THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES GIFT r y \ PAPERS AND ADDRESSES liY LORD BRASSEY p -J J a « -■ ' PAPERS AND ADDRESSES By LORD BRASSEY. K.C.B.. D.C.L. NAVAL AND MAEITIME 1871 to 1893. Arranged and Edited by Captain S. EAr.i>i.E\-WiLMOT, E.N. 2 vols, crown 8vo. 10s. WOEK AND WAGES. Edited by J. Potter, and with Introduction by George Howell, M.P. Crown 8vo. os. MERCANTILE MAEINE AND NAVIGATION, from 1871 to 1894. Arranged and Edited by Captain S. Eardley-Wilmot, E.N. Crown 8vo. OS. London: LONGMANS, GEEEN, cV CO. New York : 15 East 16"' Street. K C < I I ' ■\>^ PAPERS AND ADDRESSES BY LOEI) BEASSEY, K.C.B., D.C.L. IMPEEIAL FEDERATION AND COLONISATION FROM 1880 TO 1894 AEKANGED AND EDITED BY AETHUE .H^CM\STA5fD3&:x^S LONGMANS, G E E E N, AND CO. AND NEW YORK : 15 EAST lO"' STREET 1895 All riijltts reserved CO ui CO ce ea ? ^ DA n %13 P'^ EDITOEIAL PEEFACE The present volume contains a selection of Lord Brassey's Speeches, Lectures, and Articles on Imperial Federation and Colonisation between the years 1 880 and 1894. Of Lord Brassey's intimate acquaintance with all that relates to the Colonial Empire of Great Britain, or of the authority of his utterances on the subjects here dealt with, there is no need to speak. But as this volume contains, besides the text of Lord Brassey's own 53 productions, a considerable amount of matter written by o the Editors, it is due to the reader to say that their qualification for the work they have undertaken rests 2 upon knowledge of the subject matter gained during ^ several years of official connection with the Imperial Federation League, as Secretary, and as Editor of the Journal, respectively. It has been their endeavour to supply, in connection VI EDITOKIAL PEE FACE with each Speech or Address, not only a sketch of the cir- cumstances of its delivery, but some account of the posi- tion of the Imperial Federation movement at successive periods. In doing this they have been enabled, with Lord Brassey's concurrence, so to expand their part of the letterpress as ti» weave round his speeches something in the nature of a history of the Colonial Question during a period of rapid and very important development. A. H. L. R. J. B. Fehruiiry 18'.l.">. TABLE OF CONTENTS III the heaclnotc»to the Cltaptei'S collected in this Table, the heavy type refers to the matter of Lord Brassey's onvi sjwcches, <5'c., the common type to Editorial matter. PAGE ClIArTER I. INTEODUCTOKY .... 1 General Statement— The Imperial Federation Question and an Account of the Movement. Chapter II. 1S80 28 Lord Brassey's wide Acquaintance with tlie British Empire : Address at Bradford on ' Our Colonial Empire ' — The Subject of Imperial Federation comprehensively Treated — The Leading Place given to Defence— Subsequent Activity of Chambers of Commerce in the ]\Iovement— Coaling- Stations and Lord Carnarvon's Defence Commission. Chapter III. 1886-7 50 Events between 1880-86— Formation of Imperial Federation League in 1884— Lord Brassey's Connec- tion with it-"His Speech on introducing League Deputation to Lord Salisbury in 1886— The Prime Minister's Eeply— Results— Imperial Conference, 1887— Jubilee Year at MelV>ourne— Speech at Imperial Federation Banquet at Melbourne -The Colonies and Imperial Defence. Chapter IV. 1888 ..... 70 Return to England -Address on Coaling Stations, London Chamber of Commerce Strategical Points in Imperial Defence— Local Defences not truly Vlll CONTENTS PAQB Imperial — Professor Secley and Lord Erassey at Cambridi^e— Address there before the University Branch of the League —Citation of Views of Colonial Statesmen — Lord Rosebery and Lord Jirassey at Glasgow— Address at the Merchants' House, Glasgow — Relative Advantages of Unity to Colonies and Mother-country— Lord Kosebery at Leeds — ' Our Foreign I'olicy is a Colonial Policy ' — Other work done b}' Lord Brassey in 1888. Chapter Y. 1889-91 Ill Address at Keighley Chamber of Commerce — League Dinner— His Speech in Reply to ' The Navies of the Empire ' — The Duke of Westminster and Lord Brassey at Chester— Lecture on ' Our Colonial Empire ' there— All-importance of Imperial System of Defence — The Colonies should be invited to join — The League and a Second Conference — Correspon- dence between I^ord Rosebery and Lord Salisbury — An Imperial Council of Defence— Speech at a League Meeting in Liverpool, 1890— Resolution moved by Lord Brassey at Annual Meeting of League— Lord Houghton and Lord Brassey at Leeds, lis'.d — Cir- cumstances of Time, Behring Sea, Newfoundland Fisheries, Australian Federation — Speech at Leeds —A Colonial Council -Defence Question Ripe for Settlement Not so that of Customs Union— Con- ferences and Commissions— Sir Bevan Edwards's Report on Australian Defences —Speech in House of Lords on Military Contributions of Crown Colonies — Lords Knutsford and Ivimberley and ]Mr. Stanhope on same Subject— Article in ' Nineteenth Century ' — Speech at Public Meeting at Brighton. ChaptebVI. IHOl (Continued) . . . .172 Motions in I'arliament advocating Second Conference — Important Utterances of Lord Salisbury and Mr. Goschen — Action thereon of Council of League Deputation to Lord Salisbury— Speech of Lord CONTENTS IX I'AOK Brassey on introducing Deputation — The Prime Minister's Reply— Speech from Chair at Annual Meeting of League — Appointment by League of Committee to frame Report — Lord Brassey Chair- man. Chapter YIL 1892 190 Congress of Chambers of Commerce of the Empire- Resolutions relating to Commercial Union — Speech on moving Resolution in Name of London Chamber Resolution purposely Non-contentious Review of the Imperial Trade Question— Non-couimittal Character of the Resolution— His Declaration against Tariff-inongering — Discussion — Result of Voting — ' Commercial Union ' condemned— Extract from Speech at Canadian Dinner on ' Dominion Day ' And at City of London Branch of League- Article in ' Lloyd's Weekly Newspaper.' Chapter VIII. 1892-3 210 Publication in November 1892 of Report of Special Committee of League presided over by Lord Brassey — Summary — Council Meeting to consider Report — Its Adoption — Sir Charles Tupper and the Com- mittee—Letter of Lord Brassey to Canada dis- claiming Sir Charles Tupper's Imputations- Report laid before Government by Deputation to Mr. Gladstone— Lord Brassey's Speech— Mr. Gladstone's Repl3^ to the Deputation — Dissolution of the League. APPENDICES I Paper on ' Work and Wages in Australia ' read before tlic Royal Colonial Institute, Feb. 14, 1888— Lord Dun- raven's Speech in Discussion on the Paper . . .235 X CONTENTS rA«E II Speech on ' State Colonisation ' at Manchester, Feb. 28, 1888 — Paper on same Subject at Liverpool, Nov. 15, 1888— Letter in ' Times,' Jan. 23, 1891, on ' A Colonisa- tion Scheme at Work ' — Speech on Colonisation Scheme before Manitoba Board of Trade at Winnipeg, Sept. 25, 1894 251 III List of the Council of the Imperial Federation League . 283 IV Text of the Report, issued November 1892, of the Special Committee of the Imperial Federation League, presided over by Lord Brassey ....... 289 Letter in 'Times,' Sept. 8, 189-1, on ' The Proposed Mail Route to Australia via Canada ' 302 Index 307 IMPEEIAL FEDEEATION Q) AND COLONISATION CHAPTER I INTRODUCTORY General Statement — Imperial Federation Question and Account of the Movement. In spite of the difficulty of realising, by the aid only of maps and handbooks, the extent and varied resources of the British Empire, the subject once taken up is one from which it is difficult to turn, so absorbing is the theme and so fascinating to the imagination are the prospects which it holds out. To those who have been fortunate enough to make even a brief excursion from these islands, and to see with their own eyes something of the countries of which Greater Britain is composed, the charm of the subject is greatly enhanced. The possibilities which such an ac- quaintance unfolds to the minds of those who are also disposed to look into the futui'e are of such a beneficent character that it seems to become a positive duty to seize the opportunities which offer, and to endeavour to do something towards the attainment of some, at least, of the great and high ideals which present themselves. INTRODUCTORY chap i That Lord Brassey, who has enjoyed uot once but many times that * liberal education ' afforded by a visit to the outlying portions of the Empire which has been laid down as necessary to all future English statesmen, should be found taking an active and prominent part in all that concerns its present interests and its future destiny, is not therefore surprising. It was equally natural that Lord Brassey's lively interest in the welfare of the Empire at large should take the form of an earnest desire for some means of assuring its continued unity, and the advocacy of any measure tending in that direction. In the speeches and papers which form the staple of this volume Lord Brassey has devoted himself mainly to this sul)ject, inti- mately allied as it is in his mind with that of the maii- time defence of the Empire — a subject with which also his name is closely identified. It is a common saying that in these days events march with a terrible and increasing rapidity. It lias probably been a common saying at all times. The truth is that we compare the rush of the smaller and, so to speak, domestic events of the present day with the progress of the really important events of past times which have left their mark upon history, and whose effect is felt up to the present moment. These are necessarily of rarer occurrence, and have required many years of minor events to liring about. The movement for the Federation of the Empire, in which Lord, Brassey lias jilayed so conspicuous a part, may well, in time, result in one of those great events which make the history of the world, but it will not come as a bolt from the l)lue —it will not ' haj)pen ' as an acci- dent. It will f(jllow from the patient ellorts of tliose who lie under a sense of duty to do what is in tlieir CHAP I INTRODUCTORY 3 power for the good of the country in which they live and for the Empire with which it is connected, aided by such circumstances as may occur conducing to the same end. These efforts may seem trivial, they may at times even appear to be abortive ; but the work honestly done leaves its mark, and the seed sown, if sound, will bear its fruit in time. It was about the year 1 880, perhaps a little before that date, that the British Empire began to be 'dis- covered ' by speakers and by writers as a subject worth discoursing upon, and by readers and listeneirs as one demandina; their attention. Not that the sul:)ject was then an absolutely new one, but until about this period it had not come into general discussion. As early as the forties ' the future of the Empire ' was beginning to exercise the minds of some few thinkers and public men. In 1844, Robert Lowe — Lord Sherbrooke — then a member of the Legfis- lative Council of New South Wales, expressed, in a striking passage, the hope and belief that some day Great Britain would form with the Colonies ' one mighty confederacy, girdling the earth in its whole circumference, and confident against the world in arts and arms.' A few years later Judge Haliburton — ' Sam Slick ' — was advocating like views ; and not long afterwards Mr. Joseph Howe, Mr. Edward Blake, and Sir John Macdonald in Canada, and Sir Henry Parkes and Sir Julius Vogel in Austi-alia and New Zealand, were trivinir voice to the same aspirations. In 1857 the Australian Association in London— the germ of the Royal Colonial Institute— distinctly declared for an Imperial Represen- tative Assembly ; and in the year that followed the members of this body were endeavouring to bring their ideas under the public notice. In 1871 an article by Mr. ii2 INTRODUCTORY chap Edward Jenkins appeared in the * Contemporary ReA'iew ' under the actual title of Imperial Federation ; and among others Avho, during this period, were writing and speaking on the subject were Sir Frederick Young, Sir John Colomb, and Mr. F. P. de Labilliere ; Lord Bras- sey's name appears in direct association witli the subject in the year 1880.' But these voices still cried in the wilderness, they were few and far between, and they met with little or no response. The country was still held by the official assumption that the Colonies having attained to the ' For fuller particulars of the history of the idea during this period and still earlier the reader is referred to a paper read before the Royal Colonial Institute in January, 189H, by Mr. F. de Labilliere, on ' British Federalism ; its Rise and Progress ' — Froccedings of the Royal Colonial Institute, vol. sxiv. pp. 95-120. References to the genesis of the movement will also be found scattered through tlie pages of the Journal of the Imperial Federation League — 'Imperial Federation' — its early history being specially dealt with in the issue for October, 1892— vol. vii, p. 227— and in a then recent article (there cited) in tlie Atlantic Monthly. It is interesting to note that, though the idea of the unity of the British Empire as it has existed since the earlier decades of the present century is of such comparatively late growth, tlie views that have since become current had presented themselves to tlie minds of tliinkers and statesmen before the loss of so large a portion of Britain's first Empire by the American Revolution. Twelve years before that event Governor Pownall, in a work on The Adiuinintratioii of the Colonics, had proposed making of Great Britain and her Dependencies ' a grand marine dominion . . . united into a one Empire, in a one centre, wliere the scat of Government is.' And every student of the history of the Empire and of Colonial administration is familiar with Adam Smith's chapter on ' Colonies ' ( Wealth of Xations, book iv. chap, vii.), in wliich the groat tliinker aiiticii)atcd nearly every argument that lias been usedaccntury later. The Revolutionary War was then in progress. Even if the politicians of that day had been guided by the wisdom of the political thinkers, it wag already too late. Ahsit omen! caw I INTRODUCTOEY position of self-government could only proceed thence to independence. It was not to be supposed that great self-governing Colonies, with millions of population, would consent to remain for ever under the tutelage of the Colonial Office ; national life was essential to eveiy British community, and to this, as Colonies, they could not attain. The obvious course open to them was to cease to be Colonies and to declare their independence. It was merely a question of time and of their prosperity when they would take this step ; until it suited them to do so the United Kingdom would be content to do what it could for them in Imperial matters. At the time referred to the Colonies, especially Australia, were advancing by the proverbial ' leaps and bounds ; ' independence, colloquially expressed as ' cutting the painter,' was freely discussed in Australia, and con- templated with much equanimity in England. The times were prosperous with the Colonies, Young Aus- tralia was getting anxious to try its wings, and England was resigned to the inevitable. There were, however, a handful of men wlio, witli the Royal Colonial Institute as a rallying point, had for years been patiently and resolutely endeavouring to stem the tide which was thus setting so strongly towards the disintegration of the British Empire. They clung doggedly to the spirit of their monthly toast, ' The Queen and United Empire,' but it was with difficulty that they held their ground against the almost universal tendency to regaixl disintegration as inevitable. They were without an alternative proposal, and they lacked a leader. It was felt that there was much force in the argu- ments of the Manchester school, the effect of which still lived in the public mind. The Colonies were to the 6 IXTEODUCTORY chap i Mother-country — in addition to being her pride and glory — a burden to the taxpayer, a heavy responsibility and a frequent source of friction with other Powers, and consequently a danger. These were the facts put forward by the Manchester school, and their truth can hardly be denied even at the present day, although the inference then drawn from them would not now be accepted. The Manchester school was able to see but one conclusion resulting from these facts, namely, that the best interests of the United Kingdom required that she should be rid of her Colonies as quickly as possible after they had attained self-government. The alternative of bringing the Colonies into a Federation in which all parties should bear their proper share of burdens, responsibilities and dangers, as well as their share of advantages, privileges and authority, does not seem to have occurred to the Manchester politicians, and it had yet to be put forward as a feasible project by any responsiljle statesman, at the time of the inception of the Imperial Federation movement. Here, then, was the alternative solution wanting, to counteract both the process of disintegration, feared and rcisisted by the Royal Colonial Institute, and the active policy of separation advocated by the ^[anchester school. The required leader was shoi'tly to be found. Since the years which he spent at the Colonial Office — 1865 — Mr. W. E. Forster had never ceased to occupy himself with those questions involving Colonial interests which are inseparal)le from the responsibilities of Empire. At times the heavy burden of his duties in the service of the State absolutely precluded him from giving atten- tion to these matters, but with anything approaching to leisure, he was readily accessible to all who had the interests of the Empire as a whole at heart. CHAP I INTEODUCTOHY 111 1875, for example, Mr. Forster delivered an address at Edinburgh on ' Our Colonial Empire,' wliicli, coming from a man in his position, had the effect at the moment of calling the attention of a wider public to the serious importance of the subject. The following tribute to this side of his character was paid by Lord Knutsford when speaking as Secretary of State for the Colonies, two years after Mr. Forster's death: — 'Mr. Forster was a man whose lead upon all Colonial questions it was safe to follow. No man had a more keen interest in the Colonies. No man had a keener sympathy with their wishes and aspirations ; and I will venture to say this, that his sound judgment, his varied and extensive knowledge, and his kindly heart, gave him a position on all Colonial matters, in and out of the House of Commons, which none of us can hope to attain.' The possibilities of good to the world at large, and to his own countrymen in particular, proceeding from the maintenance of the British Empire as a whole had greatly impressed Mr. Forster, and though from the first he recognised very clearly tlie difficulties which would beset the enterprise, he felt that it was a goal worth striving for ; but to let such an Empire go to pieces without even propounding the question of the possibility of coming to an arrangement whereby it could remain united upon equal terms, would involve this country in lasting disgrace ; and he accordingly determined to make the attempt. At his suggestion a Conference was held in July 1884 at the Westminster Palace Hotel. Mr. Forster presided and stated the object of the meeting in these words : -' We are here to-day because we wish to pre- serve the unity of tlic Empire by binding the .several 8 INTRODUCTORY chap i parts together, and also because we think the time has come when those who have that wish should meet together to see how they can attain it.' The meeting was attended by a large number of pei'sons whose names were prominent in Imperial affairs, and the list included the Right Hon. W. H. Smith, the Earl of Rosebery, Sir Henry Holland, Mr. James Bryce, the High Com- missioner for Canada, and the Agents-General for New South Wales and New Zealand. The outcome of this Conference was shown in the following resolutions which were adopted : — 1. That, in order to secure the permanent unity of the Empire, some form of Federation is essential. 2. That, for the purpose of influencing public opinion, both in the United Kingdom and the Colonies, by showing the incalculable advantages which will accrue to the whole Empire from the adoption of such a system of organisation, a Society be formed of men of all parties, to advocate and support the principle of Federation. A provisional committee was appointed and the Conference adjourned until November, when another meeting took place at which the following resolutions were passed : — 1. That a society be now formed to be called the ' Imperial Federation League.' 2. That the object of the League be to secure by Federation the permanent unity of the Empire. 3. That no scheme of Federation should interfere with existing rights of Local Parliaments as regards local affairs. 