven months, and my friends had heard nothing of 
 me; for my Br. Holmes was not yet return d, and 
 
7 2 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 had not written about me. My unexpected appear 
 ance surpriz d the family; all were, however, very 
 glad to see me, and made me welcome, except my 
 brother. I went to see him at his printing-house. 
 I was better dress d than ever while in his service, 
 having a genteel new suit from head to foot, a watch, 
 and my pockets lin d with near five pounds sterling 
 in silver. He receiv d me not very frankly, look d 
 me all over, and turn d to his work again. 
 
 The journeymen were inquisitive where I had 
 been, what sort of a country it was, and how I lik d 
 it. I prais d it much, and the happy life I led in it, 
 expressing strongly my intention of returning to it; 
 and, one of them asking what kind of money we had 
 there, I produc d a handful of silver, and spread it 
 before them, which was a kind of raree-show they 
 had not been us d to, paper being the money of 
 Boston. Then I took an opportunity of letting 
 them see my watch; and, lastly (my brother still 
 grum and sullen), I gave him a piece of eight to 
 drink, and took my leave. This visit of mine of 
 fended him extreamly; for, when my mother some 
 time after spoke to him of a reconciliation, and of 
 her wishes to see us on good terms together, and 
 that we might live for the future as brothers, he said 
 I had insulted him in such a manner before his peo 
 ple that he could never forget or forgive it. In this, 
 however, he was mistaken. 
 
 My father received the governor s letter with some 
 apparent surprise, but said little of it to me for some 
 days, when Capt. Holmes returning he show d it to 
 him, ask d him if he knew Keith, and what kind of 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 73 
 
 man he was; adding his opinion that he must be of 
 small discretion to think of setting a boy up in busi 
 ness who wanted yet three years of being at man s 
 estate. Holmes said what he could in favor of the 
 project, but my father was clear in the impropriety 
 of it, and at last gave a flat denial to it. Then he 
 wrote a civil letter to Sir William, thanking him for 
 the patronage he had so kindly offered me, but de 
 clining to assist me as yet in setting up, I being, in 
 his opinion, too young to be trusted with the manage 
 ment of a business so important, and for which the 
 preparation must be so expensive. 
 
 My friend and companion Collins, who was a 
 clerk in the post-office, pleas d with the account I 
 gave him of my new country, determined to go 
 thither also; and, while I waited for my father s 
 determination, he set out before me by land to 
 Rhode Island, leaving his books, which were a pretty 
 collection of mathematicks and natural philosophy, 
 to come with mine and me to New York, where he 
 propos d to wait for me. 
 
 My father, tho he did not approve Sir William s 
 proposition, was yet pleas d that I had been able to 
 obtain so advantageous a character from a person of 
 such note where I had resided, and that I had been 
 so industrious and careful as to equip myself so 
 handsomely in so short a time; therefore, seeing no 
 prospect of an accommodation between my brother 
 and me, he gave his consent to my returning again 
 to Philadelphia, advis d me to behave respectfully 
 to the people there, endeavor to obtain the general 
 esteem, and avoid lampooning and libelling, to which 
 
74 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 he thought I had too much inclination; telling me, 
 that by steady industry and a prudent parsimony I 
 might save enough by the time I was one-and- 
 twenty to set me up; and that, if I came near the 
 matter, he would help me out with the rest. This 
 was all I could obtain, except some small gifts as 
 tokens of his and my mother s love, when I embark d 
 again for New York, now with their approbation and 
 their blessing. 
 
 The sloop putting in at Newport, Rhode Island, 
 I visited my brother John, who had been married 
 and settled there some years. He received me 
 very affectionately, for he always lov d me. A 
 friend of his, one Vernon, having some money due 
 to him in Pensilvania, about thirty-five pounds cur 
 rency, desired I would receive it for him, and keep it 
 till I had his directions what to remit it in. Ac 
 cordingly he gave me an order. This afterwards 
 occasion d me a good deal of uneasiness. 
 
 At Newport we took in a number of passengers for 
 New York, among which were two young women, 
 companions, and a grave, sensible, matron-like 
 Quaker woman, with her attendants. I had shown 
 an obliging readiness to do her some little services, 
 which impress d her I suppose with a degree of good 
 will toward me; therefore, when she saw a daily 
 growing familiarity between me and the two young 
 women, which they appear d to encourage, she took 
 me aside, and said: " Young man, I am concern d 
 for thee, as thou has no friend with thee, and seems 
 not to know much of the world, or of the snares 
 youth is expos d to; depend upon it, those are very 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 75 
 
 bad women; I can see it in all their actions; and if 
 thee art not upon thy guard, they will draw thee 
 into some danger; they are strangers to thee, and I 
 advise thee, in a friendly concern for thy welfare, to 
 have no acquaintance with them/ As I seem d 
 at first not to think so ill of them as she did, she 
 mentioned some things she had observ d and heard 
 that had escap d my notice, but now convinc d me 
 she was right. I thank d her for her kind advice, 
 and promis d to follow it. When we arriv d at New 
 York, they told me where they liv d, and invited me 
 to come and see them; but I avoided it, and it was 
 well I did; for the next day the captain miss d a 
 silver spoon and some other things, that had been 
 taken out of his cabbin, and knowing that these 
 were a couple of strumpets, he got a warrant to 
 search their lodgings, found the stolen goods, and 
 had the thieves punish d. So, tho we had escap d 
 a sunken rock, which we scrap d upon in the passage, 
 I thought this escape of rather more importance to 
 me. 
 
 At New York I found my friend Collins, who hadf 
 arriv d there some time before me. We had been 1 
 intimate from children, and had read the same books 
 together; but he had the advantage of more time 
 for reading and studying, and a wonderful genius for 
 mathematical learning, in which he far outstript me. 
 While I liv d in Boston, most of my hours of leisure 
 for conversation were spent with him, and he con- 
 tinu d a sober as well as an industrious lad; was 
 much respected for his learning by several of the 
 clergy and other gentlemen, and seemed to promise 
 
7 6 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 making a good figure in life. But, during my ab 
 sence, he had acquir d a habit of sotting with brandy; 
 and I found by his own account, and what I heard 
 from others, that he had been drunk every day since 
 his arrival at New York, and behav d very oddly. 
 He had gam d, too, and lost his money, so that I 
 was oblig d to discharge his lodgings, and defray his 
 expenses to and at Philadelphia, which prov d 
 extreamly inconvenient to me. 
 
 The then governor of New York, Burnet (son of 
 Bishop Burnet), 1 hearing from the captain that a 
 
 1 Governor Burnet was appointed governor of the Colony of New 
 York and New Jersey on the igth of April, 1720. He entered upon 
 the duties of his office in September following. He was a man of 
 scholarly tastes, fond of accumulating books, with a turn for theological 
 speculation, which he indulged in making a commentary upon the three 
 periods contained in the twelfth chapter of Daniel. The governor 
 married a daughter of Cornelius Van Home, of New York, who died 
 soon. He was transferred to the governorship of Boston in July, 1728. 
 His administration there, however, was not of long duration. He was 
 taken ill from exposure on a fishing excursion, and died on the 7th of 
 September, 1729. 
 
 The governor s interest in theology did not commend him especially 
 to the authorities at home. 
 
 The Bishop of London complained that clergymen already provided 
 with his license to preach in the colonies were subject to a new ex 
 amination, conducted in a somewhat unusual manner by the governor. 
 
 "Your method [wrote Richard West, the governor s brother-in-law, 
 Solicitor-General to the Board of Trade] is to prescribe him a text, to 
 give him a Bible for his companion, and then lock him into a room 
 by himself, and if he does not in some stated time produce a sermon to 
 your satisfaction, you peremptorily refuse to grant him your instru 
 ment (permission to preach). The consequence is, the man must 
 starve. ... I have seen a great many complaints against govern 
 ors, but then nobody was surprised, because I could always give some 
 pecuniary reason for what they had done. You surely are the first 
 who ever brought himself into difficulties by an inordinate care of souls; 
 and I am sure that makes no part of your commission." 
 
 For an account of this worthy man, see Whitehead s Contributions 
 to East Jersey History, pp. 156-168. ED. 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 77 
 
 young man, one of his passengers, had a great many 
 books, desir d he would bring me to see him. I 
 waited upon him accordingly, and should have taken 
 Collins with me, but that he was not sober. The 
 gov r. treated me with great civility, show d me his 
 library, which was a very large one, and we had a 
 good deal of conversation about books and authors. 
 This was the second governor who had done me the 
 honor to take notice of me, which, to a poor boy like 
 me, was very pleasing. 
 
 We proceeded to Philadelphia. I received on 
 the way Vernon s money, without which we could 
 hardly have finish d our journey. Collins wished to 
 be employ d in some counting-house, but, whether 
 they discovered his dramming by his breath, or by 
 his behaviour, tho he had some recommendations, 
 he met with no success in any application, and con 
 tinued lodging and boarding at the same house with 
 me, and at my expense. Knowing I had that money 
 of Vernon s, he was continually borrowing of me, 
 still promising repayment as soon as he should be in 
 business. At length he had got so much of it, that 
 I was distress d to think what I should do in case of 
 being call d on to remit it. 
 
 His drinking continu d, about which we sometimes 
 quarrel d, for, when a little intoxicated, he was very 
 fractious. Once, in a boat on the Delaware with 
 some other young men, he refused to row in his turn. 
 " I will be row d home," says he. " We will not row 
 you," says I. " You must, or stay all night on the 
 water," says he, "just as you please." The others 
 said: "Let us row: what signifies it?" But my 
 
78 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 mind being soured with his other conduct, I con- 
 tinu d to refuse. So he swore he would make me 
 row, or throw me overboard; and coming along, 
 stepping on the thwarts, toward me, when he came 
 up and struck at me, I clapped my hand under his 
 crutch, and rising, pitched him head-foremost into 
 the river. I knew he was a good swimmer, and so 
 was under little concern about him; but before he 
 could get round to lay hold of the boat, we had, with 
 a few strokes, pull d her out of his reach, and ever 
 when he drew near the boat, we ask d if he would 
 row, striking a few strokes to slide her away from 
 him. He was ready to die with vexation, and ob 
 stinately would not promise to row. However, see 
 ing him at last beginning to tire, we lifted him in, 
 and brought him home dripping wet in the evening. 
 We hardly exchang d a civil word afterwards, and a 
 West India captain, who had a commission to pro 
 cure a tutor for the sons of a gentleman at Barbadoes, 
 happening to meet with him, agreed to carry him 
 thither. He left me then, promising to remit me the 
 first money he should receive, in order to discharge 
 the debt, but I never heard of him after. 
 
 The breaking into this money of Vernon s was one 
 of the first great errata of my life, and this affair 
 show d that my father was not much out in his judg 
 ment when he suppos d me too young to manage 
 business of importance. But Sir William, on read 
 ing his letter, said he was too prudent. There was 
 great difference in persons, and discretion did not 
 always accompany years, nor was youth always 
 without it. " And since he will not set you up, " says 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 79 
 
 he, "I will do it myself. Give me an inventory of 
 the things necessary to be had from England, and 
 I will send for them. You shall repay me when you 
 are able; I am resolv d to have a good printer here, 
 and I am sure you must succeed. * This was spoken 
 with such an appearance of cordiality, that I had 
 not the least doubt of his meaning what he said. I 
 had hitherto kept the proposition of my setting up, 
 a secret in Philadelphia, and I still kept it. Had it 
 been known that I depended on the governor, prob 
 ably some friend that knew him better would have 
 advis d me not to rely on him, as I afterwards heard 
 it as his known character to be liberal of promises 
 which he never meant to keep. Yet, unsolicited as 
 he was by me, how could I think his generous offers 
 insincere? I believ d him one of the best men in 
 the world. 
 
 I presented him an inventory of a little print g- 
 house, amounting by my computation to about one 
 hundred pounds sterling. He lik d it, but ask d me 
 if my being on the spot in England to chuse the 
 types, and see that every thing was good of the kind, 
 might not be of some advantage. " Then," says he, 
 "when there, you may make acquaintances, and 
 establish correspondences in the bookselling and 
 stationery way." I agreed that this might be ad 
 vantageous. "Then," says he, "get yourself ready 
 to go with Annis ; which was the annual ship, and 
 the only one at that time usually passing between 
 London and Philadelphia. But it would be some 
 months before Annis sail d, so I continu d working 
 with Keimer, fretting about the money Collins had 
 

 \A 
 
 80 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 got from me, and in daily apprehensions of being 
 call d upon by Vernon, which, however, did not 
 happen for some years after. 
 
 I believe I have omitted mentioning that, in my 
 first voyage from Boston, being becalm d off Block 
 Island, our people set about catching cod, and 
 hauled up a great many. Hitherto I had stuck to 
 my resolution of not eating animal food, and on this 
 occasion I consider d, with my master Tryon, the 
 taking every fish as a kind of unprovoked murder, 
 since none of them had, or ever could do us any 
 injury that might justify the slaughter. All this 
 seemed very reasonable. But I had formerly been 
 a great lover of fish, and, when this came hot out of 
 the frying-pan, it smelt admirably well. I balanc d 
 some time between principle and inclination, till I 
 recollected that, when the fish were opened, I saw 
 smaller fish taken out of their stomachs; then 
 thought I, "If you eat one another, I don t see why 
 we mayn t eat you." So I din d upon cod very 
 heartily, and continued to eat with other people, 
 returning only now and then occasionally to a 
 vegetable diet. So convenient a thing it is to be a 
 - reasonable creature, since it enables one to find or 
 make a reason for every thing one has a mind to do. j 
 
 Keimer and I Hv d on a pretty good familiar foot 
 ing, and agreed tolerably well, for he suspected 
 nothing of my setting up. He retained a great deal 
 of his old enthusiasms and lov d argumentation. We 
 therefore had many disputations. I used to work 
 him so with my Socratic method, and had trepann d 
 him so often by questions apparently so distant 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 81 
 
 from any point we had in hand, and yet by degrees 
 lead to the point, and brought him into difficulties 
 and contradictions, that at last he grew ridiculously 
 cautious, and would hardly answer me the most / 
 common question, without asking first: "What do 
 you intend to infer from that f However, it gave 
 him so high an opinion of my abilities in the con 
 futing way, that he seriously proposed my being his 
 colleague in a project he had of setting up a new sect. 
 He was to preach the doctrines, and I was to con 
 found all opponents. When he came to explain 
 with me upon the doctrines, I found several conun 
 drums which I objected to, unless I might have my 
 way a little too, and introduce some of mine. 
 
 Keimer wore his beard at full length, because 
 somewhere in the Mosaic law it is said: " Thou shall 
 not mar the corners of thy beard." He likewise kept 
 the Seventh day, Sabbath; and these two points 
 were essentials with him. I dislik d both; but ** 
 agreed to admit them upon condition of his adopting 
 the doctrine of using no animal food. " I doubt, " 
 said he, "my constitution will not bear that. * I 
 assur d him it would, and that he would be the better 
 for it. He was usually a great glutton, and I pro 
 mised myself some diversion in half starving him. 
 He agreed to try the practice, if I would keep him 
 company. I did so, and we held it for three months. 
 We had our victuals dress d, and brought to us 
 regularly by a woman in the neighborhood, who had 
 from me a list of forty dishes, to be prepar d for us 
 at different times, in all which there was neither fish, 
 flesh, nor fowl, and the whim suited me the better 
 
 VOL. I. 6. 
 
82 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 at this time from the cheapness of it, not costing us 
 above eighteen pence sterling each per week. I have 
 since kept several Lents most strictly, leaving the 
 common diet for that, and that for the common, 
 abruptly, without the least inconvenience, so that I 
 think there is little in the advice of making those 
 changes by easy gradations. I went on pleasantly, 
 but poor Keimer suffered grievously, tired of the 
 project, long d for the flesh-pots of Egypt, and 
 order d a roast pig. He invited me and two women 
 friends to dine with him ; but, it being brought too 
 soon upon table, he could not resist the temptation, 
 and ate the whole before we came. 
 
 I had made some courtship during this time to 
 Miss Read. I had a great respect and affection for 
 her, and had some reason to believe she had the same 
 for me; but, as I was about to take a long voyage, 
 and we were both very young, only a little above 
 eighteen, it was thought most prudent by her mother 
 to prevent our going too far at present, as a mar 
 riage, if it was to take place, would be more con 
 venient after my return, when I should be, as I 
 expected, set up in my business. Perhaps, too, she 
 thought my expectations not so well founded as I 
 imagined them to be. 
 
 My chief acquaintances at this time were Charles 
 Osborne, Joseph Watson, and James Ralph, all 
 lovers of reading. The two first were clerks to an 
 eminent scrivener or conveyancer in the town, 
 Charles Brogden; the other was clerk to a merchant. 
 Watson was a pious, sensible young man, of great in 
 tegrity; the others rather more lax in their princi- 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 83 
 
 pies of religion, particularly Ralph, who, as well as 
 Collins, had been unsettled by me, for which they 
 both made me suffer. Osborne was sensible, candid, 
 frank; sincere and affectionate to his friends; but, 
 in literary matters, too fond of criticising. Ralph 
 was ingenious, genteel in his manners, and ex 
 tremely eloquent; I think I never knew a prettier 
 talker. Both of them great admirers of poetry, 
 and began to try their hands in little pieces. 
 Many pleasant walks we four had together on 
 Sundays into the woods, near Schuylkill, where we 
 read to one another, and conferred on what we 
 read. 
 
 Ralph was inclin d to pursue the study of poetry, 
 not doubting but he might become eminent in it, and 
 make his fortune by it, alleging that the best poets 
 must, when they first begin to write, make as many 
 faults as he did. Osborne dissuaded him, assur d 
 him he had no genius for poetry, and advis d him to 
 think of nothing beyond the business he was bred to ; 
 that, in the mercantile way, tho he had no stock, 
 he might, by his diligence and punctuality, recom 
 mend himself to employment as a factor, and in time 
 acquire wherewith to trade on his own account. I 
 approv d the amusing one s self with poetry now and " 
 then, so far as to improve one s language, but no 
 farther. 
 
 On this it was proposed that we should each of us, 
 at our next meeting, produce a piece of our own 
 composing, in order to improve by our mutual ob 
 servations, criticisms, and corrections. As language 
 and expression were what we had in view, we ex- 
 
$4 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 eluded all considerations of invention by agreeing 
 that the task should be a version of the eighteenth 
 Psalm, which describes the descent of a Deity. 
 When the time of our meeting drew nigh, Ralph 
 called on me first, and let me know his piece was 
 ready. I told him I had been busy, and, having little 
 inclination, had done nothing. He then show d me 
 his piece for my opinion, and I much approv d it, as 
 it appear d to me to have great merit. "Now," 
 says he, " Osborne never will allow the least merit in 
 any thing of mine, but makes 1,000 criticisms out 
 of mere envy. He is not so jealous of you; I wish, 
 therefore, you would take this piece, and produce it 
 as yours; I will pretend not to have had time, and 
 so produce nothing. We shall then see what he will 
 say to it." It was agreed, and I immediately 
 transcrib d it, that it might appear in my own hand. 
 We met; Watson s performance was read; there 
 were some beauties in it, but many defects. Os 
 borne s was read; it was much better; Ralph did it 
 justice; remarked some faults, but applauded the 
 beauties. He himself had nothing to produce. I 
 was backward; seemed desirous of being excused; 
 had not had sufficient time to correct, etc. ; but no 
 excuse could be admitted; produce I must. It was 
 read and repeated; Watson and Osborne gave up 
 the contest, and join d in applauding it. Ralph 
 only made some criticisms, and proposed some 
 amendments ; but I defended my text. Osborne was 
 against Ralph, and told him he was no better a 
 critic than poet, so he dropt the argument. As they 
 two went home together, Osborne expressed himself 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 85 
 
 still more strongly in favor of what he thought my 
 production; having restrain d himself before, as he 
 said, lest I should think it flattery. " But who 
 would have imagin d," said he, "that Franklin had 
 been capable of such a performance; such painting, 
 such force, such fire! He has even improv d the 
 original. In his common conversation he seems to 
 have no choice of words ; he hesitates and blunders ; 
 and yet, good God! how he writes! " When we next 
 met, Ralph discovered the trick we had plaid him, 
 and Osborne was a little laught at. 
 
 This transaction fixed Ralph in his resolution of 
 becoming a poet. I did all I could to dissuade him 
 from it, but he continued scribbling verses till Pope 
 cured him. 1 He became, however, a pretty good 
 prose writer. More of him hereafter. But, as I 
 may not have occasion again to mention the other 
 two, I shall just remark here, that Watson died in 
 my arms a few years after, much lamented, being the 
 best of our set. Osborne went to the West Indies, 
 where he became an eminent lawyer and made 
 money, but died young. He and I had made a 
 
 1 In one of the later editions of the Dunciad occur the following 
 lines : 
 
 "Silence, ye wolves! while Ralph to Cynthia howls, 
 And makes Night hideous answer him, ye owls." 
 
 Book iii., line 165. 
 
 To this the poet adds the following note: 
 
 "James Ralph, a name inserted after the first editions, not known till 
 he writ a swearing-piece called Sawney, very abusive of Dr. Swift, Mr. 
 Gay, and myself. These lines allude to a thing of his entitled Night, a 
 poem. This low writer attended his own works with panegyrics in the 
 journals, and once in particular praised himself highly above Mr. 
 Addison, in wretched remarks upon that author s account of English 
 poets, printed in a London journal, September, 1728. He was wholly 
 
86 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 serious agreement, that the one who happen d first 
 to die should, if possible, make a friendly visit to the 
 other, and acquaint him how he found things in that 
 separate state. But he never fulfill d his promise. 
 
 The governor, seeming to like my company, had 
 me frequently to his house, and his setting me up 
 was always mention d as a fixed thing. I was to 
 take with me letters recommendatory to a number 
 of his friends, besides the letter of credit to furnish 
 me with the necessary money for purchasing the 
 press and types, paper, etc. For these letters I was 
 appointed to call at different times, when they were 
 to be ready ; but a future time was still named. 
 Thus he went on till the ship, whose departure too 
 had been several times postponed, was on the point 
 of sailing. Then, when I call d to take my leave and 
 receive the letters, his secretary, Dr. Bard, came out 
 to me and said the governor was extremely busy in 
 writing, but would be down at Newcastle before the 
 ship, and there the letters would be delivered to me. 
 
 Ralph, though married, and having one child, had 
 determined to accompany me in this voyage. It 
 was thought he intended to establish a correspond 
 ence, and obtain goods to sell on commission; but 
 
 illiterate and knew no language, not even French. Being advised to 
 read the rules of dramatic poetry before he began a play, he smiled and 
 replied, Shakespeare writ without rules. He ended at last in the 
 common sink of all such writers, a political newspaper, to which he was 
 recommended by his friend Arnal, and received a small pittance for 
 pay; and being detected in writing on both sides on one and the same 
 day, he publicly justified the morality of his conduct." 
 
 In the first book of the Dunciad, line 215, there is another allusion to 
 Ralph: 
 
 "And see! the very Gazetteers give o er, 
 Ev n Ralph repents, and Henley writes no more." 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 87 
 
 I found afterwards, that, thro some discontent with 
 his wife s relations, he purposed to leave her on their 
 hands, and never return again. Having taken leave 
 of my friends, and interchang d some promises with 
 Miss Read, I left Philadelphia in the ship, which 
 anchor d at Newcastle. The governor was there; 
 but when I went to his lodging, the secretary came 
 to me from him with the civillest message in the 
 world, that he could not then see me, being engaged 
 in business of the utmost importance, but should 
 send the letters to me on board, wish d me heartily 
 a good voyage and a speedy return, etc. I returned 
 on board a little puzzled, but still not doubting. 
 
 Mr. Andrew Hamilton, a famous lawyer of Phila 
 delphia, had taken passage in the same ship for 
 himself and son, and with Mr. Denham, a Quaker 
 merchant, and Messrs. Onion and Russel, masters of 
 an iron work in Maryland, had engag d the great 
 cabin; so that Ralph and I were forced to take up 
 with a berth in the steerage, and none on board 
 knowing us, were considered as ordinary persons. 
 But Mr. Hamilton and his son (it was James, since 
 governor) return d from Newcastle to Philadelphia, 
 the father being recall d by a great fee to plead for 
 a seized ship; and, just before we sail d, Colonel 
 French coming on board, and showing me great re- 
 spect, I was more taken notice of, and, with my 
 friend Ralph, invited by the other gentlemen to 
 come into the cabin, there being now room. Ac 
 cordingly, we remov d thither. 
 
 Understanding that Colonel French had brought 
 on board the governor s despatches, I ask d the cap- 
 
88 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 tain for those letters that were to be under my care. 
 He said all were put into the bag together and he 
 could not then come at them ; but before we landed 
 in England, I should have an opportunity of picking 
 them out ; so I was satisfied for the present, and we 
 proceeded on our voyage We had a sociable com 
 pany in the cabin, and lived uncommonly well, hav 
 ing the addition of all Mr. Hamilton s stores, who 
 had laid in plentifully. In this passage Mr. Denham 
 contracted a friendship for me that continued during 
 his life. The voyage was otherwise not a pleasant 
 one, as we had a great deal of bad weather. 
 
 When we came into the Channel, the captain kept 
 his word with me, and gave me an opportunity of 
 examining the bag for the governor s letters. I 
 found none upon which my name was put as under 
 my care. I picked out six or seven, that, by the 
 handwriting, I thought might be the promised let 
 ters, especially as one of them was directed to Basket, 
 the king s printer and another to some stationer. 
 We arriv d in London on the 24th of December, 1724. 
 I waited upon the stationer, who came first in my 
 way, delivering the letter as from Governor Keith. 
 " I don t know such aperson," says he; but, opening 
 the letter, "Oh! this is from Riddlesden. I have 
 lately found him to be a compleat rascal, and I will 
 have nothing to do with him, nor receive any letters 
 from him." So, putting the letter into my hand, he 
 turn d on his heel and left me to serve some cus 
 tomer. I was surprised to find these were not the 
 governor s letters; and after recollecting and com 
 paring circumstances, I began to doubt his sincerity. 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 89 
 
 I found my friend Denham, and opened the whole 
 affair to him. He let me into Keith s character; 
 told me there was not the least probability that he 
 had written any letters for me; that no one, who 
 knew him, had the smallest dependence on him; 
 and he laught at the notion of the governor s giving 
 me a letter of credit, having, as he said, no credit to 
 ive. On my expressing some concern about what 
 I should do, he advised me to endeavor getting some 
 employment in the way of my business. " Among 
 the printers here," said he, u you will improve your 
 self, and when you return to America, you will set up 
 to greater advantage." 
 
 We both of us happen d to know, as well as the 
 stationer, that Riddlesden, the attorney, was a very 
 knave. He had half ruin d Miss Read s father by 
 persuading him to be bound for him. By this letter 
 it appear d there was a secret scheme on foot to the 
 prejudice of Hamilton (suppos d to be then coming 
 over with us) ; and that Keith was concerned in it 
 with Riddlesden. Denham, who was a friend of 
 Hamilton s, thought he ought to be acquainted with 
 it; so, when he arriv d in England, which was soon 
 after, partly from resentment and ill-will to Keith 
 and Riddlesden, and partly from good- will to him, I 
 waited on him, and gave him the letter. He thank d 
 me cordially, the information being of importance to 
 him; and from that time he became my friend, 
 greatly to my advantage afterwards on many oc 
 casions. 
 
 But what shall we think of a governor s playing 
 such pitiful tricks, and imposing so grossly on a poor 
 
9 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 ignorant boy! It was a habit he had acquired. He 
 wish d to please everybody; and, having little to 
 give, he gave expectations. He was otherwise an 
 ingenious, sensible man, a pretty good writer, and 
 a good governor for the people, tho not for his con 
 stituents, the proprietaries, whose instructions he 
 sometimes disregarded. Several of our best laws 
 were of his planning and passed during his adminis 
 tration. 
 
 Ralph and I were inseparable companions. We 
 took lodgings together in Little Britain at three 
 shillings and sixpence a week as much as we could 
 then afford. He found some relations, but they 
 were poor, and unable to assist him. He now let 
 me know his intentions of remaining in London, and 
 that he never meant to return to Philadelphia. He 
 had brought no money with him, the whole he could 
 muster having been expended in paying his passage. 
 I had fifteen pistoles; so he borrowed occasionally 
 of me to subsist, while he was looking out for busi 
 ness. He first endeavored to get into the playhouse, 
 believing himself qualify d for an actor; but Wilkes, 1 
 to whom he apply d, advis d him candidly not to 
 think of that employment, as it was impossible he 
 should succeed in it. Then he propos d to Roberts, 
 a publisher in Paternoster Row, to write for him a 
 weekly paper like the Spectator, on certain condi 
 tions, which Roberts did not approve. Then he 
 endeavored to get employment as a hackney writer, 
 to copy for the stationers and lawyers about the 
 Temple, but could find no vacancy. 
 
 1 A comedian. ED. 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 91 
 
 1 I immediately got into work at Palmer s, then a 
 famous printing-house in Bartholomew Close, and 
 here I continu d near a year. I was pretty diligent, 
 but spent with Ralph a good deal of my earnings in 
 going to plays and other places of amusement. We 
 had together consumed all my pistoles, and now just 
 rubbed on from hand to mouth. He seem d quite 
 to forget his wife and child, and I, by degrees, my 
 engagements with Miss Read, to whom I never 
 wrote more than one letter, and that was to let her 
 know I was not likely soon to return. This was 
 another of the great errata of my life, which I should 
 wish to correct if I were to live it over again. In 
 fact, by our expenses, I was constantly kept unable 
 to pay my passage. 
 
 At Palmer s I was employed in composing for the 
 second edition of Wollaston s Religion of Nature. 
 Some of his reasonings not appearing to me well 
 founded, I wrote a little metaphysical piece in which 
 I made remarks on them. It was entitled A Disser 
 tation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain. 
 I inscribed it to my friend Ralph ; I printed a small 
 number. It occasion d my being more consider d 
 by Mr. Palmer as a young man of some ingenuity, 
 tho he seriously expostulated with me upon the 
 principles of my pamphlet, which to him appear d 
 abominable. My printing this pamphlet was another 
 erratum. While I lodg d in Little Britain, I made 
 an acquaintance with one Wilcox, a bookseller, 
 whose shop was at the next door. He had an im 
 mense collection of second-hand books. Circulating 
 libraries were not then in use; but we agreed that, 
 
92 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 on certain reasonable terms, which I have now for 
 gotten, I might take, read, and return any of his 
 books. This I esteem d a great advantage, and I 
 made as much use of it as I could. 
 
 My pamphlet by some means falling into the hands 
 of one Lyons, a surgeon, author of a book entitled 
 The Infallibility of Human Judgment, it occasioned 
 an acquaintance between us. He took great notice 
 of me, called on me often to converse on those sub 
 jects, carried me to the Horns, a pale-alehouse in 
 - Lane, Cheapside, and introduced me to Dr. 
 Mandeville, author of the Fable of the Bees, who had 
 a club there, of which he was the soul, being a most 
 facetious, entertaining companion. Lyons, too, in 
 troduced me to Dr. Pemberton, at Batson s Coffee 
 house, who promis d to give me an opportunity, 
 some time or other, of seeing Sir Isaac Newton, of 
 which I was extreamly desirous; but this never 
 happened. 
 
 I had brought over a few curiosities, among which 
 the principal was a purse made of the asbestos, 
 which purifies by fire. Sir Hans Sloane heard of it, 
 came to see me, and invited me to his house in 
 Bloomsbury Square, where he show d me all his 
 curiosities, and persuaded me to let him add that to 
 the number, for which he paid me handsomely. 
 
 In our house there lodg d a young woman, a mil 
 liner, who, I think, had a shop in the Cloisters. She 
 had been genteelly bred, was sensible and lively, and 
 of most pleasing conversation. Ralph read plays to 
 her in the evenings, they grew intimate, she took an 
 other lodging, and he followed her. They Hv d to- 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 93 
 
 gether some time ; but, he being still out of business, 
 and her income not sufficient to maintain them with 
 her child, he took a resolution of going from London, 
 to try for a country school, which he thought himself 
 well qualified to undertake, as he wrote an excellent 
 hand, and was a master of arithmetic and accounts. 
 This, however, he deemed a business below him, and 
 confident of future better fortune, when he should be 
 unwilling to have it known that he once was so 
 meanly employed, he changed his name, and did me 
 the honor to assume mine ; for I soon after had a let 
 ter from him, acquainting me that he was settled in a 
 small village (in Berkshire, I think it was, where he 
 taught reading and writing to ten or a dozen boys, at 
 sixpence each per week), recommending Mrs. T 
 to my care, and desiring me to write to him, directing 
 for Mr. Franklin, school-master, at such a place. 
 
 He continued to write frequently, sending me large 
 specimens of an epic poem which he was then com 
 posing, and desiring my remarks and corrections. 
 These I gave him from time to time, but endeavor d 
 rather to discourage his proceeding. One of Young s 
 Satires was then just published. I copy d and sent 
 him a great part of it, which set in a strong light the 
 folly of pursuing the Muses with any hope of ad 
 vancement by them. All was in vain ; sheets of the 
 poem continued to come by every post. In the mean 
 
 time, Mrs. T , having on his account lost her 
 
 friends and business, was often in distresses, and us d 
 to send for me, and borrow what I could spare to 
 help her out of them. I grew fond of her company, 
 and, being at that time under no religious restraint 
 
94 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 and presuming upon my importance to her, I at 
 tempted familiarities (another erratum) which she 
 repuls d with a proper resentment, and acquainted 
 him with my behaviour. This made a breach be 
 tween us ; and when he returned again to London, he 
 let me know he thought I had cancell d all the obliga 
 tions he had been under to me. So I found I was 
 never to expect his repaying me what I lent to him, 
 or ad vane d for him. This, however, was not then of 
 much consequence, as he was totally unable ; and in 
 the loss of his friendship I found myself relieved from 
 a burthen. I now began to think of getting a little 
 money beforehand, and, expecting better work, I left 
 Palmer s to work at Watts s, near Lincoln s Inn 
 Fields, a still greater printing-house. Here I con 
 tinued all the rest of my stay in London. 1 
 
 1 Watts s printing-office was situated on the south side of Wild-Court, 
 near the eastern end, and three doors from King s Head yard. 
 
 The press worked by Franklin was bought by Mr. Edward Cox, with 
 other materials, about 1771, and set up in the office belonging succes 
 sively to Messrs. Cox & Sons, Cox & Wyman, Wyman & Sons, Nos. 74 
 and 75 Great Queen Street. The press was worked for some time by 
 Messrs. Cox, but, becoming obsolete, lay idle for years. Ultimately, 
 its room being required, it was taken down and passed into the hands 
 of Messrs. Harrild & Sons, printers brokers of the period, in whose 
 lumber room it remained until June, 1841, when Mr. J. B. Murray, of 
 New York, interested himself successfully in procuring it to be sent to 
 America. For many years it was installed in the Patent Office at 
 Washington. Changes taking place there, it was claimed by Mr. J. B. 
 Murray, who then deposited it in the Smithsonian Institution at 
 Washington. Subsequently it was removed to the model-room of the 
 Patent Office, where it has since remained, with the exception of a 
 short interval, during which it was shown at the Philadelphia Inter 
 national Exhibition, 1876. 
 
 Mr. Murray acquired the Franklin press from Messrs. Harrild & Sons, 
 upon the understanding that they were to be assured, in return, a dona 
 tion to the London Printers Pension Society. In a letter which has 
 been printed Mr. Murray says: "Messrs. Harrild, meanwhile, allowed 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 95 
 
 At my first admission into this printing-house I 
 took to working at press, imagining I felt a want of 
 the bodily exercise I had been us d to in America, 
 where presswork is mix d with composing. I drank 
 only water; the other workmen, near fifty in num 
 ber, were great guzzlers of beer. On occasion, I 
 
 me the immediate possession of the press, forwarding it to me at Liver 
 pool ; and to prove my desire to make a proper return to the Printers 
 Pension Fund, I determined to permit the press to be exhibited until 
 a reply should be received from America. It was deposited in the 
 Council Chamber of the Liverpool Medical Institution, and for about 
 three weeks during which the press remained open to the public, it was 
 visited by numerous parties, both English and American. Impressions of 
 a poem by Dr. Franklin, entitled Paper, and also the Twelve Rules which 
 he laid down for his own government in early life, were printed, and 
 about 5,800 copies were freely given among the visitors. In return for 
 these impressions (which were occasionally printed off at the press by 
 the visitors themselves) , small voluntary contributions to the Printers 
 Pension Fund were received in a box placed near the press. Great 
 interest appeared to be excited about the exhibition of the press and 
 it was suggested to me that a lecture on the life of Dr. Franklin would 
 aid the Society for whose benefit it was being exhibited. I made this 
 suggestion known to the Rev. Hugh M Neile, who eventually accepted 
 the task, though at the sacrifice of many personal and professional 
 duties." 
 
 "Subsequently," says Mr. Murray, "I received, through Mr. (Petty) 
 Vaughan, a communication from the Philosophical Society of Phil 
 adelphia, regretting that they could not, consistently with their consti 
 tution, accept the press on the conditions named. I immediately made 
 this known to Messrs. Harrild, as I could not now expect to realize for 
 them the anticipated donations from that society, neither could I in 
 honour claim any further title to the press. To this I received a reply, 
 presenting the press to me, individually, unreservedly, and in a still 
 more handsome manner than when they first consented to part with 
 it. I had the pleasure to remit to the Printers Pension Society of 
 London, through Messrs. Harrild, the sum of 150, gs. ^d., the proceeds 
 of the lecture and of the exhibition of the press. 
 
 The sum derived from the Liverpool exhibition was funded by 
 Messrs. Harrild, and in 1854 it had accumulated to an amount suffi 
 cient to enable the Committee of the Printers Pension Society to in 
 itiate the " Franklin Pension " of 10, ios., per year. ED. 
 
96 Autobiography of [1700-1730 
 
 carried up and down stairs a large form of types in 
 each hand, when others carried but one in both 
 hands. They wondered to see, from this and several 
 instances, that the Water- American, as they called 
 me, was stronger than themselves, who drank strong 
 beer! We had an alehouse boy who attended 
 always in the house to supply the workmen. My 
 companion at the press drank every day a pint 
 before breakfast, a pint at breakfast with his bread 
 and cheese, a pint between breakfast and dinner, a 
 pint in the afternoon about six o clock, and another 
 when he had done his day s work. I thought it a 
 detestable custom; but it was necessary, he sup- 
 pos d, to drink strong beer, that he might be strong 
 to labor. I endeavored to convince him that the 
 bodily strength afforded by beer could only be in 
 proportion to the grain or flour of the barley dis 
 solved in the water of which it was made; that there 
 was more flour in a pennyworth of bread; and 
 therefore, if he would eat that with a pint of water, 
 it would give him more strength than a quart of 
 beer. He drank on, however, and had four or five 
 shillings to pay out of his wages every Saturday 
 night for that muddling liquor; an expense I was 
 free from. And thus these poor devils keep them 
 selves always under. 
 
 Watts, after some weeks, desiring to have me in 
 the composing-room, I left the pressmen; a new 
 bienvenu or sum for drink, being five shillings, was 
 demanded of me by the compositors. I thought it 
 an imposition, as I had paid below; the master 
 thought so too, and forbad my paying it. I stood 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 97 
 
 out two or three weeks, was accordingly considered 
 as an excommunicate, and had so many little pieces 
 of private mischief done me, by mixing my sorts, 
 transposing my pages, breaking my matter, etc., etc., 
 if I were ever so little out of the room, and all ascribed 
 to the chappel ghost, which they said ever haunted 
 those not regularly admitted, that, notwithstanding 
 the master s protection, I found myself oblig d to 
 comply and pay the money, convinc d of the folly of 
 , being on ill terms with those one is to live with 
 continually. 
 
 I was now on a fair footing with them, and soon 
 acquir d considerable influence. I propos d some 
 reasonable alterations in their chappel * laws, and 
 carried them against all opposition. From my ex 
 ample, a great part of them left their muddling 
 breakfast of beer, and bread, and cheese, finding 
 they could with me be supply d from a neighboring 
 house with a large porringer of hot water-gruel, 
 sprinkled with pepper, crumb d with bread, and a 
 bit of butter in it, for the price of a pint of beer, viz., 
 three half-pence. This was a more comfortable as 
 well as cheaper breakfast, and kept their heads 
 clearer. Those who continued sotting with beer all 
 day, were often, by not paying, out of credit at the 
 alehouse, and us d to make interest with me to get 
 beer; their light, as they phrased it, being out. I 
 watch d the pay-table on Saturday night, and col 
 lected what I stood engag d for them, having to pay 
 
 1 A printing-house used to be called a chapel by the workmen, and 
 a journeyman, on entering a printing-house, was accustomed to pay 
 one or more gallons of beer "for the good of the chapel." ED. 
 
 VOL. I. 7. 
 
9^ Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 sometimes near thirty shillings a week on their ac 
 count. This, and my being esteem d a pretty good 
 riggite, that is, a jocular verbal satirist, supported 
 my consequence in the society. My constant at 
 tendance (I never making a St. Monday) recom 
 mended me to the master; and my uncommon 
 quickness at composing occasioned my being put 
 upon all work of dispatch, which was generally better 
 paid. So I went on now very agreeably. 
 
 My lodging in Little Britain being too remote, I 
 found another in Duke-street, opposite to the Rom 
 ish Chapel. It was two pair of stairs backwards, at 
 an Italian warehouse. A widow lady kept the 
 house ; she had a daughter, and a maid servant, and 
 a journeyman who attended the warehouse, but 
 lodg d abroad. After sending to inquire my charac 
 ter at the house where I last lodg d, she agreed to 
 take me in at the same rate, 35. 6d. per week; cheaper, 
 as she said, from the protection she expected in 
 having a man lodge in the house. She was a widow, 
 an elderly woman; had been bred a Protestant, 
 being a clergyman s daughter, but was converted to 
 the Catholic religion by her husband, whose memory 
 she much revered ; had lived much among people of 
 distinction, and knew a thousand anecdotes of them 
 as far back as the times of Charles the Second. She 
 was lame in her knees with the gout, and, therefore, 
 seldom stirred out of her room, so sometimes wanted 
 company; and hers was so highly amusing to me, 
 that I was sure to spend an evening with her when 
 ever she desired it. Our supper was only half an 
 anchovy each, on a very little strip of bread and 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 99 
 
 butter, and half a pint of ale between us; but the 
 entertainment was in her conversation. My always 
 keeping good hours, and giving little trouble in the 
 family, made her unwilling to part with me; so that, 
 when I talk d of a lodging I had heard of, nearer my 
 business, for two shillings a week, which, intent as I 
 now was on saving money, made some difference, 
 she bid me not think of it, for she would abate me 
 two shillings a week for the future; so I remained 
 with her at one shilling and sixpence as long as I 
 staid in London. 
 
 In a garret of her house there lived a maiden lady 
 of seventy, in the most retired manner, of whom my 
 landlady gave me this account: that she was a 
 Roman Catholic, had been sent abroad when young, 
 and lodg d in a nunnery with an intent of becoming 
 a nun; but, the country not agreeing with her, she 
 returned to England, where, there being no nunnery, 
 she had vow d to lead the life of a nun, as near as 
 might be done in those circumstances. Accord 
 ingly, she had given all her estate to charitable uses, 
 reserving only twelve pounds a year to live on, and 
 out of this sum she still gave a great deal in charity, 
 living herself on water-gruel only, and using no fire 
 but to boil it. She had lived many years in that 
 garret, being permitted to remain there gratis by 
 successive Catholic tenants of the house below, as 
 they deemed it a blessing to have her there. A 
 priest visited her to confess her every day. " I have 
 ask d her," says my landlady, "how she, as she 
 liv d, could possibly find so much employment for a 
 confessor?" "Oh," said she, "it is impossible to 
 
ioo Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 avoid vain thoughts ." I was permitted once to visit 
 her. She was cheerful and polite, and convers d 
 pleasantly. The room was clean, but had no other 
 furniture than a matras, a table with a crucifix and 
 book, a stool which she gave me to sit on, and a 
 picture over the chimney of Saint Veronica display 
 ing her handkerchief, with the miraculous figure of 
 Christ s bleeding face on it, which she explained to 
 me with great seriousness. She look d pale, but 
 was never sick; and I give it as another instance on 
 
 - how small an income life and health may be sup- 
 
 i ported. 
 
 At Watts s printing-house I contracted an ac 
 quaintance with an ingenious young man, one 
 Wygate, who, having wealthy relations, had been 
 better educated than most printers; was a tolerable 
 Latinist, spoke French, and lov d reading. I taught 
 him and a friend of his to swim at twice going into 
 the river, and they soon became good swimmers. 
 They introduc d me to some gentlemen from the 
 country, who went to Chelsea by water to see the 
 College and Don Saltero s curiosities. In our return, 
 at the request of the company, whose curiosity Wy 
 gate had excited, I stripped and leaped into the 
 river, and swam from near Chelsea to Blackfryars, 
 performing on the way many feats of activity, both 
 upon and under water, that surprised and pleas d 
 those to whom they were novelties. 
 
 I had from a child been ever delighted with this 
 exercise, had studied and practis d all Thevenot s 
 motions and positions, added some of my own, aim 
 ing at the graceful and easy as well as the useful. 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 101 
 
 All these I took this occasion of exhibiting to the 
 company, and was much flatter d by their admira 
 tion; and Wygate, who was desirous of becoming a 
 master, grew more and more attach d to me on that 
 account, as well as from the similarity of our studies. 
 He at length proposed to me travelling all over 
 Europe together, supporting ourselves everywhere 
 by working at our business. I was once inclined to 
 it; but, mentioning it to my good friend Mr. Den- 
 ham, with whom I often spent an hour when I had 
 leisure, he dissuaded me from it, advising me to 
 think only of returning to Pennsylvania, which he 
 was now about to do. 
 
 I must record one trait of this good man s charac 
 ter. He had formerly been in business at Bristol, 
 but failed in debt to a number of people, com 
 pounded, and went to America. There, by a close 
 application to business as a merchant, he acquir d 
 a plentiful fortune in a few years. Returning to 
 England in the ship with me, he invited his old 
 creditors to an entertainment, at which he thank d 
 them for the easy composition they had favored him 
 with, and, when they expected nothing but the 
 treat, every man at the first remove found under his 
 plate an order on a banker for the full amount of the 
 unpaid remainder, with interest. 
 
 He now told me he was about to return to Phil 
 adelphia, and should carry over a great quantity of 
 goods in order to open a store there. He proposed 
 to take me over as his clerk, to keep his books, in 
 which he would instruct me, copy his letters, and 
 attend the store. He added, that, as soon as I 
 
102 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 should be acquainted with mercantile business, he 
 would promote me by sending me with a cargo of 
 flour and bread, etc., to the West Indies, and procure 
 me commissions from others which would be profit 
 able; and, if I manag d well, would establish me 
 handsomely. The thing pleas d me; for I was 
 grown tired of London, remembered with pleasure 
 the happy months I had spent in Pennsylvania, 
 and wish d again to see it; therefore I immedi 
 ately agreed on the terms of fifty pounds a year, 
 Pennsylvania money; less, indeed, than my present 
 gettings as a compositor, but affording a better 
 prospect 
 
 I now took leave of printing, as I thought, forever, 
 and was daily employ d in my new business, going 
 about with Mr. Denham among the tradesmen to 
 purchase various articles, and seeing them pack d 
 up, doing errands, calling upon workmen to dis 
 patch, etc. ; and, when all was on board, I had a few 
 days leisure. On one of these days, I was, to my 
 surprise, sent for by a great man I knew only by 
 name, a Sir William Wyndham, and I waited upon 
 him. He had heard by some means or other of my 
 swimming from Chelsea to Blackfryars, and of my 
 teaching Wygate and another young man to swim 
 in a few hours. He had two sons, about to set out 
 on their travels; he wish d to have them first taught 
 swimming, and proposed to gratify me handsomely 
 if I would teach them. They were not yet come to 
 town, and my stay was uncertain, so I could not 
 undertake it; but, from this incident, I thought it 
 likely that, if I were to remain in England and open 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 103 
 
 a swimming-school, I might get a good deal of 
 money; and it struck me so strongly, that, had the 
 overture been sooner made me, probably I should 
 not so soon have returned to America. After many 
 years, you and I had something of more importance 
 to do with one of these sons of Sir William Wynd- 
 ham, become Earl of Egremont, which I shall men 
 tion in its place. 
 
 Thus I spent about eighteen months in London; 
 most part of the time I work d hard at my business, 
 and spent but little upon myself except in seeing 
 plays and in books. My friend Ralph had kept me 
 poor; he owed me about twenty-seven pounds, 
 which I was now never likely to receive; a great 
 sum out of my small earnings! I lov d him, not 
 withstanding, for he had many amiable qualities. 
 I had by no means improv d my fortune; but I had 
 picked up some very ingenious acquaintance, whose 
 conversation was of great advantage to me; and I 
 had read considerably. 
 
 We sail d from Gravesend on the 23d of July, 
 1726. For the incidents of the voyage, I refer you 
 to my Journal, where you will find them all minutely 
 related. Perhaps the most important part of that 
 journal is the plan I to be found in it, which I formed 
 at sea, for regulating my future conduct in life. It 
 is the more remarkable, as being formed when I was 
 so young, and yet being pretty faithfully adhered 
 to quite thro to old age. 
 
 1 The "plan" referred to as the most "important part" of the 
 Journal, is not found in the manuscript Journal which was left among 
 Franklin s papers. 
 
104 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 Journal 1 of Occurrences in my Voyage to Philadel 
 phia on board the Berkshire, Henry Clark, 
 Master, from London. 
 