4. That any scheme of Imperial Federation should combine on an equitable basis the resources of the Empire for the maintenance of connnon interests, and cii.vv I INTKODUCTORY 9 adequately provide for an organised defence of common rights. The Imperial Federation League was thus established, and during the year 1885 it made rapid progress. Mr. Forster was elected Chairman of the League, and devoted much of his time and personal attention to its aflfaii's. Articles from his pen appeared in the ' Nineteenth Century ' early in the year, and were discussed in the press throughout the Empire. In these articles he met the objections and doubts of his critics, answering the inquiry, ' Ho^v can the Mother-country be kept united to her Colonies 1 ' with the reply, ' By an organisation for common defence and a joint Foreign Policy.' To the question, ' Why not leave matters alone ? ' he replied, ' Self-government will end in separation if there be no such organisation.' Several statesmen of the first rank took an active part in the work of establishing the League, notably Mr. W. H. Smith, the Earl of Rosebery, Lord George Hamilton, Mi-. Edward Stanhope, Sir Henry Holland, now Lord Knutsford, and Sir Michael Hicks-Beach. The General Committee included a large number of influential men of all political parties, belonging both to the United Kingdom and to the Colonies ; and mercantile men, distinguished lawyers, Naval and Military officers, and dignitaries of the Church became members.' Lord IJrassey was at this time cruising in the Southern Seas, and was therefore jDrecluded from taking any part in these fundamental operations. He lost no time, however, in giving his countenance and support to the movement as soon as he heard of it ; and upon his ' A list of the Council of the League in 18S8 is given in Appendix III. 10 INTRODUCTORY chap i return to England in 1886 he accepted the office of Hon. Treasurer to the League. The work of the Imperial Federation League, dealing as it did with the subject of defence in conjunction with the great question of the future of the Empire, possessed a natural attraction for Lord Brassey, and he threw himself fully into the movement. As will be seen in the following pages, his utterances upon the subject (luring the last ten years have been \ery frequent, and they form a comprehensis'e summary of the history of the movement. They were often undertaken at considerable inconvenience to himself and at very short notice ; but they l)y no means represent the sum of his exertions on behalf of the cause. He was a constant attendant at the meetings of the League's Council and Executive Committee ; much, of his time was given to the study of the question, and it was his pleasuie to entertain prominent men from the Colonies, with whom he would discuss the question of Federation as it affected their interests, gathering their views, co-ordinating them with those of others, and comparing them with his own experiences gained during the 'Sunbeam ' cruises and his tenure of otlico at tlie Admiralty. In April, 188G, the movement for Imperial Federa- tion suffered a heavy loss by the death of its fii-st leader, Mr. W. E. Forster, a loss which was keenly felt by all its friends throughout the Empire. There were not wanting, however, men to take his place and load the movement in the direction which he had pointed. The Earl of llosebery and Mr. Edward Stanhope were elected President and Vice-President, on the underst;ind- iug that tlu! one who should hold office in the Govern- ment should fur llic time be Vice-Presidetit and inactive, CHAP I INTRODUCTORY 11 thus insuring a change of Presidents whenever a change of governments should take place. The Colonies Exhibition held at South Kensington in the summer of 188G brought a number of Colonial members of the League to London, and a meeting of these was arranged by the League, at which it was determined to use the opportunity for making a strong representation to Her Majesty's Government, urging it to summon a Conference of accredited representatives of the self-governing Colonies, to confer with representatives of the United Kingdom upon the subject of Imperial Defence, and other matters of common interest. Lord Rosebery was at this time President of the League, but in his unavoidable absence Lord Brassey undertook the duty of introducing a deputation from the Imperial Federation League to Lord Salisbury. The interview between the Prime Minister and the League's deputation had most important results. Within a few weeks a despatch was issued by Mr. Edward Stanhope, as Secretary of State, inviting the Colonies to send representatives to a Conference to be held in the course of the following year. The Conference thus summoned, which met in 1887, the Jubilee Year of the Queen's reign, was the first official gathering of the countries of the Empire to discuss their common affiiirs ever held ; and it was justly claimed by the League as the direct outcome of its exertions and of the repi'esentations of the deputation headed by Lord Brassey. The Conference during its six weeks session dealt with questions connected with every branch of what may be termed the common affiiirs of the Empire ; but its principal work was to discuss the provision of adequate Naval Defence for the vast territories and 12 INTRODUCTORY chap i wealth which the Empire now possessed. Its operations were not, however, limited to mere discussion ; a definite result was obtained in the agreement arrived at with the Australasian Colonies^ whereby they undertook for ten years to bear a portion of the annual cost of a special squadron to bi; maintained by the United Kingdom on the Australian station ; the ships not to be moved from those waters without the pei'iuission of the Colonial Governments. It cannot be said that this is an ideal arrangement, indeed it is open to very grave objections which have since become apparent ; but it was a very important step in the direction of that combination of the resources of the Empire for the maintenance of common interests wliicli was the sine qua 11011 of the League's manifesto. Apparently it was not found that either the North American or the South African Colonies were disposed to act in a similar manner, and great credit has been justly given by Lord Brassey and other speakers to the Australians for being the first to recognise to this extent the responsibilities attaching to citizenship of the Empire. Agreements .were, liowever, arrived at between the United Kingdom and tlie Colonies for the fortification of vario\is points of strategic importance in the maritime defence of the Empire. Throughout its session tlu; meetings oi the Confer- ence, presided over )jy Sir Henry Holland, were of a thoroughly business-like character, and tliis first gathering of the accredited . representatives of the Empire was very genei'ally regarded as an experiment calling for repetition. Lord Salisbury, when welcoming the delegates at tiie opening of the Conference, Jiad said: — ' This meeting is the beginning of a state of things which will have great results in the future. It will be ciiAi' I INTEODUCTOKY 13 the parent of a long progeniture, and distant councils in the Empire may in some far-off time look back to the meetinc: in this i-oom as the root from which all their greatness and all their beneficence have sprung.' At the close of its proceedings these words were echoed by one of the most prominent Colonial Delegates — Sir Samuel Griffiths, Premier of Queensland — who said : — ' I think we may look forward to seeing this sort of informal Council of the Empire developed until it becomes a legislative body, at any rate a consultative bod}, and some day, perhaps, a legislative body under con- ditions that we cannot just now foresee ; and that, indeed, meetings such as this will, before long, be recognised as part of the general governing machinery of the Empire.' Tlie following passage from an article in the ' Times ' of June 21, 11^87, marked the change in public opinion brought about bj' the movement to which this volume of Lord Brassey's speeches relates: — 'Imperial Federation is universally recognised as a thing desirable in itself, and not impossible of realisation at some future day, while a practical beginning has been made by the establishment of arrangements for mutual defence of a kind totally nev,^ in Colonial history.' It was pointed out that 'during the early years of the reign it was thought impossible that the Colonies should be retained by the Empire, and a powerful school of politicians went so far as to make their separation an object to be distinctlv aimed at.' It is worth while noting that in 1850 the ' Times ' itself declared that it would be the ' merest prudery to attempt to blink the fact ' that this object was certain to be successfully obtained. At the time that the Delegates to the Conference of 1887 were being entertained by the friends of the niovement in London, Lord Brassey, the Treasurer of 14 INTRODUCTORY chap i the Imperial Federation League, was receiving on its behalf similar honours at the opposite end of the earth. His speech in reply to the toast of the evening at a ban- quet given him in Melbourne will be found in these pages, but the coincidence is worthy of mention here as evidence of the remarkable reciprocity of sentiment between England and the Colonies which existed at this period. Imperial Federation had now obtained a definite status among the questions of the day. The subject was under continual discussion. The years which immediately followed the Confei'ence were probably those of the greatest activity for the Imperial Federation League, and the enthusiasm thus generated carried the movement a long way upon its course. In 1888 the Earl of Rosebery, as President of the League, delivered two important addresses at Leeds and Edinburgh. In the former speech he pointed out how largely the foreign policy of the United Kingdom had become subservient to Colonial exigencies, and that complications with Foreign Powers were now almost universally due to Colonial interests. * When you come to approach almost every foreign question at this moment you find the Colonial interest inseparable, and in future your Colonial policy must be a prepon- derating factor in your Foreign Policy as well.' Under Imperial Federation it would be nece.ssary ' to give the Colonies a right to prompt the voice of England when it speaks abroad to a much greater extent than at present.' He concluded by declaring that he felt it was 'a cause which merited all the enthusiasm and energy that man could give it.' At Edinburgh, after describing the present state of aflfairs under which all Imperial expenditure is borne CHAP I INTRODUCTORY 15 by the United Kingdom, and in consequence the Colonies are without any constitutional voice in Imperial affairs, Lord Rosebery summed up the situation as follows : — ■ ' I say this state of things for both sides is anomalous and cannot continue. On the one hand you pay for everything, and that is a fool's bargain for you ; and on the other hand, the Colonies may be dragged into a war without a voice in the matter, and that is a fool's bar- gain for them.' He added, ' I think it is worth our while to ask those Colonial statesmen what are the terms upon which they are prepared to federate, and if they desire to federate at all.' As will l)e seen further on, Lord Brassey delivered many addresses upon the Federation question during the years 1888-9, and more than one from the same platform with Lord Rosebery. A host of other speakers followed suit, and the subject was under dis- cussion from one end of the kingdom to the other. The monthly journal of the League, 'Imperial Federa- tion,' did excellent work in collecting and focussing all these expressions of opinion, and its volumes form a complete book of reference upon the subject. In LS89 Mr. G. R. Parkin, an eloquent Canadian, undertook on behalf of the League a visit to the Aus- tralasian Colonies, and delivered addresses in every Colony except Western Australia, with excellent effect. The League in Canada grew and flourished and branches of its organisation were established from one ocean to the other. Generally it may be said that at this period the question of Imperial Federation was under discussion throughout the British Empire, and tliat, although scepticism and criticism were plentiful, no- where was considei'ation refused to it. Schemes were suggested in all quartei's ; Federation 16 INTRODUCTOEY chap i was declared to be iiidissolubly bound up both with Home Rule and with Fair Trade, while the advocates of marriage with the deceased wife's sister insisted that Imperial Federation only needed the assimilation of marriage laws of the Empire to insure its success. It need hardly be said that the League was re- peatedly called upon to produce its j^lan. ' Where is your scheme 1 ' ' How are you going to do it ? ' was the constant inquiry. But the League was reluctant to be drawn. The task which it had set itself was not that of framing a new constitution for the British Empire, but that of directing public attention to the necessity for making such changes in the constitution as would provide a place for the Colonies in the administration of the common aflairs of the Empire. To many this seemed a nice distinction, almost too subtle for public consumption, and murmurs began to be heard as to the impossibility of going on without some more definite object than the two words, ' Imperial Federation.' In order to meet in some degree that not un- natural demand for an immediate objective, it was de- cided in 1889 to press upon the Government a repetition in the following year of tlie Conference of 1887. An important meeting was held at the Mansion House in November, 1889, j^resided over by the Lord Mayor, in w hicli Lord Ilosebery, Lord Carnarvon and Cardinal Manning took part. Lord Rosebery declared that since the Conference of 1887 'lie had always felt that tlie existence of what was called Imperial Federation depended upon the periodical con- tinuance and renewal of such Conferences.' The follow- ing resolution was added to the Constitution of the League : — 'That the establishmei\t of periodical Confer- ences of Representatives of the self-governing Com- CHAP I INTRODUCTORY 17 munities of the Empire should be the first aim of the Imperial Federation League.' In June, 1891, Lord Salisbury again received a deputation from the Imperial Federation League. As before, the deputation was introduced by Lord Brassey: the Earl of Rosebery, who was President at that time, was tivivelling on the Continent, and, for domestic reasons, taking no part in public affairs. Lord Salis- bury's reply to the request of the deputation, ' that the Government should convoke, at the earliest timely date, a Conference of the self-governing countries of the Em- pire, to consider the question of securing to them a real and effective share in the privileges and responsibilities of a United Empire,' was to the effect that until a definite proposition liad been made as to the manner in which Imperial Federation might be carried out, it would not be reasonable to summon a Conference to consider the subject. He added : — 'I think we are almost come to the time when schemes should be pro- posed, and that without them we shall not get very far.' By the nature of this reply the League found itself compelled to make a further departure from the line which it had laid down for itself, by undertaking the task of prepai'ing a scheme. It was committed to the policy of advocating periodical conferences, but was now- told that such were impossible unless a definite scheme of Federation were placed upon the table. The Council of the League, however, lost no time in taking action upon Lord Salisbury's very pointed sug- gestion, and an important and representative committee was appointed and drew up the report which is printed in the Appendix. At the first meeting of this committee Lord Brassey c 18 INTRODUCTORY chap i was elected chairman, and throughout its sittings, which extended over nearly a year, lie took an active and per- sonal part in its deliberations. This report, which was unanimous, followed closely the lines of the original resolutions upon which the League was founded, placmg the combination of the resources of the Empire for the purposes of defence in the forefront of its recommendations. It declared the essentials of a United Empire to be : — (a) That the voice of the Empire in peace, when dealing with Foreign Powers, shall be, as far as possible, the united voice of all its autonomous parts. (h) That the defence of the Empire in ^\ ar shall be the common defence of all its interests and of all its parts, by the united forces and resoui'ces of all its members, and it laid down as a leading principle 'that as all parts of the Empire enjoy the benelits of Imperial Defence, they should continbute to its cost.' Lord Brassey's knowledge of Colonial sentiment ujion the subject of contribution to Impei-ial expenditure led him to take some pains to present this side of the matter in the manner likely to be the most palatable to the Colonies ; and though he has always, as will be seen from his speeches, recognis(Kl that such a sliare of Im- perial taxation must inevitably follow upon the increasing influence in Imperial alFairs which tlie Colonies are rapidly assuming, yet he has more than once asserted that the time for asking of them such Imperial contri- butions has not yet arrived. How long it will be possible to maintain this position, in ^iew of the heavy demands upon the British taxpayer for the increase of the Navy, he has not attempted to delinc. Those who look forward to a united future for the Empire can only regard it as a matter of time when this question wilJ ha\e to be faced. CHAP I INTRODUCTORY 10 It is undeniably the crux of the question of Federation, and its satisfactory solution probably depends upon its being taken in hand when time and circumstance admit of its beinii; dealt with deliberately and dispassionately. If it is left to be settled upon the sj)ur of the moment in view of some great Imperial expenditure, such as that involved by a war with a first-class Power, or if it should come up for settlement after such an expenditure has been incurred, as in the case of the American Colonies, it seems almost inevitable that the result should be as unsatisfactory as in that memorable instance. The Report of Lord Brassey's committee embodied a scheme calculated to pro^■ide a gradual solution of this difficulty, and intended to afford a Ijasis for discussion at an Imperial Conference, in compliance witli Lord Salis- bury's demand for some definite scheme to lay before such a conference for discussion. The scheme contem- plated a council of the Empire, charged primarily with the responsibility for Imperial defence — the United Kingdom and the self-governing Colonies being directly represented in that council. Contributions for Imperial purposes were to be raised by the Governments concerned, each in its own way, and the proportion to be paid by each country to be determined at periodical conferences held for this and other purposes. The first step recom- mended by the committee towards carrying out this scheme was the issue to the Colonies of a complete state- ment, showing ' the general necessities of the Empire in the matter of defence ; the means by which defence has hitherto been provided ; and the proposed means and estimated cost of providing it by joint action in the future.' The self-governing Colonies would then be in- vited to send representatives to a conference for the purpose of ascertaining ' the views of the different c 2 20 INTRODUCTORY chap i Colonies enjoying responsible government as to securing the unity of tlie Empire and meeting the I'esponsibilities of Imperial defence, and for the purpose of determining the basis upon and the method by which contributions should be raised.' This report was adopted unanimously by the Council of the League, though it is probable that opposition would have been ofiered upon some points but for a laudable desire for unanimity upon such an important occasion. Such opposition would have been dictated in iiome cases by a desire to see a more prominent place given to the subject of commercial union, and in others by the fear that a proposal involving contributions to Imperial expenditure would be unpopular in the Colonies. As regards commercial union, the committee had rele- gated it to the class of subsidiary measures, ' which, if not at first practicable, might become more so with the growth of a feeling of permanent unity,' a course amply justified by the rejection of Sir Charles Tupper's resolu- tion in its favour by the Chambers of Commerce of the Empire assembled in London in the same year. The sharing of Imperial expenditure is of course directly in- volved in any scheme of Federation, for it is hardly possible to contemplate a federation in which the common expenses ai-e borne by one country of the federation only. The repoi't met with an unusually consentient approval from the Press of this country, while the feeling in the Colonies seemed to be one of disappointment that the steps advocated were not of a more sweeping character. The League, being now armed with a definite propo- sition which, in its, opinion, might be laid before a con- ference, renewed its efforts to induce the Government to repeat the successful experiment of 1887 by holding a second Imperial Conference. A change of Government CL'AP I INTEODUCTORY 21 having taken place, Mr. Gladstone was asked to receive a deputation from the League to formally lay before Her Majesty's Government the report of the committee, and to press upon it the desirability of summoning a conference, at whicli the recommendations of the report miuht form a liasis of discussion. Mr. Gladstone re- ceived the deputation in April L^93 ; it was headed by Air. Edward Stanhope, who had succeeded Lord Rosebery as President of the League upon tlie change of Govei'n- ment. Lord Bi'assey, for the third time, addressed the Prime Minister on behalf of the League, and on this occasion he Avas at pains to call attention to the strongly- expressed desire of Canadians for a system of preferential trade within the Empire, though he could not express himself as in favour of its adoption. Mr. Gladstone, in his reply, specially referred to the Canadian proposals in order to give the following reply to them, conclusive so far as his Government was concerned : — ' I do not think I should be dealing fairly with you if I held out any expectation that, so far as I am myself concerned, and so far as my political friends are concerned, we should ever be prepared to pro- pose the consolidation of the Empire by means of reversing again the principles of our commercial rela- tions, and introducing preferences into the terms upon which commodities imported over sea are received in the ports of the United Kingdom.' With regard to ' unity of defence,' he said that, ' while I must not dis guise from you that it is attended with enormous diffi- culties on every side, yet I certainly conceive that the attainment of that end Avould be the attainment of an end of enormous value.' Upon the summoning of a con- ference ]\Ir. Gladstone felt that ' the public mind of the country was too largely occupied at the present moment 22 IXTRODUCTOEY chap i with very great questions of Imperial interest and domestic interest to allow it to be supposed that any immediate step could be taken.' The League was thus thrown back upon its own resources, and it became necessai-y to consider what should be its course of action in the future. Havinjr definitely adopted as its first aim ' the establishing of pei-iodical conferences of representatives of the self- governing communities of the Empire,' and having in the last five years approached governments on both sides of politics with a view of obtaining a repetition of the con- ference of 1887 without success, the question was raised whether it was possible to continue to work with that as the first aim, and whether some more immediate and practical object was not essential to any further progress of the movement. The whole question of the future action of the League was referred to a very influential small committee for considei'ation. This committee reported that while on the one hand it seemed impossible to carry on the movement effectually without a more defined and immediate policy, on the other hand, the variety of opinions held as to which were the really essential elements of a federation would prevent any practical direction Ijeing given to Ihe work of the League as then constituted. Tiie situation was thus described in tlie report : — 'It is not in the power of the League either to summon the proposed conference or to prepare the complete official statement, declared to be an essential preliminary to such a conference, showing the general necessities of the Emjiiie in the matter of defence, the means by which defence lias hitherto been provided, and the proposed means and estimated cost of providing it by joint action in the future. All that the League could do towards CHAP I INTRODUCTORY 23 these ends would be to continue pressing successive governments to take the steps admitted to be desirable, if not essential, and having regard to the character of its organisation it is more than doubtful whether such pressure would be likely to be effectual. When a ques- tion has reached the stage thus indicated it would seem more expedient to lea\'e the practical issue to the play of the political foi'ces by which government is carried on. . . . On the several grounds that have been indicated it appears that the existing organisation has reached the limits of its effective action. The special report laid before tlie Pi-ime Minister in April represented the maximum of political principles and opinions attainable, as a homogeneous 1:)ody, by all the numerous and diverse elements of which the League is composed.' The secretary of the League, in a statement made to the Council at its last meeting, indicated the principal divergences of opinion upon practical points which existed among those who were entirely at one in their desire for Imperial Federation. He said : — ' There is a party within the League which holds that a Commercial Union of the Empire is essential to any Federation, and there is a party which holds that such a union would not constitute a Federation, or that, in any case, a change in the fiscal policy of this country would be too great a price to pay for it. Again, there are those who hold that the combination of the resources of the Empire for defence is the first and main pouit in the Federation, and that no permanence of unity can exist without it ; and there are those on the contrary who hold that to increase the influence and representation of the Colonies in the United Kingdom is good, but that any addititjn to the responsibility of the Colonies in this matter is undesirable and unnecessary.' 24 INTEODrCTORY chap i The recommendation of the Committee was that the League should be dissolved at the end of the year, free play being thus given to the various schools of thought as to the most effectual course of action for bi'inging about the desired Federation. This course was recom- mended to the Council in the l>est interests of the cause of the unity of the Empire, as more prudent than the alternative of attempting to impose upon the members of the League a detinition of Imperial Federation to ■which the League as a whole had not hitherto assented. There was considerable opposition to this stej) among those who, liaving worked long and earnestly as members of the League, were very naturally loth to witness its dis- appearance. On the other hand, there was much truth in the contention that the League ^\•as formed for the purpose of ad\ocating ' Imperial Federation ' in the abstract, and that, as it had now become necessary to define more precisely what was aimed at, a fresh start should be made. This view was held by Mr. Stanliope, the President, by Lord Rosebery, the late President, by Lord Brassey, the Yice-Pi'esident, and by the other officers of the League. After several months devoted to the considera- tion of this and alternative courses, the report was eventually adopted by the Council, and its recommen- dation was acted upon at the end of the yeai- 1893. Lord Brassey was at the time in India with the Opium Commission, of which he was the President, but he sub- .sequently expressed his full concurrence with the action of the Council. Thus was brought to an honourable close the career of the Impei-ial Federation League, and with it tlie first stage of the movement for the federation of the Empire. Its useful M'ork in directing public attention to the CHAP INTRODUCTORY 25 desirability of making an eflfort for the perpetuation of tlie unity of the Empire is generally admitted ; it was not allowed to survive the period of its effective action ; its existence was not prolonged, as in many instances of such bodies, from sentimental or interested individual motives ; having served the purpose for which it was founded, it was brought to an end. One of the results anticipated from this step by those who were in a position to make the forecast, was that of increased activity among the advocates of Imperial Federation in consequence of the freedom of expression which would be acquired by release from association in the League with others who seriously differed from them upon practical points. So long as the League existed such men were wont to suppress their individual views in the interests of the organisation. The League having been dissolved, they would be free to use the arguments which seemed to them the most effectual. This antici- pation seems to be in a fair way to fulfilment. Organi- sations are already in existence, having for their object: — 1. The combination <»f the resources of the Empire for mutual defence. 2. The commercial union of the Empire, a. by means of preferential tariffs, b. by means of Free Trade. There is, moreover, a band of volunteer lec- turers, who place their services at the disposal of any Society which will provide an audience. In the Colonies, most of the branches established by the League continue their work with undiminished enei'gy, and ai-e now able to express their opinion without any fear of clashing with the views of the cential authorities at home. There need, therefore, be no anxiety lest efforts should relax and the work of the past ten years be thi'own away. Even if there were no such organisations as these, eager to seize and make the most of every opportunity of 26 INTEODUCTOKY chap i advancii\^ the solution of the question, the matter has now reached a stage at which it cannot be left untouched. The interests of all parts of the Empire inevitably demand its solution. It cannot be asserted that the solution will, equally inevitably, be of the nature desired by Lord Brassey and those who acted with him. The possilnlity of a solution in the contrary sense cannot be ignored by anyone who has given attention to the subject. To secure the permanent unity of the British Empire is, however, an object well worthy of any elTort which can |j(^ devoted to its attainment, and e\'en if the result should be to prove it impossible of attainment, yet these efforts will not have been wasted, for they will have hastened the time when the certain knowledge of this fact is brought home to us. And if this regrettable alternative is inevitable, the sooner we know that fact the better. Most of the decisions which have to be taken upon Foreign Policy, the whole scheme of our National Defence, and many questions vitally affecting our other possessions and dependencies are fundament- ally affected by the answers to the question whether our self-governing Colonies elect to form a federation with us or to go their own way. The foregoing pages give a bird's-eye view of the first phase of the movement for the Federation of the British Empire, extending througli the years 1884-93 inclusive. They touch only upon the salient featui'es of the movement, the turning points in its history — and give no idea of the amount of i)atient work and strenu- ous efllDrt on the part of numljers of loyal men which it invohed. For a record of these, reference must be made to the volumes of ' Imperial Federation ' already alluded to ; in them will be foun'l invariably mentioned, often CHAP 1 INTEODUCTORY '27 set out at length, every event Ijearing upon the question, every speech delivered upon the subject, every suggestion made for the solution of the problem, and every objection which has been raised to the realisation of the objects aimed at, during these years. The part which Lord Brassey played in placing this difficult subject before the public in the United Kingdom, in Australia and in Canada, and the earnestness of his desii'e that the whole Empire should have Ijefore it materials for arriving at a satisfactory solution of the 'Problem of National Unity,' will bo gathered from th(^ chapters wJiich follow. CHAPTER II 1880 Lord Brassey's wide Acquaintance witli the British Empire : Address at Bradford on ♦ Our Colonial Empire '—The Sub- ject of Imperial Federation comprehensively Treated— The Leading Place given to Defence — Subsequent Activity of Chambers of Commerce in the Movement— Coaling Stations and Lord Carnarvon's Defence Commission. On January 21, 1880, Lord Brassey (at that time Sir Thomas Brassey) delivered before the Bradford Chamber of Commerce the very impoitant address on ' Our Colonial Empire,' reproduced in the present chapter. The occasion, as well as the character of the address, was of exceptional interest, in that it was shortly after his return fiom one of those world-voyages which have made the ' .Sunbeam ' famous that Lord Brassey thus de- livered himself, for the first time in a public manner and in any comprehensive form, of the vast stores of informa- tion laid up by him in his travels throughout the Colonies and dependencies of Great Britain, and of the ripe opinions which his unique experience and oi)portunities had enabled him to form upon the many gieat questions affecting the social, political and material condition of the various communities constituting the British Empire. It would be an exaggeration to say, in the sense which a literary cantu.se has given to the phrase, that LordBiassey CHAP II 1880 29 ' discovered ' the British Empire as it exists in this generation, if for no other reason than that Sir Charles Dilke had already in 1868 published his work on ' Greater Britain.' But it is the truth that Lord Brassey had in 1880 been grappling, by means of personal travel and observation, with those ' problems ' of the Empire as a whole, which the author and statesman just referred to came to deal with ten years afterwards in his further work given to the public in 1890. Even if chronological sequence had not placed it first, no exposition of the general subject could have been found, wherewith to open the series of LordBrassey's speeches and writings on Colonial questions and Imperial Federation, more suitable than this Bradford address of 1880. It contains an admirable sunnnary of the pro- gress and existing condition of Colonial development, and further passes in review all those problems that make up what is succinctly defined as the 'Colonial Question,' the solution uf which is believed to lie in some forui of Imperial Federation. Two points are especially worthy of note in any general observations upon this paper. The one is the evidence afforded by it of the complete grasp of the whole question which Lord Brassey had acquired at the time it was written — four full years, be it remembered, before the Imperial Federation League was founded. The facts of the situation and all the elements of the problem, the necessities of the case, the precise object to be aimed at, the difficulties in the path, and the conditions of success, are here all understood and appreciated. It is scarcely too much to say that, great though the progress and s})read of the idea of Imperial Fedeiation has been, and far as we have travelled (it may be hoped) towards its practical realisa- tion since this paper was written, neither Lord Brassey 30 1880 CHAP II himself nor others who have been taking part in the same movement ever since have added very much to the knowledge of facts or recognition of principles to be seen in this paper. The other striking point about it is one that is implicitly involved in the observations just made. It is that, as the founders of the League in 1884, so Lord Bra.ssey in 1880 already grounded the case for Imperial Federation on the necessities of Imperial Defence, and recognised as an axiomatic truth the prin- ciple that what is the common interest of all should be the common concern of all. In these days, when a dis- position shows itself in some quarters to escape from the pi'actical results of the conclusion to be drawn from these premisses, and when any insistence upon that conclusion is resented as though it were some ]iew depar- ture, it is especially important to note the pi'oof given Ijy this paper of Lord Brassey's that the principle of combining the resources of the Empire for common and united defence, and of the duty of all parts of the Empire to contribute their quota, Avas treated as long ago as 1880 as the essential element of Imperial Federation- Address dklivered before the Bradford Chamber OF Commerce, January 21, 1880. You have asked me to address you this evening on the subject of our Colonial Empire. It is indeed a noble theme. Would that it were in my power to treat it worthily I In the course of many wanderings upon the seas I have visited Newfoundland ; I have seen the magnifirent scenery of the 8t. Lawrence, and the thriving cities of Montreal, Quebec, and Toronto, In a recent voyage round the world we touched at CHAP II 1880 31 Hong Kong, Singapore, Aden, Malta, and Gibraltar. Within the memory of the present generation Hong Kong was a barren rock, from Avhich a band of GOO pirates set forth on their lawless exiJeditions. It has now 124,000 inhabitants, including a civil European population of ;^),000 persons, and the annual imports of English merchandise alone are not less than 3^ millions sterling. At Singapore, where the English population numbers not more than 1,400, we lia\e established a trade of collection and distribution equal in importance to that carried on from Hong Kong. The native vessels from every creek and harbour of the Eastern Archipelago collect together at the Straits Settlements, and are supplied from our well-managed counting-houses with European manu- factures. Aden, which may be compared to a huge cinder lying on the arid coasts of thirsty Arabia, has become, under the beneficent influence of British ad- ministration, another great emporium of trade. Its commerce extends on the east to the shores of the Persian Gulf, and southwards to Zanzibar, and far down the eastern shores of Africa. Mocha has been deserted by the Arab merchants since we have esta- blished ourselves at Aden. An average number of 800 laden camels daily enter the gates, and the total exports and imports are nearly three millions sterling a year. It is not necessary, however, to draw upon personal recollections in order to appreciate the fact that, with- out our Colonies and our foreign possessions, England would fall to the second rank in the family of nations. Maritime States have in all ages of the world exhibited the same desire to establish colonies. Phoenicia, Carthage, and Gx'eece were great colonising States in ancient times. 32 1880 CHAP 11 In the Middle Ages the lion of St. Mark exhibited the symbol of Venetian power over the whole coasts of the Mediterranean. The discoveries of Yasco da Gama opened an era of incredible prosperity for Portugal ; and Spain was not less indebted to the discoveries of Columbus. AVe have followed those illustrious pioneers of colonisation ; but we have known better how to use our new sources of wealth, and our conquests have been more enduring. Trade, as we know, tends to follow the flag. During the period of commercial depression through which we have lately passed, and from which we are now very gradually emerging, it has been in the British posses- sions alone that the export trade has displayed any growth and elasticity. In a paper by Dr. Forbes Watson, read at the Colonial Institute in February 1878, a comparison is made of our export trade in 1876 and 1869. I propose to bring the figures down to 1878, the last year included in the Statistical Aljstract. The lioures disclose a significant cliange in the direction of our external trade. While tlie exports to foreign countries had risen from 141,900,000/. in 1869 to 195,700,000/. in 1872, and had fallen again in 1878 to 126,611,000/., our Colonial and Indian trade has steadily fTOAvn in the same interval from 48,000,000/. to 66,237,000/., or from 25-3 per cent, to 34-4 per cent, of our total commerce. When we pass from the aggregate figures to examine our Colonial trade in detail, we discover additional evi- dences of its great importance to the industrial prosperity of our country. The populations of the British Empire in the parts beyond the seas are, in proportion to their ^umbers, by far the most extensive consumers of our manufactures. It appears from a table prepared by CHAP I t 1880 33 Mr. Frederick Young ' that the annual consumption of our merchandise per head is represented by the following figures : — United States, 7s. ; Germany, 9s. 2d. ; France, 7s. 8d. ; North American Colonies, 2/. 'Is. 9d. ; Australia, 81. 10.'^. 8d. A more elaborate analysis by Dr. Forbes Watson brings out this striking result, that Australia actually consumes per head of population a larger quan- tity of English manufactures than we require ourselves. Our Colonial trade is the more valuable because, as Dr. Forbes Watson points out, it is largely composed of articles in an advanced stage of manufacture. Of our exportations of apparel, blankets, flannels, books, cutlery, and other articles of domestic consumption, the Colonies take 10,800,000/., or about 70 per cent, of the total ex- portation. The proportion in 1869 did not exceed 58 per cent. Of the cotton trade, which forms about one- third of our total expoi'ts, two-fifths were taken by the British possessions. Between 1869 and 1876 they in- creased their consumption of our goods by 6,300,000/. ; while our exportations to foreign countries diminished by 4,500,000/. Not only was the aggregate quantity increased, but the goods were more highly finished than those we supply to many foreign countries. The Colonies take 40 per cent, of finished cotton manufactures ; they take only 21 '9 per cent, of cotton yarns. They take 23'4 per cent, of our woollen and worsted manufactures, and only "3 per cent, of yarn. They take 40'4 per cent, of manufactured, and only 3"6 per cent, of pig, iron. They take 17'7 per cent, of wrought and unwrought steel, and 406 per cent, of our exportations of hardware and cutlery, and 53*2 per cent, of our exports of imple- ments. Having shown the importance of our Colonial trade, ' Now Sir Fredeiick Young, K.C.M.G. D 34 1 880 CHAP II let us turn to the growth of the Colonies themselves. The statistics of New Zealand have recently been col- lected by 8ir Julius Yogel. In the fifteen years, 1861- 1876, gold was exported of the value of 32,117,000/., and wool of the value of 27,719,000/. Since 1870, 1,000 miles of railway and 2,300 miles of road have been constructed, 3,260 miles have been added to the telegraph wires, and 90,000 emigrants have been intro- duced. I may complete this statement by quoting from a speech of Sir James Fergusson, at a meeting of the Colonial Institute, in March 1877. Referring to tlie successive results of the public works policy of Sir Julius Vogel, he said that the population had increased from 237,000 in 1869 to 400,000 in 1876, and the value of the wool annually exported from 1 ,771,000/. to 3,396,000/. The revenue had risen from 1,787,000/. in 1867 to 3,500,000/. in 1876. The rise in the value of private property had been enormous ; and he affirmed, from the experience of his high official connection witli the Colony, that all this was no ephemeral prosperity, but a final, solid, and enduring progress. Wool is the staple trade of New South Wales. The number of sheep has increased tenfold in ten years, the number in 1876 exceeding 24, ;')00,000. South Australia with only 237,000 inhabitants has 6,000,000 slieep, and exports nearly 5,000,000/. of produce annually. JNIore than a million acres are under wheat cultivation. Wheat is the great staple of the Colony, and it fetches the highest price in the woi'ld. Queensland, though founded so recently as 1850, has a population of 200,000 scattered over her 430,000,000 of acres. Upwards of 700 miles of railway have been made. The general exports in 1876 amounted to 3,740,000/. Between 1860 and 1S75 tlio exports of gold from the Colony amounted to 7,000,000/. CHAP Ti 1880 35 The Statistical Abstract prepared by jNIr. GifFen furnishes ample means for comparing our own possessions with foreign countries. In 1875 the average yield of wheat per acre was 14"T bushels in New South Wales, 15 "5 in Victoria, 12 in South and Western Australia, 31"5 in New Zealand, 22 in the Province of Ontario iu Canada, 12"3 in the United States, 5-5 in Russia. Canada a century ago contained less tlian 150,000 people ; it lias now 4,000,000 inhabitants. 18,000,000 acres ai'e already under cultivation, and the great prairie or corn-growing region is at least 1,000 miles squai'e. It is intersected by streams described, in the glowing language of Lord DufFerin, as beautiful and varied in their scenery, fervid in the volume of their waters, and flowing for their entire length through alluvial plains of the richest description. Professor Macoun, a botanist, recently commissioned to investigate the subject, has re- ported that no less than 160,000,000 acres are available in this region alone for farming and grazing, and that one-half of this area was considered fit for cultivation. So destitute of population is this vast region that it has been estimated by Mr. Sandford Fleming that not more than 20,000 or 30,000 inhabitants can be found within a very considerable distance of any part of the 3,000 miles of railway which have been projected to unite the oldest provinces of the Dominion with British Columbia. 