 Friday, July 22d, 1726. Yesterday in the after 
 noon we left London, and came to an anchor off 
 Gravesend about eleven at night. I lay ashore all 
 night, and this morning took a walk up to the Wind 
 mill Hill, whence I had an agreeable prospect of the 
 country for about twenty miles round, and two or 
 three reaches of the river, with ships and boats sail 
 ing both up and down, and Tilbury Fort on the 
 other side, which commands the river and passage 
 to London. This Gravesend is a cursed biting place ; 
 the chief dependence of the people being the advan 
 tage they make of imposing upon strangers. If you 
 buy any thing of them, and give half what they ask, 
 you pay twice as much as the thing is worth. Thank 
 God, we shall leave it to-morrow. 
 
 Saturday, July 2$d. This day we weighed anchor 
 and fell down with the tide, there being little or no 
 wind. In the afternoon we had a fresh gale, that 
 brought us down to Margate, where we shall lie at 
 anchor this night. Most of the passengers are very 
 sick. Saw several porpoises, &c. 
 
 Sunday, July 24th. This morning we weighed 
 anchor, and coming to the Downs, we set our pilot 
 ashore at Deal, and passed through. And now, 
 whilst I write this, sitting upon the quarter-deck, I 
 
 1 For the greater convenience of the reader and also to preserve the 
 chronological order which the editor has prescribed for himself in the 
 arrangement of this work, this journal is inserted here, though it was 
 not included in the autobiography. ED. 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 105 
 
 have, me thinks, one of the pleasantest scenes in the 
 world before me. T is a fine, clear day, and we are 
 going away before the wind with an easy, pleasant 
 gale. We have near fifteen sail of ships in sight, 
 and I may say in company. On the left hand ap 
 pears the coast of France at a distance, and on the 
 right is the town and castle of Dover, with the green 
 hills and chalky cliffs of England, to which we must 
 now bid farewell. Albion, farewell! 
 
 Monday, July 2$th. All the morning calm. After 
 noon sprung up a gale at east; blew very hard all 
 night. Saw the Isle of Wight at a distance. 
 
 Tuesday, July 26th. Contrary winds all day, blow 
 ing pretty hard. Saw the Isle of Wight again in the 
 evening. 
 
 Wednesday, July 2jth. This morning, the wind 
 blowing very hard at west, we stood in for the land, 
 order to make some harbour. About noon we 
 took on board a pilot out of a fishing shallop, who 
 brought the ship into Spithead, off Portsmouth. 
 The captain, Mr. Denham, and myself went on shore, 
 and, during the little time we stayed, I made some 
 observations on the place. 
 
 ^ /?< ^^Portsmouth has a fine harbour. The entrance is 
 so narrow, that you may throw a stone from fort to 
 fort; yet it is near ten fathoms deep, and bold close 
 to; but within there is room enough for five hun 
 dred, or, for aught I know, a thousand sail of ships. 
 The town is strongly fortified, being encompassed 
 with a high wall and a deep and broad ditch, and 
 two gates, that are entered over drawbridges; be 
 sides several forts, batteries of large cannon, and 
 
io6 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 other outworks, the names of which I know not, nor 
 had I time to take so strict a view as to be able to 
 describe them. In war time, the town has a garrison 
 of ten thousand men; but at present it is only 
 manned by about one hundred invalids. Notwith 
 standing the English have so many fleets of men-of- 
 war at sea at this time, 1 I counted in this harbour 
 above thirty sail of second, third, and fourth rates, 
 that lay by unrigged, but easily fitted out upon oc 
 casion, all their masts and rigging lying marked and 
 numbered in storehouses at hand. The King s 
 yards and docks employ abundance of men, who, 
 even in peace time, are constantly building and re 
 fitting men-of-war for the King s service. 
 
 Gosport lies opposite to Portsmouth, and is near 
 as big, if not bigger; but, except the fort at the 
 mouth of the harbour, and a small outwork before 
 the main street of the town, it is only defended by 
 a mud wall, which surrounds it, and a trench of dry 
 ditch of about ten feet depth and breadth. Ports 
 mouth is a place of very little trade in peace time; 
 it depending chiefly on fitting out men-of-war. Spit- 
 head is the place where the fleets commonly anchor, 
 and is a very good riding-place. The people of 
 Portsmouth tell strange stories of the severity of 
 one Gibson, who was governor of this place in the 
 Queen s time, to his soldiers, and show you a miser 
 able dungeon by the town gate, which they call 
 Johnny Gibson s Hole, where, for trifling misdemean 
 ors, he used to confine his soldiers till they were 
 
 1 One gone to the Baltic, one to the Mediterranean, and one to the 
 West Indies. 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 107 
 
 almost starved to death. It is a common maxim, 
 that, without severe discipline, it is impossible to 
 govern the licentious rabble of soldiery. I own, in 
 deed, that, if a commander finds he has not those 
 qualities in him that will make him beloved by his 
 people, he ought, by all means, to make use of 
 such methods as will make them fear him, since one 
 or the other (or both) is absolutely necessary; but 
 Alexander and Caesar, those renowned generals, re 
 ceived more faithful service, and performed greater 
 actions, by means of the love their soldiers bore 
 them, than they could possibly have done, if, instead 
 of being beloved and respected, they had been hated 
 and feared by those they commanded. 
 
 Thursday, July 2&th. This morning we came on 
 board, having lain on shore all night. We weighed 
 anchor, and, with a moderate gale, stood in for 
 Cowes, in the Isle of Wight, and came to an anchor 
 before the town about eleven o clock. Six of the 
 passengers went on shore, and diverted themselves 
 till about twelve at night ; and then got a boat, and 
 came on board again, expecting to sail early in the 
 morning. 
 
 Friday, July 2gth. But, the wind continuing ad 
 verse still, we went ashore again this morning, and 
 took a walk to Newport, which is about four miles 
 distant from Cowes, and is the metropolis of the 
 island. Thence we walked to Carisbrooke, about a 
 mile further, out of curiosity to see that castle, 
 which King Charles the First was confined in; and 
 so returned to Cowes in the afternoon, and went on 
 board in expectation of sailing. 
 
io8 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 Cowes is but a small town, and lies close to the 
 seaside, pretty near opposite to Southampton on 
 the main shore of England. It is divided into two 
 parts by a small river that runs up within a quarter 
 . ^of a mile of Newport, and is distinguished by East 
 and West Cowes. There is a fort built in an oval 
 form, on which there are eight or ten guns mounted 
 for the defence of the road. They have a post- 
 office, a custom-house, and a chapel of ease; and a 
 good harbour for ships to ride in, in easterly and 
 westerly winds. 
 
 All this afternoon I spent agreeably enough at the 
 draft board. It is a game I much delight in ; but it 
 requires a clear head, and undisturbed; and the 
 persons playing, if they would play well, ought not 
 much to regard the consequence of the game, for that 
 diverts and withdraws the attention of the mind 
 from the game itself, and makes the player liable to 
 make many false open moves ; and I will venture to 
 lay it down for an infallible rule, that, if two persons 
 equal in judgment play for a considerable sum, he 
 that loves money most shall lose; his anxiety for 
 the success of the game confounds him. Courage is 
 almost as requisite for the good conduct of this game 
 as in a real battle ; for, if the player imagines him 
 self opposed by one that is much his superior in skill, 
 his mind is so intent on the defensive part, that an 
 .advantage passes unobserved. 
 
 Newport makes a pretty prospect enough from the 
 hills that surround it ; for it lies down in a bottom. 
 The houses are beautifully intermixed with trees, 
 and a tall, old-fashioned steeple rises in the midst 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 109 
 
 of the town, which is very ornamental to it. The 
 name of the church I could not learn; but there is a 
 very neat market-house, paved with square stone, 
 and consisting of eleven arches. There are several 
 pretty handsome streets, and many well-built 
 houses and shops, well stored with goods. But I 
 think Newport is chiefly remarkable for oysters, 
 which they send to London and other places, where 
 they are very much esteemed, being thought the 
 best in England. The oyster-merchants fetch them, 
 as I am informed, from other places, and lay them 
 upon certain beds in the river (the water of which is 
 it seems excellently adapted for that purpose) a-fat- 
 tening; and when they have lain a suitable time 
 they are taken up again, and made fit for sale. 
 
 When we came to Carisbrooke, which, as I said 
 before, is a little village about a mile beyond New 
 port, we took a view of an ancient church that had 
 formerly been a priory in Romish times, and is the 
 first church, or the mother- church, of the island. It 
 is an elegant building, after the old Gothic manner, 
 with a very high tower, and looks very venerable in 
 its ruins. There are several ancient monuments 
 about it ; but the stone of which they are composed 
 is of such a soft, crttmbling nature, that the inscrip 
 tions are none of them legible. Of the same stone 
 are almost all the tombstones, etc., that I observed 
 in the island. 
 
 From this church, having crossed over the brook 
 that gives the name to the village, and got a little 
 boy for a guide, we went up a very steep hill, through 
 several narrow lanes and avenues, till we came to the 
 
no Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 castle gate. We entered over the ditch (which is 
 now almost filled up, partly by the ruins of the 
 mouldering walls that have tumbled into it, and 
 partly by the washing down of the earth from the 
 hill by the rains), upon a couple of brick arches, 
 where I suppose formerly there was a drawbridge. 
 An old woman who lives in the castle, seeing us 
 strangers walk about, sent and offered to show us 
 the rooms if we pleased, which we accepted. This 
 castle, as she informed us, has for many years been 
 the seat of the governors of the island; and the 
 rooms and hall, which are very large and handsome 
 with high, arched roofs, have all along been kept 
 handsomely furnished, every succeeding governor 
 buying the furniture of his predecessor; but, Cado- 
 gan, the last governor, who succeeded General Webb, 
 refusing to purchase it, Webb stripped it clear of all, 
 even the hangings, and left nothing but bare walls. 
 The floors are several of them of plaster of Paris, the 
 art of making which, the woman told us, was now 
 lost. 
 
 The castle stands upon a very high and steep hill, 
 and there are the remains of a deep ditch round it; 
 the walls are thick, and seemingly well contrived; 
 and certainly it has been a very strong hold in its 
 time, at least before the invention of great guns. 
 There are several breaches in the ruinous walls, 
 which are never repaired, (I suppose they are pur 
 posely neglected,) and the ruins are almost every 
 where overspread with ivy. It is divided into the 
 lower and the upper castle, the lower enclosing the 
 upper, which is of a round form, and stands upon a 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin in 
 
 promontory, to which you must ascend by near a 
 hundred stone steps ; this upper castle was designed 
 for a retreat in case the lower castle should be won, 
 and is the least ruinous of any part except the stairs 
 before mentioned, which are so broken and decayed, 
 that I was almost afraid to come down again when 
 I was up, they being but narrow, and no rails to 
 hold by. 
 
 From the battlements of this upper castle, which 
 they call the coop, you have a fine prospect of the 
 greatest part of the island, of the sea on one side, of 
 Cowes road at a distance, and of Newport as it were 
 just below you. There is a well in the middle of the 
 coop, which they called the bottomless well, because 
 of its great depth; but it is now half filled up with 
 stones and rubbish, and is covered with two or three 
 loose planks; yet a stone, as we tried, is near a 
 quarter of a minute in falling before you hear it 
 strike. But the well that supplies the inhabitants 
 at present with water is in the lower castle, and is 
 thirty fathoms deep. They draw their water with a 
 great wheel, and with a bucket that holds near a 
 barrel. It makes a great sound if you speak in it, 
 and echoed the flute which we played over it very 
 sweetly. There are but seven pieces of ordnance 
 mounted upon the walls, and those in no very good 
 order; and the old man, who is the gunner and 
 keeper of the castle, and who sells ale in a little 
 house at the gate, has in his possession but six mus 
 kets, which hang up at his wall, and one of them 
 wants a lock. He told us that the castle, which 
 had now been built 1,203 years, was first founded 
 
ii2 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 by one Whitgert, a Saxon, who conquered the 
 island, and that it was called Whitgertsburg for 
 many ages. 
 
 That particular piece of building, which King 
 Charles lodged in during his confinement here, is suf 
 fered to go entirely to ruin, there being nothing 
 standing but the walls. The island is about sixty 
 miles in circumference, and produces plenty of corn 
 and other provisions, and wool as fine as Cotswold; 
 its militia having the credit of equalling the soldiery, 
 and being the best disciplined in England, was once, 
 in King William s time, intrusted with the govern 
 ment of this island. At his death it appeared he 
 was a great villain, and a great politician ; there was 
 no crime so damnable which he would not stick at in 
 the execution of his designs, and yet he had the art 
 of covering all so thick, that with almost all men in 
 general, while he lived, he passed for a saint. What 
 surprised me was, that the silly old fellow, the keeper 
 of the castle, who remembered him governor, should 
 have so true a notion of his character as I perceived 
 he had. In short, I believe it is impossible for a 
 man, though he has all the cunning of a devil, to live 
 and die a villain, and yet conceal it so well as to carry 
 the name of an honest fellow to the grave with him, 
 but some one, by some accident or other, shall dis 
 cover him. Truth and sincerity have a certain dis 
 tinguishing native lustre about them, which cannot 
 be perfectly counterfeited; they are like fire and 
 flame, that cannot be painted. 
 
 The whole castle was repaired and beautified by 
 Queen Elizabeth, and strengthened by a breastwork 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 113 
 
 all round without the walls, as appears by this in 
 scription in one or two places upon it. 
 
 1598 
 E. R. 
 40 
 
 Saturday, July ^oth. This morning about eight 
 o clock we weighed anchor, and turned to windward 
 till we came to Yarmouth, another little town upon 
 this island, and there cast anchor again, the wind 
 blowing hard, and still westerly. Yarmouth is a 
 smaller town than Cowes; yet the buildings being 
 better, it makes a handsomer prospect at a distance, 
 and the streets are clean and neat. There is one 
 monument in the church, which the inhabitants are 
 very proud of, and which we went to see. It was 
 erected to the memory of Sir Robert Holmes, who 
 had formerly been governor of the island. It is his 
 statue in armour, somewhat bigger than the life, 
 standing on his tomb, with a truncheon in his hand, 
 between two pillars of porphyry. Indeed, all the 
 marble about it is very fine and good; and they say 
 it was designed by the French King for his palace at 
 Versailles, but was cast away upon this island, and 
 by Sir Robert himself in his lifetime applied to this 
 use, and that the whole monument was finished long 
 before he died, though not fixed up in that place, 
 the inscription, likewise which is very much to his 
 honor, being written by himself. One would think 
 either that he had no defect at all, or had a very ill 
 opinion of the world, seeing he was so careful to make 
 
ii4 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 sure of a monument to record his good actions and 
 transmit them to posterity. 
 
 Having taken a view of the church, town, and 
 fort, on which there are seven large guns mounted, 
 three of us took a walk further into the island; and, 
 having gone about two miles, we headed a creek that 
 runs up one end of the town, and then went to Fresh 
 water Church, about a mile nearer the town, but on 
 the other side of the creek. Having stayed here 
 some time it grew dark, and my companions were 
 desirous to be gone, lest those whom we had left 
 drinking where we dined in the town should go on 
 board and leave us. We were told, that it was our best 
 way to go straight down to the mouth of the creek, 
 and that there was a ferry boy that would carry us 
 over to the town. But when we came to the house 
 the lazy whelp was in bed, and refused to rise and put 
 us over; upon which we went down to the water 
 side, with a design to take his boat, and go over by 
 ourselves. We found it very difficult to get the boat, 
 it being fastened to a stake, and the tide risen near 
 fifty yards beyond it; I stripped all to my shirt to 
 wade up to it ; but missing the causeway, which was 
 under water, I got up to my middle in mud. At 
 last I came to the stake; but, to my great disap 
 pointment, found she was locked and chained. 
 I endeavored to draw the staple with one of the 
 thole -pins, but in vain ; I tried to pull up the stake, 
 but to no purpose; so that, after an hour s fatigue 
 and trouble in the wet and mud, I was forced to re 
 turn without the boat. 
 
 We had no money in our pockets, and therefore 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 115 
 
 began to conclude to pass the night in some hay 
 stack, though the wind blew very cold and very hard. 
 In the midst of these troubles one of us recollected 
 that he had a horse-shoe in his pocket, which he 
 found in his walk, and asked me if I could not wrench 
 the staple out with that. I took it, went, tried, and 
 succeeded, and brought the boat ashore to them. 
 Now we rejoiced and all got in, and, when I had 
 dressed myself, we put off. But the worst of all our 
 troubles was to come yet; for, it being high water 
 and the tide over all the banks, though it was moon 
 light we could not discern the channel of the creek; 
 but, rowing heedlessly straight forward, when we 
 were got about half way over, we found ourselves 
 aground on a mud bank: and, striving to row her 
 off by putting our oars in the mud, we broke one 
 and there stuck fast, not having four inches water. 
 We were now in the utmost perplexity, not knowing 
 what in the world to do ; we could not tell whether 
 the tide was rising or falling; but at length we 
 plainly perceived it was ebb, and we could feel no 
 deeper water within the reach of our oar. 
 
 It was hard to lie in an open boat all night exposed 
 to the wind and weather; but it was worse to think 
 how foolish we should look in the morning, when the 
 owner of the boat should catch us in that condition, 
 where we must be exposed to the view of all the 
 town. After we had strove and struggled for half 
 an hour and more, we gave all over, and sat down 
 with our hands before us, despairing to get off; for, 
 if the tide had left us, we had been never the nearer; 
 we must have sat in the boat, as the mud was too 
 
ii6 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 deep for us to walk ashore through it, being up to 
 our necks. At last we bethought ourselves of some 
 means of escaping, and two of us stripped and got 
 out, and thereby lightening the boat we drew her 
 upon our knees near fifty yards into deeper water; 
 and then with much ado, having but one oar, we got 
 safe ashore under the fort; and, having dressed our 
 selves and tied the man s boat, we went with great 
 joy to the Queen s Head, w T here we left our com 
 panions, whom we found waiting for us, though it 
 was very late. Our boat being gone on board, we 
 were obliged to lie ashore all night; and thus ended 
 our walk. 
 
 Sunday, July 3 is/. This morning the wind being 
 moderate, our pilot designed to weigh, and, taking 
 advantage of the tide, get a little further to wind 
 ward. Upon which the boat came ashore, to hasten 
 us on board. We had no sooner returned and 
 hoisted in our boat, but the wind began again to blow 
 very hard to west, insomuch that, instead of going 
 any further, we were obliged to weigh and run down 
 again to Cowes for the sake of more secure riding, 
 where we came to an anchor again in a very little time ; 
 and the pudding which our mess made and put into 
 the pot at Yarmouth, we dined upon at Cowes. 
 
 Monday, August ist. This morning all the ves 
 sels in the harbour put out their colors in honor of 
 the day, and it made a very pretty appearance. The 
 wind continuing to blow hard westerly, our mess re 
 solved to go on shore, though all our loose corks were 
 gone already. We took with us some goods to dis 
 pose of, and walked to Newport to make our market, 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 117 
 
 where we sold for three shillings in the pound less 
 than the prime cost in London; and, having dined 
 at Newport, we returned in the evening to Cowes, 
 and concluded to lodge on shore. 
 
 Tuesday, August 2d. This day we passed on 
 shore diverting ourselves as well as we could; and 
 the wind continuing still westerly, we stayed on 
 shore this night also. 
 
 Wednesday, August $d. This morning we were 
 hurried on board, having scarce time to dine, weighed 
 anchor, and stood away for Yarmouth again, though 
 the wind is still westerly; but, meeting with a hoy 
 when we were near half-way there, that had some 
 goods on board for us to take in, we tacked about 
 for Cowes, and came to anchor there a third time, 
 about four in the afternoon. 
 
 Thursday, August ^th. Stayed on board till 
 about five in the afternoon, and then went on shore 
 and stopped all night. 
 
 Friday, August $th. Called up this morning and 
 hurried aboard, the wind being northwest. About 
 noon we weighed and left Cowes a third time, and, 
 failing by Yarmouth, we came into the channel 
 through the Needles; which passage is guarded by 
 Hurst Castle, standing on a spit of land which runs 
 out from the main land of England within a mile of 
 the Isle of Wight. Towards night the wind veered 
 to the westward, which put us under apprehensions 
 of being forced into port again; but presently after 
 it fell a flat calm, and then we had a small breeze 
 that was fair for half an hour, when it was succeeded 
 by a calm again. 
 
n8 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 Saturday, August 6th. This morning we had a 
 fair breeze for some hours, and then a calm that 
 lasted all day. In the afternoon I leaped overboard 
 and swam around the ship to wash myself. Saw 
 several porpoises this day. About eight o clock we 
 came to an anchor in forty fathom water against 
 the tide of flood, somewhere below Portland, and 
 weighed again about eleven, having a small breeze. 
 
 Sunday, August jth. Gentle breezes all this day. 
 
 Spoke with a ship, the Ruby, bound for London from 
 
 f /Nevis, off the Start of Plymouth. This afternoon 
 
 spoke with Captain Homans in a ship bound for 
 
 Boston, who came out of the river when we did, and 
 
 had been beating about in the channel all the time 
 
 we lay at Cowes in ike Wight. 
 
 Monday, August 8th. Fine weather, but no wind 
 worth mentioning, all this day; in the afternoon 
 saw the Lizard. 
 
 Tuesday, August gth. Took our leave of the land 
 this morning. Calms the fore part of the day. In 
 - the afternoon a small gale ; fair. Saw a grampus. 
 
 Wednesday, August loth. Wind N. W. Course 
 S. W. about four knots. By observation in latitude 
 48 50 . Nothing remarkable happened. 
 
 Thursday, August nth. Nothing remarkable. 
 Fresh gale all day. 
 
 Friday, August i2th; Saturday, i$th; Sunday, 
 1 4th. Calms and fair breezes alternately. 
 
 Monday, i$th; Tuesday, i6th; Wednesday, ijth. 
 - No contrary winds, but calm and fair breezes al 
 ternately. 
 
 Thursday, August iSth. Four dolphins followed 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 119 
 
 the ship for some hours ; we struck at them with the 
 fizgig; but took none. 
 
 Friday, August igth. This day we have had a 
 pleasant breeze at east. In the morning we spied a 
 sail upon our larboard bow, about two leagues dis 
 tance. About noon she put out English colors, and 
 we answered with our ensign, and in the afternoon 
 we spoke with her. She was a ship, of New York, 
 Walter Kippen, master, bound from Rochelle, in 
 France, to Boston, with salt. Our captain and Mr. 
 D - went on board, and stayed till evening, it 
 being fine weather. Yesterday, complaints being 
 made that a Mr. G n, one of the passengers, had, 
 with a fraudulent design, marked the cards, a court 
 of justice was called immediately, and he was 
 brought to his trial in form. A Dutchman, who 
 could speak no English, deposed, by his interpreter, 
 that, when our mess was on shore at Cowes, the 
 prisoner at the bar marked all the court cards on the 
 back with a pen. 
 
 I have sometimes observed, that we are apt to 
 fancy the person that cannot speak intelligibly to us, 
 proportionably stupid in understanding, and, when 
 we speak two or three words of English to a foreigner, 
 it is louder than ordinary, as if we thought him deaf, 
 and that he had lost the use of his ears as well as his 
 tongue. Something like this I imagine might be the 
 case of Mr. G n ; he fancied the Dutchman could 
 not see what he was about, because he could not 
 understand English, and therefore boldly did it be 
 fore his face. 
 
 The evidence was plain and positive; the prisoner 
 
i2o Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 could not deny the fact, but replied in his defence, 
 that the cards he marked were not those he com 
 monly played with, but an imperfect pack, which he 
 afterwards gave to the cabin-boy. The attorney- 
 general observed to the court, that it was not likely 
 he should take the pains to mark the cards without 
 some ill design, or some further intention than just 
 to give them to the boy when he had done, who 
 understood nothing at all of cards. But another 
 evidence, being called, deposed, that he saw the 
 prisoner in the main-top one day, when he thought 
 himself unobserved, marking a pack of cards on the 
 backs, some with the print of a dirty thumb, others 
 with the top of his finger, etc. Now, there being but 
 two packs on board, and the prisoner having just 
 confessed the marking of one, the court perceived 
 the case was plain. In fine, the jury brought him 
 in guilty, and he was condemned to be carried up to 
 the round-top, and made fast there, in view of all the 
 ship s company, during the space of three hours, that 
 being the place where the act was committed, and to 
 pay a fine of two bottles of brandy. But, the pris 
 oner resisting authority and refusing to submit to 
 punishment, one of the sailors stepped up aloft and 
 let down a rope to us, which we, with much strug 
 gling, made fast about his middle, and hoisted him 
 up into the air, sprawling, by main force. We let 
 him hang, cursing and swearing, for near a quarter 
 of an hour ; but at length, he crying out Murder ! and 
 looking black in the face, the rope being overtaught 
 about his middle, we thought proper to let him down 
 again ; and our mess have excommunicated him till 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 121 
 
 he pays his fine, refusing either to play, eat, drink, 
 or converse with him. 
 
 Saturday, August 2oth. We shortened sail all last 
 night and all this day, to keep company with the 
 other ship. About noon Captain Kippen and one of 
 his passengers came on board and dined with us; 
 they stayed till evening. When they were gone, we 
 made sail and left them. 
 
 Sunday, August 2ist. This morning we lost sight 
 of the Yorker, having a brisk gale of wind at east. 
 Towards night a poor little bird came on board us, 
 being almost tired to death, and suffered himself 
 to be taken by the hand. We reckon ourselves 
 near two hundred leagues from land, so that no 
 doubt a little rest was very acceptable to the un 
 fortunate wanderer, who, t is like, was blown off the 
 coast in thick weather, and could not find its way 
 back again. We receive it hospitably, and tender 
 it victuals and drink; but he refuses both, and I 
 suppose will not live long. There was one came on 
 board some days ago, in the same circumstances 
 with this, which I think the cat destroyed. 
 
 Monday, August 22d. This morning I saw several 
 flying-fish, but they were small. A favorable wind 
 all day. 
 
 Tuesday, August 2$d; Wednesday, 24th. Fair 
 winds, nothing remarkable. 
 
 Thursday, August 2$tk. Our excommunicated 
 shipmate thinking proper to comply with the sen 
 tence the court passed upon him, and expressing 
 himself willing to pay the fine, we have this morning 
 received him into unity again. Man is a sociable- 
 
122 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 being, and it is, for aught I know, one of the worst 
 of punishments to be excluded from society. I 
 have read abundance of fine things on the subject of 
 solitude, and I know t is a common boast in the 
 mouths of those that affect to be thought wise, that 
 they are never less alone than when alone. I acknow 
 ledge solitude an agreeable refreshment to a busy 
 mind; but, were these thinking people obliged to be 
 always alone, I am apt to think they would quickly 
 find their very being insupportable to them. I have 
 heard of a gentleman, who underwent seven years 
 close confinement, in the Bastille, at Paris. He was 
 a man of sense, he was a thinking man; but, being 
 deprived of all conversation, to what purpose should 
 he think? for he was denied even the instruments 
 of expressing his thoughts in writing. There is no 
 burden so grievous to man as time that he knows 
 not how to dispose of. He was forced at last to have 
 recourse to this invention; he daily scattered pieces 
 of paper about the floor of his little room, and then 
 employed himself in picking them up and sticking 
 them in rows and figures on the arm of his elbow- 
 chair; and he used to tell his friends, after his re 
 lease, that he verily believed, if he had not taken this 
 method he should have lost his senses. One of the 
 philosophers, I think it was Plato, used to say, that 
 he had rather be the veriest stupid block in nature, 
 than the possessor of all knowledge without some in 
 telligent being to communicate it to. 
 
 What I have said may in a measure account for 
 some particulars in my present way of living here on 
 board. Our company is, in general, very unsuitably 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 123 
 
 mixed, to keep up the pleasure and spirit of conversa 
 tion; and, if there are one or two pair of us that can 
 sometimes entertain one another for half an hour 
 agreeably, yet perhaps we are seldom in the humor 
 for it together. I rise in the morning and read for 
 an hour or two, perhaps, and then reading grows tire 
 some. Want of exercise occasions want of appetite, 
 so that eating and drinking afford but little pleasure. 
 I tire myself with playing at drafts, then I go to 
 cards; nay, there is no play so trifling or childish, 
 but we fly to it for entertainment. A contrary wind, 
 I know not how, puts us all out of good humor; we 
 grow sullen, silent, and reserved, and fret at each 
 other upon every little occasion. T is a common 
 opinion among the ladies, that, if a man is ill- 
 natured, he infallibly discovers it when he is in 
 liquor. But I, who have known many instances to 
 the contrary, will teach them a more effectual 
 method to discover the natural temper and disposi 
 tion of their humble servants. Let the ladies make 
 one long sea- voyage with them, and, if they have the 
 least spark of ill-nature in them, and conceal it 
 to the end of the voyage, I will forfeit all my- 
 pretensions to their favor. The wind continues 
 fair. 
 
 Friday, August 26th. The wind and weather fair, 
 till night came on; and then the wind came about, 
 and we had hard squalls, with rain and lightning, 
 till morning. 
 
 Saturday, August 2jth. Cleared up this morning, 
 and the wind settled westerly. Two dolphins fol 
 lowed us this afternoon; we hooked one, and struck - 
 
Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 the other with a fizgig; but they both escaped us, 
 and we saw them no more. 
 
 Sunday, August 28th. The wind still continues 
 westerly, and blows hard. We are under a reefed 
 mainsail and foresail. 
 
 Monday, August 2^th. Wind still hard west. 
 Two dolphins followed us this day; we struck at 
 them, but they both escaped. 
 
 Tuesday, August $oth. Contrary wind still. This 
 evening, the moon being near full, as she rose after 
 eight o clock, there appeared a rainbow in a western 
 cloud, to windward of us. The first time I ever saw 
 a rainbow in the night, caused by the moon. 
 
 Wednesday, August 3 is/. Wind still west; no 
 thing remarkable. 
 
 Thursday, September ist. Bad weather, and con 
 trary winds. 
 
 Friday, September 2d. This morning the wind 
 changed; a little fair. We caught a couple of dol 
 phins, and fried them for dinner. They tasted 
 tolerably well. These fish make a glorious appear 
 ance in the water ; their bodies are of a bright green, 
 mixed with a silver color, and their tails of a shining 
 golden yellow; but all this vanishes presently after 
 they are taken out of their element, and they change 
 all over to a light grey. I observed that cutting 
 off pieces of a just-caught, living dolphin for baits, 
 those pieces did not lose their lustre and fine colors 
 when the dolphin died, but retained them perfectly. 
 Every one takes notice of that vulgar error of the 
 painters, who always represent this fish monstrously 
 crooked and deformed, when it is, in reality, as 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 125 
 
 beautiful and well-shaped a fish a? any that swims. 
 I cannot think what could be the original of this 
 chimera of theirs, since there is not a creature in na 
 ture that in the least resembles their dolphin, unless 
 it proceeded at first from a false imitation of a fish 
 in the posture of leaping, which they have since im 
 proved into a crooked monster, with a head and eyes 
 like a bull, a hog s snout, and a tail like a blown 
 tulip. But the sailors give me another reason, 
 though a whimsical one, viz. that, as this most 
 beautiful fish is only to be caught at sea, and that 
 very far to the southward, they say the painters wil 
 fully deform it in their representations, lest preg- * 
 nant women should long for what it is impossible to 
 procure for them. 
 
 Saturday, September $d; Sunday, 4th; Monday, 
 $th. Wind still westerly; nothing remarkable. 
 
 Tuesday, September 6th. This afternoon, the wind, 
 still continuing in the same quarter, increased till it 
 blew a storm, and raised the sea to a greater height 
 than I had ever seen it before. 
 
 Wednesday, September jth. The wind is some 
 what abated, but the sea is very high still. A dol 
 phin kept us company all this afternoon; we struck . 
 at him several times, but could not take him. 
 
 Thursday, September 8th. This day nothing re 
 markable has happened. Contrary wind. 
 
 Friday, September gth. This afternoon we took 
 four large dolphins, three with a hook and line, and - 
 the fourth we struck with a fizgig. The bait was a 
 candle with two feathers stuck in it, one on each 
 side, in imitation of a flying-fish, which are the 
 
126 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 common prey of the dolphins. They appeared ex 
 tremely eager and hungry, and snapped up the hook 
 as soon as ever it touched the water. When we 
 came to open them, we found in the belly of one a 
 small dolphin, half -digested. Certainly they were 
 half -famished, or are naturally very savage, to de 
 vour those of their own species. 
 
 Saturday, September loth. This day we dined 
 upon the dolphins we caught yesterday, three of 
 them sufficing the whole ship, being twenty-one 
 persons. 
 
 Sunday, September nth. We have had a hard 
 gale of wind all this day, accompanied with showers 
 of rain. T is uncomfortable being upon deck ; and, 
 though we have been all together all day below, yet 
 the long continuance of these contrary winds has 
 made us so dull, that scarce three words have passed 
 between us. 
 
 Monday, September i2th; Tuesday, i$th. Nothing 
 remarkable; wind contrary. 
 
 Wednesday, September itfk. This afternoon, about 
 two o clock, it being fair weather and almost calm, 
 as we sat playing drafts upon deck, we were sur 
 prised with a sudden and unusual darkness of the 
 sun, which, as we could perceive, was only covered 
 with a small, thin cloud; when that was passed by, 
 we discovered that that glorious luminary labored 
 under a very great eclipse. At least ten parts out of 
 twelve of him were hid from our eyes, and we were 
 apprehensive he would have been totally darkened. 
 
 Thursday, September i$th. For a week past we 
 have fed ourselves with the hopes, that the change of 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 127 
 
 the moon (which was yesterday) would bring us a 
 fair wind; but, to our great mortification and dis 
 appointment, the wind seems now settled in the 
 westward, and shows as little signs of an alteration 
 as it did a fortnight ago. 
 
 Friday, September i6th. Calm all this day. This 
 morning we saw a tropic bird, which flew round our 
 vessel several times. It is a white fowl, with short 
 wings; but one feather appears in his tail, and he 
 does not fly very fast. We reckon ourselves about 
 half our voyage; latitude 38 and odd minutes. 
 These birds are said never to be seen further north 
 than the latitude of 40. 
 
 Saturday, September ijth. All the forenoon the 
 calm continued; the rest of the day some light 
 breezes easterly ; and we are in great hopes the wind 
 will settle in that quarter. 
 
 Sunday, September i&th. We have had the finest 
 weather imaginable all this day, accompanied with 
 what is still more agreeable, a fair wind. Every one 
 puts on a clean shirt and a cheerful countenance, 
 and we begin to be very good company. Heaven 
 grant that this favorable gale may continue! for we 
 have had so much of turning to windward, that the 
 word kelm-a-lee is become almost as disagreeable to 
 our ears as the sentence of a judge to a convicted 
 malefactor. 
 
 Monday, September iqth. The weather looks a 
 little uncertain, and we begin to feel the loss of our 
 fair wind. We see tropic birds every day, some 
 times five or six together; they are about as big as 
 pigeons. 
 
128 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 Tuesday, September 2oth. The wind is now west 
 erly again, to our great mortification; and we are 
 come to an allowance of bread, two biscuits and a 
 half a day. 
 
 Wednesday, September 2ist. This morning our 
 steward was brought to the geers and whipped, for 
 making an extravagant use of flour in the puddings, 
 and for several other misdemeanors. It has been 
 perfectly calm all this day, and very hot. I was 
 determined to wash myself in the sea to-day, and 
 should have done so, had not the appearance of a 
 shark, that mortal enemy to swimmers, deterred 
 me; he seemed to be about five feet long, moves 
 round the ship at some distance, in a slow majestic 
 manner, attended by near a dozen of those they call 
 pilot-fish, of different sizes; the largest of them is 
 not so big as a small mackerel, and the smallest not 
 bigger than my little finger. Two of these diminutive 
 pilots keep just before his nose, and he seems to gov 
 ern himself in his motions by their direction ; while 
 the rest surround him on every side indifferently. 
 A shark is never seen without a retinue of these, who 
 are his purveyors, discovering and distinguishing his 
 prey for him; while he in return gratefully protects 
 them from the ravenous, hungry dolphin. They 
 are commonly counted a very greedy fish; yet this 
 refuses to meddle with the bait thrown out for him. 
 T is likely he has lately made a full meal. 
 
 Thursday, September 2 2d. A fresh gale at west all 
 this day. The shark has left us. 
 
 Friday, September 23^. This morning we spied a 
 sail to windward of us about two leagues. We 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 129 
 
 showed our jack upon the ensign-staff, and shortened 
 sail for them till about noon, when she came up with 
 us. She was the Snow, from Dublin, bound to New 
 York, having upwards of fifty servants on board, of 
 both sexes ; they all appeared upon deck, and seemed 
 very much pleased at the sight of us. There is 
 really something strangely cheering to the spirits in 
 the meeting of a ship at sea, containing a society of 
 creatures of the same species and in the same cir 
 cumstances with ourselves, after we had been long 
 separated and excommunicated as it were from the 
 rest of mankind. My heart fluttered in my breast 
 with joy, when I saw so many human countenances, 
 and I could scarce refrain from that kind of laughter, 
 which proceeds from some degree of inward pleasure. 
 When we have been for a considerable time tossing 
 on the vast waters, far from the sight of any land or 
 ships, or any mortal creature but ourselves (except 
 a few fish and sea-birds), the whole world, for aught 
 we know, may be under a second deluge, and we, 
 like Noah and his company in the ark, the only sur 
 viving remnant of the human race. The two cap 
 tains have mutually promised to keep each other 
 company ; but this I look upon to be only matter of 
 course, for, if ships are unequal in their sailing, they 
 seldom stay for one another, especially strangers. 
 This afternoon, the wind, that had been so long con 
 trary to us, came about to the eastward (and looks 
 as if it would hold), to our no small satisfaction. I 
 find our messmates in a better humor, and more 
 pleased with their present condition, than they have 
 been since they came out; which I take to proceed 
 
 VOL. I. Q. 
 
i3 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 from the contemplation of the miserable circum 
 stances of the passengers on board our neighbour, 
 and making the comparison. We reckon ourselves 
 in a kind of paradise, when we consider how they 
 live, confined and stifled up with such a lousy, 
 stinking rabble, in this sultry latitude. 
 
 Saturday, September 24th. Last night we had a 
 very high wind, and very thick weather; in which 
 we lost our consort. This morning early we spied a 
 sail ahead of us, which we took to be her; but pre 
 sently after we espied another, and then we plainly 
 perceived, that neither of them could be the Snow; 
 for one of them stemmed with us, and the other bore 
 down directly upon us, having the weather-gage of 
 us. As the latter drew near, we were a little sur 
 prised, not knowing what to make of her; for, by 
 the course she steered, she did not seem designed for 
 any port, but looked as if she intended to clap us 
 aboard immediately. I could perceive concern in 
 every face on board; but she presently eased us of 
 our apprehensions by bearing away astern of us. 
 When we hoisted our jack, she answered with French 
 colors, and presently drew them down again ; and we 
 soon lost sight of her. The other ran by us in less 
 than half an hour, and answered our jack with an 
 English ensign; she stood to the eastward, but the 
 wind was too high to speak with either of them. 
 About nine o clock we spied our consort, who had 
 got a great way ahead of us. She, it seems, had 
 made sail during the night, while we lay by, with our 
 mainyard down, during the hard gale. She very 
 civilly shortened sail for us, and this afternoon we 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 131 
 
 came up with her; and now we are running along 
 very amicably together, side by side, having a most 
 glorious fair wind. 
 
 "On either side the parted billows flow, 
 While the black ocean foams and roars below." 
 
 Sunday, September 2$th. Last night we shot ahead 
 of our consort pretty far. About midnight, having 
 lost sight of each other, we shortened sail for them; 
 but this morning they were got as far ahead of us as 
 we could see, having run by us in the dark unper- 
 ceived. We made sail and came up with them about 
 noon; and, if we chance to be ahead of them again 
 in the night, we are to show them a light, that we may 
 not lose company by any such accident for the future. 
 The wind still continues fair, and we have made a 
 greater run these last four- and- twenty hours than 
 we have done since we came out. All our discourse, 
 now, is of Philadelphia, and we begin to fancy our 
 selves on shore already. Yet a small change of 
 weather, attended by a westerly wind, is sufficient 
 to blast all our blooming hopes, and quite spoil our 
 present good humor. 
 
 Monday, September 26th. The wind continued 
 fair all night. In the twelve o clock watch our con 
 sort, who was about a league ahead of us, showed 
 us a light, and we answered with another. About 
 six o clock this morning we had a sudden hurry of 
 wind at all points of the compass, accompanied with 
 the most violent shower of rain I ever saw, insomuch 
 that the sea looked like a cream dish. It surprised 
 us with all our sails up, and was so various, uncer- 
 
132 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 tain, and contrary, that the mizzen topsail was full, 
 while the head sails were all aback; and, before the 
 men could run from one end of the ship to the other, 
 t was about again. But this did not last long ere 
 the wind settled to the northeast again, to our great 
 satisfaction. Our consort fell astern of us in the 
 storm, but made sail and came up with us again 
 after it was over. We hailed one another on the 
 morrow, congratulating upon the continuance of 
 the fair wind, and both ran on very lovingly together. 
 
 Tuesday, September 2jth. The fair wind continues 
 still. I have laid a bowl of punch, that we are in 
 Philadelphia next Saturday se nnight; for we reckon 
 ourselves not above one hundred and fifty leagues 
 from land. The Snow keeps us company still. 
 
 Wednesday, September 2&th. We had very varia 
 ble winds and weather last night, accompanied with 
 abundance of rain ; and now the wind is come about 
 westerly again, but we must bear it with patience. 
 This afternoon we took up several branches of gulf- 
 weed (with which the sea is spread all over, from the 
 Western Isles to the coast of America) ; but one of 
 these branches had something peculiar in it. In 
 common with the rest, it had a leaf about three 
 quarters of an inch long, indented like a saw, and a 
 small yellow berry, filled with nothing but wind; 
 besides which it bore a fruit of the animal kind, very 
 surprising to see. It was a small shell-fish like a 
 heart, the stalk by which it proceeded from the 
 branch being partly of a grisly kind. Upon this one 
 branch of the weed, there were near forty of these 
 vegetable animals; the smallest of them, near the 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 133 
 
 end, contained a substance somewhat like an oyster, 
 but the larger were visibly animated, opening their 
 shells every moment, and thrusting out a set of un 
 formed claws, not unlike those of a crab; but the 
 inner part was still a kind of soft jelly. Observing 
 the weed more narrowly, I spied a very small crab 
 crawling among it, about as big as the head of a ten- 
 penny nail, and of a yellowish color, like the weed 
 itself. This gave me some reason to think, that he 
 was a native of the branch ; that he had not long since 
 been in the same condition with the rest of those 
 little embryos that appeared in the shells, this being 
 the method of their generation; and that, conse 
 quently, all the rest of this odd kind of fruit might 
 be crabs in due time. To strengthen my conjecture, 
 I have resolved to keep the weed in salt water, re 
 newing it every day till we come on shore, by this 
 experiment to see whether any more crabs will be 
 produced or not in this manner. 
 
 I remember that the last calm we had, we took 
 notice of a large crab upon the surface of the sea, 
 swimming from one branch of weed to another, 
 which he seemed to prey upon ; and I likewise recol 
 lect that at Boston, in New England, I have often 
 seen small crabs with a shell like a snail s upon their 
 backs, crawling about in the salt water; and like 
 wise at Portsmouth in England. It is likely, Nature 
 has provided this hard shell to secure them till their 
 own proper shell has acquired a sufficient hardness, 
 which, once perfected, they quit their old habitation 
 and venture abroad safe in their own strength. The 
 various changes that silkworms, butterflies, and 
 
134 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 several other insects go through, make such altera 
 tions and metamorphoses not improbable. This day 
 the captain of the Snow and one of his passengers 
 came on board us; but the wind beginning to blow, 
 they did not stay to dinner, but returned to their 
 own vessel. 
 
 Thursday, September 2gth. Upon shifting the 
 water in which I had put the weed yesterday, I 
 found another crab, much smaller than the former, 
 who seemed to have newly left his habitation. But 
 the weed begins to wither, and the rest of the em 
 bryos are dead. This new-comer fully convinces me, 
 that at least this sort of crabs are generated in this 
 manner. The Snow s captain dined on board us 
 this day. Little or no wind. 
 
 Friday, September $oth. I sat up last night to 
 observe an eclipse of the moon, which the calendar, 
 calculated for London, informed us would happen at 
 five o clock in the morning, September 3oth. It 
 began with us about eleven last night, and continued 
 till near two this morning, darkening her body about 
 six digits, or one half; the middle of it being about 
 half an hour after twelve, by which we may discover 
 that we are in a meridian of about four hours and a 
 half from London, or 67^- degrees of longitude, and 
 consequently have not much above one hundred 
 leagues to run. This is the second eclipse we have 
 had within these fifteen days. We lost our consort 
 in the night, but saw him again this morning near 
 two leagues to the windward. This afternoon we 
 spoke with him again. We have had abundance of 
 dolphins about us these three or four days; but we 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 135 
 
 have not taken any more than one, they being shy 
 of the bait. I took in some more gulf-weed to-day 
 with the boat-hook, with shells upon it like that 
 before mentioned, and three living perfect crabs, 
 each less than the nail of my little finger. One of 
 them had something particularly observable, to wit, 
 a thin piece of the white shell which I before noticed 
 as their covering while they remained in the con 
 dition of embryos, sticking close to his natural shell 
 upon his back. This sufficiently confirms me in my 
 opinion of the manner of their generation. I have 
 put this remarkable crab with a piece of the gulf- 
 weed, shells, &c. into a glass phial, filled with salt 
 water, (for want of spirits of wine,) in hopes to pre 
 serve the curiosity till I come on shore. The wind 
 is southwest. 
 
 Saturday, October ist. Last night our consort, 
 who goes incomparably better upon a wind than our 
 vessel, got so far to windward and ahead of us, that 
 this morning we could see nothing of him, and it is 
 like shall see him no more. These southwests are 
 hot, damp winds, and bring abundance of rain and 
 dirty weather with them. 
 
 Sunday, October 2d. Last night we prepared our 
 line with a design to sound this morning at four 
 o clock; but the wind coming about again to the 
 northwest, we let it alone. I cannot help fancying 
 the water is changed a little, as is usual when a ship 
 comes within soundings, but it is probable I am 
 mistaken; for there is but one besides myself of my 
 opinion, and we are very apt to believe what we 
 wish to be true. 
 
136 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 Monday, October $d. The water is now very vis 
 ibly changed to the eyes of all except the captain 
 and the mate, and they will by no means allow 
 it ; I suppose because they did not see it first. 
 Abundance of dolphins are about us, but they 
 are very shy and keep at a distance. Wind north 
 west. 
 
 Tuesday, October ^th. Last night we struck a dol 
 phin, and this morning we found a flying-fish dead 
 under the windlass. He is about the bigness of a 
 small mackerel, a sharp head, a small mouth, and a 
 tail forked somewhat like a dolphin, but the lowest 
 branch much larger and longer than the other, and 
 tinged with yellow. His back and sides of a darkish 
 blue, his belly white, and his skin very thick. His 
 wings are of a finny substance, about a span long, 
 reaching, when close to his body, from an inch below 
 his gills to an inch above his tail. When they fly it 
 is straight forward, (for they cannot readily turn,) 
 a yard or two above the water; and perhaps fifty 
 yards is the furthest before they dip into the water 
 again, for they cannot support themselves in the air 
 any longer than while their wings continue wet. 
 These flying-fish are the common prey of the dol 
 phin, who is their mortal enemy. When he pursues 
 them, they rise and fly; and he keeps close under 
 them till they drop, and then snaps them up im 
 mediately. They generally fly in flocks, four or five, 
 or perhaps a dozen together, and a dolphin is seldom 
 caught without one or more in his belly. We put 
 this flying-fish upon the hook, in hopes of catching 
 one, but in a few minutes they got it off without 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 137 
 
 hooking themselves; and they will not meddle with 
 any other bait. 
 
 Tuesday Night. Since eleven o clock we have 
 struck three fine dolphins, which are a great refresh 
 ment to us. This afternoon we have seen abun 
 dance of grampuses, which are seldom far from land; 
 but towards evening we had a more evident token, 
 to wit, a little tired bird, something like a lark, came 
 on board us, who certainly is an American, and t is 
 likely was ashore this day. It is now calm. We 
 hope for a fair wind next. 
 
 Wednesday, October $th. This morning we saw a 
 heron, who had lodged aboard last night. It is a 
 long-legged, long-necked bird, having, as they say, 
 but one gut. They live upon fish, and will swallow 
 a living eel thrice, sometimes, before it will remain 
 in their body. The wind is west again. The ship s 
 crew was brought to a short allowance of water. 
 
 Thursday, October 6th. This morning abundance 
 of grass, rock- weed, &c., passed by us; evident 
 tokens that land is not far off. We hooked a dol 
 phin this morning, that made us a good breakfast. 
 A sail passed by us about twelve o clock, and nobody 
 saw her till she was too far astern to be spoken with. 
 T is very near calm ; we saw another sail ahead 
 this afternoon; but, night coming on, we could not 
 speak with her, though we very much desired it; 
 she stood to the northward, and it is possible might 
 have informed us how far we are from land. Our 
 artists on board are much at a loss. We hoisted our 
 jack to her, but she took no notice of it. 
 
 Friday, October jth. Last night, about nine 
 
138 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 o clock, sprung up a fine gale at northeast, which 
 run us in our course at the rate of seven miles an 
 hour all night. We were in hopes of seeing land 
 this morning, but cannot. The water, which we 
 thought was changed, is now as blue as the sky; so 
 that, unless at that time we were running over some 
 unknown shoal, our eyes strangely deceived us. All 
 the reckonings have been out these several days; 
 though the captain says t is his opinion we are yet 
 a hundred leagues from land; for my part I know 
 not what to think of it ; we have run all this day at 
 a great rate, and now night is come on we have no 
 soundings. Sure the American continent is not all 
 * sunk under water since we left it. 
 
 Saturday, October 8th. The fair wind continues 
 still; we ran all night in our course, sounding every 
 four hours, but can find no ground yet, nor is the 
 water changed by all this day s run. This afternoon 
 we saw an Irish lord, and a bird which, flying, looked 
 like a yellow duck. These, they say, are not seen 
 far from the coast. Other signs of land have we 
 none. Abundance of large porpoises ran by us this 
 afternoon, and we were followed by a shoal of small 
 ones, leaping out of the water as they approached. 
 Towards evening we spied a sail ahead, and spoke 
 with her just before dark. She was bound from New 
 York for Jamaica, and left Sandy Hook yesterday 
 about noon, from which they reckon themselves 
 forty-five leagues distant. By this we compute that 
 we are not above thirty leagues from our Capes, and 
 hope to see land to-morrow. 
 
 Sunday, October gth. We have had the wind fair 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 139 
 
 all the morning; at twelve o clock we sounded, per 
 ceiving the water visibly changed, and struck ground 
 at twenty- five fathoms, to our universal joy. After 
 dinner one of our mess went up aloft to look out, 
 and presently pronounced the long wished-for sound, 
 LAND ! LAND ! In less than an hour we could de 
 scry it from the deck, appearing like tufts of trees. 
 I could not discern it so soon as the rest; my eyes 
 were dimmed with the suffusion of two small drops of 
 joy. By three o clock we were run in within two 
 leagues of the land, and spied a small sail standing 
 along shore. We would gladly have spoken with 
 her, for our captain was unacquainted with the 
 coast, and knew not what land it was that we saw. 
 We made all the sail we could to speak with her. 
 We made a signal of distress; but all would not do, 
 the ill-natured dog would not come near us. Then 
 we stood off again till morning, not caring to venture 
 too near. 
 
 Monday, October loth. This morning we stood in 
 again for land; and we, that had been here before, 
 all agreed that it was Cape Henlopen; about noon 
 we were come very near, and to our great joy saw 
 the pilot-boat come off to us, which was exceeding 
 welcome. He brought on board about a peck of 
 apples with him; they seemed the most delicious I 
 ever tasted in my life; the salt provisions we had 
 been used to, gave them a relish. We had extra 
 ordinary fair wind all the afternoon, and ran above 
 a hundred miles up the Delaware before ten at 
 night. The country appears very pleasant to the 
 eye, being covered with woods, except here and there 
 
140 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 a house and plantation. We cast anchor when the 
 tide turned, about two miles below Newcastle, and 
 there lay till the morning tide. 
 
 Tuesday, October nth. This morning we weighed 
 anchor with a gentle breeze, and passed by New 
 castle, whence they hailed us and bade us welcome. 
 It is extreme fine weather. The sun enlivens our 
 stiff limbs with his glorious rays of warmth and 
 brightness. The sky looks gay, with here and there 
 a silver cloud. The fresh breezes from the woods 
 refresh us; the immediate prospect of liberty, after 
 so long and irksome confinement, ravishes us. In 
 short, all things conspire to make this the most joy 
 ful day I ever knew. As we passed by Chester, some 
 of the company went on shore, impatient once more 
 to tread on terra firma, and designing for Philadel 
 phia by land. Four of us remained on board, not 
 caring for the fatigue of travel when we knew the 
 voyage had much weakened us. About eight at 
 night, the wind failing us, we cast anchor at Redbank, 
 six miles from Philadelphia, and thought we must 
 be obliged to lie on board that night; but, some 
 young Philadelphians happening to be out upon 
 their pleasure in a boat, they came on board, and 
 offered to take us up with them; we accepted of 
 their kind proposal, and about ten o clock landed at 
 Philadelphia, heartily congratulating each other 
 upon our having happily completed so tedious and 
 dangerous a voyage. Thank God! 
 
 #.00 We landed in Philadelphia on the i ith of October, 
 where I found sundry alterations. Keith was no 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 141 
 
 longer governor, being superseded by Major Gordon. 
 I met him walking the streets as a common citizen. 
 He seem d a little asham d at seeing me, but pass d 
 without saying any thing. I should have been as 
 much asham d at seeing Miss Read, had not her 
 friends, despairing with reason of my return after 
 the receipt of my letter, persuaded her to many 
 another, one Rogers, a potter, which was done 
 in my absence. With him, however, she was never 
 happy, and soon parted from him, refusing to co 
 habit with him or bear his name, it being now 
 said that he had another wife. He was a worthless 
 fellow, tho an excellent workman, which was the 
 temptation to her friends. He got into debt, ran 
 away in 1727 or 1728, went to the West Indies, and 
 died there. Keimer had got a better house, a shop 
 well supply d with stationery, plenty of new types, 
 a number of hands, tho none good, and seem d to 
 have a great deal of business. 
 
 , t ,Mr. Denham took a store in Water-street, where 
 we open d our goods; I attended the business dili 
 gently, studied accounts, and grew, in a little time, 
 expert at selling. We lodg d and boarded together; 
 he counsell d me as a father, having a sincere regard 
 for me. I respected and lov d him, and we might 
 have gone on together very happy; but, in the 
 beginning of February, 172^ , when I had just pass d 
 my twenty-first year, we both were taken ill. My 
 distemper was a pleurisy, which very nearly carried 
 me off. I suffered a good deal, gave up the point in 
 my own mind, and was rather disappointed when I 
 found myself recovering, regretting, in some degree, 
 
142 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 that I must now, some time or other, have all that 
 disagreeable work to do over again. I forget what 
 his distemper was; it held him a long time, and at 
 length carried him off. He left me a small legacy in 
 a nuncupative will, as a token of his kindness for 
 me, and he left me once more to the wide world; 
 for the store was taken into the care of his executors, 
 and my employment under him ended. 
 
 My brother-in-law, Holmes, being now at Phila 
 delphia, advised my return to my business; and 
 Keimer tempted me, with an offer of large wages by 
 the year, to come and take the management of his 
 printing-house, that he might better attend his 
 stationer s shop. I had heard a bad character of 
 him in London from his wife and her friends, and 
 was not fond of having any more to do with him. I 
 tri d for farther employment as a merchant s clerk; 
 but, not readily meeting with any, I clos d again 
 with Keimer. I found in his house these hands: 
 Hugh Meredith, a Welsh Pensilvanian, thirty years 
 of age, bred to country work; honest, sensible, had 
 a great deal of solid observation, was something of a 
 reader, but given to drink. Stephen Potts, a young 
 countryman of full age, bred to the same, of un 
 common natural parts, and great wit and humor, 
 but a little idle. These he had agreed with at ex 
 treme low wages per week, to be rais d a shilling 
 every three months, as they would deserve by im 
 proving in their business; and the expectation of 
 these high wages, to come on hereafter, was what he 
 had drawn them in with. Meredith was to work at 
 press, Potts at book-binding, which he, by agree- 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 143 
 
 ment, was to teach them, though he knew neither 
 one nor t other. John , a wild Irishman, 
 brought up to no business, whose service, for four 
 years, Keimer had purchased from the captain of a 
 ship; he, too, was to be made a pressman. George 
 Webb, an Oxford scholar, whose time for four years 
 he had likewise bought, intending him for a com 
 positor, of whom more presently ; and David Harry, 
 a country boy, whom he had taken apprentice. 
 
 I soon perceiv d that the intention of engaging me 
 at wages so much higher than he had been us d to 
 give, was, to have these raw, cheap hands form d 
 thro me; and, as soon as I had instructed them, 
 then they being all articled to him, he should be able 
 to do without me. I went on, however, very cheer 
 fully, put his printing-house in order, which had been 
 in great confusion, and brought his hands by degrees 
 to mind their business and to do it better. 
 
 It was an odd thing to find an Oxford scholar in 
 the situation of a bought servant. He was not more 
 than eighteen years of age, and gave me this account 
 of himself : that he was born in Gloucester, educated 
 at a grammar-school there, had been distinguish d 
 among the scholars for some apparent superiority in 
 performing his part, when they exhibited plays; be 
 long d to the Witty Club there, and had written some 
 pieces in prose and verse, which were printed in the 
 Gloucester newspapers; thence he was sent to Ox 
 ford; where he continued about a year, but not well 
 satisfi d, wishing of all things to see London, and be 
 come a player. At length, receiving his quarterly 
 allowance of fifteen guineas, instead of discharging 
 
146 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 desiring Meredith, whom I saw below, to take care of 
 some things I left, and bring them to my lodgings. 
 
 Meredith came accordingly in the evening, when 
 we talked my affair over. He had conceiv d a great 
 regard for me, and was very unwilling that I should 
 leave the house while he remain d in it. He dis 
 suaded me from returning to my native country, 
 which I began to think of; he reminded me that 
 Keimer was in debt for all he possess d; that his 
 creditors began to be uneasy ; that he kept his shop 
 miserably, sold often without profit for ready money, 
 and often trusted without keeping accounts ; that he 
 must therefore fail, which would make a vacancy I 
 might profit of. I objected my want of money. He 
 then let me know that his father had a high opinion 
 of me, and, from some discourse that had pass d 
 between them, he was sure would advance money 
 to set us up, if I would enter into partnership with 
 him. " My time, " says he, " will be out with Keimer 
 in the spring; by that time we may have our press 
 and types in from London. I am sensible I am no 
 workman; if you like it, your skill in the business 
 shall be set against the stock I furnish, and we will 
 share the profits equally." 
 
 The proposal was agreeable, and I consented; his 
 father was in town and approv d of it; the more as 
 he saw I had great influence with his son, had pre- 
 vail d on him to abstain long from dram- drinking, 
 and he hop d might break him of that wretched 
 habit entirely, when we came to be so closely con 
 nected. I gave an inventory to the father, who 
 carry d it to a merchant; the things were sent for, 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 147 
 
 the secret was to be kept till they should arrive, and 
 in the mean time I was to get work, if I could, at 
 the other printing-house. But I found no vacancy 
 there, and so remain d idle a few days, when Keimer, 
 on a prospect of being employ d to print some paper 
 money in New Jersey, which would require cuts and 
 various types that I only could supply, and appre 
 hending Bradford might engage me and get the jobb 
 from him, sent me a very civil message, that old 
 friends should not part for a few words, the effect of 
 sudden passion, and wishing me to return. Mere 
 dith persuaded me to comply, as it would give more 
 opportunity for his improvement under my daily 
 instructions; so I return d, and we went on more 
 smoothly than for some time before. The New 
 Jersey jobb was obtain d, I contriv d a copper- plate 
 press for it, the first that had been seen in the coun 
 try ; I cut several ornaments and checks for the bills. 
 We went together to Burlington, where I executed 
 the whole to satisfaction ; and he received so large a 
 sum for the work as to be enabled thereby to keep 
 his head much longer above water. 
 
 Burlington I made an acquaintance with many 
 principal people of the province. Several of them 
 had been appointed by the Assembly a committee 
 to attend the press, and take care that no more bills 
 were printed than the law directed. They were 
 therefore, by turns, constantly with us, and gener 
 ally he who attended brought with him a friend or 
 two for company. My mind having been much more 
 improved by reading than Keimer s, I suppose it was 
 for that reason my conversation seem d to be more 
 
148 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 valu d. They had me to their houses, introduced 
 me to their friends, and show d me nnich civility; 
 while he, tho the master, was a little neglected. In 
 truth, he was an odd fish, ignorant of common life, 
 fond of rudely opposing receiv d opinions, slovenly 
 to extream dirtiness, enthusiastic in some points of 
 religion, and a little knavish withal. 
 
 We continu d there near three months; and by 
 that time I could reckon among my acquired friends 
 Judge Allen, Samuel Bustill, the secretary of the 
 province, Isaac Pearson, Joseph Cooper, and several 
 of the Smiths, members of Assembly, and Isaac 
 Decow, the surveyor-general. The latter was a 
 shrewd, sagacious old man, who told me that he 
 began for himself, when young, by wheeling clay for 
 the brickmakers ; learned to write after he was of age, 
 carri d the chain for surveyors who taught him sur 
 veying and he had now by his industry acquir d a 
 good estate; and, says he/ I foresee that you will 
 soon work this man out of his business, and make a 
 fortune at it in Philadelphia." He had not then the 
 least intimation of my intention to set up there or 
 anywhere. These friends were afterwards of great 
 use to me, as I occasionally was to some of them. 
 They all continued their regard for me as long as 
 they lived. 
 
 Before I enter upon my public appearance in busi 
 ness, it may be well to let you know the then state 
 of my mind with regard to my principles and morals, 
 that you may see how far those influenced the future 
 events of my life. My parents had early given me 
 religious impressions, and brought me through my 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 149 
 
 childhood piously in the Dissenting way. But I 
 was scarce fifteen when, after doubting by turns of 
 several points, as I found them disputed in the dif 
 ferent books I read, I began to doubt of Revelation 
 itself. Some books against Deism fell into my 
 hands ; they were said to be the substance of sermons 
 preached at Boyle s Lectures. 1 It happened that 
 they wrought an effect on me quite contrary to what 
 was intended by them; for the arguments of the 
 Deists, which were quoted to be refuted, appeared 
 to me much stronger than the refutations; in short, 
 I soon became a thorough Deist. My arguments 
 perverted some others, particularly Collins and 
 Ralph; but each of them having afterwards wrong d 
 me greatly without the least compunction, and re 
 collecting Keith s conduct towards me (who was an 
 other freethinker), and my own towards Vernon and 
 Miss Read, which at times gave me great trouble, 
 I began to suspect that this doctrine, tho it might 
 
 1 The impression left by the perusal of Boyle s Lectures upon 
 Franklin s youthful mind gives new point to an incident related by 
 Richard Baxter in his Notes on the Life and Death of Sir Matthew Hale. 
 
 " His many hard questions, doubts, and objections to me occasioned 
 me to draw up a small tract of the nature and immortality of man s 
 soul, as proved by natural light alone, by way of question and answers, 
 in which I had not baulked the hardest questions and difficulties that 
 I could think of; conceiving that Atheists and Sadducees are so un 
 happily witty, and Satan such a tutor, that they are as like to think 
 of them as I. But the good man, when I sent it to him, was wiser than 
 I ; and sent me word in his return that he would not have me publish 
 it in English, nor without some alterations of the method, because, 
 though he thought I had sufficiently answered all the objections, yet 
 ordinary readers would take deeper into their minds such hard objec 
 tions as they never heard before, than the answer, how full soever, 
 would be able to overcome: whereupon, not having leisure to translate 
 and alter it, I cast it by." 
 
Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 be true, was not very useful. My London pamphlet, 1 
 which had for its motto these lines of Dry den: 
 
 Whatever is, is right. Though purblind man 
 Sees but a part o the chain, the nearest link: 
 His eyes not carrying to the equal beam, 
 That poises all above; 
 
 and from the attributes of God, his infinite wisdom, 
 goodness, and power, concluded that nothing could 
 possibly be wrong in the world, and that vice and 
 virtue were empty distinctions, no such things exist 
 ing, appear d now not so clever a performance as I 
 once thought it; and I doubted whether some error 
 had not insinuated itself unperceiv d into my argu 
 ment, so as to infect all that follow d, as is common 
 in metaphysical reasonings. 
 
 I grew convinc d that truth, sincerity, and integrity 
 in dealings between man and man were of the ut 
 most importance to the felicity of life; and I form d 
 written resolutions, which still remain in my journal 
 book, to practice them ever while I lived. Revela 
 tion had indeed no weight with me, as such; but I 
 entertain d an opinion that, though certain actions 
 might not be bad because they were forbidden by it, 
 or good because it commanded them, yet probably 
 those actions might be forbidden because they were 
 bad for us, or commanded because they were bene 
 ficial to us, in their own natures, all the circumstances 
 of things considered. And this persuasion, with the 
 kind hand of Providence, or some guardian angel, or 
 
 1 Printed in 1725. For a further account of this pamphlet, see infra, 
 letter to Mr. B. Vaughan, dated Nov. 9, 1779. ED. 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 151 
 
 accidental favorable circumstances and situations, 
 or all together, preserved me, thro this dangerous 
 time of youth, and the hazardous situations I was 
 sometimes in among strangers remote from the eye 
 and advice of my father, without any willful gross 
 immorality or injustice that might have been ex 
 pected from my want of religion. 1 I say willful, be 
 cause the instances I have mentioned had something 
 of necessity in them, from my youth, inexperience, 
 and the knavery of others. I had therefore a tolera 
 ble character to begin with; I valued it properly, 
 and determined to preserve it. 
 
 We had not been long return d to Philadelphia 
 before the new types arriv d from London. We 
 settled with Keimer, and left him by his consent 
 before he heard of it. We found a house to hire 
 near the market, and took it. To lessen the rent, 
 which was then but twenty-four pounds a year, 
 though I have since known it to let for seventy, we 
 took in Thomas Godfrey, a glazier, and his family, 
 who were to pay a considerable part of it to us, and 
 we to board with them. We had scarce opened our 
 letters and put our press in order, before George 
 House, an acquaintance of mine, brought a country 
 man to see us, whom he had met in the street 
 inquiring for a printer. All our cash was now ex 
 pended in the variety of particulars we had been 
 obliged to procure, and this countryman s five shill- 
 
 1 The words, "Some foolish intrigues with low women excepted, 
 which from the expense were rather more prejudicial to me than to 
 them," effaced on the revision, and the sentence which follows in the 
 text written in the margin. ED. 
 
15 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 be true, was not very useful. My London pamphlet, 1 
 which had for its motto these lines of Dry den: 
 
 Whatever is, is right. Though purblind man 
 Sees but a part o the chain, the nearest link: 
 His eyes not carrying to the equal beam, 
 That poises all above; 
 
 and from the attributes of God, his infinite wisdom, 
 goodness, and power, concluded that nothing could 
 possibly be wrong in the world, and that vice and 
 virtue were empty distinctions, no such things exist 
 ing, appear d now not so clever a performance as I 
 once thought it; and I doubted whether some error 
 had not insinuated itself unperceiv d into my argu 
 ment, so as to infect all that follow d, as is common 
 in metaphysical reasonings. 
 
 I grew convinced that truth, sincerity, and integrity 
 in dealings between man and man were of the ut 
 most importance to the felicity of life; and I form d 
 written resolutions, which still remain in my journal 
 book, to practice them ever while I lived. Revela 
 tion had indeed no weight with me, as such; but I 
 entertain d an opinion that, though certain actions 
 might not be bad because they were forbidden by it, 
 or good because it commanded them, yet probably 
 those actions might be forbidden because they were 
 bad for us, or commanded because they were bene 
 ficial to us, in their own natures, all the circumstances 
 of things considered. And this persuasion, with the 
 kind hand of Providence, or some guardian angel, or 
 
 1 Printed in 1725. For a further account of this pamphlet, see infra, 
 letter to Mr. B. Vaughan, dated Nov. 9, 1779. ED. 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 151 
 
 accidental favorable circumstances and situations, 
 or all together, preserved me, thro this dangerous 
 time of youth, and the hazardous situations I was 
 sometimes in among strangers remote from the eye 
 and advice of my father, without any willful gross 
 immorality or injustice that might have been ex 
 pected from my want of religion. 1 I say willful, be 
 cause the instances I have mentioned had something 
 of necessity in them, from my youth, inexperience, 
 and the knavery of others. I had therefore a tolera 
 ble character to begin with; I valued it properly, p 
 and determined to preserve it. 
 
 We had not been long re turn d to Philadelphia 
 before the new types arriv d from London. We 
 settled with Keimer, and left him by his consent 
 before he heard of it. We found a house to hire 
 near the market, and took it. To lessen the rent, 
 which was then but twenty-four pounds a year, 
 though I have since known it to let for seventy, we 
 took in Thomas Godfrey, a glazier, and his family, 
 who were to pay a considerable part of it to us, and 
 we to board with them. We had scarce opened our 
 letters and put our press in order, before George 
 House, an acquaintance of mine, brought a country 
 man to see us, whom he had met in the street 
 inquiring for a printer. All our cash was now ex 
 pended in the variety of particulars we had been 
 obliged to procure, and this countryman s five shill- 
 
 1 The words, "Some foolish intrigues with low women excepted, 
 which from the expense were rather more prejudicial to me than to 
 them," effaced on the revision, and the sentence which follows in the 
 text written in the margin. ED. 
 
152 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 ings, being our first-fruits, and coming so seasonably, 
 gave me more pleasure than any crown I have since 
 earned; and the gratitude I felt toward House has 
 made me often more ready than perhaps I should 
 otherwise have been to assist young beginners. 
 
 There are croakers in every country, always bod 
 ing its ruin. Such a one then lived in Philadelphia; 
 a person of note, an elderly man with a wise look and 
 a very grave manner of speaking; his name was 
 Samuel Mickle. This gentleman, a stranger to me, 
 stopt one day at my door, and asked me if I was the 
 young man who had lately opened a new printing- 
 house. Being answered in the affirmative, he said 
 he was sorry for me, because it was an expensive 
 undertaking and the expense would be lost; for 
 Philadelphia was a sinking place, the people already 
 half bankrupts or near being so; all appearances to 
 the contrary, such as new buildings and the rise of 
 rents, being to his certain knowledge fallacious; for 
 they were, in fact, among the things that would soon 
 ruin us. And he gave me such a detail of misfor 
 tunes now existing, or that were soon to exist, that 
 he left me half melancholy. Had I known him be 
 fore I engaged in this business, probably I never 
 should have done it. This man continued to live in 
 this decaying place, and to declaim in the same 
 strain, refusing for many years to buy a house there, 
 because all was going to destruction; and at last I 
 had the pleasure of seeing him give five times as 
 much for one as he might have bought it for when he 
 first began his croaking. 
 
 I should have mentioned before, that, in the au- 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 153 
 
 tumn of the preceding year, I had form d most of my 
 ingenious acquaintance into a club of mutual im- 
 Y provement which we called the JUNTO; we met on 
 Friday evenings. The rules that I drew up re 
 quired that every member in his turn should produce 
 one or more queries on any point of Morals, Politics, 
 or Natural Philosophy, to be discuss d by the com 
 pany; and once in three months produce and read 
 an essay of his own writing, on any subject he 
 pleased. Our debates were to be under the direc 
 tion of a president, and to be conducted in the 
 sincere spirit of inquiry after truth, without fond 
 ness for dispute or desire of victory; and, to prevent 
 warmth, all expressions of positiveness in opinions 
 or direct contradiction were after some time made 
 contraband and prohibited under small pecuniary 
 penalties. 
 
 The first members were Joseph Breintnal, a copyer 
 r bf iieeds for the scriveners, a good-natur d, friendly, 
 middle-ag d man, a great lover of poetry, reading all 
 he could meet with, and writing some that was toler 
 able; very ingenious in many little Nicknackeries, 
 and of sensible conversation. 
 
 Thomas Godfrey, a self-taught mathematician, 
 great in his way, and afterward inventor of what is 
 now called Hadley s Quadrant. But he knew little 
 out of his way, and was not a pleasing companion; 
 as, like most great mathematicians I have met with, 
 he expected universal precision in every thing said, 
 or was for ever denying or distinguishing upon 
 trifles, to the disturbance of all conversation. He 
 soon left us. 
 
i54 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 Nicholas Scull, a surveyor, afterward surveyor- 
 general, who lov d books and sometimes made a few 
 verses. 
 
 William Parsons, bred a shoemaker, but, loving 
 reading, had acquir d a considerable share of mathe 
 matics, which he first studied with a view to as 
 trology, that he afterwards laught at. He also 
 became surveyor-general. 
 
 William Maugridge, a joiner, a most exquisite 
 mechanic, and a solid, sensible man. 
 
 Hugh Meredith, Stephen Potts, and George Webb 
 I have characteriz d before. 
 
 Robert Grace, a young gentleman of some fortune, 
 generous, lively, and witty; a lover of punning and 
 of his friends. 
 
 And William Coleman, then a merchant s clerk, 
 about my age, who had the coolest, clearest head, 
 the best heart, and the exactest morals of almost any 
 man I ever met with. He became afterwards a 
 merchant of great note, and one of our provincial 
 judges. Our friendship continued without interrup 
 tion to his death, upward of forty years; and the 
 club continued almost as long, and was the best 
 school of philosophy, morality, and politics that 
 then existed in the province; for our queries, which 
 were read the week preceding their discussion, put 
 us upon reading with attention upon the several 
 subjects, that we might speak more to the purpose ; 
 and here, too, we acquired better habits of con 
 versation, every thing being studied in our rules 
 which might prevent our disgusting each other. 
 From hence the long continuance of the club, which 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 155 
 
 I shall have frequent occasion to speak further of 
 hereafter. 1 
 
 But my giving this account of it here is to show 
 something of the interest I had, every one of these 
 exerting themselves in recommending business to us. 
 Breintnal particularly, procur d us from the Quakers 
 
 1 In a careful and interesting paper read before the American 
 Philosophical Society by Dr. Patterson, one of its Vice-Presidents, on 
 the 25th of May, 1843, m commemoration of its Centennial Anniver 
 sary, will be found much new and important information about the 
 Junto. 
 
 When the Philosophical Society was instituted, a book containing 
 some of the questions discussed by the Junto was put into the hands 
 of Dr. William Smith, who selected from it, and published in his 
 Eulogium on Franklin, the following specimens: 
 
 "Is sound an entity or body? 
 
 "How may the phenomena of vapors be explained? 
 
 " Is self-interest the rudder that steers mankind the universal mon 
 arch to whom all are tributaries? 
 
 " Which is the best form of government, and what was that form 
 which first prevailed among mankind? 
 
 "Can any one particular form of government suit all man 
 kind? 
 
 "What is the reason that the tides rise higher in the Bay of Fundy 
 than in the Bay of Delaware? 
 
 "Is the emission of paper money safe? 
 
 "What is the reason that men of the greatest knowledge are not 
 the most happy? 
 
 "How may the possessions of the Lakes be improved to our ad 
 vantage? 
 
 Why are tumultuous, uneasy sensations united with the de 
 sires ? 
 
 "Whether it ought to be the aim of philosophy to eradicate the 
 passions. 
 
 "How may smoky chimneys be best cured? 
 
 "Why does the flame of a candle tend upwards in a spire? 
 
 "Which is least criminal a bad action joined with a good intention, 
 or a good action with a bad intention? 
 
 "Is it consistent with the principles of liberty in a free 
 government to punish a man as a libeller when he speaks the 
 truth," ED. 
 
156 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 the printing forty sheets of their history, the rest 
 being to be done by Keimer; and upon this we 
 work d exceedingly hard, for the price was low. It 
 was a folio, pro patria size in pica, with long primer 
 notes. I compos d of it a sheet a day, and Meredith 
 worked it off at press; it was often eleven at night, 
 and sometimes later, before I had finished my dis 
 tribution for the next day s work, for the little jobbs 
 sent in by our other friends now and then put us 
 back. But so determin d I was to continue doing a 
 sheet a day of the folio, that one night, when, having 
 impos d my forms, I thought my day s work over, one 
 of them by accident was broken, and two pages re 
 duced to pi, I immediately distributed and compos d 
 it over again before I went to bed ; and this industry, . 
 visible to our neighbors, began to give us character 
 and credit; particularly, I was told, that mention 
 being made of the new printing-office at the mer 
 chants E very-night club, the general opinion was 
 that it must fail, there being already two printers in 
 the place, Keimer and Bradford; but Dr. Baird 
 (whom you and I saw many years after at his native 
 place, St. Andrew s in Scotland) gave a contrary 
 opinion: "For the industry of that Franklin," says 
 he, " is superior to any thing I ever saw of the kind; 
 I see him still at work when I go home from club, 
 and he is at work again before his neighbors are out 
 of bed." This struck the rest, and we soon after had 
 offers from one of them to supply us with station 
 ery ; but as yet we did not choose to engage in shop 
 business. 
 I I mention this industry the more particularly and 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 157 
 
 the more freely, tho it seems to be talking in .my 
 own praise, that those of my posterity, who shall 
 read it, may know the use of that virtue, when 
 they see its effects in my favour throughout this 
 relation. 
 
 George Webb, who had found a female friend that 
 lent him wherewith to purchase his time of Keimer, 
 now came to offer himself as a journeyman to us. 
 We could not then employ him; but I foolishly 
 let him know as a secret that I soon intended to 
 begin a newspaper, and might then have work for 
 him. My hopes of success, as I told him, were 
 founded on this, that the then only newspaper, 
 printed by Bradford, was a paltry thing, wretchedly 
 manag d, no way entertaining, and yet was profit 
 able to him; I therefore thought a good paper 
 would scarcely fail of good encouragement. I re 
 quested Webb not to mention it; but he told it to 
 Keimer, who immediately, to be beforehand with 
 me, published proposals for printing one himself, 
 on which Webb was to be employ d. I resented 
 this; and, to counteract them, as I could not yet 
 begin our paper, I wrote several pieces of entertain 
 ment for Bradford s paper, under the title of the 
 BUSY BODY which Breintnal continu d some months. 
 By this means the attention of the publick was fixed * 
 on that paper, and Keimer s proposals, which we 
 burlesqu d and ridicul d, were disregarded. He be 
 gan his paper, however, and, after carrying it on 
 three quarters of a year, with at most, only ninety 
 subscribers, he offer d it to me for a trifle; and I, 
 having been ready some time to go on with it, took 
 
i5 8 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 it in hand directly; and it prov d in a few years 
 extremely profitable to me. 1 
 
 I perceive that I am apt to speak in the singular 
 
 1 This paper was called The Universal Instructor in all Arts and 
 Sciences and Pennsylvania Gazette. Keimer printed his last number, 
 the 39th, on the 25th day of September, 1729. ED. 
 
 Its leading articles were an installment of Chambers 1 Dictionary, Art. 
 " Air," a message from Gov. Burnet of the Province of Massachusetts 
 Bay, the reply of the Assembly, and an obituary of the governor, who 
 had just died. The following announcement filled the rest of the sheet: 
 
 PHILADELPHIA, September 25th. 
 
 "It not quadrating with the circumstances of the printer hereof, S. 
 K., to publish this Gazette any longer, he gives notice that this paper 
 concludes his third quarter; and is the last that will be printed by him. 
 Yet, that his generous subscribers may not be baulked or disappointed, 
 he has agreed with B. Franklin and H. Meredith, at the new printing 
 office, to continue it to the end of the year, having transferred the 
 property wholly to them [D. Harry declining it 1 ], and probably if 
 further encouragement appears it will be continued longer. The said 
 S. K. designs to leave this province early in the spring or sooner, if 
 possibly he can justly accommodate his affairs with every one he 
 stands indebted to." 
 
 The next number, 40, appeared on the 2d of October, in new type, 
 with the following announcement, the title Universal Instructor in all 
 Arts and Sciences having been dropped, and with it the feature of the 
 paper which it designated : 
 
 "The Pennsylvania Gazette being now to be carryed on by other 
 hands, the reader may expect some account of the method we design 
 to proceed in. 
 
 "Upon a view of Chambers great dictionaries, from whence were 
 taken the materials of The Universal Instructor in all Arts and Sciences, 
 which usually made the first part of this paper, we find that besides 
 their containing many things abstruse or insignificant to us, it will 
 probably be fifty years before the whole can be gone through in this 
 manner of publication. There are likewise in those books continual 
 references from things under one letter of the alphabet to those under 
 another, which relate to the same subject and are necessary to explain 
 and complete it; these taken in their turn may be ten years distant; 
 and since it is likely that they who desire to acquaint themselves with 
 
 1 In the previous number Keimer announced that he had made over 
 his business to David Harry, with the design to leave this province as 
 soon as he could get in his debts and justly balance with every one of 
 his few creditors, etc., etc. 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 159 
 
 number, though our partnership still continu d; the 
 reason may be that, in fact, the whole management 
 of the business lay upon me. Meredith was no 
 
 any particular art or science would gladly have the whole before them 
 in much less time, we believe our readers will not think such a method 
 of communicating knowledge to be a proper one. 
 
 "However, though we do not intend to continue the publication of 
 those dictionaries in a regular alphabetical method, as has hitherto 
 been done ; yet, as several things exhibited from them in the course of 
 these papers, have been entertaining to such of the curious who never 
 had and cannot have the advantage of good libraries ; and as there are 
 many things still behind, which, being in this manner made generally 
 known, may perhaps become of considerable use by giving such hints 
 to the excellent natural genius s of our country, as may con tribute either 
 to the improvement of our present manufactures or towards the in 
 vention of new ones; we propose from time to time to communicate 
 such particular parts as appear to be of the most general consequence. 
 
 " As to the Religious Courtship, part of which has been retard to the 
 publick in these papers, the reader may be informed, that the whole 
 book will probably in a little time be printed and bound by itself; and 
 those who approve of it will doubtless be better pleased to have it 
 entire, than in this broken, interrupted manner. 
 
 1 There are many who have long desired to see a good newspaper in 
 Pennsylvania; and we hope those gentlemen who are able, will con 
 tribute towards the making this such. We ask assistance because we 
 are fully sensible, that to publish a good newspaper is not so easy an 
 undertaking as many people imagine it to be. The author of a Gazette 
 (in the opinion of the learned) ought to be qualified with an extensive 
 acquaintance with languages, a great easiness and command of writing, 
 and relating things clearly and intelligibly and in a few words; he 
 should be able to speak of war both by land and sea; be well acquainted 
 with geography, with the history of the time, with the secret interests 
 of princes and states, the secrets of courts, and the manners and cus 
 toms of all nations. Men thus accomplished are very rare in this remote 
 part of the world; and it would be well if the writer of these papers 
 could make up among his friends what is wanting in himself. 
 
 "Upon the whole, we may assure the publick, that, as far as the 
 encouragement we meet with will enable us, no care and pains shall be 
 omitted that may make the Pennsylvania Gazette as agreeable and 
 useful an entertainment as the nature of the thing will allow." 
 
 After the publication of two numbers the Gazette was published twice 
 a week, beginning with No. 43. Franklin was only twenty- three years 
 of age when he embarked in this enterprise. ED. 
 
w 
 
 J 6o Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 compositor, a poor pressman, and seldom sober. My 
 friends lamented my connection with him, but I was 
 to make the best of it. 
 
 Our first papers made a quite different appearance 
 from any before in the province; a better type, and 
 better printed; but some spirited remarks of my 
 writing J on the dispute then going on between Gov 
 ernor Burnet and the Massachusetts Assembly, 
 struck the principal people, occasioned the paper 
 
 1 The following are the spirited remarks here referred to: 
 "His excellency, governor Burnet, died unexpectedly about two days 
 after the date of this reply to his last message ; and it was thought the 
 dispute would have ended with him, or at least have lain dormant till 
 the arrival of a new governor from England, who possibly might or 
 might not be inclined to enter too vigorously into the measures of his 
 predecessor. But our last advices by the post acquaint us that his 
 honor the lieutenant-governor (on whom the government immediately 
 devolves upon the death or absence of the commander-in-chief) has 
 vigorously renewed the struggle on his own account, of which the par 
 ticulars will be seen in our next. Perhaps some of our readers may not 
 fully understand the original ground of this warm contest between the 
 governor and assembly. It seems that people have for these hun 
 dred years past, enjoyed the privilege of rewarding the governor for the 
 time being, according to their sense of his merit and services ; and few 
 or none of their governors have complained, or had cause to complain, 
 of a scanty allowance. When the late governor Burnet brought with 
 him instructions to demand a settled salary of 1000 pounds sterling per 
 annum, on him and all his successors, and the Assembly were required 
 to fix it immediately; he insisted on it strenuously to the last, and they 
 as constantly refused it. It appears by their votes and proceedings 
 that they thought it an imposition, contrary to their own charter, and 
 to Magna Charta; and they judged that there should be a mutual de 
 pendence between the governor and governed ; and that to make the 
 governor independent would be dangerous and destructive to their 
 liberties, and the ready way to establish tyranny. They thought like 
 wise, that the province was not the less dependent on the crown of 
 Great Britain, by the governor s depending immediately on them, and 
 his own good conduct, for an ample support; because all acts and laws 
 which he might be induced to pass, must nevertheless be constantly 
 sent home for approbation, in order to continue in force. Many other 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 161 
 
 and the manager of it to be much talk d of, and 
 in a few weeks brought them all to be our sub 
 scribers. 
 
 Their example was follow d by many, and our num 
 ber went on growing continually. This was one of 
 the first good effects of my having learnt a little to 
 scribble; another was, that the leading men, seeing 
 a newspaper now in the hands of one who could also 
 handle a pen, thought it convenient to oblige and en 
 courage me. Bradford still printed the votes, and 
 laws, and other publick business. He had printed an 
 address of the House to the governor, in a coarse, 
 blundering manner; we reprinted it elegantly and 
 correctly, and sent one to every member. They were 
 sensible of the difference ; it strengthened the hands 
 
 reasons were given, and arguments used in the course of the contro 
 versy, needless to particularize here, because all the material papers 
 relating to it have been already given in our public news. 
 
 "Much deserved praise has the deceased governor received for his 
 steady integrity in adhering to his instructions, notwithstanding the 
 great difficulty and opposition he met with, and the strong temptations 
 offered from time to time to induce him to give up the point. And yet, 
 perhaps, something is due to the Assembly (as the love and zeal of that 
 country for the present establishment is too well known to suffer any 
 suspicion of want of loyalty) , who continue thus resolutely to abide by 
 what they think their right, and that of the people they represent; 
 manage all the arts and menaces of a governor, famed for his cunning 
 and politics, backed with instructions from home, and powerfully aided 
 by the great advantage such an officer always has of engaging the 
 principal men of a place in his party, by conferring, when he pleases, so 
 many posts of profit and honor. Their happy mother country will 
 perhaps observe, with pleasure, that though her gallant cocks and 
 matchless dogs abate their natural fire and intrepidity when trans 
 ported to a foreign clime (as this nation is) , yet her sons in the re 
 motest part of the earth, and even to the third and fourth descent, still 
 retain that ardent spirit of liberty, and that undaunted courage, which 
 has in every age so gloriously distinguished Britons and Englishmen 
 from the rest of mankind." 
 
 VOL. I. II. 
 
162 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 of our friends in the House, and they voted us their 
 printers for the year ensuing. 
 
 Among my friends in the House I must not forget 
 Mr. Hamilton, before mentioned, who was then re 
 turned from England, and had a seat in it. He in 
 terested himself for me strongly in that instance, 
 as he did in many others afterward, continuing his 
 patronage till his death. 1 
 
 Mr. Vernon, about this time, put me in mind of 
 the debt I ow d him, but did not press me. I wrote 
 him an ingenuous letter of acknowledgment, crav d 
 his forbearance a little longer, which he allow d me, 
 and as soon as I was able, I paid the principal with 
 interest, and many thanks; so that erratum was in 
 some degree corrected. 
 
 But now another difficulty came upon me which 
 I had never the least reason to expect. Mr. Mere 
 dith s father, who was to have paid for our printing- 
 house, according to the expectations given me, was 
 able to advance only one hundred pounds currency, 
 which had been paid ; and a hundred more was due to 
 the merchant, who grew impatient, and su d us all. 
 We gave bail, but saw that, if the money could not be 
 rais d in time, the suit must soon come to a judgment 
 and execution, and our hopeful prospects must, with 
 us, be ruin d, as the press and letters must be sold for 
 payment, perhaps at half price. 
 
 In this distress two true friends, whose kindness I 
 have never forgotten, nor ever shall forget while I 
 can remember any thing, came to me separately, un 
 known to each other and without any application 
 
 1 I got his son once 500 [marg. note]. 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 163 
 
 from me, offering each of them to advance me all the 
 money that should be necessary to enable me to take 
 the whole business upon myself, if that should be 
 practicable ; but they did not like my continuing the 
 partnership with Meredith, who, as they said, was 
 often seen drunk in the streets, and playing at low 
 games in alehouses, much to our discredit. These 
 two friends were William Coleman and Robert Grace. 
 I told them I could not propose a separation while 
 any prospect remain d of the Merediths fulfilling 
 their part of our agreement, because I thought my 
 self under great obligations to them for what they 
 had done, and would do if they could; but, if they 
 finally fail d in their performance, and our partner 
 ship must be dissolv d, I should then think myself at 
 liberty to accept the assistance of my friends. 
 
 Thus the matter rested for some time, when I said 
 to my partner: " Perhaps your father is dissatisfied 
 at the part you have undertaken in this affair of ours, 
 and is unwilling to advance for you and me what he 
 would for you alone. If that is the case, tell me, and 
 I will resign the whole to you, and go about my busi 
 ness." "No," said he, "my father has really been 
 disappointed, and is really unable; and I am unwill 
 ing to distress him farther. I see this is a business I 
 am not fit for. I was bred a farmer, and it was a 
 folly in me to come to town, and put myself, at thirty 
 years of age, an apprentice to learn a new trade. 
 Many of our Welsh people are going to settle in 
 North Carolina where land is cheap. I am inclin d 
 to go with them, and follow my old employment. 
 You may find friends to assist you. If you will take 
 
164 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 the debts of the company upon you; return to my 
 father the hundred pound he has advanced ; pay my 
 little personal debts and give me thirty pounds and 
 a new saddle, I will relinquish the partnership, and 
 leave the whole in your hands." I agreed to this 
 proposal; it was drawn up in writing, sign d and 
 seal d immediately. I gave him what he demanded, 
 and he went soon after to Carolina, from whence he 
 sent me next year two long letters containing the 
 best account that had been given of that country, 
 the climate, the soil, husbandry, etc., for in those 
 matters he was very judicious. I printed them in 
 the papers, and they gave great satisfaction to the 
 publick. 
 
 As soon as he was gone I recurr d to my two 
 friends; and because I would not give an unkind 
 preference to either I took half of what each had 
 offered and I wanted of one, and half of the other; 
 paid off the company s debts and went on with the 
 business in my own name, advertising that the part 
 nership was dissolved. I think this was in or about 
 the year 1729." 
 
 About this time there was a cry among the people 
 for more paper money, only fifteen thousand pounds 
 being extant in the province, and that soon to be 
 sunk. The wealthy inhabitants oppos d any addi 
 tion, being against all paper currency, from an ap 
 prehension that it would depreciate, as it had done in 
 New England, to the prejudice of all creditors. We 
 had discuss d this point in our Junto where I was on 
 
 1 By the agreement of dissolution, still extant, it appears that it took 
 place July 14, 1730. SPARKS. 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 165 
 
 the side of an addition, being persuaded that the 
 first small sum struck in 1723 had done much good 
 by increasing the trade, employment, and number of 
 inhabitants in the province, since I now saw all the 
 old houses inhabited, and many new ones building; 
 whereas I remembered well, that when I first walk d x 
 about the streets of Philadelphia, eating my roll, I 
 saw most of the houses in Walnut-street, between 
 Second and Front streets, with bills on their doors, 
 "To be let"; and many likewise in Chestnut-street 
 and other streets, which made me then think the 
 inhabitants of the city were deserting it one after 
 another. 
 
 Our debates possess d me so fully of the subject, 
 that I wrote and printed an anonymous pamphlet on 
 it, entitled The Nature and Necessity of a Paper 
 Currency. It was well receiv d by the common* 
 people in general; but the rich men dislik d it, for 
 it increas d and strengthen d the clamor for more 
 money, and they happening to have no writers 
 among them that were able to answer it, their op 
 position slacken d, and the point was carried by a 
 majority in the House. My friends there who 
 conceiv d I had been of some service, thought fit to 
 reward me by employing me in printing the money ; ^ 
 a very profitable jobb and a great help to me. This 
 was another advantage gain d by my being able to 
 write. 
 
 The utility of this currency became by time and 
 experience so evident as never afterwards to be much 
 disputed; so that it grew soon to fifty-five thousand 
 pounds, and in 1739 to eighty thousand pounds, 
 
1 66 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 since which it arose during the war to upwards of 
 three hundred and fifty thousand pounds, trade, 
 building, and inhabitants all the while increasing, 
 tho I now think there are limits beyond which the 
 quantity may be hurtful. 
 
 I soon after obtain d, thro my friend Hamilton, 
 the printing of the Newcastle paper money, another 
 profitable jobb as I then thought it; small things ap 
 pearing great to those in small circumstances; and 
 these, to me, were really great advantages as they 
 were great encouragements. He procured for me, 
 also the printing of the laws and votes of that gov 
 ernment, which continu d in my hands as long as I 
 follow d the business. 
 
 I now open d a little stationer s shop. I had in it 
 blanks of all sorts, the correctest that ever appear d 
 among us, being assisted in that by my friend Breint- 
 nal. I had also paper, parchment, chapmen s books, 
 etc. One Whitemash, a compositor I had known in 
 London, an excellent workman, now came to me, and 
 work d with me constantly and diligently ; and I took 
 an apprentice, the son of Aquila Rose. 
 
 I began now gradually to pay off the debt I was 
 under for the printing-house. In order to secure my 
 credit and character as a tradesman, I took care not 
 only to be in reality industrious and frugal, but to 
 avoid all appearances to the contrary. I drest 
 plainly; I was seen at no places of idle diversion. I 
 never went out a fishing or shooting; a book, in 
 deed, sometimes debauch d me from my work, but 
 that was seldom, snug, and gave no scandal, and. 
 to show that I was not above my business, I some- 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 167 
 
 times brought home the paper I purchas d at the 
 stores thro the streets on a wheelbarrow. Thus 
 being esteem d an industrious, thriving young man, 
 and paying duly for what I bought, the merchants 
 who imported stationery solicited my custom; others 
 proposed supplying me with books, and I went on 
 swimmingly. In the mean time, Keimer s credit 
 and business declining daily, he was at last forc d 
 to sell his printing-house to satisfy his creditors. He 
 went to Barbadoes, and there lived some years in 
 very poor circumstances. 
 
 His apprentice, David Harry, whom I had in 
 structed while I work d with him, set up in his place 
 at Philadelphia, having bought his materials. I was 
 at first apprehensive of a powerful rival in Harry, as 
 his friends were very able, and had a good deal of 
 interest. I therefore propos d a partnership to him, 
 which he, fortunately for me, rejected with scorn. 
 He was very proud, dressed like a gentleman, liv d 
 expensively, took much diversion and pleasure 
 abroad, ran in debt, and neglected his business ; upon 
 which, all business left him; and, finding nothing 
 to do, he follow d Keimer to Barbadoes, taking the 
 printing-house with him. There this apprentice em 
 ploy d his former master as a journeyman; they 
 quarrel d often; Harry went continually behind 
 hand, and at length was forc d to sell his types and 
 return to his country work in Pensilvania. The per 
 son that bought them employ d Keimer to use them, 
 but in a few years he died. 
 
 There remained now no competitor with me at 
 Philadelphia but the old one, Bradford; who was 
 
i68 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 rich and easy, did a little printing now and then by 
 straggling hands, but was not very anxious about 
 the business. However, as he kept the post-office, 
 it was imagined he had better opportunities of ob 
 taining news; his paper was thought a better dis 
 tributer of advertisements than mine, and therefore 
 had many more, which was a profitable thing to 
 him, and a disadvantage to me; for, tho I did 
 indeed receive and send papers by the post, yet the 
 publick opinion was otherwise, for what I did send 
 was by bribing the riders, who took them privately, 
 Bradford being unkind enough to forbid it, which 
 occasion d some resentment on my part; and I 
 thought so meanly of him for it, that, when I af 
 terward came into his situation, I took care never 
 to imitate it. 
 
 I had hitherto continu d to board with Godfrey, 
 who lived in part of my house with his wife and 
 children, and had one side of the shop for his glazier s 
 business, tho he worked little, being always absorbed 
 in his mathematics. Mrs. Godfrey projected a match 
 for me with a relation s daughter, took opportunities 
 of bringing us often together, till a serious courtship 
 on my part ensu d, the girl being in herself very 
 deserving. The old folks encourag d me by contin 
 ual invitations to supper, and by leaving us together, 
 till at length it was time to explain. Mrs. Godfrey 
 manag d our little treaty. I let her know that I ex 
 pected as much money with their daughter as would 
 pay off my remaining debt for the printing-house, 
 which I believe was not then above a hundred 
 pounds. She brought me word they had no such 
 
1706^1730] Benjamin Franklin 169 
 
 sum to spare; I said they might mortgage their ; 
 house in the loan-office. The answer to this, after 
 some days, was, that they did not approve the match; 
 that, on inquiry of Bradford, they had been inform d 
 the printing business was not a profitable one; the 
 types would soon be worn out, and more wanted; 
 that S. Keimer and D. Harry had failed one after the 
 other, and I should probably soon follow them ; and, 
 therefore, I was forbidden the house, and the daugh 
 ter shut up. 
 
 Whether this was a real change of sentiment or 
 only artifice, on a supposition of our being too far 
 engaged in affection to retract, and therefore that 
 we should steal a marriage, which would leave them 
 at liberty to give or withhold what they pleas d, 
 I know not; but I suspected the latter, resented it, * 
 and went no more. Mrs. Godfrey brought me after 
 ward some more favorable accounts of their dis 
 position, and would have drawn me on again; but I 
 declared absolutely my resolution to have nothing 
 more to do with that family. This was resented by 
 the Godfreys; wediffer d, and they removed, leaving 
 me the whole house, and I resolved to take no more 
 inmates. 
 