'Such,' says Mr. Young, in summing up these marvellous statistics of our Colonial development, ' sucli is that British Empire which has been so truly described by Lord Carnarvon as the most magnificent picture of administration that the labours of man ever created, or tlie eyes of man have ever seen.' We have seen the importance of the Colonies as the d2 Sfi 1880 CHAP II consumers of our manufactured products ; they are not less essentia] to us for the supplies of food which they furnish to the teeming population of these islands. Mr. Bourne has shown tliat v/e cannot expect in this country a material increase in the life- sustaining abilities of the land. Half of our focjtl already consists of foreign im- portations. It has been esticnated by Mr. Bourne that the demand for imported food and raw material will increase every year by considerably more than six mil- lions sterling. AVe must proportionately increase our exports in order to pay for thesa ever-growing importa- tions. We have seen the stagnation in the Continental demand, and the growth in the consumption of our goods in our own possessions. If some of that capital so recklessly squandered in mushi'oom States had been carefully and gradually expended in our own Colonies, the investors would have obtained a steadier return, and tlie commerce of this country would have received a more lasting benefit. The Colonies offer an inviting field both for the industrious labourer and the small capitalist. In our own country there is already an ample population, and the openings are few for men of moderate resources. Men without capital, even when gifted with abilities beyond the average, experience a delay of years before they can cover the ordinary cost of living fiom a pro- fessional or a commercial income. Mr. Bourne, in his recent paper, has urged the duty of colonisation, both on economic and on still higher grounds. By conquest, by discovery, and from motives of philan- thropy, we have appropriated a wide space upon the earth. We cannot evade the responsibilities of our acquisitions. We must give to these countries the free- dom that we enjoy, the commerce and the agriculture that w6have organised, the civilisation under which we CHAP II 1880 37 live, and the religion with which we oiu^selves are blessetl. It is only by emigration that this beneficent mission can be accomplished. We have now passed in review some of the salient facts of our Colonial development. We have just reason to be proud of our wide and growing Enipire beyond the seas. It may not always be possible to preserve a com- mon centre for such an Empire, although we have simplified our task to the utmost by yielding to the Colonies anabsolute independence in their internal affairs. In this we shall all a^ree that our noble confederation shall not be broken up for the sake of a paltry reduction in the Navy or the Army Estimates. We have lately expended large sums for objects of very inferior importance to that of providing for the defence of our Colonies. Captain Colomb reminds us that we have erected costly barracks in the very centre of England in pursuance of a somewhat theoretical plan of military reorganisation, while all ovir coals for our war and merchant ships are left unprotected throughout the world. In his ' Recollections and Suggestions,' that great statesman lately departed, Eai-l Russell, says : — ' It may be a matter of doubt whether or no to build up a Colonial Empire ; but it is evident that if Great Britain gives up her supremacy fiom a niggardly spirit of parsimony, or from a craven feeling of helplessness, other Powers will soon look on the Empire, not with the regard due to an equal as she once was, but with jealousy of the height slie on>:e held and without the f^ir she once inspired. To build up an Empire extending over every sea, swaying many diverse races, and combining many forms of religion, requires courage and capacity. To allow such an Euq:)ire to fall to pieces is a task wjiich 435937 38 1880 CHAP II may be performed by the poor in intellect and the pusillanimous in conduct.' The cost to the British Exchequer of the most valu- able Colonies has been brought down to a nominal charge. There is no reluctance on the part of the wealthier Colonies to bear the cost of local defence. Sydney already possesses a turret-ship, the 'Cerberus.' Melbourne has a small navy. At Adelaide an ironclad has been talked of. At Sydney a force of 300 regular artillerymen, a torpedo corps, and a naval brigade of 100 men has been organised. Xew Zealand possesses an efficient militia as a protection against the Maories. Tasmania has a corps of SOO Volunteers, described to me by Lieutenant Bower of the ' Wolverine,' from whose correspondence these details have been deiived, as badly organised, but full of zeal. Both Sydney and Melbourne have been partially fortified. It has lately been deter- mined by each of the Governments of Victoria and New South Wales to expend 350,000?., besides an additional annual outlay of 73,000/., in providing a force of ships, guns, and torpedoes. The resources of our Colonies are, indeed, ample for every purpose of self-defence. The fisheries of the Dominion of Canada, according to a statement of Mr. ]''iederick Young, give employment to 1,000 ships, 17,000 smacks manned by 7,000 sailors, and 20,000 lishermen. I am informed by Sir Bryan Robinson, for twenty years Judge of the Supreme Court of Newfound- laud, that these figures are inadequate. Speaking of the Colony with which he has been himself connected, he says that the male population in 1874 numbered (S2,693. Deducting one-half for old men, young chil- dren, and a few peisons who do nut follow a sea faring life, there would remain -11,347 sailors familiar with CHAP H 1880 BO square-rigged vessels. The Dominion stands fifth in the maritime tonnage of nations, ranking after (;lreat Britain, the United States, Norway, and Italy, but before Germany and France. Turning from Canada to the Antipodes, the naval resources of the Australasian Colonies may be appre- ciated when we consider the immense seaboard of New Zealand, and the. distance of a thousand miles which separates it from the Australian continent, and which must inevitably lead to a great development of maritime enterprise and power. In a paper published in 1872 in the ' Annual of the School of Naval Architecture,' Mr. Barnaby rightly urged that the British Emj^ire, if effectively organised as a maritime confederacy, would be enabled not only to maintain itself in security from attack, but that it would be a guarantee of maritime peace to all the way- farers on the seas. Organisation, howevei-, was then wanting, as it still is, and it is a work which essentially l)elongs to a time of peace. The initiative must come from the Mother-country — from our experienced states- men and our numerous body of liighly-trained officers, w'ho have leisure for the consideration of these things. The task before us is difficult, because it has been too long neglected. In a speech at the Crystal Palace in 1872, Lord Beaconsfield expressed his regret that the means and responsibilities by which the Colonies should be defended, and by which, if necessary, this country should call for aid fi'om the Colonies themselves, had not been considered and defined at the time when self-government w'as conceded. I find an identical expression of ojiinion in the ' Telegraph,' a Brisbane journal, in an ai-ticle on a pamphlet un ' A Colonial Naval Volunteer Force,' which I published in 1878. 40 1880 CHAP II The question still demands solution. Sitting in the chair at a meeting of the Royal United Service Insti- tution, during a discussion on Captain Colomb's paper, ' On the Naval and Maritime Resources of the Colonies,' I remember to have heard Mr. Strangways, late Premier of South Australia, declare that the first and most important subject for consideration was that of Imperial unity. He asked whether, if they called upon the Colonies to join with England in a general advance of the whole Empire, they were prepared to give to those Colonies a voice in the question of peace or war 1 That was the very essence of the question. If England became involved in a great war, it would have one of two effects in connection with her relation to the Colonies. It would either bind England and her Colonies into one vast Empire such as the world had never seen, or it would entirely separate her from those Colonies. Which was the end that they should seek after 1 Was it not that of nniting together into one vast whole the enormous resources of the whole English Empire? Mr. Strangways recommended a Federal Council, which should be consulted on ques- tions of external policy. Sir Julius Vogel, another ex- Culonial Minister, expresses the opinion that there is nothing impracticable in this proposal, because there is a complete identity of thought in the British people. The Colonies are sensible of the weakness of isolated action. They know that each Colony is too jealous of the rest to admit of a formidable combination under any other supremacy than that of tlic Mother-country. Tliey know, to use the words of the leading Sydney journal, that it would cost the Colonies no more to have their naval defence under Imperial than under local control, while they would get much more for their money in the niAP 11 1880 41 shape of security. The proposal of Mr. Barnaby, tliat each ineniher of the British Confederation should contribute towards the national fleet in pi^oportion to the volume of their exports, may be made the basis of an equitable arrangement. It may be that some more independent plan in the nature of a perpetual and friendly alliance }iiay be adopted. Whatever may be the final settlement, the indefinite adjoarnment of this question, simply be- cause it does not happen to be pressed forward by agita- tion out of doors, is luost earnestly to be deprecated. Bitter indeed will be the reproaches heaped upon the statesmen or the party which should be held responsiljle for having, from mere neglect, brought about the disin- tegration of the Empire. The apportionment of responsibility, as between England and her wealthiest and most populous Colonies, is the only ditliculty with which we have to grapple. With regard to the points to Ije defended and tlie methods of defence, there are no diflerences of opinion. Few words can be necessary in order to establish the importance of providing for the defence of our coaling- stations or the lines of communication with our Aus- tralian Colonies and with India and China. Since the introduction of propulsion by steam, of iron ships and iron armour, outlying naval stations are more than ever requisite for supplies of coal and for repairs which can only be eftected in port. A steam navy, and more especially an ironclad navy, if (h^prived of its coaling- stations, is practically helpless. The 'Alexandra,' our flagship in the Mediterranean, ;it her maximum speed does not carry coal enough for three days ; at the slower speed of 1 3 knots she burns 200 tons a day. Tlie limit of her range at full speed does not exceed the distance from Plymouth to Lisbon or, perhaps, Gibraltar. 42 1880 CHAP 11 The recent detention of transports at ISt. Vincent, at a time when the early arrival of reinforcements at the Cape was a matter of most momentous importance, is another illustration of tlie necessity that exists for a sufficient number of well- supplied and properly-defended coaling-stations. The importance of securing the Britisli coaling-stations against attack is the more urgent because the foreign coaling-stations in America, the Brazils, in the North Atlantic, the Cape de Verde, Madeira, and Lisbon, and those in the Pacific and Japan, would no longer be accessible. Coal is contraband of war, and as our cruisers would be unable to obtain supplies at the foreign ports to which they frequently resort in time of peace, the replenishment of coal would be one of the great difficulties with which the Navy would have to contend. The bases on which the Navy would mainly depend in the event of war were enumerated by Sir "William Jervois in a paper read before tlie United Service Institution in 1871 :—' Malta and Gibraltar for the Mediterranean ; Halifax and Bermuda for the Atlantic ; Port Royal, Jamaica, from its position with reference to the "West Indies and the Gulf of Mexico ; Bombay and Aden ; Simon's Bay at the Cape of Good Hope ; Port Louis, Mauritius, a harbour in Ceylon, Singapore, Hong Kong, and some other ports are, in military language, the strategical bases for our foreign squadrons.' Vigorous efforts were lately made, under the ap- preliension of a war with Russia, to extemporise de- fences. Until a recent period Galle, Singapore, and Hong Kong on the line to India and China, and St. Helena, the Cape, and the Falkland Islands on the Aus- tralian route, were practically undefended. I have already stated that steps had been taken by the Colonial CHAP II 1880 43 legislatures to erect defences for Sydney and Melbourne. I am not aware what progress has hitherto been made, and a letter lately received from a naval correspondent gives a somewhat humiliating picture of the state of affairs so recently as 1878. At that time, he writes, there was one never- failing topic that would excite and interest a Colonial community. It was necessary merely to mention the words ' Russian privateer,' and anywhere in the towns of Sydney, Melbourne, or Auckland the audience would start an animated discussion. Bank managers would explain that there was constantly a reserve of three millions in the Sydney banks, and in other towns a proportionate amount. Others would dilate on the useless expense of inadequate defensive works. A strong j)atriotic feeling existed ; and, as a consequence, torpedo corps were extemporised, torpedoes ordered, guns mounted, and every preparation made for a passive defence ; but, from first to last, in these Enff- lish communities, amongst the most enterprising peoj)le in the world, nowhere, except in Melbourne, was a single preparation made for active offensive warfare. If we have been remiss in not providing for the defence of our Colonies and coaling-stations, we have been equally supine on the scarcely less important question of dock accommodation. In the last session of Parliament, the First Lord of the Admiralty was perseveringly ques- tioned by Colonel Arbuihnot, who succeeded in eliciting the admission that none of the Colonies have availed themselves of the Colonial Docks Loan Act of ISGo, and that, in point of fact, except at Malta, Bermuda, Hong Kong, and perhaps in Australia, we have no dock accommodation for large ironclads away from England. Returning to the unprotected condition of our 44 1880 CHAP II foreign na\'til stations, it may be asked, By what means is the defence to be secured 1 Not by the sea-going fleet. The main object of our naval policy, says Captain Golomb, should l)e to maintain our communications by sea by means of sea-going ships, which should be em- ployed, not in the defence of the coaling-stations which are their base of operations, but in cruising on the great sea routes to and from the heart of the Empire, and in blockading the enemy in his own seaports. Fortification, as it has been said by Major Parnell, is merely a form of economy. It secures our ports, and allows our ships to be used more advantageously in ort'ensive fighting. It is as a fence round a field. The farmer could keep oli" intruders by employing watchmen. A fence is the cheaper method. Fortiti cations need not be costly. Booms, torpedo-boats, earthworks, a few guns judiciously placed, will protect a port from isolated cruisers. In America, where, in the long struggle with the Southern States, na^al operations for the attack and defence of harbours were carried out on a scale of unpi'ecedented magnitude, it is considered that large ironclads arc unnecessary, and tliat heavy guns, rams, and torpedoes are sufficient to make a good defence against a modern fleet. Where a military force is i-equired to man works, the Colonial Governments will doubtless l)e prepared to raisin a local militia, or to organise Volunteers. Wliere a naval force is required to man a flotilla of rams or torpedo-boats, it sliould be organised ujjon the model of the Royal Na\ y Artillery Volunteers. A force like our Na\al llescrve would also be rec^uired to man the crews of sea-going vessels. I\lr. Marshall .Smith, an experienced master in the; Colonial merchant service, reports to the ' Nautical Magazine ' of CHAT' II 1880 -15 May last that the crews of the merchant shipping of Australia number 5,300, of wliom he anticipates that 2,000 would be ready to enrol in the Naval Reserve. If the Colonial seamen could be induced to join, the Mother-country could i-eadily furnish the officers and instructors. These are proposals which require fore- thought rather than money. In a harbour of great commercial importance, such as Singapore or Hong Kong, a small charge upon the tonnage would provide the necessary funds. Where the trade is small, as in the Falkland Islands, the Home Government must pay, just as it now does for Gibraltar and Malta. I regret that I have occuj^ied so large a share of your time with topics which may apjiear irrelevant in addressing a Chamber of Commerce. I plead the im- portance of the subjects I have brought before you, and the necessity of arousing the Government to action. The annual value of the foreign commerce of this country, as shown by the Board of Trade Returns, exceeds 600 millions sterling. To this should be added for the shipping a sum which would bring the total amount at stake, in the event of war, to more than 6nO millions sterling. If it could be shown that, with an experrditure of less than a million, our coaling-stations could be made seciire, could any Government stand excused before the country which would hesitate to apply to Parliament for the funds required for such a purpose ? Under our popular system of Government nothing is done except in deference to external pressure. Agitatior:i is too often the necessary preliminary to all administr'ative or legislative action. In appealirrg to the Chamber of Commerce of Bradford, I seek to make use of my present opportunity for a patriotic and a practical purpose. We are here to-day on a neuti-al 46 1880 CHAP II platform in the centre of a great hive of industry. We acknowledge our dependence on our foreign commerce, and we think it our duty to arouse the Government to a sense of their responsibility for the security of our trade. We desire to proclaim to our sons and our brethren who have gone forth from our shores to settle in the distant dependencies of the Crown, that we admire and are thankful for the energy they have displayed in turning wildernesses into gardens, and in spreading their flocks and their herds over tlie prairies of Nortli America and the boundless j^lains of the Antipodes. They are rapidly forming themselves into new nations ; but we trust that they may long be content to live together with us beneath the mild ar,d equal sway of our beloved and constitutional Sovereign. Let us send it forth as a message from Bradford that we claim no right of interference with their concerns, while, on the other hand, we are evei ready to obey their call for help. We think that the union of the Anglo-Saxon race is a mutual benelit to all the member-s of the family. Within a period of time so recent that it seems but the yesterday of history, we have seen the Italians and the Germans united under one Government. We recognise the accession of influence which these nationalities have gained. More lately still, we have felt the pressure of Sclavonic ambition. We have watched the progress of these events without apprehension for ourselves, because we have liaro\ed a further powerful stimulus to the Imperial idea ; and the presence in this country of so many of our Colonial fellow-suhjccts, in- cluding among them numerous well-known and experi- enced politicians, not only gave ojoportunity for ample discussion of an informal character, Ijut aftorcled means for the more organised interchange of oijinion in the Conferences that were held 1_»y the League within the l)uilding at South Kensington during the continuance of the Exhibition. In this year the Connnittee of the League decided to take up a deputation to the Prime Minister to urge the Government to call a formal Conference of the Empire or to appoint a Royal Commission, representative of the United Kingdom and of the self-governing Colonies, to suggest means of concei'ted action for placing the defence of the ports and commerce of the Empire on a satisfactory basis in time of war, and for other purposes calculated to secure the closer federation or union of all parts of the Empire. Shortly before this deputation was re- ceiAcd, the League had been holding, in July, a special two days' Conference at the Exhibition under the pre- sidency of the Earl of Rosebery, Chairman of the League ; and this Conference hud l)een followed l)y a largely attended and most successful Ijanquet, under tlie same presidency, at which H.R.H. the Duke of Cam- bridge, Lord Chancellor Herschell, Cardinal Manning, Lord Wolseley, and many other eminent pul>lic men were present. In the unavoidable absence of Lord Rosebery in Scotland, it fell to Lord Brassey to introduce the deputation, the Vice-Chairman, the Rt. Hon. Edward Stanhope, being at the time a meml)er of Lord Salis- bury's Cabinet, and present with the Prime Minister, as Secretary of State for the Colonies, to receive the depu- K 2 52 1886-7 CHAf til tatioii. ' It is worth while to place on I'ecord the names of many of those who took part in this interesting and important occasion, as they formed an influential and remarkably representative assemblage. The deputation included ; — Lord Stratheden and Campbell, Colonel 8ir Charles Nugent, Mr. James A. Youl, Eev. Canon Dalton, Sir Daniel Cooper (New South Wales), Sir Henry Barkly, Major-General Sir Lewis Felly, M.P., Sir Rawson Kaw- son. Colonel C. E. Howard Vincent, M.P., Baron Dims- dale, M.P., Sir Samuel Davenport (late Commissioner of Public AVorks, South Australia), General Sir W. Cross- man, M.P., ]\[r. A. Staveley Hill, M.P., Mr. D'Alton M'Carthy (President of the Lni^erial Federation League in Canada), Sir Julian Goldsmid, M.P., Captain Cotton, M.P., Lieut. -Colonel Myles Sandys, M.F., Mr. R. Gent- Davis, M.P., Mr. L. L. Cohen, M.F., Alderman Sir Robert Fowler, M.P., Colonel Gourley, M.P., Mr. H. Kimber, M.P., Lord Lewisham, M.P., Mr. H. L. W. Lawson, M.P., Mr. David Duncan, M.P., Sir John Simon, M.P., Sir Roper Lethbridge, M.P., Mr. H. Seton-Kari-, M.P., Mv. O. Y. Morgan, M.P., Caj)tain J. C. R. Colomb, M.P., Mr. J. Henniker Heaton, M.l»., Sir Cliarles Nicholson (late Sjieaker, New South Wales), Mr. AVilson Noble, M.P., Sir Saumcl Wilson, M.P., Sii- Francis Y. Smith (late Chief Justice of Tasmania), Loitl Castletown of Upper Ossory, Mr. A. Cameron Corbett, M.P., Mr. W. Ewart, M.P., Mr. J. Home Payne (re- presenting Kensington Bianch), Gcnei'al Sir John Wat- son, Y.C. (late Political Resident at Baroda), Mr. W. Mackinnon, Mr. Alexander Tuinbull, The Hon. Murray ' Lord Salisbury had resumed oflice on August 3, 1886, after Mr. Gladstone's six inorahs Administration, and received the deputation on the Uth of tlie same month. CHAP III 188G-7 53 Finch-Hatton, M.P., The Hon. Harold Finch-Hatton, Sir Charles Clifford (late of New Zealand), Mr. John Sweet Distin (delegate from Imperial Federation League in South Africa), Lord Fife, Mr. H. A. Perry, Mr. Sand- ford Fleming (delegate from Imperial Federation League in Canada), Mr. H. H. Lyman (Treasurer of Imperial Federation League in Canada), Mr. Alfred Simmons, Mr. C. W. Rusden, Mr. A. McGoun (Secretary of Im- perial Federation League in Canada), Mr. H. O. Arnold- Forster, Mr. C. Washington Eves, Mr. P. Ralli, Mr. William J. Browne, Mr. S. V. ]Morgan, Mr. Charles Percy Davis, Mr. F. Young (late Hon. Secretary Royal Colonial Institute), Mr. Gisborne Molineux, Mr. F. P. Labilliere (late of Victoria), Mr. James L. Ohlson (Sec- retary West India Committee), Mr. G. R. R. Cockburn (delegate from Imperial Federation League in Canada), Mr. P. Vernon Smith (representing Paddington Branch), Mr. H. N. Moseley (Cambridge Branch), Mr. J. Stanley Little (Haslemere Biuneh, Lord Tennyson, President), Professor A. S. Napier (Oxford Branch), Mr. P. S. \"ander])yl (Cape of Good Hope), Mr. Peter Redpath (representative in England of Imperial Federation League in Canada, representative of Canada at Confer- ence of Chambers of Commerce), ^Ii-. W. McMillan (President of Chambers of Commerce, Sydney, New South Wales), Mr. H. Holljrook (late Minister British Columbia), Mr. P. E. T. Hemelryk, Mr. W. S. Sebright Green (rei^resenting Liverpool Branch), Mr. R. G. AVeb- ster, M.P., and Mr. A. H. Loring (Organising Secretary to tlie League). 1886-7 iUAvui Speech upon ixtroducino a Deputation of the Impefjial Fehekation League to the Makquis of Salismui'vY as Puime Minister, Auous'i- 11, LSSO. Lord Brassev, in iiitrodiiciiif^ Hk- deputation, said : — 'My Lord (Salisljury, — I have the honour to introducf to you a deputation of the Imperial Federation Leaf^ue. The League; was founded undcsr the ])re.sideiicy of the late Mr. Forster, and it now includes scnenty-four Members of Parliament, of all shades of political opinion, and sev'eral distinguished (jlovf-rnors, ex-Govei-nors, and Ministers of the Colonies. Aineng those distinguished state.smen I may mention that we include 8ir John Macdonald. The object of the League is to secure by Federation the permanent unity of the Em]iire. We desire to carry out tin; policy of Federation unfit r jirnpci- and j>rudent safeguaids, and I may call your Lordship's attention to the two first ])rovisions of the* constitution of the L(!ague. They are these :—" That no scheme of Federation should interfere witii the existing rights of local Parliam(;nts as regards local aliairs ; " and "That any scheme of Imperial Federation should combine, u|ie. Lord Brassey, at any rate, felt the ground sufficiently sure under his feet— CHAP HI 1886-7 69 and no man had more ample opportunities of knowing the real mind of the people he was among — to declare openly, as in this S25eech, the confident anticipation of the League that, with their growth in population, wealth, and resoui'ces, the people of the Colonies would display a manly and iiidependent resolve, ' not only to make provision for their own defence, but to share in the responsibility of the defence of the United Empire.' The corollary of a share in power he, of course, did not lose sight of, and later on he points to the extent to which the aims of Imperial policy are in fact becoming, as time goes on, more and more concentrated upon objects of Colonial interest. The controlling influence of Colo- nial considerations on the Foreign policy of the Empire is a subject to which further reference will have to be made in connection with the reply of Lord Salisbury to a deputation of the League, again introduced to him by Lord Brassey, four years later. CHAPTER IV 1888 Return to England : Address on Coaling-stations, London Chamber of Commerce— Strategical Points in Imperial Defence— Local Defences not truly Imperial — Professor Seeley and Lord Brassey at Cambridge : Address there before the University Branch of the League— Citation of Views of Colonial Statesmen — Lord Tiuscbery and Lord Brassey at Glasgow: Address at the Merchants' House, Glasgow — Relative Advantages of Unity to Colonies and Mother- country — Lord Kosebery at Leeds — ' Our Foreign Policy is a Colonial Policy '—Other work done by Lord Brassey in 1888. The year 1888 was a busy one for Lord Brassey, in speak- ing on Colonial sul)jects on his return from a voyage of 3G,000 miles (equal to one and a half times round the globe, let it be reniembered), in tlie course of which he had visited nearly every place of importance in the British Empii-e lying in the eastern hemispliere, north and south of the line. The Conference of 1887 had been held during his absence from England, but he had been in Australia long enough to hear the opinions con- corning it expressed there by some of the delegates on their return to their own Colonies, and he refers to some of these in a speech at Cambridge reported in this chapter. Having been in distant parts of the Empire at such a time, as well as during the celebrations at- tending the Queen's Jubilee, Lord Brassey had the opportunity of seeing things at this period with an CHAP iv 1888 71 Englishman's eye Ijiit from the point of view of the Australian colonist ; and this circumstance, coupled with the freshness of the information contained in them, gives an especial interest and value to the speeches of this year 1888. The first of the three addresses the texts of which are printed in the present chapter is devoted to a branch of the question of Imperial Federation with which Lord Brassey is particularly qualified to deal. Both from his intimate knowledge of naval inatters generally, and from the personal and first-hand character of his acquaintance with the strategical points in the geography of the British Empire, he was entitled to speak with authority in the following address on our coaling-stations. Address delivered before the London Chamber of Commerce, January 25, 1888. It is almost superfluous to say that it will not be sought to abuse the confidence of the great Ijody under whose auspices we are met by an endeavour to make political capital out of the occasion. All questions of foreign policy, all questions relating to national defences, should be taken by common consent out of the domain of poli- tical controversy. The steps deemed necessary to the security of the Empire and its commerce once considered and determined, ministers on both sides are equally bound to obey the mandate of the nation. I gladly acknowledge the eftbrts of the present Government in the execution of that great plan of defence which was indicated in its broad outline by the Royal Commission over which Lord Carnarvon so alily presided. Tlie 72 1888 CHAP IV object of this meeting is not to find fault with past Governments for neglect, but to keep their successors up to the mark in the future. At this stage it may be appropriate to observe that the defence of our coaling-stations by fortifications is strictly a measure of economy. There may be a differ- ence of opinion as to whether this or that position is indispensable as a base of naval operations ; but, as to the methods of defence, it cannot be questioned that the most costly and the least effective is the detention in port of our cruisers, which should be employed in hold- ing the ocean highways and in blockading the ships of the enemy. Not only are fortifications an economy in that they reduce largely the numbers required to hold a position : they are an economy in regard to the descrip- tion of force which is necessary. The strong works by which our naval arsenals at home are now defended have not involved the addition of a single soldier to the regular army. I will not occupy the time of the meeting with the statistics of the case. We all know that the tonnage under the British flag is gigantic in amount, that it forms year by year an increasing proportion of the aggregate sliipping of tlie world, and that its destruction would be tantamount to tlic ruin of the nation. From these general observations I turn to the defence of coaling-stations, taking them in the order in which they were visited on my recent voyage of 36,000 miles. I pass by Gibraltar, Malta, and Aden, because we have the assurance solemnly given on the responsibility of the Government to the Royal Commission, and re- newed to the Conference of Colonial representatives, that their defences and armaments will l)e maintained on a level with modern requirements. With regard to Aden, CHAP IV 1888 73 I desire to call attention to the fact that the outer anchorage is much exposed to the boisterous winds of the monsoon. The inner anchorage is well sheltered, but the depth of water is not sufficient for heavy ships. It could be quite easily improved by dredging. This improvement would be a great convenience for the pur- poses of trade. Crossing the Indian Ocean to Bombay, the remodel- ling of the defences of that magnificent harbour are being carried out with energy by the Indian Govern- ment. The works are undergoing complete transforma- tion. Light guns are being removed, and 38-ton guns — to be ultimately i-eplaced by breech-loading guns — are being mounted. To give complete security to Bombay, two or three monitors, in addition to those already provided, and more torpedo-boats, are necessary. The Bombay flotilla should be manned with crews of Lascars led by British seamen-gunners and marine artil- lery. The Europeans should be sent out to Bombay when occasion requires. It would not be proper to keep English crews for a lengthened period in harbour-ships in an enervating climate. At Bombay I had an opportunity of seeing the efficient dockyard maintained by the Indian Govern- ment. Its extensive resources, both of workmen and machinery, are largely employed in the maintenance of Her Majesty's ships on the Indian station. It should be definitely accepted that Bombay, and not Trin- comalee, should be the chief station for the East Indian squadron. I made inquiries as to the practicability of raising a corps of Royal Naval Artillery Volunteers. Some years ago a force of this description was raised. It was found that the oppressive climate made it impossible for Euro- 74 1888 CHAP IV peans, whose duties mainly lie in other directions, to undertake heavy gun drill afloat. It would be practic- able to man the land defences with A'olunteer artillery, and the present force of rifle volunteers should be drilled at the garrison guns. From Bombay we will turn northward to Kurrachee, a port of immense importance as the base for the military defence of the north-west frontier of India. As com- pared with Bombay, Kurrachee is nearer to England by two days' steaming. In tlie distance by land to Peshawur there is an advantage in favour of Kurrachee of some (500 miles. By skilful engineering, the entrance to the port, the anchorage, and the wharfage, have been adapted to the requirements of steamships of large tonnage. The defences, both of batteries and torpedoes, are well ad- vanced. Descending from north to south, with the western shores of the great Indian peninsula never below the horizon, we arrive at Trincomalee, a noble harbour, but unhappily too far distant from the fertile parts of Ceylon to be available for the trade which has been concentrated at Colombo. The dockyard at Trincomalee is in perfect order ; but previous impressions that an Imperial Naval Establishment in this position is of doubtful value were not removed by my visit. The resources ai'e most limited ; and, looking to the facilities already in exist- ence at Bombay, it is not desirable to extend them. Transferred to the Government of India, the dockyard at Trincomalee could be utilised for the storage and preparation of torpedoes and submarine mines, and for the service of the lightships and lighthouses on the adja- cent coasts. Considerable expenditure is being devoted by the Imperial Government to fortifications both at Colombo and at Trincomalee. When the fortifications CHAP IV 1888 75 and guns are provided, the means of defence will still remain incomplete if we have not a sufficient force of artillery to man the Avorks. A mixed corps of volun- teers and Lascars should be organised at Colombo, from which detachments could be sent to Trincomalee when necessary. In connection with Imperial defence, it will not be necessary to notice the ports of Burmah. Splendid as is the development of trade since they passed under British rule, they ai-e not important as bases for the naval operations which it might be necessary to under- take for their protection. At Singapore we find another noble centre of trade created, as by the enchanter's wand, under the British flag — tlie accepted emblem, for all uncivilised and half- civilised I'aces, of justice, order, security, and unre- stricted freedom of commerce. At Singapore the Colonial Govei'nment have carried out an extensive scheme of defence, planned by officers of the Royal Engineers, At the period of my visit the guns which are promised by the Imperial Grovernment had not yet arrived. For the manning of the works the British artillery on the station must be supplemented by a native force. Singapore has a splendid battalion of 1,000 Sikh police, who could be trained to work the guns. The torpedo defences are, I believe, completed. In addition to the shore defences and the torpedoes, one or more ironclads are required for the protection of the anchor- age. I observe with satisfaction that the ' Orion ' has been stationed by the present Board of Admiralty in those waters. Taking a long stretch round Borneo, through the Straits of Macassar, and across the Southern Indian 76 1888 CHAP IV Ocean, we arrive at that remote anchorage which has of late occupied so much public attention. I refer to King George's Sound. The harbour offers perfect shelter to ships of deep draught from every wind. Strategically the position is most important, both from the great dis- tance which divides it from the nearest harbours avail- able for vessels of large size, and because all the trade between Australia and Europe by the Suez Canal, except that from Queensland, passes to and fro in the offing. The amount required to provide a sufficient arma- ment of breech-loading guns was estimated, I believe, at 19,000^. It must be a matter of universal regret that, on an issue so insignificant, the Conference of colonial representatives should have separated without coming to a decision. Western Australia had readily undertaken the entire cost of the works. The manning of the defences at King George's Sound should be provided for by a small detachment of marine artillery, or by pen- sioners, supported by volunteers. I need not refer in detail to the land defence of the great ports of Adelaide, Melbourne, Sydney and Bris- bane. The combined expenditure of the several Govern- ments may literally be reckoned by millions, and the supervision of such officers as Sir William Jervois and the late Sir Pester Scratchley is a sufficient guarantee that the patriotic efforts of the colonists have been skil- fully directed. The manning of the works and the general defence of the colonies by land are guaranteed by an army of more than 30,000 volunteers of splendid physique, well equipped and provided with a small staff of officers from the Imperial service. A con- siderable flotilla for harbour defence has been created at Melbourne ; Adelaide has a powerful coast-defence CHAP IV 1888 77 vessel, and Brisbane has two efficient gunboats. Naval brigades have been organised both in Victoria and jSTew South Wales. When the ironclads of older date are re- placed in our European .squadrons by ships of the latest type, I ^\■ould urge upon the Admiralty that some three or four of .the ships, which would otherwise pass into the reserve at home, should be despatched to the Colonies. They a\ ould be a valuable reinforcement of the floating defence. They would be the depot ships of the naval brigades. With such ships at their disposal, the drill and instruction would be more efficient, and the naval reserve movement would be encouraged. More highly trained officers are required to raise the colonial volun- teer force, both for the sea and the land service, to the highest standard of efficiency. An officer of rank from the Imperial service should exercise a general supervision over their combined forces. An Imperial officer should be placed in command of each regiment, and retired naval officers should be appointed to the Colonial naval reserves. The establishment of an Australasian Naval and Military College, combining the training affi^rded at home in the schools of the ' Britannia ' and of Woolwich and Sandhurst, would be a most valuable institution for the Colonies. A visit of inspection by Lord Wolseley, under whose command the first contingent sent from the Colonies into the field had the privilege to serve, would, I am confi- dent, be highly appreciated. The preparation for such an inspection would do much to promote efficiency. Turning homeward from Australia by the northern coast of the great continent, Thursday Island is the first place which demands attention : and here we are once more reminded of the controversy left unsettled by the representatives of the Colonies at their recent Conference. 78 1888 CHAP IV It was admitted that Thursday Island is a point which ousht to be defended, An active trade between Aus- tralia, China, and India, and all the steam trade between Queensland and Europe, pass within gunshot of the place. An attack on Thursday Island by a considerable force would be warded off by naval means. A few light guns, manned by volunteers, would secure the position from capture by a stray cruiser. At Port Darwin a similar slight defence is required. The harbour is of great capacity, in an isolated situation on the line of trade between Australia and the Straits Settlements. Port Darwin is the landing-place of the cable connecting Aus- tralia with the whole civilised world. It is the northern terminus of the railway, already commenced, which the South Australian Government intend to carry across the continent. When the line is completed, it will probably be the best route for the Australian mails. We cross from Port Darwin to Mauritius. At this admirable harbour and most convenient coaling-station the additional woi'ks recommended by the Royal Com- mission are advancing to completion. The Imperial Government will supply the guns. For the manning of the works a local artillery force should be organised, led by officers and non-commissioned officers of the Eoyal Artillery. The torpedo defences are complete, and a tor- pedo service corps is being organised, recruited from the dock-labourers, boatmen, and stevedores, and commanded by thirteen non-commissioned officers of the Royal Engineers. At the Cape the works for the defence of Simon's Bay were undertaken by the Imperial Government, and are nearly comjileted. For the defence of Table Bay the Colonial Government are responsible. Tlie works have not yet been commenced, and, as convict labour will be CHAP IV 1888 employed, some delay must be anticipated. We may rely that in tlie end the engagement entered into by the Colonists will be fultilled. As to armaments, at the date of my visit apprehensions were felt by the local authori- ties at the Cape that the number of breech-loading guns to be supplied by the Imperial Government would not be sufficient. It was in contemplation to mount the old pattern guns in the newly constructed forts. I trust that the War Office will be supplied with the means of giving a satisfactory armament for all the defences of the Cape. Following the line of communication between the Cape and England, the necessary works both at St. Helena and Sierra Leone are being vigorously pushed forward. For the manning of the additional works sup- plementary local forces should be organised, as suggested for other similar stations. At Ascension we have a small naval establishment, a stock of coals, and naval stores, which may be valued at 50,000^. There are no effective defences, and it must be a serious question for the Admiralty whether their establishment should not be transferred to St. Helena. Having now made the circuit of the important points on which the security of our commerce with Australia and with the East depends, I proceed to sum up the various omissions which have been pointed out in the great scheme of defence which is now in course of execution. They are as follows : — 1. At Aden, dredging operations. 2. At Bombay, additional monitors, and the organi- sation of crews for the harbour-defence flotilla. 3. At King George's Sound, Thursday Island, and Port Darwin, armaments of sufficient force to deny the harbour and the coal supply to light cruisers. 