 But this affair having turned my thoughts t.o mar 
 riage, I look d round me and made overtures of 
 acquaintance in other places; but soon found that, 
 the business of a printer being generally thought a 
 poor one, I was not to expect money with a wife, 
 unless with such a one as I should not otherwise think 
 agreeable. In the mean time, that hard-to-be-gov 
 erned passion of youth hurried me frequently into 
 
1 70 Autobiography of [1706-1730 
 
 intrigues with low women that fell in my way, which 
 were attended with some expense and great incon 
 venience, besides a continual risque to my health by 
 a distemper which of all things I dreaded, though by^ 
 great good luck I escaped it. A friendly correspond 
 ence as neighbors and old acquaintances had con 
 tinued between me and Mrs. Read s family, who all 
 had a regard for me from the time of my first lodging 
 in their house. I was often invited there and con 
 sulted in their affairs, wherein I sometimes was of 
 service. I piti d poor Miss Read s unfortunate situa 
 tion, who was generally dejected, seldom cheerful, 
 and avoided company. I considered my giddiness 
 and inconsistency when in London as in a great 
 degree the cause of her unhappiness, tho the mother 
 was good enough to think the fault more her own 
 than mine, as she had prevented our marrying before 
 I went thither, and persuaded the other match in 
 my absence. Our mutual affection was revived, but 
 there were now great objections to our union. The 
 match was indeed looked upon as invalid, a preceding 
 wife being said to be living in England; but this could 
 not easily be prov d, because of the distance ; and, tho 
 there was a report of his death, it was not certain. 
 Then, tho it should be true, he had left many debts, 
 which his successor might be call d upon to pay. 
 We ventured, however, over all these difficulties, and 
 I took her to wife, September ist, 1730. None of 
 the inconveniences happened that we had appre 
 hended; she proved a good and faithful helpmate, 
 assisted me much by attending the shop ; we throve 
 together, and have ever mutually endeavor d to 
 
1706-1730] Benjamin Franklin 171 
 
 make each other happy. Thus I corrected that great 
 erratum as well as I could. 1 
 
 About this time, our club meeting, not at a tavern, 
 but in a little room of Mr. Grace s, set apart for that 
 purpose, a proposition was made by me, that, since 
 our books were often referr d to in our disquisitions 
 upon the queries, it might be convenient to us to 
 have them altogether where we met, that upon occa 
 sion they might be consulted; and by thus clubbing 
 our books to a common library, we should, while we 
 lik d to keep them together, have each of us the ad 
 vantage of using the books of all the other members, 
 which would be nearly as beneficial as if each owned 
 the whole. It was lik d and agreed to, and we fill d 
 one end of the room with such books as we could 
 best spare. The number was not so great as we ex 
 pected; and tho they had been of great use, yet 
 some inconveniences occurring for want of due care 
 of them, the collection, after about a year, was 
 separated, and each took his books home again. 
 
 And now I set on foot my first project of a public 
 nature, that for a subscription library. I drew up 
 the proposals, got them put into form by our great 
 scrivener, Brockden, and, by the help of my friends 
 in the Junto, procured fifty subscribers of forty 
 shillings each to begin with, and ten shillings a year 
 for fifty years, the term our company was to con 
 tinue. We afterwards obtain d a charter, the com 
 pany being increased to one hundred: this was the 
 mother of all the North American subscription 
 
 * Mrs. Franklin survived her marriage over forty years. She died 
 December 19, 1774. ED. 
 
Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 libraries, now so numerous. It is become a great 
 thing itself, and continually increasing. These li 
 braries have improved the general conversation of 
 the Americans, made the common tradesmen and 
 farmers as intelligent as most gentlemen from other 
 countries, and perhaps have contributed in some 
 degree to the stand so generally made throughout 
 the colonies in defence of their privileges. 
 
 Mem . Thus far was written with the inten 
 tion express d in the beginning and therefore 
 contains several little family anecdotes of no 
 importance to others. What follows was writ 
 ten many years after in compliance with the ad 
 vice contain d in these letters, and accordingly 
 s intended for the public. The affairs of the 
 Revolution occasion d the interruption. 
 
 LETTER FROM MR. ABEL JAMES, WITH NOTES OF MY 
 LIFE (RECEIVED IN PARIS). 
 
 "Mv DEAR AND HONORED FRIEND: I have often 
 been desirous of writing to thee, but could not be 
 reconciled to the thought, that the letter might fall 
 into the hands of the British, lest some printer or 
 busy-body should publish some part of the contents, 
 and give our friend pain, and myself censure. 
 
 " Some time since there fell into my hands, to my 
 great joy, about twenty-three sheets in thy own 
 handwriting, containing an account of the parentage 
 and life of thyself, directed to thy son, ending in the 
 year 1730, with which there were notes, likewise in 
 
Benjamin Franklin 173 
 
 thy writing; a copy of which I inclose, in hopes it 
 may be a means, if thou continued it up to a later 
 period, that the first and latter part may be put to 
 gether; and if it is not yet continued, I hope thee 
 will not delay it. Life is uncertain, as the preacher 
 tells us ; and what will the world say if kind, humane, 
 and benevolent Ben. Franklin should leave his ~ 
 friends and the world deprived of so pleasing and 
 profitable a work; a work which would be useful and 
 entertaining not only to a few, but to millions ? The 
 influence writings under that class have on the minds 
 of youth is very great, and has nowhere appeared 
 to me so plain, as in our public friend s journals. It 
 almost insensibly leads the youth into the resolution 
 of endeavoring to become as good and eminent as the 
 journalist. Should thine, for instance, when pub 
 lished (and I think it could not fail of it), lead the 
 youth to equal the industry and temperance of thy * 
 early youth, what a blessing with that class would 
 such a work be! I know of no character living, nor 
 many of them put together, who has so much in his 
 power as thyself to promote a greater spirit of in 
 dustry and early attention to business, frugality, and 
 temperance with the American youth. Not that I 
 think the work would have no other merit and use 
 in the world, far from it ; but the first is of 
 such vast importance that I know nothing that can 
 equal it." 
 
 The foregoing letter and the minutes accompany 
 ing it being shown to a friend, I received from him 
 the following: 
 
Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 LETTER FROM MR. BENJAMIN VAUGHAN. 
 
 PARIS, January 31, 1783. 
 
 DEAREST SIR: When I had read over your 
 sheets of minutes of the principal incidents of your 
 life, recovered for you by your Quaker acquaintance, 
 I told you I would send you a letter expressing my 
 reasons why I thought it would be useful to complete 
 and publish it as he desired. Various concerns have 
 for some time past prevented this letter being writ 
 ten, and I do not know whether it was worth any 
 expectation; happening to be at leisure, however, at 
 present, I shall by writing, at least, interest and in 
 struct myself; but as the terms I am inclined to use 
 may tend to offend a person of your manners, I shall 
 only tell you how I would address any other person, 
 who was as good and as great as yourself, but less 
 diffident. I would say to him: Sir, I solicit the 
 history of your life from the following motives: 
 Your history is so remarkable, that if you do not give 
 it, somebody else will certainly give it; and perhaps 
 so as nearly to do as much harm, as your own man 
 agement of the thing might do good. It will more 
 over present a table of the internal circumstances of 
 your country, which will very much tend to invite to 
 it settlers of virtuous and manly minds. And con 
 sidering the eagerness with which such information is 
 sought by them, and the extent of your reputation, 
 I do not know of a more efficacious advertisement 
 than your biography would give. All that has hap- 
 pened to you is also connected with the detail of the 
 manners and situation of a rising people; and in this 
 
1731-1757] Benjamin Franklin 175 
 
 respect I do not think that the writings of Caesar and 
 Tacitus can be more interesting to a true judge of 
 human nature and society. But these, sir, are small 
 reasons, in my opinion, compared with the chance 
 which your life will give for the forming of future 
 great men; and in conjunction with your Art of 
 Virtue (which you design to publish), of improving 
 the features of private character, and consequently 
 of aiding all happiness, both public and domestic. 
 The two works I allude to, sir, will in particular give 
 a noble rule and example of self -education. School 
 and other education constantly proceed upon false 
 principles, and show a clumsy apparatus pointed at a 
 false mark; but your apparatus is simple, and the 
 mark a true one; and while parents and young per 
 sons are left destitute of other just means of estimat 
 ing and becoming prepared for a reasonable course in 
 life, your discovery, that the thing is in many a man s 
 private power, will be invaluable! Influence upon 
 the private character, late in life, is not only an influ 
 ence late in life, but a weak influence. It is in youth 
 that we plant our chief habits and prejudices; it is 
 in youth that we take our party as to profession, 
 pursuits, and matrimony. In youth, therefore, the 
 turn is given; in youth the education even of the 
 next generation is given; in youth the private and 
 public character is determined ; and the term of life 
 extending but from youth to age, life ought to begin 
 well from youth, and more especially before we take 
 our party as to our principal objects. But your 
 biography will not merely teach self-education, but 
 the education of a wise man; and the wisest man will 
 
176 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 receive lights and improve his progress, by seeing 
 detailed the conduct of another wise man. And 
 why are weaker men to be deprived of such helps, 
 when we see our race has been blundering on in the 
 dark, almost without a guide in this particular, from 
 the farthest trace of time? Show then, sir, how 
 much is to be done, both to sons and fathers; 
 and invite all wise men to become like yourself, 
 and other men to become wise. When we see 
 how cruel statesmen and warriors can be to the 
 human race, and how absurd distinguished men 
 can be to their acquaintance, it will be instructive 
 to observe the instances multiply of pacific, ac 
 quiescing manners; and to find how compatible it 
 is to be great and domestic, enviable and yet good- 
 humored. 
 
 "The little private incidents which you will also 
 have to relate, will have considerable use, as we want, 
 above all things, rules of prudence in ordinary affairs ; 
 and it will be curious to see how you have acted in 
 these. It will be so far a sort of key to life, and ex 
 plain many things that all men ought to have once 
 explained to them, to give them a chance of becom 
 ing wise by foresight. The nearest thing to having 
 experience of one s own, is to have other people s 
 affairs brought before us in a shape that is interest 
 ing ; this is sure to happen from your pen ; our affairs 
 and management will have an air of simplicity or 
 importance that will not fail to strike ; and I am con 
 vinced you have conducted them with as much 
 originality as if you had been conducting discussions 
 in politics or philosophy ; and what more worthy of 
 
1731-1757] Benjamin Franklin 177 
 
 experiments and system (its importance and its 
 errors considered) than human life ? 
 
 Some men have been virtuous blindly, others 
 have speculated fantastically, and others have been 
 shrewd to bad purposes; but you, sir, I am sure, 
 will give under your hand nothing but what is at 
 the same moment wise, practical, and good. Your v 
 account of yourself (for I suppose the parallel I am; 
 drawing for Dr. Franklin, will hold not only in point \ 
 of character, but of private history) will show that 
 you are ashamed of no origin ; a thing the more im 
 portant, as you prove how little necessary all origin 
 is to happiness, virtue, or greatness. As no end 
 likewise happens without a means, so we shall find, 
 sir, that even you yourself framed a plan by which 
 you became considerable; but at the same time we 
 may see that though the event is flattering, the 
 means are as simple as wisdom could make them; 
 that is, depending upon nature, virtue, thought, and 
 habit. Another thing demonstrated will be the 
 propriety of every man s waiting for his time for ap 
 pearing upon the stage of the world. Our sensations v 
 being very much fixed to the moment, we are apt to 
 forget that more moments are to follow the first, and 
 consequently that man should arrange his conduct 
 so as to suit the whole of a life. Your attribution 
 appears to have been applied to your life, and the 
 passing moments of it have been enlivened with con 
 tent and enjoyment, instead of being tormented with 
 foolish impatience or regrets. Such a conduct is 
 easy for those who make virtue and themselves in 
 countenance by examples of other truly great men, 
 
 VOL. 1. 12. 
 
178 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 of whom patience is so often the characteristic. 
 Your Quaker correspondent, sir (for here again I 
 will suppose the subject of my letter resembling Dr. 
 Franklin), praised your frugality, diligence, and 
 temperance, which he considered as a pattern for all 
 youth; but it is singular that he should have for 
 gotten your modesty and your disinterestedness, 
 without which you never could have waited for your 
 advancement, or found your situation in the mean 
 time comfortable ; which is a strong lesson to show 
 the poverty of glory and the importance of regulating 
 our minds. If this correspondent had known the 
 nature of your reputation as well as I do, he would 
 have said: Your former writings and measures 
 would secure attention to your Biography, and Art 
 of Virtue; and your Biography and Art of Virtue, in 
 return, would secure attention to them. This is an 
 advantage attendant upon a various character, and 
 which brings all that belongs to it into greater play ; 
 and it is the more useful, as perhaps more persons 
 are at a loss for the means of improving their minds 
 and characters, than they are for the time or the in 
 clination to do it. But there is one concluding re 
 flection, sir, that will shew the use of your life as a 
 mere piece of biography. This style of writing 
 seems a little gone out of vogue, and yet it is a very 
 useful one; and your specimen of it may be par 
 ticularly serviceable, as it will make a subject of com 
 parison with the lives of various public cut-throats 
 and intriguers, and with absurd monastic self -tor 
 mentors or vain literary triflers. If it encourages 
 more writings of the same kind with your own, and 
 
Benjamin Franklin 
 
 induces more men to spent lives fit to be written, it 
 will be worth all Plutarch s Lives put together. But 
 being tired of figuring to myself a character of which 
 every feature suits only one man in the world, with 
 out giving him the praise of it, I shall end my letter, 
 my dear Dr. Franklin, with a personal application to 
 your proper self. I am earnestly desirous, then, my 
 dear sir, that you should let the world into the traits 
 of your genuine character, as civil broils may oth 
 erwise tend to disguise or traduce it. Considering 
 your great age, the caution of your character, and 
 your peculiar style of thinking, it is not likely that 
 any one besides yourself can be sufficiently master 
 of the facts of your life, or the intentions of your 
 mind. Besides all this, the immense revolution of the 
 present period will necessarily turn our attention 
 towards the author of it, and when virtuous prin 
 ciples have been pretended in it, it will be highly im 
 portant to shew that such have really influenced; 
 and, as your own character will be the principal one 
 to receive a scrutiny, it is proper (even for its effects 
 upon your vast and rising country, as well as upon 
 England and upon Europe) that it should stand re 
 spectable and eternal. For the furtherance of hu 
 man happiness, I have always maintained that it is 
 necessary to prove that man is not even at present a 
 vicious and detestable animal; and still more to 
 prove that good management may greatly amend 
 him; and it is for much the same reason, that I am 
 anxious to see the opinion established, that there are 
 fair characters existing among the individuals of the 
 race; for the moment that all men, without excep- 
 
i8o Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 tion, shall be conceived abandoned, good people will 
 cease efforts deemed to be hopeless, and perhaps 
 think of taking their share in the scramble of life, or 
 at least of making it comfortable principally for 
 themselves. Take then, my dear sir, this work most 
 speedily into hand: shew yourself good as you are 
 good ; temperate as you are temperate ; and above 
 all things, prove yourself as one, who from your in 
 fancy have loved justice, liberty, and concord, in a 
 way that has made it natural and consistent for you 
 to have acted, as we have seen you act in the last 
 seventeen years of your life. Let Englishmen be 
 made not only to respect, but even to love you. 
 When they think well of individuals in your native 
 country, they will go nearer to think well of your 
 country ; and when your countrymen see themselves 
 well thought of by Englishmen, they will go nearer 
 to thinking well of England. Extend your views 
 even further; do not stop at those who speak the 
 English tongue, but after having settled so many 
 points in nature and politics, think of bettering the 
 whole race of men. As I have not read any part of 
 the life in question, but know only the character that 
 lived it, I write somewhat at hazard. I am sure, 
 however, that the life and the treatise I allude to 
 (on the Art of Virtue) will necessarily fulfil the chief 
 of my expectations ; and still more so if you take up 
 the measure of suiting these performances to the 
 several views above stated. Should they even prove 
 unsuccessful in all that a sanguine admirer of yours 
 hopes from them, you will at least have framed 
 pieces to interest the human mind; and whoever 
 
Benjamin Franklin 181 
 
 gives a feeling of pleasure that is innocent to man, 
 has added so much to the fair side of a life otherwise 
 too much darkened by anxiety and too much in 
 jured by pain. In the hope, therefore, that you will 
 listen to the prayer addressed to you in this letter, I 
 beg to subscribe myself, my dearest sir, etc., etc., 
 " Signed, BENJ. VAUGHAN." 
 
 CONTINUATION OF THE ACCOUNT OF MY LIFE, BEGUN 
 AT PASSY, NEAR PARIS, 1784 
 
 It is some time since I received the above letters, 
 but I have been too busy till now to think of com 
 plying with the request they contain. It might, too, 
 be much better done if I were at home among my 
 papers, which would aid my memory, and help to 
 ascertain dates; but my return being uncertain, and 
 having just now a little leisure, I will endeavor to 
 recollect and write what I can ; if I live to get home, 
 it may there be corrected and improv d. 
 
 Not having any copy here of what is already writ 
 ten, I know not whether an account is given of the 
 means I used to establish the Philadelphia public 
 library, which, from a small beginning, is now be 
 come so considerable, though I remember to have 
 come down to near the time of that transaction 
 (1730). I will therefore begin here with an account 
 of it, which may be struck out if found to have been 
 already given. 
 
 At the time I establish d myself in Pennsylvania, 
 there was not a good bookseller s shop in any of the 
 
1 82 Autobiography of [i73i- T 757 
 
 colonies to the southward of Boston. In New York 
 and Philad a the printers were indeed stationers; 
 they sold only paper, etc., almanacs, ballads, and a 
 few common school-books. Those who lov d read 
 ing were oblig d to send for their books from Eng 
 land; the members of the Junto had each a few. 
 We had left the alehouse, where we first met, and 
 hired a room to hold our club in. I propos d that 
 we should all of us bring our books to that room, 
 where they would not only be ready to consult in our 
 conferences, but become a common benefit, each of 
 us being at liberty to borrow such as he wish d to 
 read at home. This was accordingly done, and for 
 some time contented us. 
 
 Finding the advantage of this little collection, I 
 propos d to render the benefit from books more com 
 mon, by commencing a public subscription library. 
 I drew a sketch of the plan and rules that would be 
 necessary, and got a skilful conveyancer, Mr. Charles 
 Brockden, to put the whole in form of articles of 
 agreement to be subscribed, by which each sub 
 scriber engag d to pay a certain sum down for the 
 first purchase of books, and an annual contribution 
 for increasing them. So few were the readers at 
 that time in Philadelphia, and the majority of us so 
 poor, that I was not able, with great industry, to 
 find more than fifty persons, mostly young trades 
 men, willing to pay down for this purpose forty 
 shillings each, and ten shillings per annum. On 
 this little fund we began. The books were im 
 ported; the library was opened one day in the week 
 for lending to the subscribers, on their promissory 
 
1731-1757] Benjamin Franklin 183 
 
 notes to pay double the value if not duly returned. 
 The institution soon manifested its utility, was im 
 itated by other towns, and in other provinces. The 
 libraries were augmented by donations; reading be 
 came fashionable ; and our people, having no publick 
 amusements to divert their attention from study, 
 became better acquainted with books, and in a few 
 years were observ d by strangers to be better in 
 structed and more intelligent than people of the same 
 rank generally are in other countries. 
 
 When we were about to sign the above-mentioned 
 articles, which were to be binding on us, our heirs, 
 etc., for fifty years, Mr. Brockden, the scrivener, said 
 to us: " You are young men, but it is scarcely prob 
 able that any of you will live to see the expiration of 
 the term fix d in the instrument." A number of us, 
 however, are yet living; but the instrument was 
 after a few years rendered null by a charter that in 
 corporated and gave perpetuity to the company. 1 
 
 The objections and reluctances I met with in 
 soliciting the subscriptions, made me soon feel the 
 impropriety of presenting one s self as the proposer 
 of any useful project, that might be suppos d to 
 raise one s reputation in the smallest degree above 
 that of one s neighbors, when one has need of their 
 assistance to accomplish that project. I therefore 
 put myself as much as I could out of sight, and 
 stated it as a scheme of a number of friends, who had 
 requested me to go about and propose it to such as 
 
 1 This library was founded in 1731, and incorporated in 1742. By 
 the addition made to it of the library left by Mr. James Logan, and by 
 annual purchases, the Philadelphia Library now numbers between 
 70,000 and 80,000 volumes. ED. 
 
1 84 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 they thought lovers of reading. In this way my 
 affair went on more smoothly, and I ever after prac- 
 tis d it on such occasions; and, from my frequent 
 successes, can heartily recommend it. The present 
 little sacrifice of your vanity will afterwards be 
 amply repaid. If it remains a while uncertain to 
 whom the merit belongs, some one more vain than 
 yourself will be encouraged to claim it, and then 
 even envy will be disposed to do you justice by 
 plucking those assumed feathers, and restoring them 
 to their right owner. 1 
 
 This library afforded me the means of improve 
 ment by constant study, for which I set apart an 
 hour or two each day, and thus repair d in some de 
 gree the loss of the learned education my father once 
 intended for me. Reading was the only amusement 
 I allow d myself. I spent no time in taverns, games, 
 or f rolicks of any kind ; and my industry in my busi 
 ness continu d as indefatigable as it was necessary. 
 I was indebted for my printing-house ; I had a young 
 family coming on to be educated, and I had to contend 
 with for business, two printers who were established 
 in the place before me. My circumstances, however, 
 grew daily easier. My original habits of frugality 
 continuing, and my father having, among his in 
 structions to me when a boy, frequently repeated a 
 proverb of Solomon: " Seest thou a man diligent in 
 his calling, he shall stand before kings, he shall not 
 stand before mean men," I from thence considered 
 
 1 This was a wise application of one of the most cynical precepts of 
 Ovid in his banishment: "Crede mihi, bene qui latuit bene vixit." 
 Tristia Elegia, iv., 25. This line was subsequently adopted as his 
 motto by the illustrious author of the Cartesian philosophy. 
 
Benjamin Franklin 185 
 
 industry, as a means of obtaining wealth and dis 
 tinction, which encourag d me, tho I did not think 
 that I should ever literally stand before kings, which, 
 however, has since happened; for I have stood be 
 fore five, and even had the honor of sitting down 
 with one, the King of Denmark, to dinner. 
 
 We have an English proverb that says: "He that 
 would thrive, must ask his wife." It was lucky for 
 me that I had one as much dispos d to industry and 
 frugality as myself. She assisted me cheerfully in 
 my business, folding and stitching pamphlets, tend 
 ing shop, purchasing old linen rags for the paper- 
 makers, etc., etc. We kept no idle servants, our 
 table was plain and simple, our furniture of the 
 cheapest. For instance, my breakfast was a long 
 time bread and milk (no tea), and I ate it out of a 
 twopenny earthen porringer, with a pewter spoon. 
 But mark how luxury will enter families, and make 
 a progress, in spite of principle: being call d one 
 morning to breakfast, I found it in a China bowl, 
 with a spoon of silver! They had been bought for 
 me without my knowledge by my wife, and had cost 
 her the enormous sum of three- and- twenty shillings, 
 for which she had no other excuse or apology to make, 
 but that she thought her husband deserv d a silver 
 spoon and a China bowl as well as any of his neigh 
 bors. This was the first appearance of plate and 
 China in our house, which afterward, in a course of 
 years, as our wealth increas d, augmented gradually 
 to several hundred pounds in value. 
 
 I had been religiously educated as a Presbyterian ; 
 and tho some of the dogmas of that persuasion, such 
 
i86 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 as the eternal decrees of God, election, reprobation, etc., 
 appeared to me unintelligible, others doubtful, and 
 I early absented myself from the public assemblies 
 of the sect, Sunday being my studying day, I never 
 was without some religious principles. I never 
 doubted, for instance, the existence of the Deity; 
 that he made the world, and govern d it by his 
 Providence; that the most acceptable service of 
 God was the doing good to man; that our souls are 
 immortal; and that all crime will be punished, and 
 virtue rewarded, either here or hereafter. These I 
 esteem d the essentials of every religion; and, being 
 to be found in all the religions we had in our country, 
 I respected them all, tho with different degrees of 
 respect, as I found them more or less mix d with 
 other articles, which, without any tendency to in 
 spire, promote, or confirm morality, serv d prin 
 cipally to divide us, and make us unfriendly to one 
 another. This respect to all, with an opinion that the 
 worst had some good effects, indue d me to avoid all 
 discourse that might tend to lessen the good opinion 
 another might have of his own religion; and as our 
 province increas d in people, and new places of Wor 
 ship were continually wanted, and generally erected 
 by voluntary contribution, my mite for such purpose, 
 whatever might be the sect, was never refused. 
 
 Tho I seldom attended any public worship, I had 
 still an opinion of its propriety, and of its utility 
 when rightly conducted, and I regularly paid my 
 annual subscription for the support of the only Pres 
 byterian minister or meeting we had in Philadelphia. 
 He us d to visit me sometimes as a friend, and ad- 
 
1731-1757] Benjamin Franklin 187 
 
 monish me to attend his administrations, and I was 
 now and then prevail d on to do so, once for five 
 Sundays successively. Had he been in my opinion 
 a good preacher, perhaps I might have continued, 
 notwithstanding the occasion I had for the Sunday s 
 leisure in my course of study ; but his discourses were 
 chiefly either polemic arguments, or explications of 
 the peculiar doctrines of our sect, and were all to me 
 very dry, uninteresting, and unedifying, since not a 
 single moral principle was inculcated or enforc d, 
 their aim seeming to be rather to make us Presby 
 terians than good citizens. 
 
 At length he took for his text that verse of the 
 fourth chapter of Philippians: "Finally, brethren, 
 whatsoever things are true, honest, just, pure, lovely, 
 or of good report, if there be any virtue, or any praise, 
 think on these things. 1 And I imagin d, in a sermon 
 on such a text, we could not miss of having some 
 morality. But he confin d himself to five points only, 
 as meant by the apostle, viz.: i. Keeping holy the 
 Sabbath day. 2. Being diligent in reading the holy 
 Scriptures. 3. Attending duly the publick worship. 
 4. Partaking of the Sacrament. 5. Paying a due 
 respect to God s ministers. These might be all good 
 things ; but, as they were not the kind of good things 
 that I expected from that text, I despaired of ever 
 meeting with them from any other, was disgusted, 
 and attended his preaching no more. I had some 
 years before compos d a little Liturgy, or form of 
 prayer, for my own private use (viz., in 1728), en 
 titled Articles of Belief and Acts of Religion. I re 
 turn d to the use of this, and went no more to the 
 
i88 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 public assemblies. My conduct might be blameable, 
 but I leave it, without attempting further to excuse 
 it; my present purpose being to relate facts, and not 
 to make apologies for them. 
 
 It was about this time I conceiv d the bold and 
 
 , arduous project of arriving at moral perfection. I 
 wish d to live without committing any fault at any 
 time; I would conquer all that either natural in 
 clination, custom, or company might lead me into. 
 As I knew, or thought I knew, what was right and 
 wrong, I did not see why I might not always do the 
 one and avoid the other. But I soon found I had 
 undertaken a task of more difficulty than I had im 
 agined. While my care was employ d in guarding 
 against one fault, I was often surprised by another; 
 habit took the advantage of inattention ; inclination 
 
 j was sometimes too strong for reason. I concluded, 
 at length, that the mere speculative conviction that 
 it was our interest to be completely virtuous, was not 
 sufficient to prevent our slipping; and that the con 
 trary habits must be broken, and good ones acquired 
 and established, before we can have any dependence 
 on a steady, uniform rectitude of conduct. For this 
 purpose I therefore contrived the following method. 
 In the various enumerations of the moral virtues I 
 had met with in my reading, I found the catalogue 
 more or less numerous, as different writers included 
 more or fewer ideas under the same name. Tem 
 perance, for example, was by some confined to eating 
 and drinking, while by others it was extended to 
 mean the moderating every other pleasure, appetite, 
 inclination, or passion, bodily or mental, even to 
 
Benjamin Franklin 189 
 
 our avarice and ambition. I proposed to myself, for 
 the sake of clearness, to use rather more names, with 
 fewer ideas annex d to each, than a few names with 
 more ideas ; and I included under thirteen names of 
 virtues all that at that time occurr d to me as neces 
 sary or desirable, and annexed to each a short pre 
 cept, which fully express d the extent I gave to its 
 meaning. 
 
 These names of virtues, with their precepts, were: 
 
 i. TEMPERANCE 
 Eat not to dullness; drink not to elevation. 
 
 2. SILENCE 
 
 Speak not but what may benefit others or your 
 self; avoid trifling conversation. 
 
 3. ORDER 
 
 Let all your things have their places; let each part 
 of your business have its time. 
 
 4. RESOLUTION 
 
 Resolve to perform what you ought; perform 
 without fail what you resolve. 
 
 5. FRUGALITY 
 
 Make no expense but to do good to others or your 
 self ; i. e., waste nothing. 
 
 6. INDUSTRY 
 
 Lose no time; be always employ d in something 
 useful ; cut off all unnecessary actions. 
 
i9 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 7. SINCERITY 
 
 Use no hurtful deceit ; think innocently and justly ; 
 and, if you speak, speak accordingly. 
 
 8. JUSTICE 
 
 Wrong none by doing injuries, or omitting the 
 benefits that are your duty. 
 
 9. MODERATION 
 
 Avoid extreams; forbear resenting injuries so 
 much as you think they deserve. 
 
 10. CLEANLINESS 
 
 Tolerate no uncleanliness in body, cloaths, or 
 habitation. 
 
 ii. TRANQUILLITY 
 
 Be not disturbed at trifles, or at accidents common 
 or unavoidable. 
 
 12. CHASTITY 
 
 . Rarely use venery but for health or offspring, 
 never to dulness, weakness, or the injury of your 
 own or another s peace or reputation. 
 
 13. HUMILITY 
 Imitate Jesus and Socrates. 
 
 My intention being to acquire the habitude of all 
 these virtues, I judg d it would be well not to dis 
 tract my attention by attempting the whole at once, 
 but to fix it on one of them at a time; and, when I 
 should be master of that, then proceed to another, 
 and so on till I had gone thro the thirteen; and, as 
 
i73 l - I 757l Benjamin Franklin " 
 
 / 
 
 the previous acquisition of some might facilitate the 
 acquisition of certain others, I arrang d them with 
 that view, as they stand above. Temperance first, 
 as it tends to procure that coolness and clearness of 
 head, which is so necessary where constant vigilance 
 was to be kept up, and guard maintained against the 
 unremitting attraction of ancient habits, and the 
 force of perpetual temptations. This being acquir d 
 and establish d, Silence would be more easy; and my 
 desire being to gain knowledge at the same time that 
 I improv d in virtue, and considering that in con 
 versation it was obtain d rather by the use of the 
 ears than of the tongue, and therefore wishing to 
 break a habit I was getting into of prattling, punning, 
 and joking, which only made me acceptable to 
 trifling company, I gave Silence the second place. 
 This and the next, Order, I expected would allow me 
 more time for attending to my project and my stud 
 ies. Resolution, once become habitual, would keep 
 me firm in my endeavors to obtain all the subsequent 
 virtues ; Frugality and Industry freeing me from my 
 remaining debt, and producing affluence and inde 
 pendence, would make more easy the practice of 
 Sincerity and Justice, etc., etc. Conceiving, then, 
 that, agreeably to the advice of Pythagoras in his 
 Golden Verses, 1 daily examination would be neces- 
 
 1 The verses here referred to are thus given as Englished from the 
 version of Hierocles: 
 
 " In this place you should collect together the sense of all the forego 
 ing precepts, that so giving heed to them as to the laws of God in the in 
 ward judicature of the soul, you may make a just examination of what 
 you have done well or ill. For how will our remembrance reprehend us 
 for doing ill, or praise us for doing well, unless the preceding meditation 
 receive some laws, according to which the whole tenor of our life should 
 
192 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 sary, I contrived the following method for conducting 
 that examination. 
 
 I made a little book, in which I allotted a page for 
 
 be ordered, and to which we should conform the very private recesses of 
 conscience all our lives long? He requires also that this examination 
 be daily repeated, that by continual returns of recollection we may not 
 be deceived in our judgment. The time which he recommends for this 
 work is about even or bed-time, that we may conclude the action of the 
 day with the judgment of conscience, making the examination of our 
 conversation an evening song to God. Wherein have I transgressed? 
 What have I done? What duty have I omitted? So shall we measure 
 our lives by the rules above mentioned, if to the law of the mind we 
 join the judgment of reason. 
 
 "What then does the law of the mind say? That we should honor 
 the more excellent natures according to their essential order, that we 
 should have our parents and relations in high esteem, love and embrace 
 good men, raise ourselves above corporal affections, everywhere stand 
 in awe of ourselves, carefully observe justice, consider the frailty of 
 riches and momentary life, embrace the lot which falls to us by divine 
 judgment, delight in a divine frame of spirit, convert our mind to what 
 is most excellent, love good discourses, not lie open to impostures, not 
 be servilely affected in the possession of virtue, advise before action 
 to prevent repentance, free ourselves from uncertain opinions, live with 
 knowledge, and lastly, that we should adapt our bodies and the things 
 without to the exercise of virtue. These are the things which the law- 
 giving mind has implanted in the souls of men, which when reason 
 admits, it becomes a most vigilant judge of itself, in this manner, 
 Wherein have I transgressed ? what have I done ? and if afterwards she 
 finds herself to have spent the whole day agreeably to the foregoing 
 rules, she is rewarded with a divine complacency. And if she find any 
 thing done amiss, she corrects herself by the restorative of an after 
 admonition. 
 
 "Wherefore he would have us keep off sleep by the readiness and 
 alacrity of reason. And this the body will easily endure, if temperately 
 dieted it has not contracted a necessity of sleeping. By which means 
 even our most natural appetites are subjected to the empire of reason. 
 
 "Do not admit sleep (says he) till you have examin d every action of 
 the day. And what is the form of examination? Wherein have I 
 transgress d? what have I done? what duty have I omitted? For 
 we sin two ways. By doing what we should not, and by not doing 
 what we should. For t is one thing not to do well, and another thing 
 to commit evil. One is a sin of omission, and the other of commission. 
 
 "For instance, t is our duty to pray, but not to blaspheme; to 
 
1731-1757] Benjamin Franklin 193 
 
 each of the virtues. 1 I rul d each page with red ink, 
 so as to have seven columns, one for each day of the 
 week, marking each column with a letter for the day. 
 I cross d these columns with thirteen red lines, mark 
 ing the beginning of each line with the first letter of 
 one of the virtues, on which line, and in its proper 
 column, I might mark, by a little black spot, every 
 fault I found upon examination to have been com 
 mitted respecting that virtue upon that day. 
 
 nourish our parents, but not to revile them. He that does the former 
 of these, does what he ought; he that does the latter, what he ought 
 not. Though there is as much guilt in a sin of omission as in a sin of 
 commission. 
 
 "He exhorts also that we proceed methodically in our examination 
 from the beginning to the end, leaving nothing out in the middle, which 
 is implied by the word, runover. For oftentimes change of order de 
 ceives the judgment, and makes us favorable to our ill actions through 
 disorder of memory. Besides, a daily recollection of our actions begets 
 care and studiousness of conversation, and a sense of our immortality. 
 And this is worth our admiration, that when he bid us recollect every 
 thing, yet he added not, Wherein have I done well? or what duty have 
 I perform d ? But he turn d the memory to what was a less occasion 
 of pride, requiring a scrutiny only of our sins. And as for the judge, 
 he has constituted that which is most just and impartial, and most 
 intimate and domestick, the conscience, right reason, or a man s self, 
 which he had before caution d us to stand in awe of above all things. 
 For who can so admonish another as every man can himself? For he 
 that is at his own liberty will use the freedom of nature, and shake off 
 the admonition of others, when he is not minded to follow them. But 
 reason, which is within us, cannot chuse but hear itself. God has set 
 this over us as a guardian, instructor, and schoolmaster. And this the 
 verse makes the judge of the day s action, acquiesces in its determina 
 tion whether it condemns or approves itself. For when it reads over 
 what is done in the register of memory, then, looking into the exemplar 
 of the law, it pronounces itself worthy of honor or dishonor. This 
 course, if daily follow d, perfects the divine image in them that use it, 
 leading them by additions and subtractions to the beauty of virtue, and 
 all attainable perfection. For here end the instructions about civil 
 virtue." ED. 
 
 1 This "little book" is dated ist of July, 1733. 
 
 VOL. i. 13. 
 
i 9 4 
 
 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 Form of the Pages 
 
 TEMPERANCE. 
 
 EAT NOT TO DULLNESS; 
 DRINK NOT TO ELEVATION. 
 
 
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 I determined to give a week s strict attention to 
 each of the virtues successively. Thus, in the first 
 week, my great guard was to avoid every the least 
 offence against Temperance, leaving the other virtues 
 to their ordinary chance, only marking every evening 
 the faults of the day. Thus, if in the first week I 
 could keep my first line, marked T, clear of spots, I 
 suppos d the habit of that virtue so much strength 
 en d, and its opposite weaken d, that I might venture 
 extending my attention to include the next, and for 
 the following week keep both lines clear of spots. 
 Proceeding thus to the last, I could go thro a course 
 compleat in thirteen weeks, and four courses in a 
 year. And like him who, having a garden to weed, 
 does not attempt to eradicate all the bad herbs at 
 once, which would exceed his reach and his strength, 
 
1731-1757] Benjamin Franklin 195 
 
 but works on one of the beds at a time, and, having 
 accomplish d the first, proceeds to a second, so I 
 should have, I hoped, the encouraging pleasure of 
 seeing on my pages the progress I made in virtue, by 
 clearing successively my lines of their spots, till in 
 the end, by a number of courses, I should be happy 
 in viewing a clean book, after a thirteen weeks daily 
 examination. 
 
 This my little book had for its motto these lines 
 from Addison s Cato: 
 
 Here will I hold. If there s a power above us 
 (And that there is, all nature cries aloud 
 Thro all her works), He must delight in virtue; 
 And that which He delights in must be happy. 
 
 Another from Cicero, 
 
 O vitce Philosophia dux! O virtutum indagatrix ex- 
 pultrixque vitiorum! Unus dies, bene et ex praeceptis 
 tuis actus, peccanti immortalitati est anteponendus. 
 
 Another from the Proverbs of Solomon, speaking 
 of wisdom or virtue : 
 
 Length of days is in her right hand, and in her left 
 hand riches and honour. Her ways are ways of pleasant 
 ness, and all her paths are peace. iii. 16, 17. 
 
 And conceiving God to be the fountain of wisdom, 
 I thought it right and necessary to solicit his assist 
 ance for obtaining it; to this end I formed the fol 
 lowing little prayer, which was prefix d to my tables 
 of examination, for daily use. 
 
 O powerful Goodness! bountiful Father! merciful Guide! 
 Increase in me that wisdom which discovers my truest interest. 
 
Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 Strengthen my resolutions to perform what that wisdom 
 dictates. Accept my kind offices to thy other children as the 
 only return in my power for thy continual favours to me. 
 
 I used also sometimes a little prayer which I took 
 from Thomson s Poems, viz.: 
 
 Father of light and life, thou Good Supreme ! 
 
 O teach me what is good; teach me Thyself! 
 
 Save me from folly, vanity, and vice, 
 
 From every low pursuit ; and fill my soul 
 
 With knowledge, conscious peace, and virtue pure; 
 
 Sacred, substantial, never-fading bliss! 
 
 The precept of Order requiring that every part of 
 my business should have its allotted time, one page in 
 my little book contain d the following scheme of em 
 ployment for the twenty-four hours of a natural day. 
 
 THE MORNING. f 5 ] Rise, wash, and address Pow- 
 
 Question. What good shall 6 erful Goodness ! Contrive day s 
 
 I do this day? \ \ business, and take the resolution 
 
 of the day; prosecute the pre- 
 l 7 J sent study, and breakfast. 
 
 8 1 
 ,9 Work. 
 
 "J 
 
 NOON. j 12 \ Read, or overlook my ac- 
 
 \ i ) counts, and dine. 
 
 2 ] 
 
 3 } Work. 
 
 5J 
 
 EVENING. f 6 ] ^ ut things in their places. 
 
 Question. What good have ll 7 I Supper. Music or diversion, or 
 
 done to-day? j 8 (conversation. Examination of 
 
 [ 9 J the day. 
 
 NIGHT. 
 
 Sleep. 
 
i73 l ~ I 757] Benjamin Franklin 197 
 
 I enter d upon the execution of this plan for self- 
 examination, and continu d it with occasional inter- 
 missions for some time. I was surpris d to find 
 myself so much fuller of faults than I had imagined ; 
 but I had the satisfaction of seeing them diminish. 
 To avoid the trouble of renewing now and then my 
 little book, which, by scraping out the marks on the 
 paper of old faults to make room for new ones in a 
 new course, became full of holes, I transferr d my 
 tables and precepts to the ivory leaves of a memo 
 randum book, on which the lines were drawn with 
 red ink, that made a durable stain, and on those lines 
 I mark d my faults with a black-lead pencil, which 
 marks I could easily wipe out with a wet sponge. 
 After a while I went thro one course only in a year, 
 and afterward only one in several years, till at length 
 I omitted them entirely, being employ d in voyages 
 and business abroad, with a multiplicity of affairs 
 that interfered ; but I always carried my little book 
 with me. 
 
 My scheme of ORDER gave me the most trouble; 
 and I found that, tho it might be practicable where 
 a man s business was such as to leave him the dispo 
 sition of his time, that of a journeyman printer, for 
 instance, it was not possible to be exactly observed 
 by a master who must mix with the world and often 
 receive people of business at their own hours. Or 
 der, too, with regard to places for things, papers, etc., 
 I found extreamly difficult to acquire. I had not 
 been early accustomed to it, and, having an exceed 
 ing good memory, I was not so sensible of the incon 
 venience attending want of method. This article, 
 
198 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 therefore cost me so much painful attention and my 
 faults in it vexed me so much, and I made so little 
 progress in amendment, and had such frequent re 
 lapses that I was almost ready to give up the attempt, 
 and content myself with a faulty character in that 
 respect, like the man who, in buying an ax of a 
 smith, my neighbour, desired to have the whole of its 
 surface as bright as the edge. The smith consented 
 to grind it bright for him if he would turn the wheel ; 
 he turn d while the smith press d the broad face of 
 the ax hard and heavily on the stone which made the 
 turning of it very fatiguing. The man came every 
 now and then from the wheel to see how the work 
 went on and at length would take his ax as it was, 
 without farther grinding. "No," said the smith, 
 " turn on, turn on ; we shall have it bright by and by ; 
 as yet, it is only speckled." " Yes," says the man, 
 "but I think I like a speckled ax best." And I believe 
 this may have been the case with many who, having, 
 for want of some such means as I employ d, found 
 the difficulty of obtaining good and breaking bad 
 habits in other points of vice and virtue, have given 
 up the struggle, and concluded that "a speckled ax 
 was best"; for something, that pretended to be 
 reason, was every now and then suggesting to me 
 that such extream nicety as I exacted of myself 
 might be a kind of foppery in morals, which, if it 
 were known, would make me ridiculous; that a 
 perfect character might be attended with the in 
 convenience of being envied and hated; and that 
 a benevolent man should allow a few faults in him 
 self, to keep his friends in countenance. 
 
I 73i~ I 757] Benjamin Franklin 199 
 
 In truth, I found myself incorrigible with respect to 
 Order; and now I am grown old and my memory 
 bad, I feel very sensibly the want of it. But, on the 
 whole, tho I never arrived at the perfection I had 
 been so ambitious of obtaining, but fell far short of 
 it,^;et I was, by the endeavour, a better and a happier 
 man than I otherwise should have been if I had not 
 attempted it ; as those who aim at perfect writing by 
 imitating the engraved copies, tho they never reach 
 the wish d-for excellence of those copies, their hand is 
 mended by the endeavour, and is tolerable while it 
 continues fair and legible. 
 
 It may be well my posterity should be informed 
 that to this little artifice, with the blessing of God, 
 their ancestor ow d the constant felicity of his life, 
 down to his ygth year, in which this is written. What 
 reverses may attend the remainder is in the hand of 
 Providence; but, if they arrive, the reflection on past 
 happiness enjoy d ought to help his bearing them 
 with more resignation. To Temperance he ascribes 
 his long-continued health, and what is still left to 
 him of a good constitution; to Industry and Fru 
 gality, the early easiness of his circumstances and 
 acquisition of his fortune, with all that knowledge 
 that enabled him to be a useful citizen, and obtained 
 for him some degree of reputation among the learned ; 
 to Sincerity and Justice, the confidence of his country, 
 and the honorable employs it conferred upon him; 
 and to the joint influence of the whole mass of 
 virtues, even in the imperfect state he was able 
 to acquire them, all that evenness of temper, and 
 that cheerfulness in conversation, which makes his 
 
200 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 company still sought for and agreeable even to 
 his younger acquaintances. I hope, therefore, that 
 some of my descendants may follow the example 
 and reap the benefit. 
 
 It will be remark d that, tho my scheme was not 
 wholly without religion, there was in it no mark of 
 any of the distinguishing tenets of any particular 
 sect. I had purposely avoided them; for, being 
 fully persuaded of the utility and excellence of my 
 method, and that it might be serviceable to people 
 in all religions, and intending some time or other to 
 publish it, I would not have any thing in it that 
 should prejudice any one, of any sect, against it. I 
 purposed writing a little comment on each virtue, in 
 which I would have shown the advantages of possess 
 ing it, and the mischiefs attending its opposite vice; 
 and I should have called my book THE ART OF 
 VIRTUE, 1 because it would have shown the means 
 and manner of obtaining virtue, which would have 
 distinguished it from the mere exhortation to be 
 good, that does not instruct and indicate the means, 
 but is like the apostle s man of verbal charity, 
 who only, without showing to the naked and 
 hungry how or where they might get clothes or 
 victuals, exhorted them to be fed and clothed. 
 James ii. 15, 16. 
 
 But it so happened that my intention of writing 
 and publishing this comment was never fulfilled. I 
 did, indeed, from time to time, put down short hints 
 of the sentiments, reasonings, etc., to be made use of 
 in it, some of which I have still by me; but the 
 
 1 Nothing so likely to make a man s fortune as virtue. Marg. Note. 
 
1731-1757] Benjamin Franklin 201 
 
 necessary close attention to private business in the 
 earlier part of my life, and public business since, have 
 occasioned my postponing it ; for, it being connected 
 in my mind with a great and extensive project that 
 required the whole man to execute, and which an 
 unforeseen succession of employs prevented my at 
 tending to, it has hitherto remain d unfinish d. 
 
 In this piece it was my design to explain and 
 enforce this doctrine, that vicious actions are not 
 hurtful because they are forbidden, but forbidden 
 because they are hurtful, the nature of man alone 
 considered; that it was, therefore, every one s in 
 terest to be virtuous who wish d to be happy even " 
 in this world; and I should, from this circumstance 
 (there being always in the world a number of rich 
 merchants, nobility, states, and princes, who have 
 need of honest instruments for the management of 
 their affairs, and such being rare), have endeavored 
 to convince young persons that no qualities were so 
 likely to make a poor man s fortune as those of pro 
 bity and integrity. 
 
 My list of virtues contain d at first but twelve; but 
 a Quaker friend having kindly informed me that I , 
 was generally thought proud; that my pride show d 
 itself frequently in conversation ; that I was not con 
 tent with being in the right when discussing any 
 point, but was overbearing, and rather insolent, of 
 which he con vine d me by mentioning several in 
 stances ; I determined endeavoring to cure myself, if 
 I could, of this vice or folly among the rest, and I ^ 
 added Humility to my list, giving an extensive mean 
 ing to the word. 
 
202 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 I cannot boast of much success in acquiring the 
 reality of this virtue, but I had a good deal with 
 regard to the appearance of it. I made it a rule to 
 forbear all direct contradiction to the sentiments of 
 others, and all positive assertion of my own. I even 
 forbid myself, agreeably to the old laws of our Junto, 
 the use of every word or expression in the language 
 that imported a fix d opinion, such as certainly, un 
 doubtedly, etc., and I adopted, instead of them, / con 
 ceive, I apprehend, or / imagine a thing to be so or 
 so; or it so appears to me at present. When another 
 asserted something that I thought an error, I deny d 
 myself the pleasure of contradicting him abruptly, 
 and of showing immediately some absurdity in his 
 proposition; and in answering I began by observing 
 that in certain cases or circumstances his opinion 
 would be right, but in the present case there appeared 
 or seem d to me some difference, etc. I soon found 
 the advantage of this change in my manner ; the con 
 versations I engag d in went on more pleasantly. 
 The modest way in which I propos d my opinions 
 procur d them a readier reception and less contradic 
 tion; I had less mortification when I was found to 
 be in the wrong, and I more easily prevail d with 
 others to give up their mistakes and join with me 
 when I happened to be in the right. 
 
 And this mode, which I at first put on with some 
 violence to natural inclination, became at length so 
 easy, and so habitual to me, that perhaps for these 
 fifty years past no one has ever heard a dogmatical 
 expression escape me. And to this habit (after my 
 character of integrity) I think it principally owing 
 
I73 I ~ I 757] Benjamin Franklin 203 
 
 that I had early so much weight with my fellow- 
 citizens when I proposed new institutions, or altera 
 tions in the old, and so much influence in public 
 councils when I became a member; for I was but 
 a bad speaker, never eloquent, subject to much 
 hesitation in my choice of words, hardly correct in 
 language, and yet I generally carried my points. 
 
 In reality, there is, perhaps, no one of our natural 
 passions so hard to subdue as pride. Disguise it, 
 struggle with it, beat it down, stifle it, mortify it as 
 much as one pleases, it is still alive, and will every 
 now and then peep out and show itself; you will see 
 it, perhaps, often in this history; for, even if I could 
 conceive that I had compleatly overcome it, I should 
 probably be proud of my humility. 
 
 [Thus far written at Passy, 1784.] 
 