80 1888 CHAP IV 4. At the Cape, additional lieavy Lreech-loading guns. 5. At Colombo, Singapore, Mauritius, St. Helena, and Sierra Leone, a local artillery militia. Australia may be depended upon to raise an adequate force of artillery volunteers. This enumeration will scarcely alarm the most zealous guardian of the public purse. A very moderate expenditure, judiciously applied, would fill up all the gaps in our armour, to which your attention has been invited. Having dealt with the fortifications, it is an obvious remark that they are but a means to the end. In order to give additional support to the Navy in all important positions, the means of repairing injuries sustained in action should be provided. I am not about to suggest additional dockyards. I urge that we should encourage private enterprise to make provision for naval require- ments in the emergency of war. The principle has received the sanction of the Legislature in the passing of an Act which empowers the Treasury to make grants towards the construction of graving-docks on foreign stations. By small subsidies, in addition to the large expenditure of private capital, graving-docks, suitable to the needs of the Navy, have been completed at Hong Kong and Vancouver. Private enterpri.se should receive encouragement ffom the Admiralty to provide a graving-dock for Gibraltar, where no docking facilities at present exist. A grant should be made for the enlargement of the existing docks at Bomlmy by the Indian Government, and for those at Singapore and INIauritius by the Impe- rial Government. By this plan of co-operation with private enterprise, the means would be provided, at the CHAP IV 1888 81 lowest possible cost, of docking ironclads at every naval station of the lirst-class which we possess on the line of communication between England and the East. I need not remind this meeting that the facilities which we should create for the Navy would be most useful for commercial purposes. The clocks being in private hands, the skilled workmen required would be mainly employed in mercantile work. Their wages would be a charge on the public only when their services were actually required to execute repairs for the fleet. Foreign nations look with envy on the splendid resources w^hich British commerce creates at no cost to the taxpayers. During the war in China, until the provisions of the Foreign Enlistment Act were enforced, the French fleet was mainly dependent on our private ship-repairing yards at Hong-Kong ; and Mr. Weyl has told us of their conspicuous suj)eriority over the limited resources which were found to exist when the French squadron was compelled to fall back on the national establishment at Saigon. The Dutch squadron in the East is equally dependent on private docks at Singapore ; and Avhen I visited Sydney, T found tlie German cruiser ' Albatross,' which had been stationed for some years at Samoa, hauled up on the patent slip in the yard of a pri\'ate shipbuilder. In this connection it is proper to refer to the splendid enterprise of the Colonies as an example to the Imperial Government. At Sydney, Melbourne, and the Cape, the Colonial Governments have constructed graving-docks of dimen- sions sufficient for the largest ironclads in those waters. It should be our policy to take full advantage of the resoui'ces created as it were spontaneously, by the mari- time enterprise of the country. Let us avoid the great and costly error of duplicating at the public expense the G 82 1888 CHAP IV means and instruments which lie ready to our hand, if only we will use them and look for them, in the vast and splendid organisation of the mercantile marine. I have shown how eftectively this principle has been applied in the case of docks. It is equally applicable to the creation of a reserve of cruisers in the mercantile marine. The present Government deserves the hearty acknowledgment of the nation, and specially of the representatives of commerce, for the statesmanlike decision tliey have taken to give subsidies for the reten- tion of certain selected ships for the service of the Navy in case of war. In all contracts for the ocean mail services conditions should be imposed, which would secure that the ships to be employed, or at least a certain number, should be adapted, by their high speed and internal arrangements, for conversion into cruisers. The officers and crews should belong to the naval reserve. The armament should be carried on board. In the case of Australia, two ships, in receipt of liberal subsidies, are at all times lying in Sydney hai'bour. An additional ship arrives every week. If these vessels were effective for conver- sion into cruisers, we shotild possess the means of impro- vising without delay an efficient squadron for the pro- tection of trade. It is idle to talk of providing for the complete defence of our commerce without the assistance of the mercantile marine. In time of peace the public is impatient of taxation. Chancellors of the Exchequer are anxious to propose popular budgets. The power of the Treasury, as the custodian of the public purse, can never be withstood by the Admiralty and the War Office, except wlien war is imminent, or a scare has been raised, which is ceitain to subbidc when the public have CJIAP IV 1888 83 become tired of reading sensational articles in the news- papers. What, however, we cannot accomplish by those extravagant methods, which are alone available in the case of a maritime power not backed by a strong mer- cantile marine, we can accomplish, and at comparatively small cost, by the eftective methods which I have briefly sketched. Time fails me, and I must not pursue this fruitful and sufifgestive theme. I could show that the same principle of combination may be applied to the manning of the Navy, and that under proper arrangements we might do much to raise the efficiency of that valuable reserve, both of officers and men, which has, by a wise act of policy, been organised in the mercantile marine for the service of the Navy in war. It will be evident that I have not come here to pro- pound alarmist views. The defence of our coaling- stations had been deferred too long ; but the work is now well in hand. We had put off too long the adoption of breech-loading guns, and we have leeway to make good ; but the guns which we are now making will represent the latest advance of science, and we have the assurance of the Government that their manufacture will be pushed forward Avith vigour. For those connected with the administration of the great departments of the Navy and the Arm}', it is im- possible to repress the wish that we had larger means at our disposal, and could make more rapid progress in completing fortresses and building ships ; but if we compare our position in the present with the past, it can scarcely be doubted that as a naval power we have been gaining in relative strength in recent years. The splen did force of volunteers, the reserve for the Army, and the reserve for the Navy, are the creation of the present G 2 84 1888 CHAP IV generation. Abroad we have gained in the mutual affections of the Colonies and the Mother-country. In India our position was probably never so strong in the loyal sentiment of the native populations as it is to- day ; and on the last scene of conflict — painful as it is to remember— at the Cape of Good Hope, our Dutch fellow-subjects are warm in their attachment to our liberal and equal rule. The circumstances in which we stand demand continuous effort ; they do not justify alarm. I may certainly claim for the plain and unpre- tending statement submitted to this meeting that it has contained nothing which can wound our national pride, or lower the dignity which rests on a proud consciousness of strength. The above constitutes a useful summary of the con- dition and requirements of the fortified places of the Empire throughout by far the largest poi'tion of its extent. By the present time the details are of course a good deal out of date ; but the paper retains its value both historically, with reference to the time at which it was written, and as an outline of the main features of the subject to which the details can lie applied as thoy change from time to time. As instances of the former aspect of the value of this address may be cited the failui'e of the Colonial delegati-s at the Conference of 1887, deplored by Lord Brassey, to come to any agreement with the Mother- country and with each other as to the fortifications of King George's Sound and Thursday Island. These matters have been adjusted since then, but not without CHAP IV 1888 85 much difficulty and the display of a considerable amount of jealousy — especially jealousy of the authority of the United Kingdom, as exemplified at the time of the passing of the Westei'n Australia Constitution Act by the Imperial Parliament, when Colonial witnesses, examined before a Committee of the House of Commons to whom the Bill was referred, explicitly stated their objectioirs to the retention by the Imperial Government of any jurisdiction within the place assigned for the fortifications at King George's Sound. Although designed to be a base for general Imperial defence, the place was not allowed to be under any but local jurisdiction. This is one of the great drawbacks as regards other places of the same kind in other Colonies as well. Given a Federation for Imperial Defence the difficulty would necessarily vanish. But, as things are, the Empire has to rely for the purposes of genei'al maritime defence, for which the Navy of the United Kingdom is responsible, upon naval bases under the control of Governments which, before a war creates the need of using them, are at perfect liberty to detach themselves from the Empire altogether and carry with them the bases on which the rest of the Empire has depended, and which the Government of the United Kingdom has assisted in making strong. It need not be suggested that such an event is likely to occur. But that is the actual situation, and it is a source of uncertainty and weakness which can only be overcome by means of a binding arrangement between all the countries of the Empire for a joint system of defence and joint property in the means of defence. Another rather unpleasantly significant passage, having an historical interest, is that in which Lord Brassey tells his hearers that at the Cape of Good Hope lie found the fortifications at Simon's Bay, which had been 86 1888 CHAP IV undertaken exclusively by the Imperial Government, ' nearly completed,' while those hard, by at Table Bay, undertaken by the Government of Cape Colony, were ' not yet commenced,' It is to be feared that even at the present time things at Table Bay are not advanced to the position they ought to have reached. The object of these fortifications, it is to be remembered, is not to withstand an attack in force, but to repel hostile cruisers only. The general defence of all parts of the Empire alike is to be looked for in the Navy ; and under the an*angements that now exist, while the Colonies assist in erecting and manning the fortifications that provide the minor defence, they as yet take no part at all in supporting the Navy, without which the partial and provisional safety afforded by the forts would be of no value whatever, since without the restraining power of the British Navy there would be nothing to prevent an enemy from attacking in force. The fortifications at Gibraltar stand on a different footing, being designed to withstand an attack in force, and to afibrd protection to ships against all comers. The responsibility for this rests with the Home Government, and the want of accommodation at Gibraltar — still un- fortunately existing — for repairing, coaling and refitting H.M. ships in time of war lies at their door. In this respect, at any rate, some of the Colonies have shown the Home Government a good example, as in the complete- ness of the fortifications and harbour defences at Sydney and Melbourne. Few men have done more for the cause of Imperial Federation than tlie late Professor of IModern History in the University of Cambridge. By his invaluable work on ' The Expansion of England,' and by nume- rous other writings, 8ir John Seeley lias done more CHAP IV 1888 87 than any other man to open the minds of the reading public to the facts of Empii e, and to educate them in the lessons which a far-sighted patriotism would incul- cate in applying the teachings of history to the political problems of the day. To Professor Seeley's influence at Cambridge was mainly due the interest taken there in the subject, and the formation and maintenance of a well-supported University Branch of the Imperial Fede- ration League. It was fitting, therefore, that it should be by Professor Seeley that Lord Brassey was welcomed when he went to Cambridge to deliver the following address there before the University Branch of the League at its annual general meeting in February 1888. The meeting was held in the Guildhall, under the Presidency of Professor Seeley, with whom thei'e were on the plat- form, besides Lord Brassey himself, the Master of Trinity, Dr. McAlister, Canon Dalton, and Mr. J. X. Langley, whilst many distinguished members of the University were among the audience. Professor J. Pi. Seeley said that Lord Brassey, in appearing before them, sacrificed private inclination and paid the penalty of Ijeing far wiser than other men on the subject before them. Their President, Lord Rose- bery, had said that he thought English public men ought to make themselves acquainted witli the Empire by actual travel, and that he found his colleagues scared by this expression of opinion. But it could not have scared Lord Brassey. As to the cause they had at heart, there was scarcely any cause about which it was so easy to be sanguine. The difficulties might be gi'eat in themselves, but they seemed as nothing compared with the mighty forces which made for it. ' There are causes,' he con- tinued, 'which have reason on their side, but are ex- tremely difficult to explain or to commend to the multi- 88 1888 CHAP IV tude. Wise men say " this cause ought to win, but un- fortunately, such is the stupidity of mankind, it will not win." Again, there are causes of an opposite kind which are popular enough, but popular delusions. They are mere bubbles, which burst as soon as they are roughly handled. Public meetings may applaud, crowds may throw up their caps, but serious men, re.sponsible poli- ticians, turn away and hold aloof. Now, I (hinkwe may say that Imperial Federation belongs to neither class. It excites enthusiasm everywhere, and more and more; the longer it is considered. But it excites aLso the serious attention of statesmen. Those who turn away from it are not so often practical men as academic theorists. Look over our list of names ; our founder was Mr. Forster, our actual President is Lord Rosebery, and our Treasurer is here — I invite you now to listen to him — Lord Brassey.' Addbess to the University Branch op the Imperial Fkderatiox League, CAMRRinm:, FEP-RirAKY 1, 1888. Lord Brassey .said : — It can easily be understood that I should have been glad to postpone the public appear- ances which I have lately made in connection with the subject of Colonial Federation and the defence of the coaling-stations. Puljlic duty compels me to make u.se of the opportunity which presents itself now, and which may not recur. I am particularly glad to oljey the call of Professor Seeley and to come down to Cam])ridge. I appieciate the work which Professor Seeley has done as one of the great apostles in the cau.se of federation, and if I can do anything to help the Professor, I shall be glad to give my services to the good cause. It is unnecessary for me to urge upon your attention c\t\r IV 1888 80 till' various considorations wliidi make (li(> suhjrct of dui' Colonial ii'lations so important to luiglislinuMi. T miLi;ht. 2;ivo sttvrlliiij::; statist ics as to the conipai-at ivo growtli of population during llci- INlajc^sty's riMi^'n, Imt thoso intorestod could ^ct tliis information fiom a ro- n\arkal)lo pcniny publication issued by (lie liu|icrial Fede- ration League in coniiect ion with the Queen's .Jubilee. As l^ritons, we must bo proud ot' (lie i^reatness of our country, liie Motherland of many nations in a hiu;li and ra|)i(lly advancing; stage of ei\ ilisation. If it is a gri'at aeiiiev(>ment to have foundc^l these nations, we should sustain a loss of greatness if our splendid I'^mpire were dismontbei'ed. What are the prospects of holding together (he various parts of our grt\'it T.ritish l^iUipire ? 'Piiat is the question for consideration. Loi-d Kosebery has so fully exjilained the position and jiolii-y of the Imperial Federation Leagut^ that little remains to be said by siu-- ceeding speakers. The aim of the Tjcague at the pr(>sent time, as lie (luly said, is iio( to feniiulad' proposals t'(U" const i( utidiKil ehanges in (he i-ela(ions bt>t\\eeii the ('oliiiiies and (lie IMother-eounti'y, but to cultivate a seiUimeiit. And what is that seidiment 'I In (lir old count ly i( means a growing feeling of jiriilr in tln' Mplendid acliicv iMuents of her sons, who have gone forth to the waste plae(\s of (he earth to raise ujnunv nations of ICnglish-speal^ing people. O])] I'higland feels the allee- I ion of a iiiolhei' for the ('olonies, and she holds Iiefoii" them, in the face (vf the world, the shield of ;i gi'(>at I'anpire. And what is the sentiment wliieh we wish to cultivate in the ( 'olonies ? Tl is the deep and abiding sense that, they ar(> one with us, and that to remain in union with us is th(^ surest nu\ans to expand trail(>, to maintain a command of the sea, anil to wield the iullucncc of a 90 1888 CHAP IV first-class State. Union with England secures the abun- dant supply of capital and at the cheapest rate. Union means a common and an equal share in the glories of our history in the present and the past. I am glad to know that the policy of the League is thoroughly approved by responsible statesmen in the Colonies. When I lately visited Australia I was enter- tained, as an officer of the parent society, by the mem- bers of the branch establislied at Melbourne. Among the guests present on the occasion we had the privilege of seeing the Premier, Mr. Gillies, and this is what he said : — ' Although many persons may, perhaps, think that Lord Brassey may not be as eloquent as Mr. Gladstone, I venture to think that the sentiment which he has ex- pressed this evening has found an echo in the heart of eveiy gentleman seated at these tables. That sentiment is not simply to be recorded in the words " the unity of the Empire." We must add some other words to them before we can completely indicate the sentiment con- tained in Lord Brassey's address. It is the unity of the Empire truly, but it is also a protest against the dismem- berment of the Empire. For any one to say that the unity of the Empii^e can mean nothing, while the dis- memberment of the Empire might mean something, would be to me an uttei'ly unmeaning sentence. To me the unity of the Empire means no possibility of dismem- berment ; and while that is my conviction, the view en- tertained by the League in London for the federation of the Empire is one that not only commends itself to me in sentiment, but is cie that I will do everything in my power to give effect to. I agree with Lord Brassey that any attempt to mark out the absolute lines and limits upon which this should be done would be extremely rash and unwise ; and that what we are more imme- CHAP IV 1888 91 diately desiring to do is to endeavour to create, and to be convinced that we have created, one united and uni- versal sentiment on this subject ; and then, when all are of one mind, to endeavour to see the best way in which our aims can be accomplished. Unity is acknowledged always to be strength, and I have no doubt that if this Colony were polled to a man to-morrow there would be a very small percentage indeed, if any, wlio would tolerate, as far as their judgment and voice could control it, any dismemberment whatever of the British Empire. Once people are all clearly convinced that some particular thing is unattainable and impossible, like children in like circumstances, they soon give up the game. Now I say that, so far as I know, any attempt at dismem- berment of the British Empire at the present hour is absolutely and utterly hopeless. If any one entertains that idea, the sooner he gets it out of his mind the better. In coming here this evening I feel the greatest possible pleasure in being able to say to Lord Brassey that, as far as I know, the sentiments of the people of this Colony — and I can speak as to the sentiments of the Government, and, I feel quite confident, of Parliament also — the strongest possible desire they have is to do all they can to draw closer and closer the bonds of union between this and the Mother-country. The demon- strations of loyalty that have been exhibited during the present week in this Colony and all over the Colonies of the Australasian group clearly indicate, beyond all doubt or question, that that is the united sentiment of the whole of the Australian people. That that sentiment will grow and increase to vast degrees I do not doubt for a moment ; and should the hour ever come when their real sentiments are likely to be decided, I don't hesitate to say that there will l)e no stronger expression of 92 1888 CHAP IV opinion throughout the whole of the Empire than that of those on this side of the sea in favour of supporting the unity of the Empire, and of preventing any disin- tegration of it whatever.' Having quoted observations made in my presence at Melbourne, I desire to complete the representation of Colonial sentiment in Australia by quoting from some speeches delivered at about the same date in Sydney, at a dinner given by the Premier, Sir Henry Parkes, to the surviving members of the first Legislative Assembly of New South Wales. All the speeches breathed the same sentiment. The Speaker of the Legislative Assem- bly, Sir John Hay, said that ' they indeed felt the full advantages of union with the Mother-country, and recog- nised that they could only by maintaining it reap the benefits of the independence which they had obtained. Such was the feeling of the first Legislature of the Colony, of which they were the living representatives, and such had continued to be the feeling of Australians ever since. . . . Tlie union of the Empire was not merely a sentiment ; it was a necessity, if not for the mere existence of the Empire, certainly for its greatness. That Great Britain should remain in intimate union with its Colonies of Canada and Australia was absolutely necessary for its expanded trade, for its command of the sea, and for its influence as a first class State ; and that the Colonies sliould i-emain united with Great Britain was almost necessary for their safety, and entirely so for their rapid extension in commerce and wealth.' Sir John Ptobertson, a former Premier, * hoped and prayed that the Colonies might so build up themselves that they might be a credit to our race ; that they would so build themselves up that they would not sever them- selves from the