 ["/ am now about to write at home, August, 1788, but can not have the 
 help expected from my papers, many of them being lost in the war. 
 I have, however, found the following"] l 
 
 Having mentioned a great and extensive project 
 which I had conceiv d, it seems proper that some ac 
 count should be here given of that project and its 
 object. Its first rise in my mind appears in the fol 
 lowing little paper, accidentally preserv d,viz. : 
 
 Observations on my reading history, in Library, 
 May igth, 1731. 
 
 "That the great affairs of the world, the wars, 
 revolutions, etc., are carried on and effected by 
 parties. 
 
 "That the view of these parties is their present 
 general interest, or what they take to be such. 
 
 1 This is a marginal memorandum. ED. 
 
204 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 -i_ 
 
 " That the different views of these different parties 
 occasion all confusion. 
 
 " That while a party is carrying on a general de 
 sign, each man has his particular private interest in 
 view. 
 
 "That as soon as a party has gain d its general 
 point, each member becomes intent upon his par 
 ticular interest; which, thwarting others, breaks that 
 party into divisions, and occasions more confusion. 
 
 " That few in public affairs act from a meer view of 
 the good of their country, whatever they may pre 
 tend; and, tho their actings bring real good to their 
 country, yet men primarily considered that their own 
 and their country s interest was united, and did not 
 act from a principle of benevolence. 
 
 " That fewer still, in public affairs, act with a view 
 to the good of mankind. 
 
 " There seems to me at present to be great occasion 
 for raising a United Party for Virtue, by forming the 
 virtuous and good men of all nations into a regular 
 body, to be govern d by suitable good and wise rules, 
 which good and wise men may probably be more 
 unanimous in their obedience to, than common peo 
 ple are to common laws. 
 
 " I at present think that whoever attempts this 
 aright, and is well qualified, can not fail of pleasing 
 God, and of meeting with success. B. F." 
 
 Revolving this project in my mind, as to be under 
 taken hereafter, when my circumstances should afford 
 me the necessary leisure, I put down from time to 
 time on pieces of paper such thoughts as occurr d to 
 
1731-1757] Benjamin Franklin 205 
 
 me respecting it. Most of these are lost; but I find 
 one purporting to be the substance of an intended 
 creed, containing, as I thought, the essentials of every 
 known religion, and being free of every thing that 
 might shock the professors of any religion. It is ex 
 press d in these words, viz.: 
 
 " That there is one God, who made all things. 
 
 " That he governs the world by his providence. 
 
 "That he ought to be worshiped by adoration, 
 prayer, and thanksgiving. 
 
 " But that the most acceptable service of God is 
 doing good to man. 
 
 " That the soul is immortal. 
 
 "And that God will certainly reward virtue and 
 punish vice, either here or hereafter. 
 
 My ideas at that time were, that the sect should be 
 begun and spread at first among young and single 
 men only ; that each person to be initiated should not 
 only declare his assent to such creed, but should have 
 exercised himself with the thirteen weeks examina 
 tion and practice of the virtues, as in the before- 
 mention d model; that the existence of such a 
 society should be kept a secret till it was become 
 considerable, to prevent solicitations for the admis 
 sion of improper persons, but that the members 
 should each of them search among his acquaintance 
 for ingenuous, well-disposed youths to whom with 
 prudent caution the scheme should be gradually 
 communicated; that the members should engage to 
 afford their advice, assistance, and support to each 
 
2o6 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 other in promoting one another s interests, business, 
 and advancement in life; that, for distinction, we 
 should be call d The Society of the Free and Easy: 
 free, as being, by the general practice and habit of 
 the virtues free from the dominion of vice; and 
 particularly by the practice of industry and frugality, 
 * free from debt which exposes a man to confinement 
 and a species of slavery to his creditors. 
 
 This is as much as I can now recollect of the pro 
 ject, except that I communicated it in part to two 
 young men, who adopted it with some enthusiasm; 
 but my then narrow circumstances and the necessity 
 I was under of sticking close to my business occa 
 sion d my postponing the further prosecution of it at 
 that time; and my multifarious occupations, public 
 and private, indue d me to continue postponing, so 
 that it has been omitted till I have no longer strength 
 or activity left sufficient for such an enterprise; tho 
 I am still of the opinion that it was a practicable 
 scheme, and might have been very useful, by forming 
 a great number of good citizens; and I was not dis- 
 courag d by the seeming magnitude of the undertak 
 ing, as I have always thought that one man of tolerable 
 abilities may work great changes, and accomplish 
 great affairs among mankind if he first forms a good 
 plan and, cutting off all amusements or other em 
 ployments that would divert his attention, makes 
 the execution of that same plan his sole study and 
 business. 
 
 $ In 1732 I first publish d my Almanack, under the 
 name of Richard Saunder; it was continu d by me 
 about twenty-five years, commonly call d Poor Rich- 
 
Benjamin Franklin 207 
 
 ard s Almanac. I endeavor d to make it both enter 
 taining and useful, and it accordingly came to be in 
 such demand, that I reap d considerable profit from 
 it, vending annually near ten thousand. 1 And ob 
 serving that it was generally read, scarce any neigh 
 borhood in the province being without it, I consider d 
 is as a proper vehicle for conveying instruction among 
 the common people, who bought scarcely any other 
 books ; I therefore filled all the little spaces that oc- 
 curr d between the remarkable days in the calendar 
 with proverbial sentences, chiefly such as inculcated 
 industry and frugality, as the means of procuring 
 wealth, and thereby securing virtue; it being more 
 difficult for a man in want, to act always honestly, as, 
 to use here one of those proverbs, it is hard for an 
 empty sack to stand upright. 
 
 These proverbs, which contained the wisdom of 
 many ages and nations, I assembled and form d into 
 a connected discourse prefix d to the Almanack of 
 1757, as the harangue of a wise old man to the peo- 
 
 1 The advertisement to the first number of this the most celebrated 
 of almanacs was printed in the Pennsylvania Gazette on the ipth of 
 December, 1732. Though appearing thus late in the season, three 
 editions of No. i were sold before the end of January. The advertise 
 ment ran as follows: 
 
 "Just published, for 1733, An Almanack, containing the Lunations, 
 Eclipses, Planets Motions and Aspects, Weather, Sun and Moon s 
 Rising and Setting, High Water, etc. ; besides many pleasant and 
 witty Verses, Jests, and Sayings; Author s Motive of Writing; Predic 
 tion of the Death of his Friend, Mr. Titan Leeds; Moon no Cukold; 
 Bachelor s Folly; Parson s Wine and Baker s Pudding; Short Visits; 
 Kings and Bears; New Fashions; Game for Kisses ; Katherine s Love; 
 Different Sentiments; Signs of a Tempest; Death of a Fisherman; 
 Conjugal Debate; Men and Melons; The Prodigal; Breakfast in Bed; 
 Oyster Lawsuit, etc. By Richard Saunders, Philomat. Printed and 
 Sold by B. Franklin." 
 
208 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 pie attending an auction. The bringing all these 
 scatter d counsels thus into a focus enabled them 
 to make greater impression. The piece, being uni 
 versally approved, was copied in all the newspapers 
 of the Continent; reprinted in Britain on a broad 
 side, to be stuck up in houses ; two translations were 
 made of it in French, and great numbers bought by 
 the clergy and gentry, to distribute gratis among 
 their poor parishioners and tenants. In Pennsyl 
 vania, as it discouraged useless expense in foreign 
 superfluities, some thought it had its share of in 
 fluence in producing that growing plenty of money 
 which was observable for several years after its publi 
 cation. 
 
 I considered my newspaper, also, as another means 
 /. of communicating instruction, and in that view fre 
 quently reprinted in it extracts from the Spectator, 
 and other moral writers; and sometimes published 
 little pieces of my own, which had been first com 
 pos d for reading in our Junto. Of these are a So- 
 cratic dialogue, tending to prove that, whatever 
 might be his parts and abilities, a vicious man could 
 not properly be called a man of sense; and a dis 
 course on self-denial, showing that virtue was not 
 secure till its practice became a habitude, and was 
 free from the opposition of contrary inclinations. 
 These may be found in the papers about the begin 
 ning of 1735. 
 
 In the conduct of my newspaper, I carefully ex 
 cluded all libelling and personal abuse which is of 
 late years become so disgraceful to our country, 
 Whenever I was solicited to insert any thing of that 
 
i73 I ~ I 757] Benjamin Franklin 209 
 
 kind, and the writers pleaded, as they generally did, 
 the liberty of the press, and that a newspaper was 
 like a stage-coach in which any one who would pay 
 had a right to a place, my answer was, that I would 
 print the piece separately if desired and the author 
 might have as many copies as he pleased to distribute 
 himself, but that I would not take upon me to spread 
 his detraction ; and that, having contracted with my 
 subscribers to furnish them with what might be either 
 useful or entertaining, I could not fill their papers 
 with private altercation, in which they had no con 
 cern, without doing them manifest injustice. Now, 
 many of our printers make no scruple of gratifying 
 the malice of individuals by false accusations of the 
 fairest characters among ourselves, augmenting ani 
 mosity even to the producing of duels; and are, 
 moreover, so indiscreet as to print scurrilous reflec 
 tions on the government of neighboring states, and 
 even on the conduct of our best national allies, which 
 may be attended with the most pernicious conse 
 quences. These things I mention as a caution to 
 young printers, and that they may be encouraged not 
 to pollute their presses and disgrace their profession 
 by such infamous practices, but refuse steadily, as 
 they may see by my example that such a course of 
 conduct will not, on the whole, be injurious to their 
 interests. 
 
 In 1733 I sent one of my journeymen to Charles 
 ton, South Carolina, where a printer was wanting. I 
 furnish d him with a press and letters, on an agree 
 ment of partnership, by which I was to receive one- 
 third of the profits of the business, paying one-third 
 
 VOL. I. 14. 
 
210 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 of the expense. He was a man of learning, and hon 
 est but ignorant in matters of account; and, tho he 
 sometimes made me remittances, I could get no ac 
 count from him, nor any satisfactory state of our 
 partnership while he lived. On his decease, the busi 
 ness was continued by his widow, who, being born 
 and bred in Holland, where, as I have been inform d, 
 the knowledge of accounts makes a part of female 
 education, she not only sent me as clear a state as she 
 could find of the transactions past, but continued to 
 account with the greatest regularity and exactness 
 every quarter afterwards, and managed the business 
 with such success that she not only brought up re 
 putably a family of children, but, at the expiration of 
 the term was able to purchase of me the printing- 
 house, and establish her son in it. 
 
 I mention this affair chiefly for the sake of recom 
 mending that branch of education for our young fe 
 males, as likely to be of more use to them and their 
 children, in case of widowhood, than either music or 
 dancing, by preserving them from losses by imposi 
 tion of crafty men and enabling them to continue, 
 perhaps, a profitable mercantile house, with estab 
 lish d correspondence till a son is grown up fit to 
 undertake and go on with it, to the lasting advantage 
 and enriching of the family. 
 
 About the year 1734 there arrived among us from 
 - ^Ireland a young Presbyterian preacher, named Hem- 
 phill, who delivered with a good voice, and appar 
 ently extempore, most excellent discourses, which 
 drew together considerable numbers of different per 
 suasions, who join d in admiring them. Among the 
 
Benjamin Franklin 211 
 
 rest, I became one of his constant hearers, his sermons / 
 pleasing me, as they had little of the dogmatical 
 kind, but inculcated strongly the practice of virtue 
 or what in the religious stile are called good works. 
 Those, however, of our congregation who considered 
 themselves as orthodox Presbyterians disapprov d 
 his doctrine and were join d by most of the old clergy 
 who arraign d him of heterodoxy before the synod in 
 order to have him silenc d. I became his zealous 
 partisan and contributed all I could to raise a party 
 in his favour, and we combated for him a while with 
 some hopes of success. There was much scribbling 
 pro and con upon the occasion ; and rinding that, tho 
 an elegant preacher, he was but a poor writer, I lent 
 him my pen and wrote for him two or three pam 
 phlets, and one piece in the Gazette of April, 1735. 
 Those pamphlets, as is generally the case with con 
 troversial writings, tho eagerly read at the time, were 
 soon out of vogue, and I question whether a single 
 copy of them now exists. 
 
 During the contest an unlucky occurrence hurt his 
 cause exceedingly. One of our adversaries having 
 heard him preach a sermon that was much admired 
 thought he had somewhere read the sermon before, 
 or at least a part of it. On search, he found that part 
 quoted at length, in one of the British Reviews, from 
 a discourse of Dr. Foster s. This detection gave 
 many of our party disgust, who accordingly aban 
 doned his cause, and occasion d our more speedy 
 discomfiture in the synod. I stuck by him, how 
 ever, as I rather appro v d his giving us good ser- " 
 mons composed by others than bad ones of his own 
 
212 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 manufacture, tho the latter was the practice of our 
 common teachers. He afterward acknowledg d to me 
 that none of those he preach d were his own ; adding, 
 that his memory was such as enabled him to retain 
 and repeat any sermon after one reading only. On 
 our defeat, he left us in search elsewhere of better 
 fortune and I quitted the congregation, never joining 
 it after tho I continu d many years my subscription 
 for the support of its ministers. /" 
 
 I had begun in 1732 to study languages; I soon 
 ,made myself so much a master of the French as to 
 be able to read the books with ease. I then under 
 took the Italian. An acquaintance, who was also 
 learning it, us d often to tempt me to play chess with 
 him. Finding this took up too much of the time I 
 had to spare for study, I at length refus d to play 
 any more unless on this condition, that the victor 
 in every game should have a right to impose a task, 
 either in parts of the grammar to be got by heart, 
 or in translations, etc., which tasks the vanquish d 
 was to perform upon honour, before our next meet 
 ing. As we play d pretty equally, we thus beat one 
 another into that language. I afterwards, with a 
 little painstaking, acquir d as much of the Spanish 
 as to read their books also. 
 
 I have already mention d that I had only one 
 year s instruction in a Latin school, and that when 
 very young after which I neglected that language 
 entirely. But, when I had attained an acquaintance 
 with the French, Italian, and Spanish, I was sur- 
 pris d to find, on looking over a Latin Testament, 
 that I understood so much more of that language 
 
i73 I ~ I 757] Benjamin Franklin 213 
 
 than I had imagined, which encouraged me to apply 
 myself again to the study of it, and I met with more 
 success, as those preceding languages had greatly 
 smooth d my way. 
 
 From these circumstances, I have thought that 
 there is some inconsistency in our common mode of 
 teaching languages. We are told that it is proper 
 to begin first with the Latin, and, having acquir d 
 that, it will be more easy to attain those modern 
 languages which are deriv d from it; and yet we do 
 not begin with the Greek, in order more easily to 
 acquire the Latin. It is true that, if you can clamber 
 and get to the top of the staircase without using the 
 steps, you will more easily gain them in descending; 
 but certainly, if you begin with the lowest you will 
 with more ease ascend to the top; and I would 
 therefore offer it to the consideration of those who 
 superintend the education of our youth, whether, 
 since many of those who begin with the Latin quit 
 the same after spending some years without having 
 made any great proficiency, and what they have 
 learnt becomes almost useless, so that their time has 
 been lost, it would not have been better to have be 
 gun with the French, proceeding to the Italian, etc. ; 
 for, tho , after spending the same time, they should 
 quit the study of languages and never arrive at the 
 Latin, they would, however, have acquired another 
 tongue or two, that, being in modern use, might be 
 serviceable to them in common life. 
 
 After ten years absence from Boston, and having 
 become easy in circumstances, I made a journey 
 thither to visit my relations, which I could not sooner 
 
214 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 ; well afford. In returning, I call d at Newport to see 
 my brother, then settled there with his printing- 
 house. Our former differences were forgotten, and 
 our meeting was very cordial and affectionate. He 
 was fast declining in health, and requested of me that, 
 in case of his death, which he apprehended not far 
 distant, I would take home his son, then but ten years 
 of age, and bring him up to the printing business. 
 This I accordingly perform d, sending him a few 
 years to school before I took him into the office. His 
 mother carried on the business till he was grown up, 
 when I assisted him with an assortment of new types, 
 those of his father being in a manner worn out. Thus 
 it was that I made my brother ample amends for the 
 service I had depriv d him of by leaving him so early. 
 
 In 1736 I lost one of my sons, a fine boy of four 
 years old, by the small-pox, taken in the common 
 way. I long regretted bitterly and still regret that 
 I had not given it to him by inoculation. This I 
 mention for the sake of parents who omit that opera 
 tion, on the supposition that they should never for 
 give themselves if a child died under it ; my example 
 showing that the regret may be the same either way, 
 and that, therefore, the safer should be chosen. 
 
 Our club, the Junto, was found so useful and af 
 forded such satisfaction to the members that several 
 were desirous of introducing their friends, which 
 could not well be done without exceeding what we 
 had settled as a convenient number, viz., twelve. We 
 had from the beginning made it a rule to keep our 
 institution a secret, which was pretty well observ d; 
 the intention was to avoid applications of improper 
 
i73 I ~ I 757] Benjamin Franklin 215 
 
 persons for admittance, some of whom, perhaps, we 
 might find it difficult to refuse. I was one of those 
 who were against any addition to our number, but, 
 instead of it, made in writing a proposal that every 
 member separately should endeavor to form a sub 
 ordinate club, with the same rules respecting queries, 
 etc., and without informing them of the connection 
 with the Junto. The advantages proposed were, the 
 improvement of so many more young citizens by the 
 use of our institutions ; our better acquaintance with 
 the general sentiments of the inhabitants on any oc 
 casion, as the Junto member might propose what 
 queries we should desire and was to report to the 
 Junto what pass d in his separate club; the pro 
 motion of our particular interests in business by more 
 extensive recommendation and the increase of our 
 influence in public affairs, and our power of doing 
 good by spreading thro the several clubs the senti 
 ments of the Junto. 
 
 The project was appro v d and every member un 
 dertook to form his club, but they did not all succeed. 
 Five or six only were compleated which were called 
 by different names as the Vine, the Union, the Band, 
 etc. They were useful to themselves, and afforded 
 us a good deal of amusement, information, and in 
 struction besides answering, in some considerable 
 degree, our views of influencing the public opinion 
 on particular occasions, of which I shall give some 
 instances in course of time as they happened. 
 
 My first promotion was my being chosen, in 1736, 
 clerk of the General Assembly. The choice was made 
 that year without opposition ; but the year following, 
 
216 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 when I was again proposed (the choice, like that of 
 the members, being annual), a new member made a 
 long speech against me in order to favour some other 
 candidate. I was, however, chosen, which was the 
 more agreeable to me as, besides the pay for the im 
 mediate service as clerk, the place gave me a better 
 opportunity of keeping up an interest among the 
 members, which secur d to me the business of print 
 ing the votes, laws, paper money and other occasional 
 jobbs for the public that, on the whole were very 
 profitable. 
 
 I therefore did not like the opposition of this new 
 member who was a gentleman of fortune and educa 
 tion, with talents that were likely to give him, in 
 time, great influence in the House which, indeed, 
 afterwards happened. I did not, however, aim at 
 gaining his favour by paying any servile respect to 
 him but, after some time, took this other method. 
 Having heard that he had in his library a certain 
 very scarce and curious book I wrote a note to him 
 expressing my desire of perusing that book and re 
 questing he would do me the favour of lending it to 
 me for a few days. He sent it immediately and I 
 return d it in about a week with another note ex 
 pressing strongly my sense of the favour. When we 
 next met in the House he spoke to me (which he had 
 never done before), and with great civility; and he 
 ever after manifested a readiness to serve me on all 
 occasions, so that we became great friends and our 
 friendship continued to his death. This is another 
 instance of the truth of an old maxim I had learned, 
 which says, "He that has once done you a kindness 
 
Benjamin Franklin 217 
 
 will be more ready to do you another than he whom 
 you yourself have obliged. And it shows how much 
 more profitable it is prudently to remove, than to 
 resent, return, and continue inimical proceedings. 
 
 In 1737, Colonel Spotswood, late governor of Vir 
 ginia and then postmaster-general, being dissatisfied 
 with the conduct of his deputy at Philadelphia 
 respecting some negligence in rendering, and inexacti 
 tude of his accounts, took from him the commission 
 and offered it to me. I accepted it readily and found- 
 it of great advantage; for, tho the salary was small, 
 it facilitated the correspondence that improved my 
 newspaper, increas d the number demanded, as well 
 as the advertisements to be inserted, so that it came 
 to afford me a considerable income. My old compet 
 itor s newspaper declin d proportionably, and I was 
 satisfy d without retaliating his refusal while post 
 master, to permit my papers being carried by the 
 riders. Thus he suffer d greatly from his neglect in 
 due accounting : and I mention it as a lesson to those 
 young men who may be employ d in managing affairs 
 for others, that they should always render accounts 
 and make remittances with great clearness and punc 
 tuality. The character of observing such a conduct 
 is the most powerful of all recommendations to new 
 employments and increase of business. 
 
 I began now to turn my thoughts a little to public 
 affairs, beginning, however, with small matters. The 
 city watch was one of the first things that I conceiv d 
 to want regulation. It was managed by the consta 
 bles of the respective wards in turn; the constable 
 warned a number of housekeepers to attend him for 
 
218 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 the night. Those who chose never to attend, paid 
 him six shillings a year to be excus d, which was sup- 
 pos d to be for hiring substitutes but was, in reality, 
 much more than was necessary for that purpose and 
 made the constableship a place of profit; and the 
 constable, for a little drink, often got such ragamuf 
 fins about him as a watch, that respectable house 
 keepers did not choose to mix with. Walking the 
 rounds, too, was often neglected and most of the 
 nights spent in tippling. I thereupon wrote a paper 
 to be read in Junto, representing these irregularities, 
 but insisting more particularly on the inequality of 
 this six-shilling tax of the constables, respecting the 
 circumstances of those who paid it, since a poor 
 widow housekeeper, all whose property to be guarded 
 by the watch did not perhaps exceed the value of 
 fifty pounds, paid as much as the wealthiest merchant 
 who had thousands of pounds worth of goods in his 
 stores. 
 
 On the whole, I proposed as a more effectual watch, 
 the hiring of proper men to serve constantly in that 
 business ; and as a more equitable way of supporting 
 the charge, the levying a tax that should be propor 
 tion d to the property. This idea, being approv d by 
 the Junto, was communicated to the other clubs, but 
 as arising in each of them ; and though the plan was 
 not immediately carried into execution, yet, by pre 
 paring the minds of people for the change, it paved 
 the way for the law obtained a few years after when 
 the members of our clubs were grown into more 
 influence. 
 
 About this time I wrote a paper (first to be read in 
 
1731-1757] Benjamin Franklin 219 
 
 Junto but it was afterward publish d) on the differ 
 ent accidents and carelessnesses by which houses were 
 set on fire, with cautions against them, and means 
 proposed of avoiding them. This was much spoken 
 of as a useful piece and gave rise to a project which 
 soon followed it, of forming a company for the more 
 ready extinguishing of fires and mutual assistance 
 in removing and securing of goods when in danger. 
 Associates in this scheme were presently found, 
 amounting to thirty. Our articles of agreement 
 oblig d every member to keep always in good order 
 and fit for use, a certain number of leather buckets 
 with strong bags and baskets (for packing and trans 
 porting of goods) , which were to be brought to every 
 fire ; and we agreed to meet once a month and spend 
 a social evening together, in discoursing and com 
 municating such ideas as occurred to us upon the sub 
 ject of fires as might be useful in our conduct on 
 such occasions. 
 
 The utility of this institution soon appeared, and 
 many more desiring to be admitted than we thought 
 convenient for one company, they were advised to 
 form another, which was accordingly done ; and this 
 went on, one new company being formed after an 
 other till they became so numerous as to include 
 most of the inhabitants who were men of property; 
 and now, at the time of my writing this, tho upward 
 of fifty years since its establishment, that which I 
 first formed, called the Union Fire Company, still 
 subsists and flourishes, tho the first members are all 
 deceas d but myself and one, who is older by a year 
 than I am. The small fines that have been paid by 
 
220 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 members for absence at the monthly meetings have 
 been apply d to the purchase of fire-engines, ladders, 
 fire-hooks, and other useful implements for each 
 company, so that I question whether there is a city 
 in the world better provided with the means of 
 putting a stop to beginning conflagrations; and, in 
 fact, since these institutions, the city has never lost 
 by fire more than one or two houses at a time and 
 the flames have often been extinguished before the 
 house in which they began has been half consumed. 1 
 In 1739 arrived among us from Ireland the Rever 
 end Mr. Whitefield, who had made himself remark 
 able there as an itinerant preacher. He was at first 
 permitted to preach in some of our churches ; but the 
 clergy, taking a dislike to him, soon refus d him their 
 pulpits, and he was oblig d to preach in the fields. 
 The multitudes of all sects and denominations that 
 attended his sermons were enormous, and it was mat 
 ter of speculation to me, who was one of the number, 
 to observe the extraordinary influence of his oratory 
 on his hearers and how much they admir d and re 
 spected him, notwithstanding his common abuse of 
 them by assuring them they were naturally half 
 beasts and half devils. It was wonderful to see the 
 change soon made in the manners of our inhabitants. 
 From being thoughtless or indifferent about religion, 
 
 1 This fire company was formed Dec. 7, 1736. It was designed 
 primarily for the security of the property of its members, though they 
 did not limit their usefulness to their own members when their pro 
 perty was not in danger. The Union Fire Company was in active serv 
 ice as late as 1791. In a roll of the companies of that day we find 
 it heading the list, having thirty members, one engine, two hundred 
 and fifty buckets, thirteen ladders, two hooks, no bags, and one eighty- 
 foot rope. 
 
*73 1 ~ I 7S7] Benjamin Franklin 221 
 
 it seem d as if all the world were growing religious, 
 so that one could not walk thro the town in an even 
 ing without hearing psalms sung in different families 
 of every street. 
 
 And it being found inconvenient to assemble in 
 the open air, subject to its inclemencies, the build 
 ing of a house to meet in was no sooner propos d, 
 and persons appointed to receive contributions, but 
 sufficient sums were soon receiv d to procure the 
 ground and erect the building, which was one hun 
 dred feet long and seventy broad, about the size 
 of Westminster Hall ; and the work was carried on 
 with such spirit as to be finished in a much shorter 
 time than could have been expected. Both house 
 and ground were vested in trustees expressly for 
 the use of any preacher of any religious persuasion 
 who might desire to say something to the people at 
 Philadelphia; the design in building not being to 
 accommodate any particular sect, but the inhab 
 itants in general; so that even if the Mufti of Con 
 stantinople were to send a missionary to preach 
 Mohammedanism to us, he would find a pulpit at 
 his service. 
 
 Mr. Whitefield in leaving us, went preaching all 
 the way thro the colonies, to Georgia. The settle 
 ment of that province had lately been begun but, 
 instead of being made with hardy, industrious hus 
 bandmen, accustomed to labor, the only people fit 
 for such an enterprise, it was with families of broken 
 shop-keepers and other insolvent debtors, many of 
 indolent and idle habits, taken out of the jails, who, 
 being set down in the woods, unqualified for clearing 
 
222 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 land, and unable to endure the hardships of a new 
 settlement, perished in numbers leaving many help 
 less children unprovided for. The sight of their 
 miserable situation inspir d the benevolent heart of 
 Mr. Whitefield with the idea of building an Orphan 
 House there, in which they might be supported and 
 educated. Returning northward, he preach d up 
 this charity and made large collections, for his 
 eloquence had a wonderful power over the hearts 
 and purses of his hearers of which I myself was an 
 instance. 
 
 I did not disapprove of the design, but as Georgia 
 was then destitute of materials and workmen and it 
 was proposed to send them from Philadelphia at a 
 great expense, I thought it would have been better 
 to have built the house here and brought the children 
 to it. This I ad vis d ; but he was resolute in his first 
 project, rejected my counsel and I therefore refus d 
 to contribute. I happened soon after to attend one 
 of his sermons in the course of which I perceived he 
 intended to finish with a collection, and I silently 
 resolved he should get nothing from me. I had in 
 my pocket a handful of copper money, three or four 
 silver dollars, and five pistoles in gold. As he pro 
 ceeded I began to soften and concluded to give the 
 coppers. Another stroke of his oratory made me 
 asham d of that and determined me to give the silver; 
 and he finish d so admirably that I empty d my 
 pocket wholly into the collector s dish, gold and all. 
 At this sermon there was also one of our club who, 
 being of my sentiments respecting the building in 
 Georgia and suspecting a collection might be in- 
 
Benjamin Franklin 223 
 
 tended, had, by precaution, emptied his pockets 
 before he came from home. Towards the conclu 
 sion of the discourse however, he felt a strong desire 
 to give and apply d to a neighbour who stood near 
 him to borrow some money for the purpose. The 
 application was unfortunately [made] to perhaps the 
 only man in the company who had the firmness not 
 to be affected by the preacher. His answer was: 
 "At any other time, Friend Hopkinson, I would lend 
 to thee freely; but not now, for thee seems to be out of 
 thy right senses." 
 
 Some of Mr. Whitefield s enemies affected to sup 
 pose that he would apply these collections to his own 
 private emolument; but I, who was intimately ac 
 quainted with him (being employed in printing his 
 Sermons and Journals, etc.), never had the least sus 
 picion of his integrity but am to this day decidedly 
 of opinion that he was in all his conduct a perfectly 
 honest man; and methinks my testimony in his favor 
 ought to have the more weight as we had no religious 
 connection. He us d, indeed, sometimes to pray for 
 my conversion but never had the satisfaction of be 
 lieving that his prayers were heard. Ours was a 
 mere civil friendship, sincere on both sides, and 
 lasted to his death. 
 
 The following instance will show something of the 
 terms on which we stood. Upon one of his arrivals 
 from England at Boston, he wrote to me that he 
 should come soon to Philadelphia but knew not 
 where he could lodge when there as he understood 
 his old friend and host, Mr. Benezet, was removed 
 to Germantown. My answer was : " You know my 
 
224 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 house ; if you can make shift with its scanty accom 
 modations, you will be most heartily welcome. " He 
 reply d, that if I made that kind offer for Christ s 
 sake, I should not miss of a reward. And I returned : 
 "Don t let me be mistaken; it was not for Christ s 
 sake, but for your sake." One of our common ac 
 quaintance jocosely remark d that, knowing it to be 
 the custom of the saints when they received any fa 
 vour, to shift the burden of the obligation from off 
 their own shoulders and place it in heaven, I had 
 contriv d to fix it on earth. 
 
 The last time I saw Mr. Whitefield was in London, 
 when he consulted me about his Orphan House con 
 cern and his purpose of appropriating it to the estab 
 lishment of a college. 
 
 He had a loud and clear voice and articulated his 
 words and sentences so perfectly that he might be 
 heard and understood at a great distance, especially 
 as his auditories, however numerous, observ d the 
 most exact silence. He preach d one evening from 
 the top of the Court-house steps, which are in the 
 middle of Market-street and on the west side of 
 Second-street which crosses it at right angles. Both 
 streets were fill d with his hearers to a considerable 
 distance. Being among the hindmost in Market- 
 street, I had the curiosity to learn how far he could 
 be heard, by retiring backwards down the street 
 towards the river; and I found his voice distinct till 
 I came near Front-street when some noise in that 
 street obscur d it. Imagining then a semicircle, of 
 which my distance should be the radius and that it 
 were fill d with auditors, to each of whom I allow d 
 
Benjamin Franklin 225 
 
 two square feet, I computed that he might well be 
 heard by more than thirty thousand. This recon- 
 cil d me to the newspaper accounts of his having 
 preach d to twenty-five thousand people in the fields 
 and to the antient histories of generals haranguing 
 whole armies, of which I had some times doubted. 
 
 By hearing him often, I came to distinguish easily 
 between sermons newly compos d, and those which 
 he had often preach d in the course of his travels. 
 His delivery of the latter was so improv d by fre 
 quent repetitions that every accent, every emphasis, 
 every modulation of voice, was so perfectly well 
 turn d and well plac d that without being interested 
 in the subject one could not help being pleas d with 
 the discourse; a pleasure of much the same kind 
 with that receiv d from an excellent piece of musick. 
 This is an advantage itinerant preachers have over 
 those who are stationary as the latter cannot well 
 improve their delivery of a sermon by so many re 
 hearsals. 
 
 His writing and printing from time to time gave 
 great advantage to his enemies; unguarded expres 
 sions, and even erroneous opinions, delivered in 
 preaching, might have been afterwards explain d or 
 qualifi d by supposing others that might have accom- 
 pani d them, or they might have been deny d; but 
 liter a scripta manet. Critics attack d his writings 
 violently, and with so much appearance of reason as 
 to diminish the number of his votaries and prevent 
 their encrease; so that I am of opinion if he had 
 never written any thing he would have left behind 
 him a much more numerous and important sect and 
 
 VOL. I. 15. 
 
226 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 his reputation might in that case have been still 
 growing, even after his death, as there being nothing 
 of his writing on which to found a censure and give 
 him a lower character, his proselytes would be left at 
 liberty to feign for him as great a variety of excel 
 lences as their enthusiastic admiration might wish 
 him to have possessed. 
 
 My business was now continually augmenting and 
 my circumstances growing daily easier, my news 
 paper having become very profitable, as being for a 
 time almost the only one in this and the neighbouring 
 provinces. I experienced, too, the truth of this ob 
 servation: " that after getting the first hundred pound, 
 it is more easy to get the second" money itself being of 
 a prolific nature. 
 
 The partnership at Carolina having succeeded, I 
 was encourag d to engage in others and to promote 
 several of my workmen who had behaved well, by 
 establishing them with printing-houses in different 
 colonies on the same terms with that in Carolina. 
 Most of them did well, being enabled at the end of 
 our term, six years, to purchase the types of me and 
 go on working for themselves, by which means sev 
 eral families were raised. Partnerships often finish 
 in quarrels but I was happy in this, that mine were 
 all carried on and ended amicably, owing, I think, a 
 good deal to the precaution of having very explicitly 
 settled, in our articles, every thing to be done by or 
 expected from each partner so that there was nothing 
 to dispute, which precaution I would therefore re 
 commend to all who enter into partnerships; for, 
 whatever esteem partners may have for, and confi- 
 
I 73*- I 7S7] Benjamin Franklin 227 
 
 dence in, each other at the time of the contract, little 
 jealousies and disgusts may arise with ideas of in 
 equality in the care and burden of the business, etc., 
 which are attended often with breach of friendship 
 and of the connection, perhaps with lawsuits and 
 other disagreeable consequences. 
 
 I had, on the whole, abundant reason to be satis 
 fied with my being established in Pennsylvania. 
 There were, however, two things that I regretted, 
 there being no provision for defense, nor for a corn- 
 pleat education of youth ; no militia, nor any college. 
 I therefore, in 1743, drew up a proposal for establish 
 ing an academy, and at that time, thinking the Rev 
 erend Mr. Peters who was out of employ, a fit person 
 to superintend such an institution, I communicated 
 the project to him; but he, having more profitable 
 views in the service of the proprietaries, which suc 
 ceeded, declin d the undertaking and, not knowing 
 another at that time suitable for such a trust I let the 
 scheme lie a while dormant. I succeeded better the 
 next year, 1 744, in proposing and establishing a Philo 
 sophical Society. The paper I wrote for that purpose 
 will be found among my writings, when collected. 1 
 
 1 See infra, i4th of May, 1743: "A Proposal for Promoting Useful 
 knowledge among the British Plantations in America." 
 
 Though the American Philosophical Society was not, strictly speak 
 ing, the organic continuation of the Junto, there can be no doubt that 
 the plan of establishing it had been often brought before the Junto 
 for consideration, for we know that it was the practice of Franklin, 
 when he had new projects to propose, to have them first discussed in 
 the Club. But a stronger evidence still of the part which they took in 
 forming the new institution is presented by the fact that of the nine 
 original members of the Philosophical Society, six, including the three 
 officers, are known to have belonged to the Junto, namely, Franklin, 
 Hopkinson, Coleman, Godfrey, Rhoads, and Parsons. ED. 
 
228 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 With respect to defense, Spain having been several 
 years at war against Great Britain and being at 
 length join d by France, which brought us into great 
 danger and the laboured and long-continued en 
 deavour of our governor, Thomas, to prevail with our 
 Quaker Assembly to pass a militia law and make 
 other provisions for the security of the province, 
 having proved abortive, I determined to try what 
 might be done by a voluntary association of the 
 people. To promote this, I first wrote and published 
 a pamphlet, entitled PLAIN TRUTH in which I stated 
 6A, our defenceless situation in strong lights, with the 
 necessity of union and discipline for our defense and 
 promis d to propose in a few days an association, to 
 be generally signed for that purpose. The pam 
 phlet had a sudden and surprising effect. I was 
 call d upon for the instrument of association and 
 having settled the draft of it with a few friends, I 
 appointed a meeting of the citizens in the large build 
 ing before mentioned. The house was pretty full; 
 I had prepared a number of printed copies, and pro 
 vided pens and ink dispersed all over the room. I 
 harangued them a little on the subject, read the 
 paper, and explained it, and then distributed the 
 copies which were eagerly signed, not the least objec 
 tion being made. 
 
 When the company separated and the papers were 
 collected, we found above twelve hundred hands; 
 and other copies being dispersed in the country, the 
 subscribers amounted at length to upward of ten 
 thousand. These all furnished themselves as soon 
 as they could with arms, formed themselves into 
 
i?3 I - I 757] Benjamin Franklin 229 
 
 companies and regiments, chose their own officers 
 and met every week to be instructed in the manual 
 exercise, and other parts of military discipline. The 
 women, by subscriptions among themselves, pro 
 vided silk colors which they presented to the com 
 panies, painted with different devices and mottos 
 which I supplied. 
 
 The officers of the companies composing the Phila 
 delphia regiment being met, chose me for their 
 colonel but, conceiving myself unfit, I declin d that 
 station and recommended Mr. Lawrence, a fine person, 
 a man of influence, who was accordingly appointed. 
 I then propos d a lottery to defray the expense of 
 building a battery below the town and furnishing it 
 with cannon. It filled expeditiously, and the battery 
 was soon erected, the merlons being fram d of logs 
 and fill d with earth. We bought some old cannon 
 from Boston, but these not being sufficient we wrote 
 to England for more, soliciting, at the same time, our 
 proprietaries for some assistance, tho without much 
 expectation of obtaining it. 
 
 Meanwhile, Colonel Lawrence, William Allen, 
 Abram Taylor, Esqr., and myself, were sent to New 
 York by the associators, commission d to borrow 
 some cannon of Governor Clinton. He at first re- 
 fus d us peremptorily but at dinner with his council 
 where there was great drinking of Madeira wine, as 
 the custom of the place then was, he softened by de 
 grees, and said he would lend us six. After a few 
 more bumpers he advanc d to ten; and at length he 
 very good-naturedly conceded eighteen. They were 
 fine cannon, eighteen-pounders, with their carriages 
 
230 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 which we soon transported and mounted on our 
 battery where the associators kept a nightly guard 
 while the war lasted, and among the rest I regularly 
 took my turn of duty there as a common soldier. 
 
 My activity in these operations was agreeable to 
 he governor and council; they took me into confi 
 dence and I was consulted by them in every measure 
 wherein their concurrence was thought useful to the 
 association. Calling in the aid of religion I propos d 
 to them the proclaiming a fast to promote reforma 
 tion, and implore the blessing of Heaven on our under 
 taking. They embrac d the motion; but, as it was 
 the first fast ever thought of in the province, the 
 secretary had no precedent from which to draw the 
 proclamation. My education in New England where 
 a fast is proclaimed every year, was here of some ad 
 vantage; I drew it in the accustomed stile; it was 
 translated into German, printed in both languages, 
 and divulg d thro the province. This gave the 
 clergy of the different sects an opportunity of influ 
 encing their congregations to join in the association 
 and it would probably have been general among all 
 but Quakers if the peace had not soon interven d. 
 
 It was thought by some of my friends that, by my 
 activity in these affairs, I should offend that sect and 
 thereby lose my interest in the Assembly of the pro 
 vince where they formed a great majority. A young 
 gentleman who had likewise some friends in the 
 House and wished to succeed me as their clerk, ac 
 quainted me that it was decided to displace me at 
 the next election and he, therefore in good will, ad- 
 vis d me to resign as more consistent with my honour 
 
i73 l ~ I 757] Benjamin Franklin 231 
 
 than being turn d out. My answer to him was, that 
 I had read or heard of some public man who made it 
 a rule never to ask for an office, and never to refuse 
 one when offer d to him. "I approve," says I, "of 
 his rule and will practice it with a small addition: I 
 shall never ask, never refuse, nor ever resign an office. 
 If they will have my office of clerk to dispose of to 
 another, they shall take it from me. I will not, by 
 giving it up, lose my right of some time or other 
 making reprisals on my adversaries." I heard how 
 ever, no more of this; I was chosen again unani 
 mously as usual at the next election. Possibly, as 
 they dislik d my late intimacy with the members of 
 council, who had join d the governors in all the dis 
 putes about military preparations with which the 
 House had long been harass d, they might have been 
 pleas d if I would voluntarily have left them, but 
 they did not care to displace me on account merely 
 of my zeal for the association, and they could not 
 well give another reason. 
 
 Indeed I had some cause to believe that the de 
 fense of the country was not disagreeable to any of 
 them, provided they were not requir d to assist in it. 
 And I found that a much greater number of them 
 than I could have imagined, tho against offensive 
 war, were clearly for the defensive. Many pam 
 phlets pro and con were publish d on the subject, and 
 some by good Quakers, in favour of defense, which I 
 believe convinc d most of their younger people. 
 
 A transaction in our fire company gave me some 
 insight into their prevailing sentiments. It had been 
 propos d that we should encourage the scheme fof 
 
232 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 building a battery by laying out the present stock, 
 then about sixty pounds, in tickets of the lottery. 
 By our rules, no money could be disposed of till the 
 next meeting after the proposal. The company con 
 sisted of thirty members, of which twenty- two were 
 Quakers and eight only, of other persuasions. We 
 eight punctually attended the meeting; but, tho we 
 thought that some of the Quakers would join us, 
 we were by no means sure of a majority. Only one 
 Quaker, Mr. James Morris, appear d to oppose the 
 measure. He expressed much sorrow that it had 
 ever been propos d, as he said Friends were all against 
 it, and it would create such discord as might break 
 up the company. We told him that we saw no 
 reason for that ; we were the minority, and if Friends 
 were against the measure and outvoted us, we must 
 and should, agreeably to the usage of all societies, 
 submit. When the hour for business arriv d it was 
 mov d to put the vote; he allow d we might then do 
 it by the rules but, as he could assure us that a num 
 ber of members intended to be present for the pur 
 pose of opposing it, it would be but candid to allow 
 a little time for their appearing. 
 
 While we were disputing this, a waiter came to 
 tell me two gentlemen below desir d to speak with 
 me. I went down and found they were two of our 
 Quaker members. They told me there were eight 
 of them assembled at a tavern just by; that they 
 were determin d to come and vote with us if there 
 should be occasion, which they hop d would not be the 
 case and desir d we would not call for their assist 
 ance if we could do without it, as their voting for such 
 
Benjamin Franklin 233 
 
 a measure might embroil them with their elders and 
 friends. Being thus secure of a majority, I went up 
 and, after a little seeming hesitation, agreed to a 
 delay of another hour. This Mr. Morris allow d to 
 be extreamly fair. Not one of his opposing friends 
 appear d, at which he express d great surprize and, 
 at the expiration of the hour, we carry d the resolu 
 tion eight to one ; and as, of the twenty-two Quakers, 
 eight were ready to vote with us and thirteen, by 
 their absence, manifested that they were not inclin d 
 to oppose the measure, I afterward estimated the 
 proportion of Quakers sincerely against defense as 
 one to twenty-one only; for these were all regular 
 members of that society and in good reputation 
 among them and had due notice of what was pro- 
 pos d at that meeting. 
 
 The honorable and learned Mr. Logan, who had 
 always been of that sect, was one who wrote an ad 
 dress to them, declaring his approbation of defens 
 ive war, and supporting his opinion by many strong 
 arguments. He put into my hands sixty pounds to 
 be laid out in lottery tickets for the battery, with 
 directions to apply what prizes might be drawn 
 wholly to that service. He told me the following 
 anecdote of his old master, William Penn, respecting 
 defense. He came over from England, when a young 
 man, with that proprietary and as his secretary. It 
 was war-time and their ship was chas d by an armed 
 vessel, suppos d to be an enemy. Their captain pre- 
 par d for defense but told William Penn, and his 
 company of Quakers that he did not expect their 
 assistance and they might retire into the cabin, which 
 
234 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 they did except James Logan who chose to stay upon 
 deck and was quarter d to a gun. The suppos d 
 enemy prov d a friend, so there was no fighting; but 
 when the secretary went down to communicate the 
 intelligence, William Penn rebuk d him severely for 
 staying upon deck and undertaking to assist in 
 defending the vessel, contrary to the principles of 
 Friends, especially as it had not been required by the 
 captain. This reproof, being before all the company 
 piqu d the secretary, who answer d: "7 being thy 
 servant, why did thee not order me to come down? But 
 thee was willing enough that I should stay and help to 
 fight the ship when thee thought there was danger." 
 
 My being many years in the Assembly, the ma 
 jority of which were constantly Quakers, gave me 
 frequent opportunities of seeing the embarrassment 
 given them by their principle against war, whenever 
 application was made to them, by order of the crown, 
 to grant aids for military purposes. They were un 
 willing to offend government on the one hand, by a 
 direct refusal, and their friends, the body of the 
 Quakers, on the other, by a compliance contrary to 
 their principles ; hence a variety of evasions to avoid 
 complying, and modes of disguising the compliance 
 when it became unavoidable. The common mode at 
 last was to grant money under the phrase of its be 
 ing "for the king s use," and never to inquire how 
 it was applied. 
 
 But, if the demand was not directly from the 
 crown that phrase was found not so proper and 
 some other was to be invented. As, when powder 
 was wanting (I think it was for the garrison at 
 
1731-1757] Benjamin Franklin 235 
 
 Louisburg), and the government of New England 
 solicited a grant of some from Pennsylvania, which 
 was much urg d on the House by Governor Thomas, 
 they could not grant money to buy powder, because 
 that was an ingredient of war ; but they voted an aid 
 to New England of three thousand pounds, to be put 
 into the hands of the governor, and appropriated it 
 for the purchasing of bread, flour, wheat, or other 
 grain. Some of the council, desirous of giving the 
 House still further embarrassment ad vis d the gov 
 ernor not to accept provision, as not being the thing 
 he had demanded; but he reply d: " I shall take the 
 money, for I understand very well their meaning; 
 other grain is gunpowder," which he accordingly 
 bought and they never objected to it. 1 
 
 It was in allusion to this fact that, when in our fire 
 company we feared the success of our proposal in 
 /favour of the lottery, and I had said to my friend 
 Mr. Syng, one of our members: "If we fail, let us 
 move the purchase of a fire-engine with the money; 
 the Quakers can have no objection to that ; and then, 
 if you nominate me and I you as a committee for that 
 purpose, we will buy a great gun, which is certainly a 
 fire-engine." "I see," says he, "you have improv d 
 by being so long in the Assembly; your equivocal 
 project would be just a match for their wheat or other 
 grain." 
 
 These embarrassments that the Quakers suffer d 
 from having establish d and published it as one of 
 their principles that no kind of war was lawful, and 
 which, being once published they could not after* 
 
 1 See the votes. Marg. note. 
 
236 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 wards, however they might change their minds, easily 
 get rid of, reminds me of what I think a more pru 
 dent conduct in another sect among us, that of the 
 Bunkers. I was acquainted with one of its founders, 
 Michael Welfare, soon after it appeared. He com 
 plain d to me that they were grievously calumniated 
 by the zealots of other persuasions, and charg d with 
 abominable principles and practices to which they 
 were utter strangers. I told him this had always 
 been the case with new sects, and that, to put a stop 
 to such abuse I imagin d it might be well to publish 
 the articles of their belief, and the rules of their 
 discipline. He said that it had been propos d among 
 them, but not agreed to, for this reason: " When we 
 were first drawn together as a society," says he, "it 
 had pleased God to enlighten our minds so far as to 
 see that some doctrines, which we once esteemed 
 truths, were errors; and that others, which we had 
 esteemed errors, were real truths. From time to 
 time He has been pleased to afford us farther light, 
 and our principles have been improving, and our 
 errors diminishing. Now we are not sure that we are 
 arrived at the end of this progression, and at the per 
 fection of spiritual or theological knowledge; and 
 we fear that, if we should once print our confession of 
 faith we should feel ourselves as if bound and con- 
 fin d by it and perhaps be unwilling to receive farther 
 improvement, and our successors still more so, as 
 conceiving what we their elders and founders had 
 done, to be something sacred, never to be departed 
 from." 
 
 This modesty in a sect is perhaps a singular in- 
 
Benjamin Franklin 237 
 
 stance in the history of mankind, every other sect 
 supposing itself in possession of all truth, and that 
 those who differ are so far in the wrong; like a man 
 traveling in foggy weather, those at some distance 
 before him on the road he sees wrapped up in the 
 fog, as well as those behind him, and also the people 
 in the fields on each side, but near him all appears 
 clear, tho in truth he is as much in the fog as any of 
 them. To avoid this kind of embarrassment, the 
 Quakers have of late years been gradually declining 
 the public service in the Assembly and in the magis 
 tracy, choosing rather to quit their power than their 
 principle. 
 
 In order of time, I should have mentioned before, , ^ 
 that having, in 1742, invented an open stove for the 
 better warming of rooms, and at the same time sav 
 ing fuel, as the fresh air admitted was warmed in en 
 tering, I made a present of the model to Mr. Robert 
 Grace, one of my early friends, who, having an iron- 
 furnace found the casting of the plates for these 
 stoves a profitable thing, as they were growing in 
 demand. To promote that demand, I wrote and 
 published a pamphlet, entitled An Account of the 
 new-invented Pennsylvania Fireplaces; wherein their 
 Construction and Manner of Operation is particularly 
 explained; their Advantages above every other Method 
 of warming Rooms demonstrated: and all Objections 
 that have been raised against the Use of them answered 
 and obviated, etc. This pamphlet had a good effect. 
 Gov r. Thomas was so pleas d with the construction 
 of this stove, as described in it, that he offered to 
 give me a patent for the sole vending of them for a 
 
238 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 term of years; but I declined it from a principle 
 which has ever weighed with me on such occasions, 
 viz. : That, as we enjoy great advantages from the 
 inventions of others, we should be glad of an oppor- 
 * tunity to serve others by any invention of ours; and 
 this we should do freely and generously. 
 
 An ironmonger in London however, assuming a 
 good deal of my pamphlet, and working it up into 
 his own and making some small changes in the ma 
 chine, which rather hurt its operation, got a patent 
 for it there and made, as I was told, a little fortune 
 by it. And this is not the only instance of patents 
 taken out for my inventions by others, tho not 
 always with the same success, which I never con 
 tested, as having no desire of profiting by patents 
 myself, and hating disputes. The use of these fire 
 places in very many houses, both of this and the 
 neighboring colonies, has been, and is, a great saving 
 of wood to the inhabitants. 
 
 Peace being concluded, and the association busi 
 ness therefore at an end, I turn d my thoughts again 
 - to the affair of establishing an academy. The first 
 step I took was to associate in the design a number 
 of active friends, of whom the Junto furnished a 
 good part; the next was to write and publish a 
 pamphlet, entitled Proposals relating to the Education 
 of Youth in Pennsylvania. This I distributed among 
 the principal inhabitants gratis; and as soon as I 
 could suppose their minds a little prepared by the 
 perusal of it, I set on foot a subscription for opening 
 and supporting an academy: it was to be paid in 
 quotas yearly for five years; by so dividing it, I 
 
1731-1757] Benjamin Franklin 239 
 
 judg d the subscription might be larger and I believe 
 it was so, amounting to no less, if I remember right, 
 than five thousand pounds. 
 
 In the introduction to these proposals, I stated 
 
 their publication, not as an act of mine, but of some 
 
 . publick-spirited gentlemen, avoiding as much as I 
 
 could, according to my usual rule, the presenting 
 
 rnyself to the public as the author of any scheme 
 
 for their benefit. 
 
 The subscribers, to carry the project into immedi 
 ate execution, chose out of their number twenty-four 
 trustees and appointed Mr. Francis, then attorney- 
 general and myself to draw up constitutions for the 
 government of the academy; which being done and 
 signed, a house was hired, masters engag d, and the 
 schools opened, I think, in the same year, 1749. 
 
 The scholars increasing fast, the house was soon 
 found too small and we were looking out for a piece 
 of ground properly situated, with intention to build, 
 when Providence threw into our way a large house 
 ready built which, with a few alterations, might well 
 serve our purpose. This was the building before 
 mentioned, erected by the hearers of Mr. Whitefield, 
 and was obtained for us in the following manner. 
 
 It is to be noted that the contributions to this 
 building being made by people of different sects, care 
 was taken in the nomination of trustees, in whom the 
 building and ground were to be vested, that a pre 
 dominancy should not be given to any sect, lest in 
 time that predominancy might be a means of appro 
 priating the whole to the use of such sect, contrary to 
 the original intention. It was therefore that one of 
 
240 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 each sect was appointed, viz., one Church-of -England 
 man, one Presbyterian, one Baptist, one Moravian, 
 etc., those, in case of vacancy by death, were to fill 
 it by election from among the contributors. The 
 Moravian happen d not to please his colleagues and 
 on his death they resolved to have no other of that 
 sect. The difficulty then was, how to avoid hav 
 ing two of some other sect, by means of the new 
 choice. 
 
 Several persons were named, and for that reason 
 not agreed to. At length one mention d me with 
 the observation that I was merely an honest man, 
 and of no sect at all, which prevail d with them to 
 chuse me. The enthusiasm which existed when the 
 house was built had long since abated, and its 
 trustees had not been able to procure fresh contri 
 butions for paying the ground-rent and discharging 
 some other debts the building had occasioned, which 
 embarrass d them greatly. Being now a member of 
 both setts of trustees, that for the building and that 
 for the academy, I had a good opportunity of ne 
 gotiating with both, and brought them finally to an 
 agreement, by which the trustees for the building 
 were to cede it to those of the academy, the latter 
 undertaking to discharge the debt, to keep forever 
 open in the building a large hall for occasional 
 preachers according to the original intention and 
 maintain a free-school for the instruction of poor 
 children. Writings were accordingly drawn and on 
 paying the debts, the trustees of the academy were 
 put into possession of the premises ; and by dividing 
 the great and lofty hall into stories, and different 
 
I 73 I ~ I 757l Benjamin Franklin 241 
 
 rooms above and below for the several schools and 
 purchasing some additional ground the whole was 
 soon made fit for our purpose, and the scholars 
 remov d into the building. The care and trouble of 
 agreeing with the workmen, purchasing materials 
 and superintending the work, fell upon me; and I 
 went thro it the more cheerfully, as it did not then 
 interfere with my private business, having the year 
 before taken a very able, industrious, and honest 
 partner, Mr. David Hall with whose character I was 
 well acquainted as he had work d for me four years. 
 He took off my hands all care of the printing-office, 
 paying me punctually my share of the profits. This 
 partnership continued eighteen years, successfully for 
 us both. 
 
 The trustees of the academy, after a while, were 
 incorporated by a charter from the governor; their 
 funds were increas d by contributions in Britain and 
 grants of land from the proprietaries, to which the 
 Assembly has since made considerable addition ; and 
 thus was established the present University of Phil- - 
 adelphia. I have been continued one of its trustees 
 from the beginning, now near forty years, and have 
 had the very great pleasure of seeing a number of the 
 youth who have receiv d their education in it, distin 
 guished by their improv d abilities, serviceable in 
 public stations, and ornaments to their country. 1 
 
 When I disengaged myself, as above mentioned, 
 
 1 The old "Academy," as the building of which Franklin speaks was 
 called, has given place to a new and tasteful edifice. For many years 
 the new building had been occupied as an academy, preparatory to the 
 University, commodious buildings for which, were erected in South 
 Ninth Street, near Chestnut. ED. 
 
 VOL. I. 16. 
 
242 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 from private business, I flatter d myself that, by the 
 sufficient tho moderate fortune I had acquired, I had 
 secured leisure during the rest of my life for philo 
 sophical studies and amusements. I purchased all 
 Dr. Spence s apparatus, who had come from England 
 to lecture here, and I proceeded in my electrical ex 
 periments with great alacrity ; but the publick, now ( 
 considering me as a man of leisure, laid hold of me 
 for their purposes; every part of our civil govern 
 ment, and almost at the same time, imposing some 
 duty upon me. The governor put me into the com 
 mission of the peace, the corporation of the city chose 
 me of the common council, and soon after an alder 
 man, and the citizens at large chose me a burgess to 
 represent them in Assembly. This latter station was 
 the more agreeable to me, as I was at length tired 
 with sitting there to hear debates, in which, as clerk, 
 I could take no part, and which were so often 
 unentertaining that I was in due d to amuse myself 
 with making magic squares or circles, or any thing 
 to avoid weariness; and I conceiv d my becoming a 
 member would enlarge my power of doing good. I 
 would not, however, insinuate that my ambition was 
 not flatter d by all these promotions; it certainly 
 was; for, considering my low beginning, they were 
 great things to me and they were still more pleasing 
 as being so many spontaneous testimonies of the 
 public good opinion, and by me entirely unsolicited. 
 The office of justice of the peace I try d a little, by 
 attending a few courts, and sitting on the bench to 
 hear causes, but finding that more knowledge of the 
 common law than I possessed was necessary to act in 
 
Benjamin Franklin 243 
 
 that station with credit, I gradually withdrew from 
 it, excusing myself by my being oblig d to attend the 
 higher duties of a legislator in the Assembly. My 
 election to this trust was repeated every year for ten 
 years without my ever asking any elector for his 
 vote or signifying, either directly or indirectly, any 
 desire of being chosen. On taking my seat in the 
 House, my son was appointed their clerk. 
 
 The year following, a treaty being to be held with 
 the Indians at Carlisle, the governor sent a message-- 
 to the House, proposing that they should nominate 
 some of their members, to be join d with some mem 
 bers of council, as commissioners for that purpose. 1 
 The House named the speaker (Mr. Norris) and my 
 self ; and, being commission d, we went to Carlisle, 
 and met the Indians accordingly. 
 
 As those people are extreamly apt to get drunk 
 and, when so, are very quarrelsome and disorderly, 
 we strictly forbade the selling any liquor to them; 
 and when they complain d of this restriction, we told 
 them that if they would continue sober during the " 
 treaty we would give them plenty of rum when busi 
 ness was over. They promised this and they kept 
 their promise because they could get no liquor, and 
 the treaty was conducted very orderly and concluded 
 to mutual satisfaction. They then claim d and re- 
 ceiv d the rum ; this was in the afternoon ; they were 
 near one hundred men, women, and children, and 
 were lodg d in temporary cabins built in the form of 
 a square, just without the town. In the evening, 
 hearing a great noise among them, the commissioners 
 
 1 See the votes to have this more correctly. Marg. note. 
 
244 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 walk d out to see what was the matter. We found 
 they had made a great bonfire in the middle of the 
 square ; they were all drunk, men and women, quar 
 reling and fighting. Their dark-colour d bodies half 
 naked, seen only by the gloomy light of the bonfire, 
 running after and beating one another with fire 
 brands, accompanied by their horrid yellings, form d 
 
 ^ a scene the most resembling our ideas of hell that 
 could well be imagin d; there was no appeasing the 
 tumult, and we retired to our lodging. At midnight 
 a number of them came thundering at our door, 
 demanding more rum, of which we took no notice. 
 
 The next day, sensible they had misbehav d in giv 
 ing us that disturbance, they sent three of their old 
 counsellors to make their apology. The orator ac- 
 knowledg d the fault, but laid it upon the rum; and 
 then endeavored to excuse the rum by saying: " The 
 Great Spirit, who made all things, made every thing 
 for some use, and whatever use he designed any thing 
 for, that use it should always be put to. Now, when 
 he made rum, he said, Let this be for the Indians to 
 get drunk with, and it must be so." And, indeed, if it 
 
 - be the design of Providence to extirpate these savages 
 in order to make room for cultivators of the earth, 
 it seems not improbable that rum may be the ap 
 pointed means. It has already annihilated all the 
 tribes who formerly inhabited the sea-coast. 
 
 In 1751, Dr. Thomas Bond, a particular friend of 
 
 . inine, conceived the idea of establishing a hospital in 
 
 .- Philadelphia (a very beneficent design, which has 
 been ascrib d to me, but was originally his), for the 
 reception and cure of poor sick persons, whether in- 
 
Benjamin Franklin 245 
 
 habitants of the province or strangers. He was 
 zealous and active in endeavoring to procure sub 
 scriptions for it, but the proposal being a novelty in 
 America, and at first not well understood, he met 
 with small success. 
 
 At length he came to me with the compliment that 
 he found there was no such thing as carrying a public- 
 spirited project through without my being concern d 
 in it. "For," says he, "I am often ask d by those 
 to whom I propose subscribing, Have you consulted 
 Franklin upon this business? And what does he 
 think of it? And when I tell them that I have not 
 (supposing it rather out of your line), they do not 
 subscribe, but say they will consider of it." I en 
 quired into the nature and probable utility of his 
 scheme, and receiving from him a very satisfactory 
 explanation, I not only subscribed to it myself, but 
 engag d heartily in the design of procuring subscrip 
 tions from others. Previously, however, to the so 
 licitation, I endeavoured to prepare the minds of the 
 people by writing on the subject in newspapers, 
 which was my usual custom in such cases but which 
 he had omitted. 
 
 The subscriptions afterwards were more free and 
 generous, but beginning to flag, I saw they would be 
 insufficient without some assistance from the Assem 
 bly and therefore propos d to petition for it, which 
 was done. The country members did not at first 
 relish the project ; they objected that it could only be 
 serviceable to the city and therefore the citizens alone 
 should be at the expense of it; and they doubted 
 whether the citizens themselves generally appro v d 
 
246 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 of it. My allegation on the contrary, that it met 
 with such approbation as to leave no doubt of our 
 being able to raise two thousand pounds by voluntary 
 donations, they considered as a most extravagant 
 supposition, and utterly impossible. 
 
 On this I form d my plan and, asking leave to 
 bring in a bill for incorporating the contributors ac 
 cording to the prayer of their petition, and granting 
 them a blank sum of money, which leave was ob 
 tained chiefly on the consideration that the House 
 could throw the bill out if they did not like it, I drew 
 it so as to make the important clause a conditional 
 one, viz. : " And be it enacted, by the authority afore 
 said, that when the said contributors shall have met 
 and chosen their managers and treasurer, and shall 
 have raised by their contributions a capital stock of 
 
 value (the yearly interest of which is to be 
 
 applied to the accommodating of the sick poor in the 
 said hospital, free of charge for diet, attendance, ad 
 vice, and medicines), and shall make the same appear 
 to the satisfaction of the speaker of the Assembly for the 
 time being, that then it shall and may be lawful for 
 the said speaker, and he is hereby required, to sign 
 an order on the provincial treasurer for the payment 
 of two thousand pounds, in two yearly payments, 
 to the treasurer of the said hospital, to be ap 
 plied to the founding, building, and finishing of the 
 
 same." 
 
 This condition carried the bill through; for the 
 members, who had oppos d the grant and now con 
 ceived they might have the credit of being charitable 
 without the expence, agreed to its passage; and 
 
1731-1757] Benjamin Franklin 247 
 
 then, in soliciting subscriptions among the people, 
 we urg d the conditional promise of the law as an 
 additional motive to give, since every man s dona 
 tion would be doubled; thus the clause work d both 
 ways. The subscriptions accordingly soon exceeded 
 the requisite sum, and we claim d and receiv d the 
 public gift, which enabled us to carry the design into 
 execution. A convenient and handsome building 
 was soon erected ; the institution has by constant ex 
 perience been found useful, and flourishes to this day ; 
 and I do not remember any of my political ma 
 noeuvres, the success of which gave me at the time 
 more pleasure, or wherein, after thinking of it I 
 more easily excus d myself for having made some 
 use of cunning. 
 
 It was about this time that another projector, the 
 Rev. Gilbert Tennent, came to me with a request 
 that I would assist him in procuring a subscription 
 for erecting a new meeting-house. It was to be for 
 the use of a congregation he had gathered among the 
 Presbyterians, who were originally disciples of Mr. 
 Whitefield. Unwilling to make myself disagreeable 
 to my fellow-citizens by too frequently soliciting their 
 contributions, I absolutely refus d. He then desired 
 I would furnish him with a list of the names of per 
 sons I knew by experience to be generous and public- 
 spirited. I thought it would be unbecoming in me, 
 after their kind compliance with my solicitations, to 
 mark them out to be worried by other beggars, and 
 therefore refus d also to give such a list. He then de- 
 sir d I would at least give him my advice. " That I 
 will readily do," said I; "and, in the first place, I 
 
248 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 advise you to apply to all those whom you know will 
 give something; next to those whom you are un 
 certain whether they will give any thing or not, and 
 show them the list of those who have given; and, 
 lastly, do not neglect those who you are sure will give 
 nothing, for in some of them you may be mistaken." 
 He laugh d and thank d me, and said he would take 
 my advice. He did so, for he ask d of everybody, 
 and he obtain d a much larger sum than he expected, 
 with which he erected the capacious and very elegant 
 meeting-house that stands in Arch-street. 
 
 Our city, tho laid out with a beautiful regularity, 
 the streets large, straight, and crossing each other 
 at right angles, had the disgrace of suffering those 
 streets to remain long unpav d, and in wet weather 
 the wheels of heavy carriages plough d them into a 
 quagmire so that it was difficult to cross them ; and 
 in dry weather the dust was offensive. I had liv d 
 near what was call d the Jersey Market and saw with 
 pain the inhabitants wading in mud while purchasing 
 their provisions. A strip of ground down the middle 
 of that market was at length pav d with brick, so 
 that, being once in the market, they had firm footing, 
 but were often over shoes in dirt to get there. By 
 talking and writing on the subject, I was at length 
 instrumental in getting the street pav d with stone 
 between the market and the brick d foot-pavement, 
 that was on each side next the houses. This, for 
 some time gave an easy access to the market dry- 
 shod, but, the rest of the street not being pav d, 
 whenever a carriage came out of the mud upon this 
 pavement it shook off and left its dirt upon it and it 
 
Benjamin Franklin 249 
 
 was soon cover d with mire, which was not remov d, 
 the city as yet having no scavengers. 
 
 After some inquiry, I found a poor, industrious 
 man who was willing to undertake keeping the pave 
 ment clean by sweeping it twice a week, carrying off 
 the dirt from before all the neighbours doors, for the 
 sum of sixpence per month to be paid by each house. 
 I then wrote and printed a paper setting forth the 
 advantages to the neighbourhood that might be ob 
 tain d by this small expense; the greater ease in 
 keeping our houses clean, so much dirt not being 
 brought in by people s feet; the benefit to the shops 
 by more custom, etc., etc., as buyers could more easily 
 get at them; and by not having, in windy weather, 
 the dust blown in upon their goods, etc., etc. I sent 
 one of these papers to each house and in a day or 
 two went round to see who would subscribe an agree 
 ment to pay these sixpences. It was unanimously 
 sign d, and for a time well executed. All the in 
 habitants of the city were delighted with the cleanli 
 ness of the pavement that surrounded the market, 
 it being a convenience to all, and this rais d a general 
 desire to have all the streets paved, and made the 
 people more willing to submit to a tax for that 
 purpose. 
 
 After some time I drew a bill for paving the city, 
 and brought it into the Assembly. It was just before 
 I went to England, in 1757, and did not pass till I 
 was gone, 1 and then with an alteration in the mode of 
 assessment, which I thought not for the better, but 
 with an additional provision for lighting as well as 
 
 1 See votes. Marg. note. 
 
250 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 paving the streets, which was a great improvement. 
 It was by a private person, the late Mr. John Clifton, 
 his giving a sample of the utility of lamps, by placing 
 one at his door, that the people were first impress d 
 with the idea of enlighting all the city. The honour 
 of this public benefit has also been ascrib d to me, 
 but it belongs truly to that gentleman. I did but fol 
 low his example, and have only some merit to claim 
 respecting the form of our lamps, as differing from 
 the globe lamps we were at first supply d with from 
 London. Those we found inconvenient in these 
 respects: they admitted no air below; the smoke, 
 therefore, did not readily go out above, but circulated 
 in the globe, lodg d on its inside, and soon obstructed 
 the light they were intended to afford; giving, be 
 sides, the daily trouble of wiping them clean ; and an 
 accidental stroke on one of them would demolish it, 
 and render it totally useless. I therefore suggested 
 the composing them of four flat panes, with a long 
 funnel above to draw up the smoke, and crevices 
 admitting air below, to facilitate the ascent of the 
 smoke; by this means they were kept clean, and did 
 not grow dark in a few hours, as the London lamps 
 do, but continu d bright till morning, and an acci 
 dental stroke would generally break but a single 
 pane, easily repair d. 
 
 I have sometimes wonder d that the Londoners did 
 not, from the effect holes in the bottom of the globe 
 lamps us d at Vauxhall have in keeping them clean, 
 learn to have such holes in their street lamps. But, 
 these holes being made for another purpose, viz., to 
 communicate flame more suddenly to the wick by a 
 
T" * * T* 11* 
 
 1731-1757] Benjamin Franklin 251 
 
 little flax hanging down thro them, the other use, 
 of letting in air, seems not to have been thought 
 of; and therefore, after the lamps have been lit a 
 few hours, the streets of London are very poorly 
 illuminated. 
 
 The mention of these improvements puts me in 
 mind of one I propos d, when in London, to Dr. 
 Fothergill, who was among the best men I have 
 known, and a great promoter of useful projects. I 
 had observ d that the streets, when dry, were never 
 swept, and the light dust carried away; but it was 
 
 suffer d to accumulate till wet weather reduc d it to (/l 
 
 /> 
 
 mud, and then, after lying some days so deep on the 
 pavement that there was no crossing but in paths 
 kept clean by poor people with brooms, it was with 
 great labour rak d together and thrown up into carts 
 open above, the sides of which suffer d some of the 
 slush at every jolt on the pavement to shake out and 
 fall, sometimes to the annoyance of foot-passengers. 
 The reason given for not sweeping the dusty streets 
 was, that the dust would fly into the windows of 
 shops and houses. 
 
 An accidental occurrence had instructed me how 
 much sweeping might be done in a little time. I 
 found at my door in Craven-street, one morning, a 
 poor woman sweeping my pavement with a birch 
 broom; she appeared very pale and feeble, as just 
 come out of a fit of sickness. I ask d who employ d 
 her to sweep there; she said: " Nobody; but I am 
 very poor and in distress, and I sweeps before gentle- 
 folkses doors, and hopes they will give me some 
 thing." I bid her sweep the whole street clean, and 
 
252 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 I would give her a shilling. This was at nine o clock. 
 At 1 2 she came for the shilling. From the slowness 
 I saw at first in her working, I could scarce believe 
 that the work was done so soon, and sent my servant 
 to examine it, who reported that the whole street was 
 swept perfectly clean, and all the dust plac d in the 
 gutter, which was in the middle ; and the next rain 
 wash d it quite away, so that the pavement and even 
 the kennel were perfectly clean. 
 
 I then judg d that if that feeble woman could 
 sweep such a street in three hours, a strong, active 
 man might have done it in half the time. And here 
 let me remark the convenience of having but one 
 gutter in such a narrow street, running down its mid 
 dle, instead of two, one on each side, near the foot 
 way; for where all the rain that falls on a street runs 
 from the sides and meets in the middle, it forms there 
 a current strong enough to wash away all the mud 
 it meets with; but when divided into two channels, 
 it is often too weak to cleanse either and only makes 
 the mud it finds more fluid so that the wheels of 
 carriages and the feet of horses throw and dash it 
 upon the foot-pavement which is thereby rendered 
 foul and slippery, and sometimes splash it upon those 
 who are walking. My proposal, communicated to the 
 good doctor, was as follows : 
 
 "For the more effectual cleaning and keeping 
 clean the streets of London and Westminster, it is 
 proposed that the several watchmen be contracted 
 with to have the dust swept up in dry seasons, and 
 the mud rak d up at other times, each in the several 
 streets and lanes of his round ; that they be furnish d 
 
1731-1757] Benjamin Franklin 253 
 
 with brooms and other proper instruments for these 
 purposes to be kept at their respective stands ready 
 to furnish the poor people they may employ in the 
 service. 
 
 " That in the dry summer months the dust be all 
 swept up into heaps at proper distances before the 
 shops and windows of houses are usually opened, 
 when the scavengers, with close-covered carts, shall 
 also carry it all away. 
 
 "That the mud, when rak d up, be not left in 
 heaps to be spread abroad again by the wheels of 
 carriages and trampling of horses, but that the scav 
 engers be provided with bodies of carts, not plac d 
 high upon wheels but low upon sliders, with lattice 
 bottoms which, being cover d with straw, will retain 
 the mud thrown into them and permit the water to 
 drain from it, whereby it will become much lighter, 
 water making the greatest part of its weight; these 
 bodies of carts to be plac d at convenient distances, 
 and the mud brought to them in wheelbarrows ; they 
 remaining where plac d till the mud is drain d and 
 then horses brought to draw them away." 
 
 I have since had doubts of the practicability of the 
 latter part of this proposal, on account of the narrow 
 ness of some streets and the difficulty of placing the 
 draining-sled so as not to encumber too much the 
 passage, but I am still of the opinion that the former, 
 requiring the dust to be swept up and carry d away 
 before the shops are open, is very practicable in the 
 summer when the days are long ; for, in walking thro 
 the Strand and Fleet-street one morning at seven 
 o clock I observ d there was not one shop open, tho 
 
254 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 it had been daylight and the sun up above three 
 hours ; the inhabitants of London chusing voluntarily 
 to live much by candle-light and sleep by sunshine 
 and yet often complain, a little absurdly, of the duty 
 on candles and the high price of tallow. 
 
 Some may think these trifling matters not worth 
 minding or relating but when they consider that tho 
 dust blown into the eyes of a single person or into a 
 single shop on a windy day, is but of small import 
 ance, yet the great number of the instances in a popu 
 lous city and its frequent repetitions give it weight 
 and consequence, perhaps they will not censure very 
 severely those who bestow some attention to affairs 
 of this seemingly low nature. Human felicity is pro- 
 - duc d not so much by great pieces of good fortune 
 that seldom happen as by little advantages that 
 occur every day. Thus, if you teach a poor young 
 man to shave himself and keep his razor in order, you 
 may contribute more to the happiness of his life than 
 in giving him a thousand guineas. The money may 
 be soon spent, the regret only remaining of having 
 foolishly consumed it; but in the other case, he es 
 capes the frequent vexation of waiting for barbers 
 and of their sometimes dirty fingers, offensive breaths 
 and dull razors ; he shaves when most convenient to 
 him and enjoys daily the pleasure of its being done 
 with a good instrument. 1 With these sentiments I 
 
 1 From the MS. journal of Mr. Andrew Ellicott, I have been kindly 
 favored by Mr. J. C. G. Kennedy, of Washington, one of his descen 
 dants, with the following extract which was written three years before 
 the preceding paragraph in the autobiography: 
 
 "I found him (Franklin) in his little room among his papers. He 
 received me very politely and immediately entered into conversation 
 
i73i~ I 757] Benjamin Franklin 255 
 
 have hazarded the few preceding pages, hoping they 
 may afford hints which some time or other may be 
 useful to a city I love, having lived many years in it 
 very happily, and perhaps to some of our towns in 
 America. 
 
 Having been for some time employed by the post 
 master-general of America as his comptroller in regu 
 lating several offices, and bringing the officers to 
 account, I was, upon his death in 1753, appointed, 
 jointly with Mr. William Hunter, to succeed him, by 
 a commission from the postmaster-general in Eng 
 land. The American office never had hitherto paid 
 any thing to that of Britain. We were to have six 
 hundred pounds a year between us, if we could make 
 that sum out of the profits of the office. To do this, 
 a variety of improvements were necessary; some of 
 these were inevitably at first expensive, so that in the 
 first four years the office became above nine hundred 
 pounds in debt to us. But it soon after began to 
 repay us; and before I was displac d by a freak of 
 the ministers, of which I shall speak hereafter, we 
 
 about the western country. His room makes a singular appearance, 
 being filled with old philosophical instruments, papers, boxes, tables 
 and stools. About ten o clock he placed some water on the fire but 
 not being expert through his great age, I desired him to give me the 
 pleasure of assisting him. He thanked me and replied that he ever 
 made it a point to wait upon himself and although he began to find 
 himself infirm, he was determined not to increase his infirmities by 
 giving way to them. After the water was hot I observed his object 
 was to shave himself, which operation he performed without a glass 
 and with great expedition. I asked him if he never employed a 
 barber, he answered : No, I think happiness does not consist so much 
 in particular pieces of good fortune which perhaps accidentally fall 
 to a man s lot, as to be able in his old age to do those little things 
 which, being unable to perform himself, would be done by others 
 with a sparing hand. " 
 
256 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 had brought it to yield three times as much clear 
 revenue to the crown as the postoffice of Ireland. 
 Since that imprudent transaction, they have re- 
 ceiv d from it not one farthing! 
 
 The business of the postoffice occasion d my taking 
 a journey this year to New England, where the Col 
 lege of Cambridge, of their own motion, presented 
 <. me with the degree of Master of Arts. Yale College, 
 in Connecticut, had before made me a similar com 
 pliment. Thus, without studying in any college, I 
 came to partake of their honours. They were con- 
 ferr d in consideration of my improvements and dis 
 coveries in the electric branch of natural philosophy. 
 
 In 1754, war with France being again apprehended, 
 a congress of commissioners from the different colo 
 nies was, by an order of the Lords of Trade, to be 
 assembled at Albany, there to confer with the chiefs 
 of the Six Nations concerning the means of defending 
 both their country and ours. Governor Hamilton, 
 having receiv d this order, acquainted the House 
 with it, requesting they would furnish proper presents 
 for the Indians, to be given on this occasion; and 
 naming the Speaker (Mr. Norris) and myself to join 
 Mr. Thomas Penn and Mr. Secretary Peters as com 
 missioners to act for Pennsylvania. The House 
 appro v d the nomination, and provided the goods 
 for the present, tho they did not much like treating 
 out of the provinces, and we met the other commis 
 sioners at Albany about the middle of June. 
 
 In our way thither, I projected and drew a plan for 
 
 the union of all the colonies under one government, 
 
 - so far as might be necessary for defense, and other 
 
1731-1757] Benjamin Franklin 257 
 
 important general purposes. As we pass d thro 
 New York, I had there shown my project to Mr. 
 James Alexander and Mr. Kennedy, two gentlemen 
 of great knowledge in public affairs and, being forti 
 fied by their approbation I ventured to lay it before 
 the Congress. It then appeared that several of the 
 commissioners had form d plans of the same kind. 
 A previous question was first taken whether a union 
 should be established, which pass d in the affirma 
 tive unanimously. A committee was then appointed, 
 one member from each colony, to consider the sev 
 eral plans and report. Mine happen d to be pre- 
 ferr d, and, with a few amendments, was accordingly 
 reported. 
 
 By this plan the general government was to be 
 administered by a president-general, appointed and 
 supported by the crown, and a grand council was to 
 be chosen by the representatives of the people of the 
 several colonies, met in their respective assemblies. 
 The debates upon it in Congress went on daily hand 
 in hand with the Indian business. Many objections 
 and difficulties were started but at length they 
 were all overcome and the plan was unanimously 
 agreed to and copies ordered to be transmitted to 
 the Board of Trade and to the assemblies of the sev 
 eral provinces. Its fate was singular ; the assemblies 
 did not adopt it as they all thought there was too 
 much prerogative in it, and in England it was judg d 
 to have too much of the democratic. The Board of 
 Trade therefore did not approve of it nor recommend 
 it for the approbation of his majesty; but another 
 scheme was form d, supposed to answer the same 
 
 VOL. I. 17. 
 
258 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 purpose better, whereby the governors of the pro 
 vinces, with some members of their respective coun 
 cils, were to meet and order the raising of troops, 
 building of forts, etc., and to draw on the treasury 
 of Great Britain for the expense which was after 
 wards to be refunded by an act of Parliament lay 
 ing a tax on America. My plan with my reasons 
 in support of it is to be found among my political 
 papers that are printed. 1 
 
 Being the winter following in Boston, I had much 
 conversation with Governor Shirley upon both the 
 plans. Part of what passed between us on the occa 
 sion may also be seen among those papers. The 
 different and contrary reasons of dislike to my plan 
 make me suspect that it was really the true medium ; 
 and I am still of opinion it would have been happy 
 for both sides the water if it had been adopted. The 
 colonies, so united, would have been sufficiently 
 strong to have defended themselves; there would 
 then have been no need of troops from England ; of 
 course, the subsequent pretence for taxing America, 
 - and the bloody contest it occasioned, would have 
 been avoided. But such mistakes are not new; his 
 tory is full of the errors of states and princes. 
 
 Look round the habitable world, how few 
 Know their own good, or, knowing it, pursue! 
 
 Those who govern, having much business on their 
 hands do not generally like to take the trouble of 
 considering and carrying into execution new pro- 
 
 1 See infra, July, 1754, "Papers Relating to a Plan of Union of the 
 Colonies." ED. 
 
Benjamin Franklin 259 
 
 jects. The best public measures are therefore sel 
 dom adopted from previous wisdom but forc d by the 
 occasion. jfee- 
 
 The governor of Pennsylvania, in sending it down 
 to the Assembly express d his approbation of the 
 plan " as appearing to him to be drawn up with great 
 clearness and strength of judgment and therefore 
 recommended it as w r ell worthy of their closest and 
 most serious attention." The House, however, by 
 the management of a certain member, took it up 
 when I happen d to be absent, which I thought not 
 very fair, and reprobated it without paying any at 
 tention to it at all, to my no small mortification. 
 
 In my journey to Boston this year, I met at New 
 York with our new governor, Mr. Morris, just arriv d 
 there from England, with whom I had been before 
 intimately acquainted. He brought a commission to 
 supersede Mr. Hamilton, who, tir d with the disputes 
 his proprietary instructions subjected him to, had 
 resign d. Mr. Morris ask d me if I thought he must 
 expect as uncomfortable an administration. I said: 
 "No; you may, on the contrary, have a very com 
 fortable one if you will only take care not to enter 
 into any dispute with the Assembly." " My dear 
 friend," says he, pleasantly, " how can you advise my 
 avoiding disputes? You know I love disputing; it 
 is one of my greatest pleasures ; however, to show the 
 regard I have for your counsel I promise you I will, 
 if possible, avoid them." He had some reason for 
 loving to dispute, being eloquent, an acute sophister 
 and therefore generally successful in argumentative 
 conversation. He had been brought up to it from 
 
260 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 a boy, his father, as I have heard, accustoming his 
 children to dispute with one another for his diversion 
 while sitting at table after dinner; but I think the 
 practice was not wise for, in the course of my ob 
 servation these disputing, contradicting, and confut 
 ing people are generally unfortunate in their affairs. 
 They get victory sometimes, but they never get good 
 will, which would be of more use to them. We 
 parted, he going to Philadelphia, and I to Boston. 
 
 In returning I met at New York with the votes 
 of the Assembly by which it appear d that, notwith 
 standing his promise to me, he and the House were 
 already in high contention; and it was a continual 
 battle between them as long as he retain d the gov 
 ernment. I had my share of it, for, as soon as I got 
 back to my seat in the Assembly I was put on every 
 committee for answering his speeches and messages, 
 and by the committees always desired to make the 
 drafts. Our answers, as well as his messages, were 
 often tart and sometimes indecently abusive; and, 
 as he knew I wrote for the Assembly, one might have 
 imagined that, when we met, we could hardly avoid 
 cutting throats, but he was so good-natur d a man 
 that no personal difference between him and me was 
 occasion d by the contest and we often din d together. 
 
 One afternoon, in the height of this public quarrel, 
 we met in the street. " Franklin," says he, "you 
 must go home with me and spend the evening ; I am 
 to have some company that you will like"; and, 
 taking me by the arm he led me to his house. In 
 gay conversation over our wine, after supper, he told 
 us jokingly that he much admir d the idea of Sancho 
 
1731-1757] Benjamin Franklin 261 
 
 Panza who, when it was proposed to give him a gov 
 ernment requested it might be a government of 
 blacks as then, if he could not agree with his people, 
 he might sell them. One of his friends, who sat next 
 to me, says: " Franklin, why do you continue to side 
 with these damn d Quakers? Had not you better 
 sell them? The proprietor would give you a good 
 price." "The governor," says I, "has not yet 
 blacked them enough." He, indeed, had labored 
 hard to blacken the Assembly in all his messages but 
 they wip d off his coloring as fast as he laid it on 
 and plac d it in return, thick upon his own face; so 
 that, finding he was likely to be negrofied himself he, 
 as well as Mr. Hamilton grew tir d of the contest, and 
 quitted the government. 
 
 These 1 public quarrels were all at bottom owing 
 to the proprietaries, our hereditary governors, who, 
 when any expense was to be incurred for the defense 
 of their province, with incredible meanness instructed 
 their deputies to pass no act for levying the necessary 
 taxes, unless their vast estates were in the same act 
 expressly excused, and they had even taken bonds 
 of these deputies to observe such instructions. The 
 Assemblies for three years held out against this in 
 justice, tho constrained to bend at last. At length 
 Captain Denny, who was Governor Morris s suc 
 cessor, ventured to disobey those instructions ; how 
 that was brought about I shall show hereafter. 
 
 But I am got forward too fast with my story : there 
 are still some transactions to be mention d that hap 
 pened during the administration of Governor Morris. 
 
 1 My acts in Morris s time, military, etc. Marg. note. 
 
262 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 War being in a manner commenced with France, 
 the government of Massachusetts Bay projected an 
 attack upon Crown Point and sent Mr. Quincy to 
 Pennsylvania and Mr. Pownall, afterward Governor 
 Pownall, to New York to solicit assistance. As I was 
 in the Assembly, knew its temper, and was Mr. 
 Quincy s countryman, he appli d to me for my in 
 fluence and assistance. I dictated his address to 
 them, which was well receiv d. They voted an aid 
 of ten thousand pounds, to be laid out in provisions. 
 But the governor refusing his assent to their bill 
 (which included this with other sums granted for the 
 use of the crown), unless a clause were inserted ex 
 empting the proprietary estate from bearing any 
 part of the tax that would be necessary, the Assem 
 bly, tho very desirous of making their grant to New 
 England effectual, were at a loss how to accomplish 
 it. Mr. Quincy labored hard with the governor to 
 obtain his assent, but he was obstinate. 
 
 I then suggested a method of doing the business 
 without the governor, by orders on the trustees of 
 the Loan Office, which, by law, the Assembly had 
 the right of drawing. There was, indeed, little or no 
 money at that time in the office and therefore I pro- 
 pos d that the orders should be payable in a year, and 
 to bear an interest of five per cent. With these 
 orders I suppos d the provisions might easily be pur- 
 chas d. The Assembly, with very little hesitation, 
 adopted the proposal. The orders w^ere immediately 
 printed and I was one of the committee directed to 
 sign and dispose of them. The fund for paying them 
 was the interest of all the paper currency then extant 
 
Benjamin Franklin 263 
 
 in the province upon loan, together with the revenue 
 arising from the excise, which being known to be 
 more than sufficient, they obtain d instant credit 
 and were not only receiv d in payment for the pro 
 visions, but many money d people, who had cash 
 lying by them, vested it in those orders which they 
 found advantageous as they bore interest while upon 
 hand and might on any occasion be used as money; 
 so that they were eagerly all bought up and in a few 
 weeks none of them were to be seen. Thus this im 
 portant affair was by my means compleated. Mr 
 Quincy return d thanks to the Assembly in a hand 
 some memorial, went home highly pleas d with the 
 success of his embassy, and ever after bore for me 
 the most cordial and affectionate friendship. 
 
 The British government, not chusing to permit the 
 union of the colonies as propos d at Albany, and to 
 trust that union with their defense, lest they should 
 thereby grow too military and feel their own strength, 
 suspicions and jealousies at this time being enter 
 tain d of them, sent over General Braddock with two 
 regiments of regular English troops for that purpose. 
 He landed at Alexandria, in Virginia, and thence 
 march d to Frederictown, in Maryland, where he 
 halted for carriages. Our Assembly apprehending 
 from some information that he had conceived vio 
 lent prejudices against them, as averse to the service, 
 wish d me to wait upon him, not as from them but 
 as postmaster-general, under the guise of proposing 
 to settle with him the mode of conducting with most 
 celerity and certainty the despatches between him 
 and the governors of the several provinces with 
 
264 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 whom he must necessarily have continual correspond 
 ence and of which they propos d to pay the expense. 
 My son accompanied me on this journey. 
 
 We found the general at Frederic town, waiting 
 impatiently for the return of those he had sent thro 
 the back parts of Maryland and Virginia to collect 
 waggons. I stayed with him several days, din d 
 with him daily, and had full opportunity of removing 
 all his prejudices by the information of what the 
 Assembly had before his arrival actually done and 
 were still willing to do to facilitate his operations. 
 When I was about to depart, the returns of waggons 
 to be obtained were brought in, by which it appear d 
 that they amounted only to twenty-five and not all 
 of those were in serviceable condition. The general 
 and all the officers were surpris d, declar d the ex 
 pedition was then at an end, being impossible; and 
 exclaim d against the ministers for ignorantly land 
 ing them in a country destitute of the means of con 
 veying their stores, baggage, etc., not less than one 
 hundred and fifty waggons being necessary. 
 
 I happen d to say I thought it was pity they had 
 not been landed rather in Pennsylvania, as in that 
 country almost every farmer had his waggon. The 
 general eagerly laid hold of my words, and said: 
 " Then you, sir, who are a man of interest there, can 
 probably procure them for us, and I beg you will 
 undertake it. " I ask d what terms were to be offer d 
 the owners of the waggons and I was desir d to put 
 on paper the terms that appeared to me necessary. 
 This I did and they were agreed to and a commission 
 and instructions accordingly prepar d immediately. 
 
Benjamin Franklin 265 
 
 What those terms were will appear in the advertise 
 ment I publish d as soon as I arriv d at Lancaster, 
 which being, from the great and sudden effect it pro- 
 duc d, a piece of some curiosity, I shall insert it at 
 length, as follows: 
 
 " ADVERTISEMENT 
 
 "LANCASTER, April 26, 1755. 
 
 "Whereas, one hundred and fifty waggons, with 
 four horses to each waggon, and fifteen hundred sad 
 dle or pack horses, are wanted for the service of his 
 majesty s forces now about to rendezvous at Will s 
 Creek and his excellency General Braddock having 
 been pleased to empower me to contract for the hire 
 of the same I hereby give notice that I shall attend 
 for that purpose at Lancaster from this day to next 
 Wednesday evening, and at York from next Thurs 
 day morning till Friday evening, where I shall be 
 ready to agree for waggons and teams or single 
 horses, on the following terms, viz.: i. That there 
 shall be paid for each waggon with four good horses 
 and a driver, fifteen shillings per diem; and for each 
 able horse with a pack-saddle, or other saddle and 
 furniture, two shillings per diem; and for each able 
 horse without a saddle, eighteen pence per diem. 2. 
 That the pay commence from the time of their join 
 ing the forces at Will s Creek, which must be on or 
 before the 2oth of May ensuing, and that a reasonable 
 allowance be paid over and above for the time neces 
 sary for their travelling to Will s Creek and home 
 again after their discharge. 3. Each waggon and 
 team, and every saddle or pack horse is to be valued 
 
266 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 by indifferent persons chosen between me and the 
 owner; and in case of the loss of any waggon, team, 
 or other horse in the service the price according to 
 such valuation is to be allowed and paid. 4. Seven 
 days pay is to be advanced and paid in hand by me 
 to the owner of each waggon and team, or horse, at 
 the time of contracting, if required, and the remain 
 der to be paid by General Braddock, or by the pay 
 master of the army at the time of their discharge, or 
 from time to time, as it shall be demanded. 5. No 
 drivers of waggons or persons taking care of the 
 hired horses are on any account to be called upon to 
 do the duty of soldiers or be otherwise employed 
 than in conducting or taking care of their carriages 
 or horses. 6. All oats, Indian corn or other forage 
 that waggons or horses bring to the camp more than 
 is necessary for the subsistence of the horses, is to be 
 taken for the use of the army and a reasonable price 
 paid for the same. 
 
 "Note. My son, William Franklin, is empowered 
 to enter into like contracts with any person in Cum 
 berland county. 
 
 "B. FRANKLIN." 
 
 " To the Inhabitants of the Counties of Lancaster, 
 York, and Cumberland. 
 
 "FRIENDS AND COUNTRYMEN: 
 
 " Being occasionally at the camp at Frederic a few 
 days since, I found the general and officers extremely 
 exasperated on account of their not being supplied 
 with horses and carriages which had been expected 
 
Benjamin Franklin 267 
 
 from this province, as most able to furnish them; 
 but, through the dissensions between our governor 
 and Assembly, money had not been provided nor 
 any steps taken for that purpose. 
 
 " It was proposed to send an armed force immedi 
 ately into these counties to seize as many of the 
 best carnages and horses as should be wanted and 
 compel as many persons into the service as would be 
 necessary to drive and take care of them. 
 
 " I apprehended that the progress of British sol 
 diers through these counties on such an occasion, 
 especially considering the temper they are in and 
 their resentment against us, would be attended with 
 many and great inconveniences to the inhabitants, 
 and therefore more willingly took the trouble of 
 trying first what might be done by fair and equitable 
 means. The people of these back counties have 
 lately complained to the Assembly that a sufficient 
 currency was wanting; you have an opportunity of 
 receiving and dividing among you a very consider 
 able sum, for, if the service of this expedition should 
 continue, as it is more than probable it will, for one 
 hundred and twenty days, the hire of these waggons 
 and horses will amount to upward of thirty thousand 
 pounds which will be paid you in silver and gold of 
 the king s money. 
 
 " The service will be light and easy, for the army 
 will scarce march above twelve miles per day and 
 the waggons and baggage-horses, as they carry those 
 things that are absolutely necessary to the welfare of 
 the army, must march with the army and no faster; 
 and are, for the army s sake, always placed where 
 
268 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 they can be most secure, whether in a march or in 
 a camp. 
 
 " If you are really, as I believe you are, good and 
 loyal subjects to his majesty you may now do a most 
 acceptable service and make it easy to yourselves; 
 for three or four of such as cannot separately spare 
 from the business of their plantations a waggon and 
 four horses and a driver, may do it together, one 
 furnishing the waggon, another one or two horses, 
 and another the driver and divide the pay propor- 
 tionably between you ; but if you do not this service 
 to your king and country voluntarily when such good 
 pay and reasonable terms are offered to you, your 
 loyalty will be strongly suspected. The king s busi 
 ness must be done; so many brave troops, come so 
 far for your defense, must not stand idle through 
 your backwardness to do what may be reasonably 
 expected from you ; waggons and horses must be had ; 
 violent measures will probably be used, and you will 
 be left to seek for a recompense where you can find 
 it, and your case, perhaps, be little pitied or regarded. 
 
 "I have no particular interest in this affair, as, 
 except the satisfaction of endeavoring to do good, 
 I shall have only my labor for my pains. If this 
 method of obtaining the waggons and horses is not 
 likely to succeed I am obliged to send word to the 
 general in fourteen days and I suppose Sir John St. 
 Clair, the hussar, with a body of soldiers, will im 
 mediately enter the province for the purpose, which 
 I shall be sorry to hear because I am very sincerely 
 and truly your friend and well-wisher, 
 
 "B. FRANKLIN." 
 
*13*- I ?S7] Benjamin Franklin 269 
 
 I received of the general about eight hundred 
 pounds, to be disbursed in advance-money to the 
 waggon owners, etc. ; but that sum being insuffi 
 cient I advanc d upward of two hundred pounds 
 more, and in two weeks the one hundred and fifty 
 waggons, with two hundred and fifty-nine carrying 
 horses, were on their march for the camp. The 
 advertisement promised payment according to the 
 valuation in case any waggon or horse should be 
 lost. The owners, however, alleging they did not 
 know General Braddock, or what dependence might 
 be had on his promise, insisted on my bond for the 
 performance, which I accordingly gave them. 
 
 While I was at the camp, supping one evening 
 with the officers of Colonel Dunbar s regiment, he re 
 presented to me his concern for the subalterns who, 
 he said, were generally not in affluence and could 
 ill afford, in this dear country, to lay in the stores 
 that might be necessary in so long a march, thro a 
 wilderness where nothing was to be purchas d. I 
 commiserated their case and resolved to endeavor 
 procuring them some relief. I said nothing, however, 
 to him of my intention, but wrote the next morning 
 to the committee of the Assembly who had the dis 
 position of some public money, warmly recommend 
 ing the case of these officers to their consideration 
 and proposing that a present should be sent them 
 of necessaries and refreshments. My son, who had 
 some experience of a camp life and of its wants, 
 drew up a list for me which I enclos d in my letter. 
 The committee approv d and used such diligence 
 that, conducted by my son, the stores arrived at the 
 
270 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 camp as soon as the waggons. They consisted of 
 twenty parcels, each containing: 
 
 6 Ibs. loaf sugar. i Gloucester cheese. 
 
 6 Ibs. good Muscovado do. i kegg containing 20 Ibs. 
 i Ib. good green tea. good butter, 
 
 i Ib. good bohea do. 2 doz. old Madeira wine. 
 
 6 Ibs. good ground coffee. 2 gallons Jamaica spirits. 
 
 6 Ibs. chocolate. 2 well-cur d hams. 
 
 1-2 cwt. best white biscuit. i bottle flour of mustard. 
 
 1-2 Ib. pepper. 1-2 dozen dry d tongues. 
 
 i quart best white wine vine- 6 Ibs. rice, 
 
 gar. 6 Ibs. raisins. 
 
 These twenty parcels, well pack d, were placed on 
 as many horses, each parcel, with the horse, being 
 intended as a present for one officer. They were very 
 thankfully receiv d and the kindness acknowledged 
 by letters to me from the colonels of both regiments, 
 in the most grateful terms. The general, too, was 
 highly satisfied with my conduct in procuring him 
 the waggons, etc., and readily paid my account of 
 disbursements, thanking me repeatedly and request 
 ing my farther assistance in sending provisions after 
 him. I undertook this also and was busily employ d 
 in it till we heard of his defeat, advancing for the 
 service my own money, upwards of one thousand 
 pounds sterling, of which I sent him an account. It 
 came to his hands, luckily for me, a few days before 
 the battle and he returned me immediately an order 
 on the paymaster for the round sum of one thousand 
 pounds, leaving the remainder to the next account. 
 I consider this payment as good luck, having never 
 
Benjamin Franklin 271 
 
 been able to obtain that remainder, of which more 
 hereafter. 
 
 This general was, I think, a brave man and might 
 probably have made a figure as a good officer in some 
 European war. But he had too much self-confidence, 
 too high an opinion of the validity of regular troops, 
 and too mean a one of both Americans and Indians. 
 George Croghan, our Indian interpreter, join d him 
 on his march with one hundred of those people who 
 might have been of great use to his army as guides, 
 scouts, etc., if he had treated them kindly, but he 
 slighted and neglected them, and they gradually left 
 him. 
 