old country by any paltry rubbish — such. CHAP IV 1888 93 for instance, as the federation of the Colonies to the exclusion of the old land . What did we owe to the other Colonies 1 Nothing ! What did we owe to the Mother- country 1 Everything ! ' I will quote from one more speaker, Sir W. Manning, a distinguished judge. In proposing the toast of the Union of the Empire he said : — ' Union we have at present between Great Britain and all her existing Colonies, in every sense short of that intimate federation which has been so much discussed of late under various forms. . . . Perfect unity may not be attainable with bodies of people so remote from each other and. having each its local interests ; but God grant it may be the Empire's happiness to have as much of it as can be won and kept by patriotic feeling, by national pride, and the ties of race and blood, and by wise statesmanshii^ and well-governed temper, both at home and in the Colonies. For my own part — old colonist as I am— I have never for one moment felt myself to be other than as a unit in the Great British Empire, and have never conceived of this country as other than an integral part of it.' Turning to the state of public opinion at home on the su]>ject of federation, the change that has taken place was described by Lord Derby in a sjoeech delivered at Edinburgh. ' For years,' he said, ' after I entered Parliament, in 1849, the doctrine which found most favour was that a Colonial Enipii'e added nothing to real strength, involved needless expense, and increased liability to war. But now everybody is for holding the Colonies which Ave have got, and many people are in favour of founding new ones.' The mutual advantages of union were powerfully urged by Mr. Deakin at the Colonial Conference : — ' We cannot imagine any description of circumstances by 94 1888 ftHAP IV Avhich the Colonies should bo humiliated or weakened, or their power lessened, under which the Empire would not be itself humiliated, weakened, and lessened. And we are unable to conceive any circumstances under which the wealth or power of the Colonies would be increased, which would not increase in the same degree the wealth and status of the Empire.' The general view, thus eloquently put, may be illus- trated by reference to every department of the affairs of the State. It is eminently true in relation to diplomacy. If they lost their membership of the Empire, the Aus- tralias would lose the services of our diplomatists, and the support derived from the knowledge that the whole weight of the Empire would be behind them in any representation which might be made to the French or otlier Governments on matters in which the Colonies are interested. The connection with the British Empire is not less valuable to the Colonies in relation to naval defence. In support of proposals for a contribution to meet the cost of a reinforcement of the Australian squadron. Admiral Sir George Tryon truly said, ' The British Admiralty can give to the Colonies the advantage attached to a force organised on our system. It can supply officers and men trained to modern ships and modern appliances. It can give homogeneity to the whole forces of the nation ; and it could do this at a cost far less than would be entailed by any other plan that has yet been devised.' In the organisation of their land forces, altliough the assistance rendered from home has been comparatively slender, it has been of no small advantage to the Colonies to obtain the services of Imperial officers. At the Colonial Conference a desire was expressed for the appointment of an officer of rank as Inspector General. CHAP IV 1888 95 It has been further suggested that the colonel of every uiilitia regiment should be selected from the regular army. In considering the policy to be pursued by the Mother-country in relation to the defence of Australasia, it sliould not be put out of view that the Colonies have spent altogether fourteen millions of money on their defences, and that they have now a force of 3i,000 men and an armament of 600 guns. It may be difficult to frame plans for closer federa- tion. Something is gained if we admit its desirability. Much is gained if it is known that statesmen in all parts of the Empire are giving consideration to the subject, not with the view of bringing about separation, but with the earnest desire of cementing our union more closely. At the recent Colonial Conference the advisability of establishing a body of an Imperial character to deal with the question of defence was brought strongly into view by the discussion relating to defence in its financial aspect. It was Mr. Service who truly said that the Parliament sitting in London is, in a sense, only a local Parliament for the United Kingdom. There are certain Imperial functions which it wovild be desirable to deal with by the establishment of a council which would in- clude representatives from the Colonies. In assisting the joint contribution for common objects, whether for naval defence, for harbour defence, for postal subsidies, for ocean telegi-aphs, or for any other Imperial object, the Government at home is hampered, and the several Colonies are hampered, by the fear of opposition, prob- ably raised for party purposes. These difficulties were brought into view by the Conference ; but the meeting of that Conference was a proof of the mutual confidence and the deep affection which bind together the Mother- country and her children. 96 1888 CHAP IV Though we have not arrived at a stage when plans for the purpose can be formuhited, the problem of federa- tion is constantly in the contemplation of statesmen both at home and in the Colonies. Speaking in the •Sydney Parliament on November 2G, 1887, on the second reading of the Australasian Naval Forci; Bill, the Premier, Sir Henry Parkes, made use of these words : — ' Now, whatever might be the future of these Australian Colonies, he for one did not believe it would be a copy of anything that had gone before. He did not believe that at any time these Colonies would copy the constitution of the United States. lie did not think they would copy any of the ancient republics. He believed it was within the range of human probability that the great groups of free communities connected with England would in separate confederations be united to the Mother-country — not by any scheme which had been called Imperial Federation, but by the Empire being a compact central power, and the groups of free communities, such as the North American Colonies, these Australian Colonies, the African Colonies, and the settle- ments of India, would be great gi'oups of independent peoples connected by one new bond with the parent State. And he also thought that in all reasonable probability, by some such distinct bond, even the United States of America would be connected with this great English people. He believed the circumstances of the world would develop some such new complex nationality as that, in which each of the parts would be free and independent while united in one grand whole which would civilise the globe. That was the hope he had of the nation and its future progress and civilisation. ' He believed that England at this moment was the greatest and most influential governing Power on the ciiAr IV 1888 97 face of the earth. He said the most influential govern- ing Power — because she had a greater and wider-spread moral influence in the aflairs of the world than Germany, or France, or Russia, or the United States : and because she wielded that power and influence with consummate skill, and exercised it more beneficially than any Power which had exercised its influence in any period of human history. She had been the great civiliser throughout this century.' AYhile we have no plan to propose, the Imperial Federation League may justly claim some credit for having initiated the first great Conference of represent- atives of the Colonies in London. When the present Government took oflice, a deputation fi'om the League Laid a proposal before Lord Sali-tibury for a Colonial Conference, which was favourably received. The happy results are equally appreciated in the Mother-country and in the Colonies. In the absence of a plan, we have seen in recent instances what sentiment can accomplish. We have seen it in the raising of a regiment in Canada to help us in the Crimean war. W"e have seen it in the despatch of a contingent to the Soudan. We have seen it in tlie complete success of the Colonial Conference. I was in Australia at the time when the representatives of the several Colonies were returning to their homes, and saw the enthusiastic welcome which was accorded them. I should like to conclude with a few woi-ds taken from a speech delivered at the time to which I refer by Mr. Deakin to his constituents in Victoria. Referrins to the Conference, he said, ' Of all the signs of the times within recent years among English-speaking people no sign has been more important than that Conference with closed doors. And what sign of the times has u 98 1888 CHAP IV appeared which has expressed and symbolised as that meeting did the greatness, the extent, and the magni- tude of the British Empire 1 ^^'liat a story of enter- prise, what a romance of the energy of the race, what a tale of the past, and what a promise for the future is written in that Conference ! ' The reference is interesting to the speecli made by Mr. Duncan Gillies, as Premier of Victoria, at the ban- quet in Melbourne given to Lord Brassey in the previous year, his own speech on the occasion having already been printed. It was not only very natural and appropriate but it was distinctly serviceable that he should take this opportunity, shortly after his I'eturn from Australia, of letting people at home hear, by means of actual quota- tions from their speeches, tlie sentiments expressed by leadine; men in the Colonies when addressing gatherings of their own people in their own Colonies. This Lord Brassey has done here, not only in the case of Mr. Gillies, but by quotations from many other leading politicians of Australia. A meeting in connection Avith the Glasgow and West of Scotland Branch of the Imperial Federation League was held on October 24, 1888, in the Merchants' House, for the purpose of hearing an address by Lord Brassey. Amongst those present were : — Lord Rosebery, Sir James King (Lord Provost) ; Mr. Hozier, M.P., Sir Charles Tennant, Sir J. Gibson-Maitland, Sir J. Bain, Sir Frede- rick Young, Sir Hugh Montgomery, Colonel Harrington Stuart, Professors Gairdner and Ramsay, and the Rev. Dr. Marshall Lang. CHAP IT 1888 99 Letters of apology were read from the Marquis of Lome, the Earl of Glasgow, President of the Branch, and others. Lord Rosebery, having been invited to take the chair, said : — My duty is a very simple one. It is that of introducing Lord Bi-assey to a Glasgow audience on the suljject of Imperial Federation. "We are perpetually told that Imperial Federation is a noble dream, but nothing more, and that it must be put in a more concrete form before it can recommend itself to men of business. Now Lord Brassey is not a di'eamer of dreams. He is no visionary philosopher ; he is no random rhetorician. He is a man of business ; but he is more than a man of business, lie is probably the greatest amateur traveller at this moment. Lord Brassey has travelled through the British Empire, not in the simple, broad manner in which some of us perform that task for want of time, but he has, so to speak, looked into every nook and crevice of the British Empire, into every part of it, and this man of business comes back to you and will tell you tliat he is convinced that Imperial Federation is a necessity for this Empire — a necessity of the near future. Address delivered at the Merchants' House, Glasgow, October 24, 1888. Lord Brassey, who was I'eceived with applause, said : — ■ I appreciate very highly the honour of being invited to address a meeting in Glasgow in the short interval of rest which the day of business affords. Appearing here as one of the treasurers of the Imperial Federation League, I have a subject of great importance to bring before you. It is a subject which, if not yet ripe for legislation, is certainly ripe for the discussions which, H 2 100 1888 CHAP lY under a popular Government, must precede legislation. What is the object of the League which I represent 1 Broadly stated, it is to preserve that noble British Empire which Scotchmen have done so much to build up and to maintain. What is the foundation upon which the maintenance of the union must rest 1 Upon the natural and mutual affection of the Mother-country and the Colonies. It is the first aim of tlie League to cultivate that sentiment ; and it is with deep satisfaction that we note the many indications both at home and in the Colonies of the growth of that sentiment. It is striking its roots more deeply, and spreading more widely, day by day. At home we have had the Colonial Exhibition, and the cordial interchange of kindnesses to which it gave occasion. More recently we have had that suc- cessful Colonial Conference, the first, but not the last, of those deliberations which must gradually lift us up to the establishment of a standing council of advice on the external policy of the Empire. I have recently had an opportunity of gauging the public feeling of the Colonies towards the Mother-country. I witnessed the celebration of Her Majesty's Jubilee in several parts of Australia. At Melbourne I saw a Colonial army — 8,000 strong — - march past to the tune of 'The Old Folks at Home.' Again and again, on every public occasion, I heard ' God Save the Queen ' sung by young and old, with an inten- sity of feeling which gave to our grand old National Anthem a deep political significance. To our Colonial fellow-subjects the Queen is the personal emblem of that unity of the Empire which they value with patriotic devotion and are firmly resolved to maintain. The Colonies have lately had an opportunity of showing their loyalty to the cause of Imperial union in a practical form. At the Colonial Conference they were invited, CHAP IV 1888 101 and agreed, to bear the cost of a special squadron for Australian waters. This is an earnest of their willing ness to share in the burdens of taxation for Imperial defence. In several of the Colonial Parliaments the Australasian Navy Bill passed through all its stages by acclamation in a single sitting. Let us briefly pass in review the advantages which the unity of the British Empire offers to all its members. We have seen within the span of a single generation the map of Eui'ope completely reconstructed. Dynasties have succumbed to nationalities ; Cxermans, Greeks, Slavs, Italians, are coming together. How shall we hold our own in face of this new adjustment of political power ? Is it not clear that, if we wish to retain our high place among the nations, we Britons must stand shoulder to shoulder, as members of one united nationality ? The union of the Empire is a source of strength to the Colonies not less than to ourselves. As independent governments, their representations might be unheeded at Berlin and at Paris. As members of a great Empire, they command respectful attention. Our diplomacy will be more and more effective as it is seen that we mean to stand together, regarding the interests of the Colonies as our interests, and their concerns as oar concerns. In relation to naval defence, union with the Empire gives to the Colonies the protection of a great Navy, at the least cost, and with an efficiency not attainable in a small service without traditions and without experience. While the Imperial connection is helpful to the Colonies, it secures a valuable addition to the mai'itime resources of the Empire. The mercantile marine of Canada ranks fifth in the merchant navies of the woi'ld. The maritime population, owing to the great development of the fisheries, is numerous, out of all proportion to the great 102 1888 CHAP IV tonnage of the shipping. No country in the world offers such a splendid field for the recruitment of a naval reserve. Australian shipping enterprise is less extensive than in Canada, but the appropriation of public money is e.Kceedingly liberal for the purposes of naval defence. In I'elatioii to military strength, by preserving the unity of the Empire we receive a valuable reinforcement ; in fact, the same principle applies to military matters as to naval. We provide the standing army of the Empire. The Colonies give us a force in reserve. The census of 1881 showed that the North American Colonies con- tained more than 450,000 men of the militaiy age, and I believe I am correct in saying that one-fifth of the number have l^een trained to arms. In Australia the organised force of militia, including a large propoi-tion of most efficient cavalry, may be reckoned by thousands. In New Zealand the Volunteer force is over 10,000 strong. Looking to the geographical position on the Hank of India, it is evident we may rely for effective support from Austi'alasia in the defence of the Eastern Empire. If we consider the Colonies as customers for British goods, the connection is surely well worth preserving. The Colonies and India take 35 per cent, of the whole value of our exports. Our trade with the American dependencies has increased more than twentyfold, and with Australasia fiftyfold, within the term of the Queen's happy reign. Our Colonial trade has shown growth and elasticity at a time when trade was shrinking or stationary in every other quarter of tlie globe. It has been our policy in the pa.st to give to the Colonies an unrestrained fieedomin their fiscal legislation. They have, for the. most part, adopted a strong protectionist policy, but they liavc put the Mother-country on the tHAP IV 1888 lOB footing of the most fa^■ourecl nation. The value of that, position is sufficiently attested by a comparison of the volume of our exports to North Amei-ica north and south of the Canadian frontier. It is difficult to see how the interests of any Colony would be advanced by union with another State which would treat them with less liberality than the Mother- country has displayed. In Canada proposals have been made for a commercial union with the United States. Let us trace the probable consequences of such a policy. They have been very clearly pointed out by the veteran Premier of Canada, Sir John Macdonald. Commercial union with the United States would mean a hostile tariff to Great Britain. A hostile tariff would make us less disposed than we now are to defend Canada. Hence, commercial union with the United States would lead to separation from the Mother-country. Annexation to the United States would be the next step, and submis- sion to the fiscal laws of that country — to conditions laid down in the interests of the Pennsylvanian iron- masters and the New England manufacturers — would mean certain ruin to the rising Canadian industries. Passing from trade and commerce, the financial benefit to the Colonies from the Imperial connection is sufficiently obvious. It enables them to raise the loans they require for the development of their resources on terms which would certainly not be accepted if they came to us as independent States. Unity brings to the Empire yet another source of strength. It enlists in the common cause the abilities of the rising statesmen of the self-governing Colonies, The power of these men made itself felt, and was most fully recognised, on the occasion of the Colonial Con- ference. The unity of the Empire is worth preserving, 104 1888 CHAP IV not alone for the material advantages which it gives. Citizenship of our far-extending Empire gives to each of us an ennoblinsf sense that we shai-e in all that makes the British Empire great — in its commerce, in its power, in its literature, in its history, and in all the w^ork it has done and may yet do in the cause of freedom. The passionate desire to keep the Empire together is a senti- ment at which the cynics may smile ; but it is a senti- ment, as the Master of Trinity so well said in his eloquent speech in London, that statesmen will turn to account. Having urged the advantages of the Imperial con- nection, I may make the admission that there is a party in the Colonies, not formidable, how^ever, in numbers or influence, who are in favour of severing the connection with the Mother-country. They argue that, as indepen- dent States, the Colonies would be better able to follow the path of peaceful progress along which they have been moving. They think they would be more free from the risks of war for dynastic interests, or for adjustments of boundaries in distant regions of the earth with which they have no concern. The course which has been pur- sued in recent years by our Foreign Ministers under successive Governments must tend to allay the appre- hensions of an aggressive policy. The objects chiefly in view in the direction of the foi'eign affairs of the British Empire at the present time are to guard India fiom external foes and to make our communications with our Colonies secure. These are objects of common interest to the Colonies and to ourselves. Already the influence of the Colonies is a guiding force in the external policy of the Empire. But we shall arrive in due time at .something more than a tacit understanding, and the Impeiial Federation League is not without a policy, in relation to the inevitable changes of the future. That CHAP IV 1888 105 policy was indicated in the admirable speech hy Lord Kosebery at Leeds. It is the aim of the Imperial Federation League to prepare the public opinion of this country for the admission of the Colonies to a larger share than they have yet obtained in the direction of the external affairs of the Empire. The first step to Imperial federation is Colonial federation. In Canada the Government has been remodelled on the principle of federation, and we may look in the near future to a federation of the Australian Colonies. In the interval which must elapse before a scheme of Imperial federation is matured, the Colonies will be growing in wealth and population and culture. With their growth we must be prepared for a demand for a larger share of control. Most thoroughly do I concur with Lord Rosebery, that it will be wisdom to make some sacrifice of our insular freedom of action on behalf of our giant offspring abroad. I hope I have given sufficient reasons for the exist- ence of our League. It was organised under our first president, Mr. Forster — a name never to be mentioned without veneration by Englishmen — to help in the great cause of the unity of the Empire. Under another statesman of great power and promise, we are stead- fastly labouring to-day with the same lofty aim. As an old yachtsman and a man of many voyages, I will ex- press the hope that I may sometimes be able to carry to the Colonies the assurance of the regard in which they are held at home, and bring back some message of reciprocal affection. If this, the most cherished aim of my life, be in any degree fulfilled, 1 belie\e that I shall be doing the best service to my country which it is in my power to render. 