 In conversation with him one day, he was giving 
 me some account of his intended progress. " After 
 taking Fort Duquesne," says he, "I am to proceed 
 to Niagara, and, having taken that, to Frontenac, if 
 the season will allow time ; and I suppose it will for 
 Duquesne. can hardly detain me above three or four 
 days, and then I see nothing that can obstruct my 
 march to Niagara." Having before revolv d in my 
 mind the long line his army must make in their march 
 by a very narrow road to be cut for them thro the 
 woods and bushes, and also what I had read of a 
 former defeat of fifteen hundred French who invaded 
 the Iroquois country I had conceived some doubts 
 and some fears for the event of the campaign. But 
 I ventur d only to say: "To be sure, sir, if you ar 
 rive well before Duquesne with these fine troops, so 
 well provided with artillery, that place, not yet com- 
 pleatly fortified, and as we hear with no very strong 
 garrison, can probably make but a shoit resistance. 
 
272 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 The only danger I apprehend of obstruction to your 
 march is from ambuscades of Indians, who, by 
 constant practice, are dexterous in laying and 
 executing them; and the slender line, near four 
 miles long, which your army must make, may ex 
 pose it to be attack d by surprise in its flanks and 
 to be cut like a thread into several pieces which, 
 from their distance, can not come up in time to sup 
 port each other." 
 
 He smil d at my ignorance and reply d: " These 
 savages may, indeed, be a formidable enemy to your 
 raw American militia but upon the king s regular 
 and disciplined troops, sir, it is impossible they should 
 make any impression." I was conscious of an im 
 propriety in my disputing with a military man in 
 matters of his profession and said no more. The 
 enemy, however, did not take the advantage of his 
 army which I apprehended its long line of march ex 
 pos d it to but let it advance without interruption 
 till within nine miles of the place, and then, when 
 more in a body (for it had just passed a river where 
 the front had halted till all were come over), and in 
 a more open part of the woods than any it had pass d, 
 attack d its advanced guard by a heavy fire from 
 behind trees and bushes, which was the first intelli 
 gence the general had of an enemy s being near him. 
 This guard being disordered, the general hurried the 
 troops up to their assistance, which was done in great 
 confusion thro waggons, baggage, and cattle; and 
 presently the fire came upon their flank : the officers, 
 being on horseback, were more easily distinguish d, 
 pick d out as marks and fell very fast and the soldiers 
 
Benjamin Franklin 273 
 
 were crowded together in a huddle, having or hear 
 ing no orders and standing to be shot at till two 
 thirds of them were killed, and then, being seiz d 
 with a panick, the whole fled with precipitation. 
 
 The waggoners took each a horse out of his team 
 and scamper d; their example was immediately fol 
 lowed by others, so that all the waggons, provisions, 
 artillery and stores were left to the enemy. The 
 general, being wounded, was brought off with diffi 
 culty; his secretary, Mr. Shirley, was killed by his 
 side, and out of eighty-six officers, sixty-three were 
 killed or wounded and seven hundred and fourteen 
 men killed out of eleven hundred. These eleven 
 hundred had been picked men from the whole army ; 
 the rest had been left behind with Colonel Dunbar, 
 who was to follow with the heavier part of the stores, 
 provisions and baggage. The flyers, not being pur- 
 su d, arriv d at Dunbar s camp and the panick they 
 brought with them instantly seiz d him and all his 
 people, and, tho he had now above one thousand 
 men, and the enemy who had beaten Braddock did 
 not at most exceed four hundred Indians and French 
 together, instead of proceeding and endeavoring to 
 recover some of the lost honour, he ordered all the 
 stores, ammunition, etc., to be destroy d that he 
 might have more horses to assist his flight towards 
 the settlements and less lumber to remove. He was 
 there met with requests from the governors of Vir 
 ginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania that he would 
 post his troops on the frontiers so as to afford some 
 protection to the inhabitants, but he continu d his 
 hasty march thro all the country, not thinking 
 
 VOL. I. 18. 
 
274 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 himself safe till he arriv d at Philadelphia where the 
 inhabitants could protect him. This whole transac 
 tion gave us Americans the first suspicion that our 
 exalted ideas of the prowess of British regulars had 
 not been well founded. 
 
 In their first march, too, from their landing till 
 they got beyond the settlements, they had plundered 
 and stripped the inhabitants, totally ruining some 
 poor families, besides insulting, abusing, and con 
 fining the people if they remonstrated. This was 
 enough to put us out of conceit of such defenders if 
 we had really wanted any. How different was the 
 conduct of our French friends in 1781, who, during 
 a march thro the most inhabited part of our country 
 from Rhode Island to Virginia, near seven hundred 
 miles, occasioned not the smallest complaint for the 
 loss of a pig, a chicken, or even an apple. 
 
 Captain Orme, who was one of the general s 
 aids-de-camp, and, being grievously wounded, was 
 brought off with him and continu d with him to his 
 death, which happen d in a few days, told me that 
 he was totally silent all the first day, and at night 
 only said, "Who would have thought it?" That he 
 was silent again the following day, saying only at 
 last, " We shall better know how to deal with them 
 another time" ; and dy d in a few minutes after. 
 
 The secretary s papers with all the general s 
 orders, instructions, and correspondence , falling into 
 the enemy s hands, they selected and translated into 
 French a number of the articles which they printed, 
 to prove the hostile intentions of the British court 
 before the declaration of war. Among these I saw 
 
1731-1757] Benjamin Franklin 275 
 
 some letters of the general to the ministry speaking 
 highly of the great service I had rendered the army, 
 and recommending me to their notice. David Hume, 
 too, who was some years after secretary to Lord 
 Hertford when minister in France and afterward to 
 General Con way when secretary of state, told me he 
 had seen among the papers in that office, letters from 
 Braddock highly recommending me. But, the ex 
 pedition having been unfortunate, my service, it 
 seems, was not thought of much value, for those 
 recommendations were never of any use to me. 
 
 As to rewards from himself, I ask d only one, which 
 was, that he would give orders to his officers not to 
 enlist any more of our bought servants and that he 
 would discharge such as had been already enlisted. 
 This he readily granted and several were accord 
 ingly return d to their masters, on my application. 
 Dunbar, when the command devolv d on him, was 
 not so generous. He being at Philadelphia on his 
 retreat, or rather flight, I apply d to him for the dis 
 charge of the servants of three poor farmers of Lan 
 caster county that he had enlisted, reminding him 
 of the late general s orders on that head. He pro 
 mised me that, if the masters would come to him at 
 Trenton, where he should be in a few days on his 
 march to New York, he would there deliver their 
 men to them. They accordingly were at the expense 
 and trouble of going to Trenton and there he refus d 
 to perform his promise, to their great loss and dis 
 appointment. 
 
 As soon as the loss of the waggons and horses was 
 generally known, all the owners came upon me for 
 
276 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 the valuation which I had given bond to pay. Their 
 demands gave me a great deal of trouble, my ac 
 quainting them that the money was ready in the 
 paymaster s hands, but that orders for paying it 
 must first be obtained from General Shirley, and my 
 assuring them that I had apply d to that general by 
 letter; but, he being at a distance, an answer could 
 not soon be receiv d, and they must have patience, 
 all this was not sufficient to satisfy, and some began 
 to sue me. General Shirley at length relieved me 
 from this terrible situation by appointing commis 
 sioners to examine the claims, and ordering pay 
 ment. They amounted to near twenty thousand 
 pound, which to pay would have ruined me. 
 
 Before we had the news of this defeat the two 
 Doctors Bond came to me with a subscription paper 
 for raising money to defray the expense of a grand 
 firework which it was intended to exhibit at a re 
 joicing on receipt of the news of our taking Fort 
 Duquesne. I looked grave, and said it would, I 
 thought, be time enough to prepare for the rejoicing 
 when we knew we should have occasion to rejoice. 
 They seem d surprised that I did not immediately 
 comply with their proposal. " Why the d 1! " says 
 one of them, "you surely don t suppose that the 
 fort will not be taken?" "I don t know that 
 it will not be taken but I know that the events 
 of war are subject to great uncertainty." I gave 
 them the reasons of my doubting; the subscription 
 was dropt, and the projectors thereby missed the 
 mortification they would have undergone if the 
 firework had been prepared. Dr. Bond, on some 
 
1731-1757] Benjamin Franklin 277 
 
 other occasion afterward, said that he did not like 
 Franklin s forebodings. 
 
 Governor Morris, who had continually worried the 
 Assembly with message after message before the 
 defeat of Braddock, to beat them into the making 
 of acts to raise money for the defense of the province, 
 without taxing, among others, the proprietary es 
 tates, and had rejected all their bills for not having 
 such an exempting clause, now redoubled his attacks 
 with more hope of success, the danger and necessity 
 being greater. The Assembly, however, continu d 
 firm, believing they had justice on their side and 
 that it would be giving up an essential right if they 
 suffered the governor to amend their money-bills. 
 In one of the last, indeed, which was for granting 
 fifty thousand pounds, his propos d amendment was 
 only of a single word. The bill express d "that all 
 estates, real and personal, were to be taxed, those 
 of the proprietaries not excepted. His amendment 
 was, for not read only: a small, but very material 
 alteration. However, when the news of this disaster 
 reached England, our friends there, whom we had 
 taken care to furnish with all the Assembly s answers 
 to the governor s messages, rais d a clamor against 
 the proprietaries for their meanness and injustice in 
 giving their governor such instructions ; some going 
 so far as to say that, by obstructing the defense of 
 their province, they forfeited their right to it. They 
 were intimidated by this and sent orders to their 
 receiver-general to add five thousand pounds of their 
 money to whatever sum might be given by the 
 Assembly for such purpose. 
 
278 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 This being notified to the House, was accepted in 
 lieu of their share of a general tax, and a new bill 
 was form d with an exempting clause which passed 
 accordingly. By this act I was appointed one of 
 the commissioners for disposing of the money, sixty 
 thousand pounds. I had been active in modelling 
 the bill and procuring its passage and had, at the 
 same time drawn a bill for establishing and disci 
 plining a voluntary militia which I carried thro the 
 House without much difficulty, as care was taken in 
 it to leave the Quakers at their liberty. To promote 
 the association necessary to form the militia, I wrote 
 a dialogue, 1 stating and answering all the objections 
 I could think of, to such a militia, which was printed, 
 and had, as I thought, great effect. 
 
 While the several companies in the city and 
 country were forming, and learning their exercise, 
 the governor prevail d with me to take charge of our 
 North-western frontier which was infested by the 
 enemy, and provide for the defense of the inhabitants 
 by raising troops and building a line of forts. I un 
 dertook this military business tho I did not conceive 
 myself well qualified for it. He gave me a commis 
 sion with full powers and a parcel of blank com 
 missions for officers to be given to whom I thought 
 fit. I had but little difficulty in raising men, having 
 soon five hundred and sixty under my command. 
 My son, who had in the preceding war, been an officer 
 in the army rais d against Canada, was my aid-de 
 camp, and of great use to me. The Indians had 
 
 1 This dialogue and the militia act are in the Gentleman s Magazine 
 for February and March, 1756. Marg. note. 
 
1731-1757] Benjamin Franklin 279 
 
 burned Gnadenhut, a village settled by the Moravi 
 ans, and massacred the inhabitants; but the place 
 was thought a good situation for one of the forts. 
 
 In order to march thither, I assembled the com 
 panies at Bethlehem, the chief establishment of those 
 people. I was surprised to find it in so good a 
 posture of defense; the destruction of Gnadenhut 
 had made them apprehend danger. The principal 
 buildings were defended by a stockade; they had 
 purchased a quantity of arms and ammunition from 
 New York and had even plac d quantities of small 
 paving stones between the windows of their high 
 stone houses for their women to throw down upon 
 the heads of any Indians that should attempt to 
 force into them. The armed brethren, too, kept 
 watch and reliev d as methodically as in any garri 
 son town. In conversation with the bishop, Spang- 
 enberg, I mentioned this my surprise; for, knowing 
 they had obtained an act of Parliament exempting 
 them from military duties in the colonies, I had sup- 
 pos d they were conscientiously scrupulous of bear 
 ing arms. He answer d me that it was not one of 
 their established principles, but that, at the time of , 
 their obtaining that act, it was thought to be a prin 
 ciple with many of their people. On this occasion, 
 however, they, to their surprise, found it adopted 
 by but a few. It seems they were either deceiv d in 
 themselves or deceiv d in the Parliament, but com 
 mon sense, aided by present danger, will sometimes 
 be too strong for whimsical opinions. 
 
 It was the beginning of January when we set out 
 upon this business of building forts. I sent one 
 
280 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 detachment toward the Minisink with instructions to 
 erect one for the security of that upper part of the 
 country, and another to the lower part, with similar 
 instructions and I concluded to go myself with the 
 rest of my force to Gnadenhut where a fort was tho t 
 more immediately necessary. The Moravians pro- 
 cur d me five waggons for our tools, stores, baggage, etc. 
 
 Just before we left Bethlehem, eleven farmers who 
 had been driven from their plantations by the In 
 dians, came to me requesting a supply of firearms, 
 that they might go back and fetch off their cattle. 
 I gave them each a gun with suitable ammunition. 
 We had not march d many miles before it began to 
 rain and it continued raining all day; there were no 
 habitations on the road to shelter us till we arriv d 
 near night at the house of a German, where, and in 
 his barn, we were all huddled together, as wet as 
 water could make us. It was well we were not at 
 tack d in our march for our arms were of the most 
 ordinary sort and our men could not keep their gun 
 locks dry. The Indians are dextrous in contrivances 
 for that purpose, which we had not. They met that 
 day the eleven poor farmers above mentioned and 
 killed ten of them. The one who escap d inform d 
 that his and his companions guns would not go off, 
 the priming being wet with the rain. 
 
 The next day being fair, we continu d our march 
 and arriv d at the desolated Gnadenhut. There was 
 a saw-mill near, round which were left several piles 
 of boards with which we soon hutted ourselves; an 
 operation the more necessary at that inclement 
 season as we had no tents. Our first work was to 
 
Benjamin Franklin 281 
 
 bury more effectually the dead we found there, who 
 had been half interr d by the country people. 
 
 The next morning our fort was plann d and mark d 
 out, the circumference measuring four hundred and 
 fifty-five feet, which would require as many palisades 
 to be made of trees, one with another, of a foot 
 diameter each. Our axes, of which we had seventy, 
 were immediately set to work to cut down trees, and, 
 our men being dexterous in the use of them, great 
 despatch was made. Seeing the trees fall so fast, 
 I had the curiosity to look at my watch when two 
 men began to cut at a pine; in six minutes they 
 had it upon the ground and I found it of fourteen 
 inches diameter. Each pine made three palisades of 
 eighteen feet long, pointed at one end. While these 
 were preparing, our other men dug a trench all round, 
 of three feet deep in which the palisades were to be 
 planted, and our waggons, the body being taken off, 
 and the fore and hind wheels separated by taking 
 out the pin which united the two parts of the perch, 
 we had ten carriages, with two horses each, to bring 
 the palisades from the woods to the spot. When 
 they were set up, our carpenters built a stage of 
 boards all round within, about six feet high, for the 
 men to stand on when to fire thro the loopholes. 
 We had one swivel gun, which we mounted on one of 
 the angles, and fir d it as soon as fix d, to let the In 
 dians know, if any were within hearing, that we had 
 such pieces; and thus our fort, if such a magnificent 
 name may be given to so miserable a stockade, was 
 finish d in a week, though it rain d so hard every 
 other day that the men could not work. 
 
282 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 This gave me occasion to observe that, when men 
 are employ d, they are best content d; for on the 
 days they work d they were good-natur d and cheer 
 ful and, with the consciousness of having done a 
 good day s work, they spent the evening jollily; but 
 on our idle days they were mutinous and quarrel 
 some, finding fault with their pork, the bread, etc., 
 and in continual ill-humor, which put me in mind of 
 a sea-captain, whose rule it was to keep his men con 
 stantly at work, and, when his mate once told him 
 that they had done every thing, and there was no 
 thing further to employ them about, " Oh," says he, 
 "make them scour the anchor." 
 
 This kind of fort, however contemptible, is a suffi 
 cient defence against Indians who have no cannon. 
 Finding ourselves now posted securely and having 
 a place to retreat to on occasion, we ventur d out 
 in parties to scour the adjacent country. We met 
 with no Indians but we found the places on the 
 neighboring hills where they had lain to watch our 
 proceedings. There was an art in their contrivance 
 t , of those places that seems worth mention. It being 
 I winter, a fire was necessary for them ; but a common 
 fire on the surface of the ground would by its light 
 have discover d their position at a distance. They 
 had therefore dug holes in the ground about three 
 feet diameter, and somewhat deeper; we saw where 
 they had with their hatchets cut off the charcoal 
 from the sides of burnt logs lying in the woods. 
 With these coals they had made small fires in the 
 bottom of the holes, and we observ d among the 
 weeds and grass the prints of their bodies, made by 
 
I 73 I ~ I 757] Benjamin Franklin 283 
 
 their lying all round, with their legs hanging down 
 in the holes to keep their feet warm, which, with 
 them, is an essential point. This kind of fire, so 
 manag d, could not discover them, either by its light, 
 flame, sparks, or even smoke; it appear d that their 
 number was not great, and it seems they saw we 
 were too many to be attacked by them with prospect 
 of advantage. 
 
 We had for our chaplain a zealous Presbyterian 
 minister, Mr. Beatty, who complained to me that 
 the men did not generally attend his prayers and 
 exhortations. When they enlisted, they were pro 
 mised, besides pay and provisions, a gill of rum a day, 
 which was punctually serv d out to them, half in the 
 morning, and the other half in the evening; and I 
 observ d they were as punctual in attending to re 
 ceive it; upon which I said to Mr. Beatty: "It is, 
 perhaps, below the dignity of your profession to act 
 as steward of the rum but if you were to deal it out 
 only just after prayers, you would have them all 
 about you." He liked the tho t, undertook the 
 office, and, with the help of a few hands to measure 
 out the liquor, executed it to satisfaction and never 
 were prayers more generally and more punctually 
 attended; so that I thought this method preferable 
 to the punishment inflicted by some military laws 
 for non-attendance on divine service. 
 
 I had hardly finish d this business, and got my 
 fort well stor d with provisions, when I receiv d a 
 letter from the governor acquainting me that he had 
 call d the Assembly and wished my attendance there, 
 if the posture of affairs on the frontiers was such that 
 
284 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 -r t >*t ^.-o ^^*-jj^+~ SULjJt****^ f f 
 
 my remaining there was no longer necessary. My 
 friends, too, of the Assembly, pressing me by theii 
 letters to be, if possible, at the meeting, and my 
 three intended forts being now compleated and the 
 inhabitants contented to remain on their farms under 
 that protection, I resolved to return; the more will 
 ingly as a New England officer, Colonel Clapham, 
 experienced in Indian war, being on a visit to our es 
 tablishment, consented to accept the command. I 
 gave him a commission and, parading the garrison, 
 had it read before them, and introduc d him to them 
 as an officer who, from his skill in military affairs was 
 much more fit to command them than myself and, 
 giving them a little exhortation, took my leave. I 
 was escorted as far as Bethlehem, where I rested a 
 few days to recover from the fatigue I had under 
 gone. The first night, being in a good bed, I could 
 hardly sleep, it was so different from my hard lodging 
 on the floor of our hut at Gnaden wrapt only in a 
 blanket or two. 
 
 While at Bethlehem, I inquir d a little into the 
 practice of the Moravians; some of them had ac 
 companied me, and all were very kind to me. I 
 found they work d for a common stock, eat at com 
 mon tables, and slept in common dormitories, great 
 numbers together. In the dormitories I observed 
 loopholes, at certain distances all along just under 
 the ceiling, which I thought judiciously placed for 
 change of air. I was at their church, where I was 
 entertain d with good musick, the organ being ac 
 companied with violins, hautboys, flutes, clarinets, 
 etc. I understood that their sermons were not 
 
Benjamin Franklin 285 
 
 usually preached to mixed congregations of men, 
 women, and children, as is our common practice but 
 that they assembled sometimes the married men, at 
 other times their wives, then the young men, the 
 young women, and the little children, each division 
 by itself. The sermon I heard was to the latter, 
 who came in and were plac d in rows on benches; 
 the boys under the conduct of a young man, their 
 tutor, and the girls conducted by a young woman. 
 The discourse seemed well adapted to their capaci 
 ties and was delivered in a pleasing, familiar man 
 ner, coaxing them, as it were, to be good. They 
 behav d very orderly but looked pale and unhealthy, 
 which made me suspect they were kept too much 
 within doors, or not allowed sufficient exercise. 
 
 I inquir d concerning the Moravian marriages, 
 whether the report was true that they were by lot. I 
 was told that lots were us d only in particular cases; 
 that generally when a young man found himself dis- 
 pos d to marry, he inform d the elders of his class, 
 who consulted the elder ladies that govern d the 
 young women. As these elders of the different sexes 
 were well acquainted with the tempers and disposi 
 tions of their respective pupils they could best judge 
 what matches were suitable and their judgments were 
 generally acquiesc d in : but if, for example, it should 
 happen that two or three young women were found 
 to be equally proper for the young man, the lot was 
 then recurred to. I objected, if the matches are not 
 made by the mutual choice of the parties, some of 
 them may chance to be very unhappy. "And so 
 they may," answer d my informer, "if you let the 
 
286 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 parties chase for themselves"; which, indeed, I 
 could not deny. 
 
 Being returned to Philadelphia, I found the asso 
 ciation went on swimmingly, the inhabitants that 
 were not Quakers having pretty generally come into 
 it, formed themselves into companies, and chose 
 their captains, lieutenants, and ensigns, according 
 to the new law. Dr. B. visited me, and gave me an 
 account of the pains he had taken to spread a general 
 good liking to the law, and ascribed much to those 
 endeavors. I had had the vanity to ascribe all to 
 my " Dialogue"; however, not knowing but that he 
 might be in the right, I let him enjoy his opinion, 
 which I take to be generally the best way in such 
 cases. The officers, meeting, chose me to be colonel 
 of the regiment, which I this time accepted. I for 
 get how many companies we had, but we paraded 
 about twelve hundred well-looking men with a com 
 pany of artillery who had been furnished with six 
 brass field-pieces, which they had become so expert 
 in the use of as to fire twelve times in a minute. The 
 first time I reviewed my regiment they accompanied 
 me to my house and would salute me with some 
 rounds fired before my door, which shook down and 
 broke several glasses of my electrical apparatus. 
 And my new honour proved not much less brittle, 
 for all our commissions were soon after broken by a 
 repeal of the law in England. 
 
 During this short time of my colonelship, being 
 about to set out on a journey to Virginia, the officers 
 of my regiment took it into their heads that it would 
 be proper for them to escort me out of town as far as 
 
Benjamin Franklin 287 
 
 the Lower Ferry. Just as I was getting on horse 
 back they came to my door, between thirty and 
 forty, mounted, and all in their uniforms. I had 
 not been previously acquainted with the project, or 
 I should have prevented it, being naturally averse to 
 the assuming of state on any occasion; and I was a 
 good deal chagrin d at their appearance, as I could 
 not avoid their accompanying me. What made it 
 worse was that, as soon as we began to move they 
 drew their swords and rode with them naked all the 
 way. Somebody wrote an account of this to the 
 proprietor and it gave him great offense. No such 
 honor had been paid him when in the province, nor 
 to any of his governors; and he said it was only 
 proper to princes of the royal blood, which may be 
 true for aught I know, who was and still am, ignorant 
 of the etiquette in such cases. 
 
 This silly affair, however, greatly increased his 
 rancour against me, which was before not a little on 
 account of my conduct in the Assembly respecting 
 the exemption of his estate from taxation, which I 
 had always oppos d very warmly and not without 
 severe reflections on his meanness and injustice of 
 contending for it. He accused me to the ministry as 
 being the great obstacle to the king s service, pre 
 venting, by my influence in the House, the proper 
 form of the bills for raising money, and he instanced 
 this parade with my officers as a proof of my hav 
 ing an intention to take the government of the 
 province out of his hands by force. He also ap 
 plied to Sir Everard Fawkener, the postmaster- 
 general, to deprive me of my office; but it had 
 
288 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 no other effect than to procure from Sir Everard a 
 gentle admonition. 
 
 Notwithstanding the continual wrangle between 
 the governor and the House, in which I, as a mem 
 ber, had so large a share, there still subsisted a civil 
 intercourse between that gentleman and myself and 
 we never had any personal difference. I have some 
 times since thought that his little or no resentment 
 against me for the answers it was known I drew up 
 to his messages, might be the effect of professional 
 habit and that, being bred a lawyer he might con 
 sider us both as merely advocates for contending 
 clients in a suit, he for the proprietaries and I for the 
 Assembly. He would therefore sometimes call in a 
 friendly way to advise me on difficult points and 
 sometimes, though not often, take my advice. 
 
 We acted in concert to supply Braddock s army 
 with provisions, and, when the shocking news ar 
 rived of his defeat, the governor sent in haste for me, 
 to consult with him on measures for preventing the 
 desertion of the back counties. I forget now the 
 advice I gave, but I think it was that Dunbar should 
 be written to and prevail d with, if possible, to post 
 his troops on the frontiers for their protection till, 
 by re-enforcements from the colonies, he might be 
 able to proceed on the expedition. And, after my 
 return from the frontier he would have had me 
 undertake the conduct of such an expedition with 
 provincial troops, for the reduction of Fort Du- 
 quesne, Dunbar and his men being otherwise 
 employed; and he proposed to commission me as 
 general. I had not so good an opinion of my mili- 
 
I 73 I - I 757 J Benjamin Franklin 289 
 
 tary abilities as he prof ess d to have and I believe his 
 professions must have exceeded his real sentiments; 
 but probably he might think that my popularity 
 would facilitate the raising of the men and my influ 
 ence in Assembly, the grant of money to pay them, 
 and that, perhaps, without taxing the proprietary es 
 tate. Finding me not so forward to engage as he ex 
 pected, the project was dropt, and he soon after left 
 the government, being superseded by Captain Denny. 
 
 Before I proceed in relating the part I had in pub 
 lic affairs under this new governor s administration, 
 it may not be amiss here to give some account of the 
 rise and progress of my philosophical reputation. 
 
 In 1746, being at Boston I met there with a Dr. 
 Spence who was lately arrived from Scotland, and 
 show d me some electric experiments. They were 
 imperfectly perform d as he was not very expert but, 
 being on a subject quite new to me, they equally 
 surpris d and pleased me. Soon after my return to 
 Philadelphia, our library company receiv d from Mr. 
 P. Collinson, Fellow of the Royal Society of London, 
 a present of a glass tube with some account of the 
 use of it in making such experiments. I eagerly 
 seized the opportunity of repeating what I had seen 
 at Boston; and, by much practice, acquir d great 
 readiness in performing those, also, which we had an 
 account of from England, adding a number of new 
 ones. I say much practice, for my house was con 
 tinually full, for some time, with people who came 
 to see these new wonders. 
 
 To divide a little this incumbrance among my 
 friends, I caused a number of similar tubes to be 
 
 VOL. I. IQ. 
 
290 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 blown at our glass-house, with which they furnished 
 themselves, so that we had at length several per 
 formers. Among these, the principal was Mr. Kin- 
 nersley, an ingenious neighbor, who, being out of 
 business, I encouraged to undertake showing the 
 experiments for money, and drew up for him two 
 lectures, in which the experiments were rang d in 
 such order, and accompanied with such explanations 
 in such method, as that the foregoing should assist 
 in comprehending the following. He procur d an 
 elegant apparatus for the purpose, in which all the 
 little machines that I had roughly made for myself 
 were nicely form d by instrument-makers. His lec 
 tures were well attended and gave great satisfaction, 
 and after some time he went thro the colonies ex 
 hibiting them in every capital town and pick d up 
 some money. In the West India Islands, indeed, it 
 was with difficulty the experiments could be made, 
 from the general moisture of the air. 
 
 Oblig d as we were to Mr. Collinson for his present 
 of the tube, etc., I thought it right he should be in 
 form d of our success in using it, and wrote him 
 several letters containing accounts of our experi 
 ments. He got them read in the Royal Society 
 where they were not at first thought worth so much 
 notice as to be printed in their Transactions. One 
 paper, which I wrote for Mr. Kinnersley, on the 
 sameness of lightning with electricity, I sent to Dr. 
 Mitchel, an acquaintance of mine and one of the 
 members also of that society, who wrote me word 
 that it had been read, but was laughed at by the 
 connoisseurs. The papers, however, being shown to 
 
1731-1757] Benjamin Franklin 291 
 
 Dr. Fothergill, he thought they were of too much 
 value to be stifled, and advis d the printing of them. 
 Mr. Collinson then gave them to Cave for publication 
 in his Gentleman s Magazine; but he chose to print 
 them separately in a pamphlet and Dr. Fothergill 
 wrote the preface. Cave, it seems, judged rightly 
 for his profit, for by the additions that arrived after 
 ward, they swell d to a quarto volume which has had 
 five editions, and cost him nothing for copy-money. 
 
 It was, however, some time before those papers 
 were much taken notice of in England. A copy of 
 them happening to fall into the hands of the Count 
 de Buffon, a philosopher deservedly of great reputa 
 tion in France, and, indeed, all over Europe, he pre 
 vailed with M. Dalibard to translate them into 
 French, and they were printed at Paris. The pub 
 lication offended the Abbe Nollet, preceptor in 
 Natural Philosophy to the royal family, and an able 
 experimenter, who had form d and publish d a theory 
 of electricity, which then had the general vogue. He 
 could not at first believe that such a work came from 
 America, and said it must have been fabricated by 
 his enemies at Paris, to decry his system. After 
 wards, having been assur d that there really existed 
 such a person as Franklin at Philadelphia, which he 
 had doubted, he wrote and published a volume of 
 "Letters," chiefly address d to me, defending- his 
 theory, and denying the verity of my experiments 
 and of the positions deduc d from them. 
 
 I once purpos d answering the abbe", and actually 
 began the answer, but, on consideration that my writ 
 ings contain d a description of experiments which 
 
292 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 any one might repeat and verify, and if not to be 
 verifi d, could not be defended; or of observations 
 offer d as conjectures and not delivered dogmatically, 
 therefore not laying me under any obligation to de 
 fend them; and reflecting that a dispute between 
 two persons, writing in different languages, might 
 be lengthened greatly by mistranslations and thence 
 misconceptions of one another s meaning, much of 
 one of the abbe s letters being founded on an error 
 in the translation, I concluded to let my papers shift 
 for themselves, believing it was better to spend what 
 time I could spare from public business in making 
 new experiments, than in disputing about those 
 already made. I therefore never answered M. Nollet, 
 and the event gave me no cause to repent my silence ; 
 for my friend M. le Roy, of the Royal Academy of 
 Sciences, took up my cause and refuted him; my 
 book was translated into the Italian, German, and 
 Latin languages, and the doctrine it contain d was 
 by degrees universally adopted by the philosophers 
 of Europe in preference to that of the abbe ; so that 
 he lived to see himself the last of his sect, except 
 Monsieur B , of Paris, his eteve and immediate 
 disciple. 
 
 What gave my book the more sudden and gen 
 eral celebrity, was the success of one of its proposed 
 experiments, made by Messrs. Dalibard and De Lor 
 at Marly, for drawing lightning from the clouds. 
 This engaged the public attention every where. M. 
 de Lor, who had an apparatus for experimental 
 philosophy, and lectur d in that branch of science, 
 undertook to repeat what he called the Philadelphia 
 
1731-1757] Benjamin Franklin 293 
 
 Experiments; and, after they were performed before 
 the king and court, all the curious of Paris flocked to 
 see them. I will not swell this narrative with an 
 account of that capital experiment, nor of the in 
 finite pleasure I receiv d in the success of a similar 
 one I made soon after with a kite at Philadelphia, as 
 both are to be found in the histories of electricity. 
 r Dr. Wright, an English physician, when at Paris, 
 wrote to a friend, who was of the Royal Society, an 
 account of the high esteem my experiments were in 
 among the learned abroad, and of their wonder that 
 my writings had been so little noticed in England. 
 The Society, on this, resum d the consideration of the 
 letters that had been read to them, and the cele 
 brated Dr. Watson drew up a summary account of 
 them and of all I had afterwards sent to England on 
 the subject, which he accompanied with some praise 
 of the writer. This summary was then printed in 
 their Transactions; and some members of the So 
 ciety in London, particularly the very ingenious Mr. 
 Canton, having verified the experiment of procuring 
 lightning from the clouds by a pointed rod, and ac 
 quainting them with the success, they soon made me 
 more than^amends for the slight with which they had 
 before treated me. Without my having made any 
 application for that honor, they chose me a mem 
 ber, and voted that I should be excus d the custom 
 ary payments, which would have amounted to 
 twenty-five guineas; and ever since have given me 
 their Transactions gratis. 1 They also presented me 
 
 1 For a fuller account of his election see, infra, letter to Governor 
 William Franklin, igth Dec., 1767. ED. 
 
294 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 with the gold medal of Sir Godfrey Copley for the 
 year 1753, the delivery of which was accompanied 
 by a very handsome speech of the president, Lord 
 Macclesfield, wherein I was highly honoured. 
 
 Our new governor, Captain Denny, brought over 
 for me the before-mentioned medal from the Royal 
 Society, which he presented to me at an entertain 
 ment given him by the city. He accompanied it 
 with very polite expressions of his esteem for me, 
 having, as he said, been long acquainted with my 
 character. After dinner, when the company, as was 
 customary at that time, were engag d in drinking, he 
 took me aside into another room, and acquainted 
 me that he had been ad vis d by his friends in Eng 
 land to cultivate a friendship with me, as one who 
 was capable of giving him the best advice, and of 
 contributing most effectually to the making his ad 
 ministration easy; that he therefore desired of all 
 things to have a good understanding with me and he 
 begg d me to be assur d of his readiness on all occa 
 sions to render me every service that might be in his 
 power. He said much to me, also, of the proprietor s 
 good disposition towards the province and of the ad 
 vantage it might be to us all, and to me in particular, 
 if the opposition that had been so long continu d to 
 his measures was dropt, and harmony rest or d be 
 tween him and the people; in effecting which, it was 
 thought no one could be more serviceable than my 
 self ; and I might depend on adequate acknowledg 
 ments and recompenses, etc., etc. The drinkers, 
 finding we did not return immediately to the table, 
 sent us a decanter of Madeira which the governor 
 
1731-1757] Benjamin Franklin 295 
 
 made liberal use of, and in proportion became more 
 profuse of his solicitations and promises. 
 
 My answers were to this purpose: that my cir 
 cumstances, thanks to God, were such as to make 
 proprietary favours unnecessary to me and that, 
 being a member of the Assembly I could not possibly 
 accept of any; that, however, I had no personal 
 enmity to the proprietary, and that, whenever the 
 public measures he propos d should appear to be for 
 the good of the people, no one should espouse and 
 forward them more zealously than myself; my past 
 opposition having been founded on this, that the 
 measures which had been urged were evidently in 
 tended to serve the proprietary interest, with great 
 prejudice to that of the people; that I was much 
 obliged to him (the governor) for his professions of 
 regard to me and that he might rely on every thing 
 in my power to make his administration as easy as 
 possible, hoping at the same time that he had not 
 brought with him the same unfortunate instruction 
 his predecessor had been hamper d with. 
 
 On this he did not then explain himself, but when 
 he afterwards came to do business with the Assem 
 bly, they appear d again, the disputes were renewed, 
 and I was as active as ever in the opposition, being 
 the penman, first, of the request to have a com 
 munication of the instructions and then of the re 
 marks upon them, which may be found in the votes 
 of the time, and in the Historical Review I after 
 wards published. But between us personally no 
 enmity arose; we were of ten together ; he was a man 
 of letters, had seen much of the world and was very 
 
296 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 entertaining and pleasing in conversation. He gave 
 me the first intimation that my old friend Jas. 
 Ralph was still alive; that he was esteem d one of 
 the best political writers in England, had been em 
 ploy d in the dispute between Prince Frederic and the 
 king and had obtain d a pension of three hundred a 
 year; that his reputation was indeed small as a poet, 
 Pope having damned his poetry in the Dunciad; but 
 his prose was thought as good as any man s. 
 
 The Assembly 1 finally finding the proprietary ob 
 stinately persisted in manacling their deputies with 
 instructions inconsistent not only with the privileges 
 of the people but with the service of the crown, re- 
 solv d to petition the king against them and ap 
 pointed me their agent to go over to England to 
 present and support the petition. The House had 
 sent up a bill to the governor granting a sum of sixty 
 thousand pounds for the king s use (ten thousand 
 pounds of which was subjected to the orders of the 
 then General Lord Loudoun), which the governor 
 absolutely refus d to pass, in compliance with his in 
 structions. 
 
 I had agreed with Captain Morris, of the paquet at 
 New York, for my passage, and my stores were put 
 on board when Lord Loudoun arriv d at Philadel 
 phia expressly, as he told me, to endeavor an accom 
 modation between the governor and Assembly, that 
 his majesty s service might not be obstructed by 
 their dissensions. Accordingly, he desir d the gov 
 ernor and myself to meet him, that he might hear 
 
 1 The many unanimous resolves of the Assembly what date? 
 Marg. note. 
 
1731-1757] Benjamin Franklin 297 
 
 what was to be said on both sides. We met and 
 discuss d the business. In behalf of the Assembly, 
 I urg d all the various arguments that may be found 
 in the public papers of that time, which were of my 
 writing, and are printed with the minutes of the As 
 sembly; and the governor pleaded his instructions, 
 the bond he had given to observe them, and his ruin 
 if he disobey d, yet seemed not unwilling to hazard 
 himself if Lord Loudoun would advise it. This his 
 lordship did not chuse to do, though I once thought 
 I had nearly prevail d with him to do it; but finally 
 he rather chose to urge the compliance of the As 
 sembly ; and he entreated me to use my endeavours 
 with them for that purpose, declaring that he would 
 spare none of the king s troops for that defense of 
 our frontiers, and that, if we did not continue to 
 provide for that defense ourselves, they must re 
 main expos d to the enemy. 
 
 I acquainted the House with what had pass d, 
 and, presenting them with a set of resolutions I had 
 drawn up, declaring our rights, and that we did not 
 relinquish our claim to those rights, but only sus 
 pended the exercise of them on this occasion thro 
 force, against which we protested, they at length 
 agreed to drop that bill and frame another conform 
 able to the proprietary instructions. This of course 
 the governor pass d and I was then at liberty to pro 
 ceed on my voyage. But, in the mean time, the 
 paquet had sailed with my sea-stores, which was 
 some loss to me and my only recompense was his 
 lordship s thanks for my service, all the credit of 
 obtaining the accommodation falling to his share. 
 
298 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 He set out for New York before me and, as the 
 time for dispatching the paquet-boats was at his dis 
 position, and there were two then remaining there, 
 one of which, he said, was to sail very soon, I re 
 quested to know the precise time, that I might not 
 miss her by any delay of mine. His answer was: 
 " I have given out that she is to sail on Saturday 
 next, but I may let you know, entre nous, that if you 
 are there by Monday morning you will be in time, but 
 do not delay longer. By some accidental hindrance 
 at a ferry, it was Monday noon before I arrived and 
 I was much afraid she might have sailed, as the wind 
 was fair, but I was soon made easy by the informa 
 tion that she was still in the harbor and would not 
 move till the next day. One would imagine that I 
 was now on the very point of departing for Europe. 
 I thought so, but I was not then so well acquainted 
 with his lordship s character of which indecision was 
 one of the strongest features. I shall give some 
 instances. It was about the beginning of April that 
 I came to New York and I think it was near the 
 end of June before we sail d. There were then two 
 of the paquet-boats, which had been long in port but 
 were detained by the general s letters which were 
 always to be ready to-morrow. Another paquet 
 arriv d; she too was detain d, and before we sail d 
 a fourth was expected. Ours was the first to be 
 dispatch d, as having been there longest. Passen 
 gers were engag d in all and some extremely im 
 patient to be gone and the merchants uneasy about 
 their letters and the orders they had given for 
 insurance (it being war time) for fall goods, but their 
 
Benjamin Franklin 299 
 
 anxiety avail d nothing; his lordship s letters were 
 not ready, and yet, whoever waited on him found 
 him always at his desk, pen in hand, and concluded 
 he must needs write abundantly. 
 
 Going myself one morning to pay my respects I 
 found in his antechamber one Innis, a messenger of 
 Philadelphia who had come from thence express 
 with a paquet from Governor Denny for the General. 
 He delivered to me some letters from my friends 
 there which occasion d my inquiring when he was to 
 return and where he lodg d that I might send some 
 letters by him. He told me he was order d to call 
 to-morrow at nine for the General s answer to the 
 governor, and should set off immediately. I put 
 my letters into his hands the same day. A fort 
 night after I met him again in the same place. " So, 
 you are soon return d, Innis?" li Returned ! no, I am 
 not gone yet." " How so?" "I have called here by 
 order every morning these two weeks past for his 
 lordship s letter and it is not yet ready." " Is it 
 possible, when he is so great a writer? for I see him 
 constantly at his escritoire." :< Yes," says Innis, 
 "but he is like St. George on the signs, always on 
 horseback and never rides on." This observation of 
 the messenger was, it seems, well founded, for, when 
 in England I understood that Mr. Pitt gave it as 
 one reason for removing this general, and sending 
 Generals Amherst and Wolfe, that the minister never 
 heard from him, and could not know what he was 
 doing. 
 
 This daily expectation of sailing and all the three 
 paquets going down to Sandy Hook to join the fleet 
 
300 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 there, the passengers thought it best to be on board, 
 lest by a sudden order the ships should sail and they 
 be left behind. There, if I remember right, we were 
 about six weeks, consuming our sea- stores and 
 oblig d to procure more. At length the fleet sail d, 
 the General and all his army on board, bound to 
 Louisburg, with intent to besiege and take that 
 fortress; all the paquet-boats in company ordered 
 to attend the General s ship ready to receive his 
 dispatches when they should be ready. We were 
 out five days before we got a letter with leave to 
 part and then our ship quitted the fleet and steered 
 for England. The other two paquets he still de 
 tained, carried them with him to Halifax where he 
 stayed some time to exercise the men in sham at 
 tacks upon sham forts, then alter d his mind as to 
 besieging Louisburg and return d to New York, with 
 all his troops together with the two paquets above 
 mentioned and all their passengers! During his 
 absence the French and savages had taken Fort 
 George, on the frontier of that province and the 
 savages had massacred many of the garrison after 
 capitulation. 
 
 I saw afterwards in London Captain Bonnell, who 
 commanded one of those paquets. He told me that 
 when he had been detain d a month, he acquainted 
 his lordship that his ship was grown foul to a degree 
 that must necessarily hinder her fast sailing, a point 
 of consequence for a paquet-boat, and requested an 
 allowance of time to heave her down and clean her 
 bottom. He was asked how long time that would 
 require. He answer d three days. The general re- 
 
1731-1757] Benjamin Franklin 301 
 
 plied: "If you can do it in one day I give leave; 
 otherwise not; for you must certainly sail the day 
 after to-morrow." So he never obtain d leave 
 though detained afterwards from day to day during 
 full three months. 
 
 I saw also in London one of Bonnell s passengers 
 who was so enrag d against his lordship for deceiving 
 and detaining him so long at New York, and then 
 carrying him to Halifax and back again, that he 
 swore he would sue him for damages. Whether he 
 did or not, I never heard, but, as he represented the 
 injury to his affairs, it was very considerable. 
 
 On the whole, I wonder d much how such a man 
 came to be intrusted with so important a business as 
 the conduct of a great army, but, having since seen 
 more of the great world and the means of obtaining 
 and motives for giving places, my wonder is dimin 
 ished. General Shirley on whom the command of 
 the army devolved upon the death of Braddock, 
 would, in my opinion, if continued in place, have 
 made a much better campaign than that of Loudoun 
 in 1757, which was frivolous, expensive, and dis 
 graceful to our nation beyond conception; for tho 
 Shirley was not a bred soldier, he was sensible and 
 sagacious in himself and attentive to good advice 
 from others, capable of forming judicious plans and 
 quick and active in carrying them into execution. 
 Loudoun, instead of defending the colonies with his 
 great army, left them totally expos d while he pa 
 raded idly at Halifax, by which means Fort George 
 was lost; besides he derang d all our mercantile op 
 erations and distress d our trade by a long embargo 
 
302 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 on the exportation of provisions, on pretence of 
 keeping supplies from being obtain d by the en 
 emy, but, in reality, for beating down their price in 
 favor of the contractors in whose profits, it was said, 
 perhaps from suspicion only, he had a share. And 
 when at length the embargo was taken off, by 
 neglecting to send notice of it to Charlestown, the 
 Carolina fleet was detain d near three months longer, 
 whereby their bottoms were so much damaged by 
 the worm that a great part of them foundered in 
 their passage home. 
 
 Shirley was, I believe, sincerely glad of being re 
 lieved from so burdensome a charge as the conduct 
 of an army must be to a man unacquainted with 
 military business. I was at the entertainment given 
 by the city of New York to Lord Loudoun on his 
 taking upon him the command. Shirley, tho 
 thereby superseded, was present also. There was a 
 great company of officers, citizens, and strangers, and 
 some chairs having been borrowed in the neighbor 
 hood, there was one among them very low, which 
 fell to the lot of Mr. Shirley. Perceiving it as I sat 
 by him, I said: " They have given you, sir, too low a 
 seat." "No matter," says he, "Mr. Franklin, I find 
 a low seat the easiest." 
 
 While I was, as afore mentioned, detain d at New 
 York, I receiv d all the accounts of the provisions, 
 etc., that I had furnish d to Braddock, some of which 
 accounts could not sooner be obtain d from the dif 
 ferent persons I had employ d to assist in the busi 
 ness. I presented them to Lord Loudoun, desiring 
 to be paid the ballance. He caus d them to be regu- 
 
Benjamin Franklin 303 
 
 larly examined by the proper officer who, after com 
 paring every article with its voucher, certified them 
 to be right and the ballance, due, for which his lord 
 ship promised to give me an order on the paymaster. 
 This was, however, put off from time to time; and 
 tho I call d often for it by appointment, I did not 
 get it. At length, just before my departure, he told 
 me he had, on better consideration, concluded not 
 to mix his accounts with those of his predecessors. 
 "And you," says he, "when in England, have only 
 to exhibit your accounts at the treasury, and you 
 will be paid immediately." 
 
 I mention d, but without effect, the great and 
 unexpected expense I had been put to by being de 
 tain d so long at New York, as a reason for my de 
 siring to be presently paid, and on my observing that 
 it was not right I should be put to any further trouble 
 or delay in obtaining the money I had advanc d, as 
 I charged no commission for my service, "O, sir," 
 says he, "you must not think of persuading us that 
 you are no gainer ; we understand better those affairs, 
 and know that every one concerned in supplying the 
 army finds means, in the doing it, to fill his own 
 pockets." I assur d him that was not my case, and 
 that I had not pocketed a farthing, but he appear d 
 clearly not to believe me, and, indeed, I have since 
 learnt that immense fortunes are often made in such 
 employments. As to my ballance, I am not paid it 
 to this day, of which more hereafter. 
 
 Our captain of the paquet had boasted much be 
 fore we sailed, of the swiftness of his ship ; unfortu 
 nately, when we came to sea, she proved the dullest 
 
34 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 of ninety-six sail, to his no small mortification. 
 After many conjectures respecting the cause, when 
 we were near another ship almost as dull as ours, 
 which, however, gain d upon us, the captain ordered 
 all hands to come aft, and stand as near the ensign 
 staff as possible. We were, passengers included, 
 about forty persons. While we stood there, the ship 
 mended her pace and soon left her neighbour far 
 behind, which prov d clearly what our captain sus 
 pected, that she was loaded too much by the head. 
 The casks of water, it seems, had been all plac d for 
 ward; these he therefore order d to be mov d further 
 aft, on which the ship recover d her character and 
 proved the best sailer in the fleet. 
 
 The captain said she had once gone at the rate 
 of thirteen knots, which is accounted thirteen miles 
 per hour. We had on board, as a passenger, Captain 
 Kennedy of the Navy, who contended that it was 
 impossible and that no ship ever sailed so fast and 
 that there must have been some error in the division 
 of the log-line or some mistake in heaving the log. 
 A wager ensu d between the two captains, to be de 
 cided when there should be sufficient wind. Ken 
 nedy thereupon examin d rigorously the log-line and 
 being satisfied with that, he determin d to throw the 
 log himself. Accordingly some days after when the 
 wind blew very fair and fresh and the captain of 
 the paquet, Lutwidge, said he belie v d she then went 
 at the rate of thirteen knots, Kennedy made the ex 
 periment and own d his wager lost. 
 
 The above fact I give for the sake of the following 
 observation. It has been remark d as an imperfec- 
 
Benjamin Franklin 305 
 
 tion in the art of ship-building, that it can never be 
 known till she is tried, whether a new ship will or 
 will not be a good sailer, for that the model of a good- 
 sailing ship has been exactly follow d in a new one, 
 which has prov d, on the contrary, remarkably dull. 
 I apprehend that this may partly be occasion d by 
 the different opinions of seamen respecting the modes 
 of lading, rigging and sailing of a ship ; each has his 
 system, and the same vessel, laden by the judgment 
 and orders of one captain, shall sail better or worse 
 than when by the orders of another. Besides, it 
 scarce ever happens that a ship is form d, fitted for 
 the sea and sail d by the same person. One man 
 builds the hull, another rigs her, a third lades and 
 sails her. No one of these has the advantage of 
 knowing all the ideas and experience of the others, 
 and therefore, can not draw just conclusions from a 
 combination of the whole. 
 
 Even in the simple operation of sailing when at 
 sea, I have often observ d different judgments in the 
 officers who commanded the successive watches, the 
 wind being the same. One would have the sails 
 trimm d sharper or flatter than another, so that they 
 seem d to have no certain rule to govern by. Yet I 
 think a set of experiments might be instituted, first, 
 to determine the most proper form of the hull for 
 swift sailing; next, the best dimensions and proper- 
 est place for the masts ; then the form and quantity 
 of sails, and their position, as the wind may be; 
 and, lastly, the disposition of the lading. This is an 
 age of experiments and I think a set accurately 
 made and combin d would be of great use. I am 
 
 VOL. I. 20. 
 
3 6 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 persuaded, therefore, that ere long some ingenious 
 philosopher will undertake it, to whom I wish 
 success. 
 
 We were several times chas d in our passage, but 
 outsail d every thing, and in thirty days had sound 
 ings. We had a good observation and the captain 
 judg d himself so near our port, Falmouth, that, if 
 we made a good run in the night, we might be off 
 the mouth of that harbor in the morning and by 
 running in the night might escape the notice of the 
 enemy s privateers who often cruis d near the en 
 trance of the channel. Accordingly, all the sail was 
 set that we could possibly make and the wind being 
 very fresh and fair we went right before it and made 
 great way. The captain, after his observation, 
 shap d his course, as he thought, so as to pass wide 
 of the Scilly Isles, but it seems there is sometimes 
 a strong indraught setting up St. George s Channel 
 which deceives seamen and caused the loss of Sir 
 Cloudesley Shovel s squadron. This indraught was 
 probably the cause of what happened to us. 
 
 We had a watchman plac d in the bow, to whom 
 they often called, "Look well out before there/ and 
 he as often answered, "Ay, ay"; but perhaps had 
 his eyes shut and was half asleep at the time, they 
 sometimes answering, as is said, mechanically; for 
 he did not see a light just before us, which had been 
 hid by the studding-sails from the man at the helm, 
 and from the rest of the watch, but by an accidental 
 yaw of the ship was discover d, and occasion d a 
 great alarm, we being very near it, the light ap 
 pearing to me as big as a cart-wheel. It was 
 
1731-1757] Benjamin Franklin 307 
 
 midnight and our captain fast asleep but Captain 
 Kennedy, jumping upon deck and seeing the danger, 
 ordered the ship to wear round, all sails standing; 
 an operation dangerous to the masts but it carried 
 us clear and we escaped shipwreck, for we were run 
 ning right upon the rocks on which the light-house 
 was erected. This deliverance impressed me strongly 
 with the utility of light-houses, and made me resolve 
 to encourage the building more of them in America 
 if I should live to return there. 
 
 In the morning it was found by the soundings, etc., 
 that we were near our port but a thick fog hid the 
 land from our sight. About nine o clock the fog 
 began to rise and seem d to be lifted up from the 
 water like the curtain at a play-house, discovering 
 underneath, the town of Falmouth, the vessels in its 
 harbor, and the fields that surrounded it. This was 
 a most pleasing spectacle to those who had been so 
 long without any other prospects than the uniform 
 view of a vacant ocean and it gave us the more 
 pleasure as we were now free from the anxieties 
 which the state of war occasion d. 
 
 I set out immediately, with my son, for London, 
 and we only stopt a little by the way to view Stone- 
 henge on Salisbury Plain and Lord Pembroke s 
 house and gardens with his very curious antiquities 
 at Wilton. We arrived in London the 2yth of July, 
 1757- 
 
 [Here terminates the Autobiography, as published by Wil 
 liam Temple Franklin and his successors. What follows was 
 written the last year of Dr. Franklin s life, and was never 
 
308 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 before printed in English. Bigelow s Autobiography of Frank* 
 lin, 1868, p. 350, note.] 
 
 As soon as I was settled in a lodging Mr. Charles 
 had provided for me, I went to visit Dr. Fothergill, 
 to whom I was strongly recommended, and whose 
 counsel respecting my proceedings I was advis d to 
 obtain. He was against an immediate complaint 
 to government, and thought the proprietaries should 
 first be personally appli d to, who might possibly be 
 indue d by the interposition and persuasion of some 
 private friends to accommodate matters amicably. 
 I then waited on my old friend and correspondent, 
 Mr. Peter Collinson, who told me that John Hanbury, 
 the great Virginia merchant, had requested to be in 
 formed when I should arrive, that he might carry me 
 to Lord Granville s, who was then President of the 
 Council and wished to see me as soon as possible. I 
 agreed to go with him the next morning. Accord 
 ingly Mr. Hanbury called for me and took me in his 
 carriage to that nobleman s, who receiv d me with 
 great civility; and after some questions respecting 
 the present state of affairs in America and discourse 
 thereupon, he said to me: "You Americans have 
 wrong ideas of the nature of your constitution ; you 
 contend that the king s instructions to his governors 
 are not laws, and think yourselves at liberty to re 
 gard or disregard them at your own discretion. But 
 those instructions are not like the pocket instruc 
 tions given to a minister going abroad, for regulating 
 his conduct on some trifling point of ceremony. They 
 are first drawn up by judges learned in the laws; 
 
Benjamin Franklin 39 
 
 they are then considered, debated, and perhaps 
 amended in Council, after which they are signed by 
 the king. They are then, so far as they relate to you, 
 the law of the land, for the king is the LEGISLATOR OF 
 THE COLONIES." I told his lordship this was new 
 doctrine to me. I had always understood from our 
 charters that our laws were to be made by our As 
 semblies, to be presented indeed to the king for his 
 royal assent, but that being once given, the king 
 could not repeal or alter them. And as the Assem 
 blies could not make permanent laws without his 
 assent, so neither could he make a law for them 
 without theirs. He assur d me I was totally mis 
 taken. I did not think so, however, and his lord 
 ship s conversation having a little alarm d me as to 
 what might be the sentiments of the court concern 
 ing us, I wrote it down as soon as I returned to my 
 lodgings. 1 I recollected that about 20 years before, 
 a clause in a bill brought into Parliament by the min 
 istry had propos d to make the king s instructions 
 laws in the colonies, but the clause was thrown out 
 by the Commons, for which we adored them as our 
 friends and friends of liberty, till by their conduct 
 towards us in 1765 it seem d that they had refus d 
 that point of sovereignty to the king only that they 
 might reserve it for themselves. 
 
 After some days, Dr. Fothergill having spoken to 
 the proprietaries, they agreed to a meeting with me 
 at Mr. T. Penn s house in Spring Garden. The con 
 versation at first consisted of mutual declarations 
 
 1 For another account of this conversation with Granville see infra, 
 letter from Franklin to Mr. James Bowdoin, dated 13 January, 1772. 
 
3io Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 of disposition to reasonable accommodations, but I 
 suppose each party had its own ideas of what should 
 be meant by reasonable. We then went into con 
 sideration of our several points of complaint, which 
 I enumerated. The proprietaries justify d their 
 conduct as well as they could, and I the Assembly s. 
 We now appeared very wide, and so far from each 
 other in our opinions as to discourage all hope of 
 agreement. However, it was concluded that I 
 should give them the heads of our complaints in 
 writing, and they promis d then to consider them. 
 I did so soon after, but they put the paper into the 
 hands of their solicitor, Ferdinand John Paris, who 
 managed for them all their law business in their 
 great suit with the neighbouring proprietary of 
 Maryland, Lord Baltimore, which had subsisted 70 
 years, and wrote for them all their papers and mes 
 sages in their dispute with the Assembly. He was 
 a proud, angry man, and as I had occasionally in 
 the answers of the Assembly treated his papers with 
 some severity, they being really weak in point of 
 argument and haughty in expression, he had con 
 ceived a mortal enmity to me, which discovering 
 itself whenever we met, I declin d the proprietary s 
 proposal that he and I should discuss the heads of 
 complaint between our two selves, and refus d treat 
 ing with any one but them. They then by his ad 
 vice put the paper into the hands of the Attorney 
 and Solicitor-General for their opinion and counsel 
 upon it, where it lay unanswered a year wanting 
 eight days, during which time I made frequent 
 demands for an answer from the proprietaries, but 
 
1731-1757] Benjamin Franklin 311 
 
 without obtaining any other than that they had not 
 yet received the opinion of the Attorney and Solici 
 tor-General. What it was when they did receive it, 
 I never learnt for they did not communicate it to 
 me, but sent a long message to the Assembly drawn 
 and signed by Paris, reciting my paper, complaining 
 of its want of formality, as a rudeness on my part, 
 and giving a flimsy justification of their conduct, 
 adding that they should be willing to accommodate 
 matters if the Assembly would send out some person 
 of candour to treat with them for that purpose, in 
 timating thereby that I was not such. 
 
 The want of formality or rudeness was, probably, 
 my not having address d the paper to them with 
 their assum d titles of True and Absolute Proprie 
 taries of the Province of Pennsylvania, which I 
 omitted as not thinking it necessary in a paper the 
 intention of which was only to reduce to a certainty 
 by writing what in conversation I had delivered viva 
 voce. 
 
 But during this delay, the Assembly having pre 
 vailed with Gov r Denny to pass an act taxing the 
 proprietary estate in common with the estates of 
 the people, which was the grand point in dispute, 
 they omitted answering the message. 
 
 When this act however came over, the proprie 
 taries, counselled by Paris, determined to oppose its 
 receiving the royal assent. Accordingly they pe 
 tition d the king in Council, and a hearing was ap 
 pointed in which two lawyers were employ d by 
 them against the act, and two by me in support of 
 it. They alledg d that the act was intended to load 
 
312 Autobiography of [1731-1757 
 
 the proprietary estate in order to spare those of the 
 people, and that if it were suffer d to continue in 
 force, and the proprietaries who were in odium with 
 the people left to their mercy in proportioning the 
 taxes, they would inevitably be ruined. We reply d 
 that the act had no such intention and would have 
 no such effect; that the assessors were honest and 
 discreet men under an oath to assess fairly and 
 equitably, and that any advantage each of them 
 might expect in lessening his own tax by augmenting 
 that of the proprietaries was too trifling to induce 
 them to perjure themselves. This is the purport of 
 what I remember as urged by both sides, except that 
 we insisted strongly on the mischievous consequences 
 that must attend a repeal, for that the money, 
 100,000, being printed and given to the king s use, 
 expended in his service, and now spread among the 
 people, the repeal would strike it dead in their hands 
 to the ruin of many, and the total discouragement of 
 future grants, and the selfishness of the proprietors 
 in soliciting such a general catastrophe, merely from 
 a groundless fear of their estate being taxed too 
 highly, was insisted on in the strongest terms. On 
 this, Lord Mansfield, one of the counsel rose, and 
 beckoning me took me into the clerk s chamber, 
 while the lawyers were pleading, and asked me if I 
 was really of opinion that no injury would be done 
 the proprietary estate in the execution of the act. 
 I said certainly. "Then," says he, "you can have 
 little objection to enter into an engagement to assure 
 that point." I answer d, "None at all." He then 
 call d in Paris, and after some discourse his lordship s 
 
1731-1737] Benjamin Franklin 313 
 
 proposition was accepted on both sides; a paper to 
 the purpose was drawn up by the Clerk of the Coun 
 cil, which I sign d with Mr. Charles, who was also an 
 Agent of the Province for their ordinary affairs, 
 when Lord Mansfield returned to the Council Cham 
 ber, where finally the law was allowed to pass. Some 
 changes were however recommended and we also 
 engaged they should be made by a subsequent law, 
 but the Assembly did not think them necessary ; for 
 one year s tax having been levied by the act before 
 the order of Council arrived, they appointed a com 
 mittee to examine the proceedings of the assessors, 
 and on this committee they put several particular 
 friends of the proprietaries. After a full enquiry, 
 they unanimously sign d a report that they found 
 the tax had been assess d with perfect equity. 
 
 The Assembly looked into my entering the first 
 part of the engagement, as an essential service to the 
 Province, since it secured the credit of the paper 
 money then spread over all the country. They gave 
 me their thanks in form when I return d. But the 
 proprietaries were enraged at Governor Denny for 
 having pass d the act, and turn d him out with 
 threats of suing him for breach of instructions which 
 he had given bond to observe. He, however, having 
 done it at the instance of the General, and for His 
 Majesty s service, and having some powerful interest 
 at court, despis d the threats and they were never 
 put in execution. 1 
 
 1 In reference to Gov r Denny s removal, see also a letter which 
 Franklin wrote to his wife while the negotiations here described were 
 progressing, and dated June 10, 1758. 
 
INDEX 
 
 Academy, founded by Franklin, 
 
 239 
 the church built for Whitefield 
 
 purchased for, 239 
 not sectarian, 239 
 incorporated, 241 
 became the University of Penn 
 sylvania, 241 
 torn down, 241 
 Adams, Matthew, lends Franklin 
 
 books, 48 
 
 Albany, congress of commission 
 ers to treat with the Six 
 Nations held there, 256 
 Alexander, James, 257 
 Allen, William, 229 
 America, parliamentary plan to 
 
 tax, 258 
 Lord Granville s view of the 
 
 rights of, 308 
 Amherst, General, 299 
 "Art of Thinking," 53 
 "Art of Virtue," the title of a 
 work projected by Franklin, 
 200, 204 
 Assembly, Franklin many years 
 
 a member of, 234 
 Franklin moves the purchase 
 of a fire-engine to get money 
 for the defence of the colony, 
 
 bill introduced to incorporate 
 
 a hospital, 246 
 bill to pave and light the 
 
 streets, 249 
 petitions the king against the 
 
 pretensions of the proprie 
 taries, 296 
 sends Franklin as its agent to 
 
 London, 296 
 Franklin s interview with Lord 
 
 Granville about complaints 
 
 of, 308 
 its action justified by Franklin, 
 
 Baird, Dr., his faith in Franklin, 
 
 156 
 
 Baltimore, Lord, 310 
 Beatty, Mr., chaplain, complained 
 that troops do not attend his 
 prayers; Franklin s remedy, 
 283 
 Bethlehem, troops assembled 
 
 there, 279 
 
 ten farmers of, killed by In 
 dians, 280 
 Bishop of St. Asaph s. See Dr. 
 
 Shipley. 
 
 Blackbeard, the pirate, 49 
 Bond, Dr. Phineas, anecdote of, 
 
 276 
 
 founds a hospital in Philadel 
 phia, 244 
 
 interview with Franklin, 245 
 Bonnell, Captain, anecdote told 
 
 by, of Lord Loudoun, 300 
 Boston News-Letter, 56 
 Braddock, General, sent to Vir- 
 m ginia, 263 
 is visited at Frederictown by 
 
 Franklin, 263 
 gives Franklin a commission 
 
 to procure wagons, 264 
 defeat and flight, 270-274 
 account of, by Franklin, 272 
 papers lost, comments of, on 
 
 Franklin s services, 274 
 Bradford, Andrew, 67 
 Franklin lodges with, 68 
 postmaster, 167 
 forbids the postmen to carry 
 
 Franklin s paper, 168 
 Bradford, William, first printer 
 
 in Pennsylvania, 60 
 removed to New York, 60 
 advises Franklin to seek em 
 ployment with his son in 
 Philadelphia, 60 
 
 Breintnal, Joseph, member of 
 the Junto, 153 
 
 3*5 
 
Index 
 
 Breintnal, Joseph, befriends 
 
 Franklin, 166 
 Brogden, Charles, 82 
 Brown, Dr., hotel of, at Burling 
 ton, 63 
 
 his travestie of the Bible, 63 
 Brown ell, George, Franklin s 
 
 teacher, 42 
 Bunyan s Works purchased by 
 
 Franklin, 47 
 
 Burnet, Governor, cultivates the 
 acquaintance of Franklin, 
 76 
 
 marriage of, 76 
 library of, 76 
 
 his theological writings, 76 
 his censorship of the clergy, 
 
 76 
 Franklin s comments on one 
 
 of his messages, 1 60 
 Burton s (R.) historical collec 
 tions purchased by Franklin, 
 47 
 
 Cambridge College confers de 
 gree of Master of Arts on 
 Franklin, 256 
 
 Canton, Mr., verifies Franklin s 
 experiment for procuring 
 ligntning from clouds by a 
 pointed rod, 293 
 
 Carlisle, treaty with the Indians 
 
 at, 243 
 conduct of the Indians, 244 
 
 Chapel, why so called, 97 
 
 Charles, Mr., provides lodgings 
 for Franklin in London, 308 
 
 Clair, St., John, 268 
 
 Clapham, Colonel, takes Frank 
 lin s command, 284 
 
 Clifton, John, 250 
 
 Clinton, Governor, Franklin dines 
 with, 229 
 
 Cocker s Arithmetic, 53 
 
 Coleman, William, 154 
 
 i befriends Franklin, 163, 164, 
 165 
 
 Collins, John, a bookish acquaint 
 ance of Franklin, 49 
 habits of disputation, 49 
 dispute about the propriety of 
 educating the female sex, 50 
 correspondence on the subject, 
 
 5 
 
 superiority of his style to 
 Franklin s, 50 
 
 Collins, John, engages a passage 
 for Franklin to go to New 
 York, 60 
 
 determines to go to Philadel 
 phia, 73 
 
 acquires bad habits, 76 
 borrows money of Franklin, 76 
 adventure of, in a boat, 7 7 
 goes to Barbadoes as a tutor, 78 
 Collinson, Peter, sends a glass 
 tube, etc., to Philadelphia, 
 289 
 
 Franklin writes to, 290 
 gives letters to Cave to publish, 
 
 290 
 
 Congress, Franklin s plan of a 
 union of the colonies laid 
 before, and approved, 257, 
 258 
 
 Cooper s Creek, Franklin enters, 64 
 Copley medal, speech of Lord 
 Macclesfield on presenting, 
 brought over by Gov. Denny, 
 294 
 "Crusoe" by Defoe, 61 
 
 Dalibard, success of experiments 
 of, with De Lor, brought 
 Franklin s letters on elec 
 tricity into notice, 294 
 
 De Foe s "Essay on Projects," 
 
 47 
 
 "Robinson Crusoe"; "Moll 
 Flanders " ; " Religious Court 
 ship"; "Family Instructor," 
 61 
 
 De Lor, success of experiments 
 of, with Dalibard, brought 
 Franklin s letters on elec 
 tricity into notice, 292 
 Denham, Dr., befriends Franklin, 
 
 87, 88, 89 
 
 advice to Franklin, 101 
 instance of his honesty, 101 
 engages Franklin as clerk, 101 
 Denny, Captain, Governor oi 
 
 Pennsylvania, 261 
 disobeys instructions of the 
 
 proprietaries, 261, 311 
 arrival of, in the colony, 294 
 brings Franklin the Copley 
 
 medal, 294 
 
 advances to Franklin, 294 
 disputes with the Assembly, 
 
 2 95 
 description of, 295, 296 
 
Index 
 
 Denny, Captain, indignation of 
 
 proprietaries toward, 313 
 letter about, from Franklin, 313 
 Dun bar, Colonel, 269 
 
 ignominious flight of, 273 
 disregards his promise to 
 
 Franklin, 275 
 Dunkers, 236 
 
 Ecton, in England, Franklin s 
 family had lived there 300 
 years, 33 
 his grandfather was born there, 
 
 34 
 
 Electricity, origin of Franklin s 
 experiments in, 289 
 
 letters on, to Collinson and 
 others, 290 
 
 Count Buffon persuades Dali- 
 bard to translate them into 
 French, 291 
 
 criticised by Abbe Nollet, 291 
 
 summary of the experiments 
 printed among the transac 
 tions of the Royal Society, 
 293 
 
 chosen a member of the Royal 
 
 Society, 293 
 
 Emmons, Mrs., great-grand 
 daughter of Franklin, 37 
 
 possesses the MS. volumes of 
 poetry of Benjamin Frank 
 lin, the dyer, 37 
 
 "Family Instructor," by De Foe, 
 
 61 
 Fire company, first one organized 
 
 by Franklin, 219 
 most of the members Quakers, 
 
 232 
 
 anecdotes of, 232, 235, 236 
 Folger, Abiah, second wife of 
 
 Franklin s father, 39 
 daughter of Peter Folger, 39 
 suckled her ten children, 45 
 epitaph on, 45 
 
 Folger, Peter, father of Abiah 
 
 Folger, Franklin s mother, 39 
 
 honorably mentioned by Cotton 
 
 Mather, 40 
 
 specimen of his verses, 40 
 Fothergill, Dr. Franklin s opin 
 ion of, 251 
 Franklin s proposal to, 251, 253 
 
 Fothergill, advises publication of 
 Franklin s letters to Collinson 
 and others on electricity, 291 
 advice to Franklin on his 
 arrival in London as agent 
 of the colonies, 308 
 arranges a meeting of the pro 
 prietaries with Franklin, 293 
 France, war with, apprehended, 
 
 256 
 
 war with, commenced, 262 
 Francis, Mr., Attorney-General, 
 helps Franklin draw up a con 
 stitution for an academy, 239 
 Franklin, commenced his Memoirs, 
 
 31 
 motives for writing his Memoirs, 
 
 3 1 
 
 would have no objection to 
 live his life over, 3 1 
 
 considered vanity one of the 
 comforts of life, 32 
 
 receives from an uncle some 
 notes relating to his ances 
 tors, 33 
 
 his family had lived in Ecton, 
 in Northamptonshire, 33 
 
 the ancient name of a rank or 
 order in England, 33 
 
 named after his uncle Ben 
 jamin, 37 
 
 found a collection of pamphlets 
 in London which this uncle 
 had made, 37 
 
 family became Protestants at 
 an early period of the Refor 
 mation, 38 
 
 anecdote about reading the 
 Bible during the reign of 
 Queen Mary, 39 
 
 where born and when, 39 
 put to a grammar-school 
 
 at 
 
 eight years of age, 41 
 at the head of his class, 42 
 intended for the church, 42 
 sent to school for writing and 
 
 arithmetic, 42 
 
 discontented with tallow chand 
 lery, 46 
 sent to learn the cutlery trade 
 
 with his cousin Samuel, 47 
 taken home again, 47 
 fond of reading, 47 
 purchases Bunyan s works, 47 
 sells them to buy R. Burton s 
 historical collections, 47 
 
3*8 
 
 Index 
 
 Franklin, failed in arithmetic, 42 
 at ten leaves school and assists 
 
 his father to cut wicks for 
 
 candles, etc., 45 
 dislikes his trade, 45 
 inclination for the sea, 45 
 discouraged by his father, 42 
 builds a fishing wharf with 
 
 stones intended for a house, 
 
 43 
 
 ensured by his father, 43 
 
 description of his father, 43 
 
 description of his mother, 45 
 
 places a marble inscription over 
 his parents grave, 45 
 
 reads "Plutarch s Lives," De 
 Foe s "Essay on Projects," 
 Dr. Mather s "Essays to Do 
 Good," 47 
 
 bound as a printer s apprentice 
 to his brother James, 48 
 
 measures taken to gratify his 
 taste for reading, 48 
 
 borrowed books of Matthew 
 Adams, 48 
 
 writes ballads, "The Light- 
 House Tragedy," 49 
 
 is sent to hawk them about the 
 streets, 49 
 
 discouraged by his father from 
 verse-making, 49 
 
 devotes himself to prose writ 
 ing, 49 
 
 makes the acquaintance of 
 John Collins, 49 
 
 fondness for disputation ac 
 quired, 49 
 
 why discouraged, 49 
 
 disputes with Collins about the 
 relative capacity of the two 
 sexes, 51 
 
 correspondence on the subject, 
 
 5 
 
 criticisms of his father there 
 upon, 50 
 
 reads The Spectator, 50 
 
 imitates it, 5 1 
 
 advantages of these exercises, 
 51 
 
 spends Sundays in the print 
 ing-office, 51 
 
 adopts a vegetable diet, 5 1 
 
 advantages it gave him over the 
 other apprentices, 52 
 
 studies Cocker s Arithmetic, 53 
 
 studies navigation, 53 
 
 Franklin, Locke on " Human 
 
 Understanding, " 53 
 "Art of Thinking, " 53 
 Greenwood s English Grammar, 
 
 Xenophon s" Memorabilia," 53 
 Shaftesbury and Collins, 53 
 adopts the Socratic method of 
 
 disputation, 53 
 abandoned it and why, 54 
 writes for his brother s news 
 
 paper, and carries the paper 
 
 to subscribers, 57 
 encouraged by his success as a 
 
 writer, 57 
 differences arise between him 
 
 and his brother, 57 
 sustained generally by his 
 
 father, 57 
 his brother imprisoned for an 
 
 article in the paper, 58 
 examined before the council and 
 
 admonished, 58 
 manages the paper during his 
 
 brother s imprisonment, 58 
 Courant published in the name 
 
 of, 58 
 old indentures returned to him, 
 
 59 
 h 
 
 with his 
 
 fresh differences 
 
 brother, 59 
 
 first erratum of his life, 59 
 leaves his brother, 59 
 brother prevents his getting 
 
 work in Boston, 59 
 determines to leave Boston, 59 
 father opposes his leaving, 60 
 Collins assists him, 60 
 takes passage on a sloop for 
 
 New York, 60 
 arrival in New York, 60 
 offers his service to Wm. Brad 
 
 ford, 60 
 is advised to go to Philadelphia, 
 
 60 
 
 takes passage for Amboy, 61 
 is driven by a storm on Long 
 
 Island, 6 1 
 saves a drunken Dutchman 
 
 from drowning, 61 
 Bunyan s "Pilgrim s Progress," 
 
 61 
 reaches Amboy in thirty hours, 
 
 62 
 
 journey to Burlington, 62 
 Dr. Brown, 63 
 
Index 
 
 Franklin, stay at Burlington, 
 
 63 
 
 voyage to Philadelphia, 64 
 lands at Market Street wharf, 
 
 64 
 situation and appearance of, 
 
 on arriving, 64 
 first breakfast in Philadelphia, 
 
 65 
 
 is seen by his future wife, 65 
 first religious worship in Phila 
 delphia, 66 
 
 first sleep in Philadelphia, 66 
 lodges at the Crooked Billet, 66 
 calls upon Andrew Bradford, 67 
 is employed by Keimer, 68 
 boards with Mr. Read, 69 
 is encouraged by Governor 
 
 Keith, 70 
 
 urged by him to set up a print 
 ing-press, 70 
 goes to Boston to consult his 
 
 father, 71 
 
 visits the printing-office, 72 
 anger of his brother, 72 
 his father discourages the print 
 ing enterprise, 73 
 visits his brother John at New 
 port, 74 
 adventure on the voyage to 
 
 New York, 74 
 lends money to Collins, 75 
 makes the acquaintance of 
 
 Governor Burnet, 76 
 lends Vernon s money to Col 
 lins, 77 
 
 engages with Sir William Keith 
 to go to London to buy equip 
 ment of a printing office, 78 
 returns to eating meat, 80 
 intercourse of, with Keimer, 
 
 80 
 
 intimate acquaintances of, 82 
 literary exercises, 83 
 sails for England, 87 
 no letters in the mail for him 
 
 from Governor Keith, 88 
 arrival in London, 88 
 knavery of Keith discovered, 88 
 gets work in a printing-office, 9 1 
 writes a dissertation on "Lib 
 erty and Necessity, Pleasure 
 and Pain," 91 
 
 new London acquaintances, 91 
 sells an asbestos purse to Sir 
 Hans Sloane, 92 
 
 Franklin, attempts familiarities 
 with Ralph s mistress, 93 
 
 its consequence, 94 
 
 temperate habits in London, 96 
 
 difficulties with fellow work 
 men; how he surmounted 
 them, 9-7 
 
 his landlady in Duke Street, 98 
 
 a maiden lady his fellow lodger, 
 98 
 
 teaches swimming, 100 
 
 swims from Chelsea to Black- 
 friars, 100 
 
 engaged by Mr. Denham as 
 clerk, 101 
 
 is asked to teach the sons of 
 Sir William Windham, 102 
 
 returns to Philadelphia, 140 
 
 meets Keith, 141 
 
 death of Mr. Denham, 141 
 
 legacy from, 141 
 
 takes the management of Kei- 
 mer s printing-house, 142 
 
 quarrels with Keimer and leaves 
 him, 145 
 
 projects a partnership with 
 Meredith, 146 
 
 sends to England for a printer s 
 equipment, 146 
 
 returns to work for Keimer, 147 
 
 religious impressions, 148 
 
 opens his new printing-house, 
 151 
 
 his first job, 151 
 
 industry and frugality, 156 
 
 their effect upon his credit, 157 
 
 projects a newspaper, 157 
 
 writes the Busy Body, 157 
 
 buys out Keimer s paper, 157 
 
 his salutatory, 158 
 
 attracts attention to his paper, 
 1 60 
 
 is sued for the price of their 
 type, 162 
 
 befriended by William Cole- 
 man and Robert Grace, 162 
 
 separation from Meredith, 163 
 
 his habits at this time, 1 66 
 
 marries Miss Read, 170 
 
 projects the Philadelphia Li 
 brary, 172 
 
 mode of getting subscribers, 
 181-184 
 
 prosperity, 184 
 
 progress of luxury in his 
 family, 185 
 
320 
 
 Index 
 
 Franklin, views of religion, 186 
 disgusted with his minister, 187 
 conceives the project of arriv 
 ing at perfection, 187 
 mode of executing it, 188 
 plans for self-examination, 196 
 want of order, 197 
 pride of, 201 
 now he avoided dogmatism, 
 
 202 
 
 projects a new sect, 205 
 its creed, 205 
 
 publishes Poor Richard s Al 
 manac, 206 
 sends a journeyman to South 
 
 Carolina, 209 
 good results from it, 210 
 becomes the champion of 
 
 Hemphill, a Presbyterian 
 
 preacher, 210 
 quits the congregation on 
 
 HemphiU s dismission, 211 
 learns the French, Italian, 
 
 Spanish, and Latin languages, 
 
 212 
 advises the study of the living 
 
 languages before the dead, 
 
 213 
 
 revisits Boston, 213 
 visits Newport, 214 
 reconciliation with his brother, 
 
 214 
 makes amends to his brother 
 
 for breaking his indentures, 
 
 214 
 
 loses one of his sons, 214 
 recommends inoculation, 214 
 chosen clerk of the Assembly, 
 
 215 
 
 method of, to disarm an oppo 
 nent, 216 
 
 appointed postmaster, 217 
 organizes a city watch, 218 
 organizes a fire company, 219 
 his account of Whitefield, 
 
 220 
 
 projects an academy, 227 
 establishes a Philosophical So 
 ciety, 227 
 
 organizes the militia, 228 
 declines office of colonel, 229 
 proposes a lottery to defray 
 expense of building and 
 equipping a battery, 229 
 sent to New York to borrow 
 cannon, 229 
 
 Franklin, proposes a fast, 230 
 why he would not resign as 
 
 clerk of Assembly, 231 
 invents a stove, 237 
 presents the model to R. Grace, 
 
 2 37 
 
 writes a pamphlet about it, 237 
 
 is offered a patent for stove, 237 
 
 declines it, and why, 237 
 
 writes proposals relating to the 
 education of youth in Penn 
 sylvania, 238 
 
 formed a partnership with 
 David Hall, 241 
 
 purchased Dr. Spence s philo 
 sophical apparatus, 242 
 
 named a justice of the peace, 
 242 
 
 named a member of the Com 
 mon Council, 242 
 
 named a burgess to the Assem 
 bly, 242 
 
 declines to serve as justice of 
 the peace, 242 
 
 re-elected to the Assembly ten 
 years, 243 
 
 his son appointed clerk of the 
 Assembly, 243 
 
 named a commissioner to treat 
 with the Indians, 243 
 
 reports a bill incorporating the 
 Pennsylvania Hospital, 245 
 
 measures taken to clean and 
 pave the streets, 248 
 
 anecdote of street-sweeping in 
 London, 251 
 
 proposal to Dr. Fothergill, 251 
 
 appointed postmaster-general, 
 
 2 55 
 
 made Master of Arts, 256 
 
 appointed to confer with the 
 Six Nations, 256 
 
 projects a plan of union of the 
 colonies, 256 
 
 lays it before Congress, 256 
 
 it is reported, 256 
 
 dictates Quincy s address to the 
 Assembly of Pennsylvania, 
 asking aid, 262 
 
 plan for Quincy s relief, 263 
 
 their friendship, 263 
 
 visits Gen. Braddock, 264 
 
 receives a commission from 
 the General to purchase hor 
 ses, wagons, provisions, etc., 
 265 
 
Index 
 
 321 
 
 Franklin, Braddock s defeat, 270- 
 274 
 
 loss by, 271 
 
 his opinion of Braddock, 271 
 
 the reward he asked for his 
 services, 275 
 
 recommended by Braddock to 
 the government, 275 
 
 appointed to superintend the 
 defence of the northwestern 
 frontier, 280 
 
 measures for defence at Gna- 
 denhut, 280 
 
 resumes his seat in the Assem 
 bly, 284 
 
 chosen colonel of the first regi 
 ment of militia, 286 
 
 escorted to lower ferry on his 
 way to Lower Virginia, 286 
 
 indignation of the proprietaries, 
 287 
 
 they accuse him to the minis 
 try, 287 
 
 progress of electrical experi 
 ments of, 289 
 
 gives accounts of his experi 
 ments to Mr. Collinson, 290 
 
 also to Mr. Kinnersley, 290 
 
 letters shown to Dr. Fother- 
 gill, 291 
 
 printed in a pamphlet by 
 editor of Gentleman s Maga 
 zine, 291 
 
 elected a member of the Royal 
 Society free of expense, 
 
 2 93 
 presented with the Copley 
 
 medal, 294 
 advances of Governor Denny, 
 
 294 
 
 reply to the governor, 295 
 sent to London as agent of the 
 
 colony, 293 
 
 arrival at Falmouth, 307 
 visits Stonehenge and Lord 
 
 Pembroke s place at Wilton, 
 
 37 
 visits Dr. Fothergill in London, 
 
 308 
 
 visits Peter Collinson, 308 
 calls with Mr. Hanbury upon 
 
 Lord Granville, 308 
 important interview with, 308 
 conference at T. Penn s house 
 in London with the proprie 
 taries, 309 
 
 Franklin, consulted by Lord 
 Mansfield, 312 
 
 satisfactory arrangement nego 
 tiated, 313 
 
 indignation of the proprietaries, 
 
 3*3 
 
 Franklin, uncle of Dr. Franklin, 
 after whom he was named, 3 6 
 
 bred a silk dyer; came to 
 America and lived with the 
 Doctor s father in Boston to 
 a great age, 36 
 
 left two MS. volumes of poe 
 try, 36 
 
 specimens, 37 
 
 wrote shorthand, and had taken 
 down many volumes of ser 
 mons, 37 
 
 proposed to give them to his 
 nephew, 41 
 
 collection of pamphlets, 3 7 
 Franklin, James, brother of Ben 
 jamin, 48 
 
 projects a newspaper, 48 
 
 Benjamin apprenticed to him, 
 48 
 
 encourages Benjamin to write 
 poetry, 49 
 
 sends him about the town to 
 sell his ballads, 49 
 
 starts the New England Cour- 
 ant, 55-56 
 
 encourages Benjamin to write 
 for him, 56 
 
 differences arise between him 
 and Benjamin, 57 
 
 forbidden to publish the Cour- 
 ant, 58 
 
 Courant continued under Ben 
 jamin Franklin s name, 59 
 
 new quarrel with Benjamin, 59 
 
 Benjamin breaks his indentures 
 and leaves for New York, 
 60 
 
 angry with Benjamin, 72 
 Franklin, John, uncle of Dr. 
 Franklin, was bred a dyer of 
 woollens, 36 
 
 Franklin, Josiah, father of Dr. 
 Franklin, 39 
 
 married young, 39 
 
 moved with his family to New 
 England in 1682, 39 
 
 had seventeen children, 39 
 
 Benjamin, the youngest son, 39 
 
 letter from, 35 
 
322 
 
 Index 
 
 Franklin, embarks in tallow chan 
 dlery, 42 
 
 description of, by Benjamin, 43 
 epitaph on, 45 
 discourages Benjamin from 
 
 writing verses, 49 
 criticises his prose, 50 
 opposes his going to New York, 
 
 60 
 Franklin, Mrs. Benjamin. See 
 
 Miss Read. 
 Franklin, Samuel, residence in 
 
 Boston, 36 
 Franklin, Thomas, uncle of Dr. 
 
 Franklin, bred a smith, 35 
 became a scrivener, 3 5 
 died in 1702, four years before 
 
 the Doctor was born, 3 5 
 Franklin, William, Governor of 
 New Jersey; Dr. Franklin s 
 Autobiography addressed to, 
 
 appointed clerk of Assembly, 
 
 accompanies his father to visit 
 General Braddock, 264 
 
 authorized to contract for the 
 purchase of horses, wagons, 
 provisions, etc., for Brad- 
 dock s army, 264 
 
 drew up a list of stores required 
 for Braddock s soldiers, 269 
 
 aid-de-camp to his father, 278 
 Friends. See Quakers. 
 
 Gentleman s Magazine, dialogue 
 
 by Franklin in, 278 
 editor of, publishes Franklin s 
 
 letters on electricity, 291 
 Gnadenhut, measures for defence 
 
 at, 279-286 
 
 Godfrey, Thomas, a glazier, 151 
 Franklin boards with, 151 
 member of the Junto, 153 
 marriage with his relative pro 
 jected for Franklin, 168 
 why abandoned, 169 
 Grace, Robert, 154 
 
 befriends Franklin, 163, 164 
 Green wood s Grammar, 53 
 
 Hall, David, Franklin s partner, 
 241 
 
 Hamilton, Mr., sails with Frank 
 lin to London, 87 
 
 Hamilton, Mr., interests himself 
 
 for Franklin, 162 
 Governor, names commissioners 
 to treat with Six Nations, 256 
 superseded by Governor Mor 
 ris, 259 
 
 quits the government, 261 
 Hanbury, John, takes Franklin 
 
 to see Lord Granville, 308 
 Hemphill, Presbyterian preacher, 
 Franklin attends his church, 
 210 
 
 convicted of preaching bor 
 rowed sermons, 211 
 dismissed, 212 
 Holmes, Captain, brother-in-law 
 
 of Franklin, 69 
 speaks of him to Governor 
 
 Keith, 70 
 
 encourages Franklin to estab 
 lish a printing-press in Phila 
 delphia, 71 
 
 Hopkinson, Thomas, member of 
 
 Philosophical Society, 227 
 
 House, George, gives Franklin his 
 
 first job, 151 
 
 Hume, David, remembers seeing 
 General Braddock s report 
 highly recommending Frank 
 lin, 275 
 
 Hunter, William, appointed post 
 master jointly with Franklin, 
 255 
 
 Innis, his opinion of Lord Lou- 
 doun, 299 
 
 Junto, the, 153-156 
 first members, 153 
 plan to enlarge its usefulness, 
 214 
 
 Keimer employs Franklin, 68 
 one of the French prophets, 68 
 proposes to start a new sect, 81 
 eccentricities of, 81 
 engages Franklin again on his 
 
 leturn from England, 142 
 new quarrel and separation, 145 
 new engagement with, 147 
 establishes a paper, 157 
 sells it to Franklin, 157 
 Keith, Sir William, visits Frank 
 lin, and invites him to estab 
 lish a printing-press, 70 
 
Index 
 
 323 
 
 Keith, Sir William, proposes to 
 give Franklin the money to 
 go to England and buy the 
 equipment for a printing 
 establishment, 78 
 delay in furnishing the letters 
 
 of credit, 86 
 goes to Barbadoes, 167 
 Kennedy, Captain, wager of, 304 
 saves the ship in which Frank 
 lin sailed to England, 293 
 Kennedy, Mr., 251 
 
 Lawrence, Colonel, 229 
 Library, Philadelphia, projected 
 
 by Franklin, 171 
 "The Lighthouse Tragedy," 49 
 Locke on "Human Understand 
 ing." 53 
 Logan, James, anecdote of Wm. 
 
 Penn told by, 234 
 Lords of Trade order a congress 
 of commissioners to confer 
 with the Six Nations, 256 
 reject Franklin s plan of a 
 
 union of the colonies, 257 
 Lottery proposed by Franklin, 
 
 229 
 Loudoun, Lord, negotiates with 
 
 the Assembly, 297 
 his indecision of character 
 
 illustrated, 298 
 
 Pitt s reason for removing, 299 
 expedition to Louisburg, 300 
 criticism of his campaign, 301 
 neglects to settle Franklin s 
 accounts, 302, 303 
 
 Macclesfield, Lord, address, as 
 President of the Royal So 
 ciety, to Dr. Franklin, on 
 presenting him the Copley 
 medal, 294 
 
 Magnalia Christi Americana, 
 40 
 
 Mandeville, Dr., Franklin in 
 troduced to, 92 
 
 Mansfield, Lord, negotiations with 
 Franklin, 312 
 
 Mather, Cotton, 40 
 
 "Essays to Do Good," 47 
 
 Maugridge, William, 154 
 
 Memoirs, with what intention 
 
 written, 172 
 why interrupted, 172 
 
 Memoirs, letters concerning, from 
 
 Abel James and Benj. 
 
 Vaughan, 172181 
 
 Meredith, Hugh, pressman in 
 
 Keimer s printing-house, 142 
 
 contracts a partnership with 
 
 Franklin, 147 
 member of the Junto, 154 
 father of, unable to pay tor the 
 
 type, 162 
 
 and Franklin sued, 162 
 retires from the partnership 
 and goes to North Carolina, 
 163 
 Mickle, Samuel, a croaker; his 
 
 advice to Franklin, 152 
 Militia organized by Franklin, 
 
 228 
 
 "Moll Flanders, " by De Foe, 61 
 Moravians burned out by Indians 
 
 at Gnadenhut, 279 
 measures for defence of, 279 
 Franklin s account of, 279- 
 
 286 
 
 Morris, James, opposed to a de 
 fence of the country; anec 
 dote of, 232 
 Morris, Governor, anecdote of, 
 
 . 2 59 
 
 disputes with the Assembly, 260 
 friendly relations with Frank 
 lin, 260 
 
 anecdote of, 261 
 replaced by Captain Denny, 261 
 
 New England Courant founded by 
 
 James Franklin, 55 
 James forbidden to print it, 58 
 Nollet, Abbe, writes a book 
 questioning Franklin s theory 
 of electricity, 291 
 Franklin declines to answerhim, 
 
 291 
 
 M. le Roy replies to him, 292 
 Norris, Speaker of the Assembly, 
 
 243 
 
 named commissioner to treat 
 with the Indians, 243, 256 
 
 Osborne, Charles, scrivener s clerk, 
 
 82 
 
 trick played on, 84 
 became an eminent lawyer, 85 
 singular agreement with Frank 
 lin, 86 
 Ovid cited, 184 
 
3 2 4 
 
 Index 
 
 Palmer s printing-house where 
 Franklin first worked in Lon 
 don, 91 
 
 "Pamela" of Richardson, 61 
 
 Paper money, clamor for more, 
 
 164 
 
 Franklin writes a pamphlet 
 on, 165 
 
 Paris, Ferdinand John, Frank 
 lin s description of, 310 
 writes the message of the pro 
 prietaries to the Assembly, 
 310 
 
 Parsons, William, 154 
 
 Pembroke, Lord, Franklin visits 
 house and gardens of, at 
 Wilton, 307 
 
 Penn, Thomas, commissioner to 
 treat with the Indians, 256 
 
 Penn, William, anecdote of, 233 
 
 Pennsylvania Gazette founded, 158 
 purchased by Franklin, 158 
 extracts from, 158 
 mode of conducting, 208 
 
 Pennsylvania, governor of, ap 
 proves Franklin s plan of 
 union of the colonies, 259 
 
 Pennsylvania Hospital founded, 
 
 . 244 
 bill to incorporate, introduced, 
 
 245 
 
 Peters, Mr., secretary of Assem 
 bly, commissioned to treat 
 with the Six Nations, 256 
 
 Peters, Rev. Mr., 227 
 
 Philadelphia, Franklin determines 
 
 to go there, 61 
 Franklin lands at Market Street 
 
 wharf, 64 
 
 Franklin projects the Library 
 in, 171 
 
 Philadelphia regiment, 228 
 
 Philosophical Society projected, 
 227 
 
 "Plain Truth " written by Frank 
 lin, 227 
 
 Plutarch s Lives, 47 
 
 Poor Richard s Almanac pro 
 jected, 206 
 popularity of, 207 
 
 Postmaster, Franklin appointed, 
 217, 255 
 
 Pownall, Governor, sent to New 
 York for aid, 262 
 
 Proprietaries, hereditary quarrels, 
 261 
 
 Proprietaries accuse Franklin to 
 
 the ministry, 287 
 Franklin gives them, in writing, 
 
 heads of the colonists com 
 plaints, 310 
 indignant at military honors 
 
 paid to Franklin, 286 
 meet with Franklin at T. Penn s 
 
 house, 309 
 refused to have their estates 
 
 taxed for their defence, 261, 
 
 2.77, 287 
 their instructions disobeyed by 
 
 Captain Denny, 261 
 they complain of rudeness 
 
 to the Assembly, 311 
 Pythagoras Golden Verses cited, 
 
 191 
 
 Quakers, 230 
 
 not opposed to the armed de 
 fence of the colony, 231 
 anecdote respecting, 231 
 address to them by Mr. Logan 
 in favor of defending the 
 Colony, 233 
 
 their embarrassments, 234, 235 
 decline public service in Assem 
 bly, 237 
 
 Quincy, Mr., sent to Pennsyl 
 vania for aid, 262 
 friendship for Franklin, 263 
 
 Ralph, James, 82 
 
 fond of writing verses, 84 
 trick played by him on Os- 
 
 borne, 84 
 
 satirized in the "Dunciad, " 86 
 goes to England with Frank 
 lin, 86 
 
 borrows money of Franklin, 90 
 intrigue with a milliner, 92 
 opens a school, 93 
 quarrels with Franklin, 94 
 Governor Denny s opinion of, 
 
 296 
 
 Read, Miss, first sees Franklin, 65 
 Franklin goes to board with her 
 
 father, 69 
 
 courtship of, by Franklin sus 
 pended, 69 
 
 marries Rogers, a potter, 141 
 marries Franklin, 170 
 "Religious Courtship," by De 
 
 Foe, 6 1 
 Richardson s "Pamela," 61 
 
Index 
 
 325 
 
 Rogers, first husband of Miss 
 
 Read, 141 
 
 ran away to the West Indies, 141 
 Rose, Aquila, Philadelphia printer, 
 
 60 
 
 his death, 60 
 elegy on, 68 
 
 Royal Society, a summary of 
 Franklin s electrical experi 
 ments published in Transac 
 tions of, 293 
 
 flattering conditions of Frank 
 lin s election into, 293 
 
 Scull, Nicholas, 154 
 Seller & Shermy s Navigation, 53 
 Shaftesbury, 53 
 
 Shipley, Dr., Franklin commenced 
 his Memoirs while visiting, 
 
 3 1 
 friend of Franklin and of the 
 
 colonies, 31 
 Shirley, Governor, 258 
 
 secretary of General Braddock, 
 
 killed, 273 
 
 General appoints commissioners 
 to examine Franklin s claims, 
 276 
 Franklin s comparison of, with 
 
 Lord Loudoun, 301 
 Six Nations, conference with, 256 
 Sloane, Sir Hans, purchases an 
 asbestos purse of Franklin, 
 92 
 
 Socratic method, 53 
 Spence, Dr., Franklin purchases 
 philosophical apparatus of, 
 242 
 
 Spottiswood, Colonel, appoints 
 Franklin deputy postmaster, 
 217 
 
 St. Clair. See Clair. 
 Streets, cleaning, lighting, and 
 
 paving of, 248, 249 
 sweeping of, proposal to Dr. 
 
 Fothergill, 251, 
 
 anecdote respecting street- 
 sweeping, 251 
 
 Taylor, Abram, 229 
 Tennent, Gilbert, 247 
 Thomas, Governor, 235 
 
 offers Franklin a patent for his 
 
 stove, 237 
 
 conference at his house in Lon 
 don, 309 
 
 Tryon, author of a book recom 
 mending a vegetable diet, 52 
 
 Union Fire Company projected 
 
 by Franklin, 319 
 University of Pennsylvania. See 
 
 Academy. 
 
 Vanity considered by Dr. Frank 
 lin one of the comforts of 
 life, 32 
 
 Vernon, gives Franklin an order 
 
 to collect some money, 74 
 asks Franklin for it, 162 
 
 Water-American, The, why so 
 
 called, 96 
 Watson, Joseph, 82 
 
 Dr., prepared a summary of 
 Franklin s electrical experi 
 ments for Royal Society, 293 
 Watts s printing-house, Franklin 
 
 is employed in, 94 
 Webb, compositor in Keimer s 
 
 printing-office, 143 
 Franklin s account of, 143 
 Welfare, Michael, his account of 
 the creed of the Dunkers, 23 6 
 Whitefield, Rev. Mr., visits Phila 
 delphia, 220 
 his popularity, 220 
 church built for him, 221 
 asks money to build an orphan 
 
 asylum in Georgia, 222 
 his success, 220 
 his oratory, 224 
 
 Windham, bir Wm., asks Frank 
 lin to teach his sons to swim, 
 102 
 
 Wolfe, General, 299 
 Worthilake, Capt., drowning of, 
 
 49 
 
 Wright, Dr., wrote to a member 
 of the Royal Society about 
 Franklin s electrical experi 
 ments, 293 
 
 Wygate, Franklin teaches, to 
 swim, 100 
 
 Xenophon s "Memorabilia," 53 
 
 Young, Dr., satire on the folly of 
 pursuing the Muses, quoted, 
 93 
 
"I hare known neatly all the marked men of my time, but I 
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