106 1888 CHAP IV The speech made by Lord Rosebery at Leeds to which Lord Bi'assey refers in the above address was an im- portant one. It had been delivered by Jjord Rosebery only a fortnight or so before the Glasgow meeting, in reply to an address presented to him by the Leeds Chamber of Commerce. After alluding to the supreme interest of commerce in this country, Lord Rosebery took occasion to point out the extent to which our Foreign policy has become a Colonial policy. ' A great change,' he said, ' has come over the whole of our Foreign policy dui'ing tlie last twenty years. I think you will see a greater change in the next twenty years. Our Foreign j)olicy has become more of a Colonial policy, and is becoming every day more entwined with our Colonial ijiterests. Formerly our Foreign policy was mainly an Indian policy ; it was mainly guided by considerations of what was best for our Indian Empire. That brought us into many complications which we might otherwise have avoided, l)ut which we felt were rightly faced to save so splendid a possession ; but now, owing to causes which I will point out to you. Colonial influences must necessai'ily overshadow our Foreign policy. ' III the first place, our Colonial comnmnities are rising to a pitch of power which makes it natural for us to listen to them whenever they make repi*esentations on their own behalf — and they do make constant repre- sentations on th(;ir own l)ehalf. In the next place, we find that the other Powers are beginning a career of Colonial aggrandisement. "We formerly did not have in our Foreign affairs to trouble ourselves much with Colonial questions, l)ecause we had a monopoly of Colonies. That monopoly has ceased ; but consider for a moment, as matters stand now, how largely our Foreign policy is a Colonial })()Ucy. CHAr IV 1888 107 'Why, oui- principal question of Foreign policy at this moment may be said to be the Fisheries dispute between Canada and the United States. It is difficult for some of us — it is difficult at any rate for myself — to consider the United States as a Foreign Power, but the United States in these Colonial questions has interests totally different from ours or those of Canada, and in dealing with Canadian questions it is clear that the voice of Canada must sound loud in the councils of the Foreign Office. If you look a little further you find a constant source of irritation in Newfoundland in regard to the Fisheries question, which rendered it impossible to ratify a Convention made on the subject with France. That, again, shows the extent to which Colonial policy has become Foreign jiolicy. When you look at Africa you find a similar change. If you look at some of the maps that are published you will see the whole continent portioned out among the various Powers ; which means that instead of your policy lieing an insular Foreign policy, you are now a Power with boundaries adjoining those of three or four European States on the continent of Africa. We pass now to Asia, we pass to Thil)et. You have alluded to the question of trade with Thibet. I confess I am in favour of a pacific solution of that question, of the extension of commerce, by carrying it forward peacefully and not by force of arms. But in Asia, again, we do not find oui^selves free from this Colonial trouble. France has got a great territory there. We are adjacent to French territory in Asia, which again makes us almost a co-terminous Power with France where we used not to Ite. ' Pass on to Australia. In the Pacific you have two spheres of iiifiuence, of England and Germany, as accurately marked out as the division between York- 108 1888 CHAP IV shire and Laiicasliiiv. You are a co-terminous power with Germany in the Pacific. In questions relating to the Pacific the voice of your Colonial conniiunity in Australia must be loudly heard, the voice of Australia must be almost paramount in the councils of the Foreign Office with regard to these questions. Take another instance of what I mean. The two questions which we had to regulate with Germany, in 1886 at any rate, were questions relating to Zanzibar and Samoa, questions relating to the Colonial development of Germany and quite outside ordinary European diplomacy. "When you come to approach almost every foreign question at this moment you find the Colonial interest inseparable, and in future your Colonial policy must be a preponderating factor in your Foreign policy as well. Just think what a wide interval separates the Foreign policy I have endeavoured to describe from the Congress of Vienna, when we were engaged as our sole concern in a})portiou- ing the map of Europe.' These considerations, Lord Rosebeiy went on to say, led him to another point of oui" policy on which he thought Chambers of Connnerce should assist in forming public opinion. 'The p(M)ple of this country,' lie said, ' will, at a not too distant time, have to make up their minds what footing they wish their Colonies to occu])y with respect to them, or wlicthcr they desire their Colonies to leave them altogether.' This question, he said, was worthy of the co]isideration of our great com- mercial connnunities on the ground of commercial intere.st alone, if on no other, and that considei'ati<»n sh(»uld be prompt, Itecause the question of the retention of our Colonies might Ik; .S})rung upon us at any moment by some unforeseen accident. And tlien he caiiic to the particulai' point to wliivh Lord Brassey alludtd. 'You CHAP IV 1888 109 cannot,' lie told his hearers, 'obtain the great Ixxm of ;i peaceful Empire, encircling the globe with a bond of commercial unity and peace, without some sacrifice on your part. No great benefit — no such benefit as that — can be oljtained without a sacrifice. You will have, as I think, to admit the Colonies to a much larger share in your affairs than you do at present. You will have to give them a right to prompt the voice of England when it speaks alji'oad to a much greater extent than at present. You must be prepared for demands, some- times unreasonable, such as spoiled children make. You must be prepared in some respects to diminish your own insular freedom of action on behalf of your giant off- spring abroad. But to my mind the sacrifice is worth it. 'The cause which we call Imperial Federation, for want of a better name, is worthy not merely of the attention of Chambei-s of Commerce, but of the devotion of the individual lives of the people of this country. For my pai't, if you will forgive me this little bit of egotism, I can say from the bottom of my heart that it is the dominant passion of my public life. Ever since I traversed those great i-egions which own the sway of the Biitish Crown outside these islands I have felt that it was a cause which merited all the enthusiasm and energy that a man could give tf) it. Tt is a cause foi- which anyone might Ije content to live ; it is a cause for which, if needs be, anyone might be content to die.' Lord Rosebei-y's speech at Leeds, as well as Lord Brassey's address at Glasgow, evoked considerable com- ment, almost always favourable in tone, in the public press, and so far fulfilled in themselves the ' aim of the League, preparing public opinion for the constitutional changes necessary to carry out the policy of Imperial Federation. 110 1888 CHAP IV In the same year, 1888, Lord Brassey nmde some other important contributions to the discussion of Colonial questions. In February he read a paper before the Royal Colonial Institute on ' Work and Wages in Australia.' In the same month he delivered an address in the Free Trade Hall in Manchester on the subject of State Colonisation, and followed this up in the follow ing November with a paper on the same subject in Liverpool. These papei'S ai-e not, perhaps, sufficiently germane to the general subject of the speeches printed in this volume to find a place among them in the body of the work ; but they are of considerable interest and value in themselves, and, as bearing expressly on Colonial questions generally, although not directly on tlte ' Colonial Question ' specially so-called — viz. the Imperial rela- tionshii^ of the Colonies with the Mother-countiy and witli each other— are clearly entitled to a place within the covers of this vohmie. These matters are accordingly placed in the Appendix. To the paper on ' Work and Wages in Australia' has been appended a thoughtful speech, made by Lord Dunraven, from the chair, in the discussion that ensued uj)oii the reading of the paper. There is added to the papers on State-aided colonisa- tion a very instructive letter upon the results of an experi- ment in Canadian colonisation, addressed by Lord Brassey to the ' Times ' two years later, in 1891. CHAPTER V 1889-91 Address at Keigliley Chamber of Commerce— League Dinner: His Speech in Reply to ' The Navies of the Empire '—The Duke of Westminster and Lord Brassey at Cliester: Lecture on ' Our Colonial Empire ' there— All-importance of Imperial System of Defence — Tlie Colonies should be invited to join — The League and a Second Conference — Correspondence between Lord Rosebcry and Lord Salisbmy — An Imperial Council of Defence : Speech at a League Meeting in Liver- pool, 1890— Eesolution moved by Lord Brassey at Annual Meeting of League -Lord Houghton and Lord Brassey at Leeds, IS'Jl — Circumstances of Time, Beliring Sea, Newfound- land Fisheries, Australian Federation — Speech at Leeds — A Colonial Council Defence Question Ripe for Settlement — Not so that of Customs Union— Conferences and Commis- sions — Sir Bevan Edwards"s Report on Australian Defences — Speech in House of Lords on Military Contributions of Crown Colonies — Lords Knutsford and Kimberley and ;\Ir. Stanhope on same Subject— Article in ' Nineteenth Century ' —Speech at Public Meeting at Brighton. Address deliveked before the Keighlet Chamber OF Commerce, Mauch 8, 1SS9. Lord Brassey begy cstablishijig independent navies of their own, Ave should by that means, as well as any other, practically contribute to the maintenance of the I 114 1889-91 CHAP V unity of the Eni})iiL'. He Avas not there to discuss the question of the Navy, Init he would say that the Navy was obA'iously itself one of the chief links l)y which iii a practical way the Mothei'-countiy and the Colonies were bound together. He ]iailed with satisfaction the pro- posals now before Parliament. At the dinner of th(> League — at that time an annual event — held in June of this year, Lord Herschell being in the chair, Lord Bvassey replied for 'The Navies of the Empire ' included in the toast of ' The Services of the Crown.' He said : — Speech at League Dinxer, 1889. Lord Herschell and Gentlemen, — I have much pleasure in i-esponding for the Navy. The subject is a large one, and I cannot, in the few words I shall addi-ess to you, treat it in many of its aspects. I will confine myself to the point of view from which we regard the Navy as members of the Imperial Federation League. As such we all recognise the services of the Navy— the essential services of the Navy — as the jiioneer of our great colonising enterprises, and at the present time, and in all time to come, the Navy is the shield — the effective sliield — that the United Empire holds iii front of every one of its Colonies for protection against all external foes. I cordially congratulate the present Covernment on the success with which they have carried through an arrangement by whicli we have been aljle to reinforce — to largely reinforce —our fleet in Australasian waters by » CHAP V 1889-91 115 means of tlie joint contributions of the Colonies and the Motlier-count)y. That arrangement was the most im- portant practical outcome of our first Colonial Confer- ence. 1 hail the success of that Conference. It is, I think, a happy augury for the future. I would urge upon the Government another sugges- tion, having for its object the strengthening of our naval position in the Colonies. AVhen I was in AustraHa I was impressed with the desirabiUty of the establishment, at an early date, of a Naval College upon the lines, though perhaps not quite on the scale, of that which we have at home on board the 'Britannia.' I am quite sure if we desire the Colonies cordially to contribute in ever- increasing sums, we must be pre- pared to give commissions in the services largely to Colonial officers. The means by which that idea can be best carried out is by the establishment of a Naval College on the Australasian seaboard. I should like to see another such college in Canada. I believe such schools would not only be valuable from a purely naval point of view, but would give the Colonies additional puljlic schools, inspired by the traditions that are derived from such a great service as that of the Navy. I must not omit to mention the Colonial Navies. Amongst the recollections I most value of a recent journey in the Australasian Colonies, not the least interesting are the Coloinal Navies. We have great cause to appreciate the public spirit which has been displayed by our Colonies in the inauguration of these young forces, and we may look upon them with a deeper interest, because we know that, so long as the present deep feeling of mutual affection exists, the strength of those naval forces is our strength, just as much as our I 2 116 1889-91 cuAp V strength is their strength. I thank you very much for the way in which you have honoured this toast. In October, Lord Brassey delivered a lecture on 'Our Colonial Empire,' at Chester, the Duke of West- minster taking the chair, and there being present also H.R.H. the Duchess of Teck and the Princess Victoria of Teck, now Duchess of York. It was characteristic and natural — and yet it might not have occurred to everyone to do it — that, on being invited to deliver an address in the county where his family had been settled for centuries. Lord Brassey should select a subject tend- ing to cultivate the spirit of patriotism which, in his opening sentences, he so truly associates with that love of ' home ' of which the love of ' country ' is but the widest expansion. And the form of patriotism which he sought to inculcate was, it is needless to say, the highest and Inoadest of all, not only National but Im- perial. Like other .speeches of this and the previous year, the following is an exhaustive review of the position of the Colonies and the Colonial question by the light of his own unique experiences. Lecture delivered at Chester, October 22, 18S9. It was my privilege, many years ago, to hear Lord Palmerston's .speech, delivered as Lord Warden of the Cin<]ue Poits, to the assembled Volunteers at Dover, hi his stirring appeal to the patriotism of his audience, he said, and said truly, ' A man should begin by loving CHAr V 1889-91 117 his home and liIs family. Next he sliould love his parish, and then his county ; and if he loves these, he will be certain to love his country well.' Speaking for myself, I have a warm attachment to the ancient city and county of Chester,' and I hope that my local affec- tions for this place may be some help in cultivating a sense of patriotism. Having received your kind invitation to deliver an address, I have been guided in the choice of a subject by the desire to turn to best account for the present occasion such expei'iences as I have gained in a varied and active life, and especially as an old yachtsman. It is not in everybody's way to have traversed the wide seas as I have done, and to have visited every part of that great British Empire on which the sun never sets. In the course of voyages, I have been led to Newfoundland, our most ancient Colony, barren and bleak, but rich in its harvests of the sea. I have visited the maritime provinces of Canada, whose shipping ranks among the most important of all the merchant navies of the world. I have ascended the St. Lawrence to the historic city of Quebec. I have seen Toronto and Montreal, creations almost of the pi'esent generation, yet already worthy to be the capitals of provinces as big as kingdoms. Taking an eastward sweep, I have followed along the line of our great and invaluable coaling-stations, from Gi^Draltar to Hong Kong, and back l)y way of the Mauritius, the Cape of Good Hope, and Sierra Leone. I have seen the snows of the Himalayas and the harbours of Ceylon. I have circumnavigated Australia. Having seen so much of our vast Empire, it is natural to cherish a patriotic hope that we shall not, by any failure of statesmanship or want of sym- pathy, allow these .spreading bi'anches to be severed 118 1889-91 CHAP V from the grand old stem from ^^■lucll they have sprung. I have referred to my personal experiences ; but you, citizens of the noblest colonial Empire which tlie world has yet seen, will not need the opportunities oE travel in order to feel a pride in our other and greater England which lies beyond the seas. Dui'ing the celebi-ation of Her Majesty's Jubilee, when we were passing in review the national progress of her fifty beneficent years, the growth of the Colonies was one of the most fascinating and popular topics which came prominently into view, In the fifty years 1837 to 1887, the area governed by the Queen, exclusive of Great Britain, increased from 1,100,000 to 8,400,000 square miles; the European population of the Colonies increased from 2,000,000 to 10,000,000 ; the coloured population from 98,000,000 to 262,000,000 ; and the State revenues from £24,000,000 to £122,000,000. The maintenance of the Colonial connection is of value as a source of strength for the defence of the Empire, not less than as an outlet for our commerce. When I was serving at the Admiralty, it was my duty to consider how best we could meet the growing forces of the Continental Powers. The consolidation of em- pires on the basis of a common nationality was in active progress in all parts of Europe. If we were to hold our own against the fieets and armies of our powerful neighbours, it seemed essential tliat the British nation should remain undivided. Every step to consolidation and unity strengthens the defences of the Empire. The ofl'ers of assistance which we have from time to time received from Canada, the co-operation of her voyageurs on the Nile in th(! sad oxpeditiitn to Khartoum, the prolFered help from Houth Australia in a lime of difti- CHAP V 1889-91 119 culty ill Soutli Africa, the contingent sent from Sydney to the Soudan, the services of the native troops of India in the field in Egypt — all these are incidents which have shown to the world the wide resources at our command. In all the English-speaking Colonies the Volunteer movement is popular, and considerable forces have been enrolled. When I was in Australia at the period of the Queen's Jubilee, I was deeply impressed with the military bearing and the great numerical strength of the forces which were reviewed by the governors of the Colonies on that occasion. In Aus- tralasia an effective commencement has been made in the organisation of naval forces for coast and hax'bour defence. Canada, which has a seafaring population of 47,000 men inured to the hardships of one of the most turbulent oceans of the world — admii'able recruits for a powerful naval reserve — unfortunately has done little in the way of naval preparation. As yet the Colonies have not looked beyond their local self-defence. Hereafter they will do move. Australasia will be the commanding Power in the Pacific and the South Seas ; and in the defence of India she will be able in coming years, from her advantageous strategical position, to render invaluable aid to the Mother-country. Turning from the Imperial to the Colonial stand- point, it is obvious that serious loss would ensue to the Colonies from separation. Taking first the material interests of the Colonies, it is evident that they would suffer seriously. Separation would mean a much higher charge for those abundant supplies of capital which have been hitherto furnished by the Mother-country on such easy terms. Over one hundred and fifty millions of Brirish capital have, it is computed, been directly advanced to the Australasian governments. Canada ]-20 1889-91 cnAv V has borrowed some sixty millions. These loans have been indispensable for the material advancement of the Colonies. They have been expended on railways, canals, and public works ; and the extension of these essential facilities to the development of our Colonial prosperity, it is evident, would be seriously injured by any change which made it more difficult to borrow money from London. Certain it is that the Colonies would not borrow in London on the easy terms now accorded if iliey appeared as external Powers, and not as members of the great British Empire. The value of the Imperial connection may be put on higher and nobler "rounds than those which are con- nected with material interest. Sir Alexander Gait, the late Canadian High Commissioner, in a speech delivered in Scotland, expressed himself as follows : — ' Canada should not desire separation. What is the future it would give us ? We would l)ecoine an insignificant independent country. At present we belong to the greatest Empire in the world. It is our pride and our boast that we do so ; but if we separate and drift ofT, we exercise no influence on human affairs.' It will be interestina; to note some other recent declarations from men whose position entitles them to be regarded as representatives of public opinion. Canada is at present most ably represented in tliis country by her High Commissioner, the successor of Sir Alexander Gait, Sir Charles Tupper. He is a member of the Imperial Federation League, and ho has boldly advocated in the meetings of the League wjiat I may call a forward policy for the League, on the lines approved by his predecessor in office. There is good reason to believe that the voice of these representatives, these High Commissioners whom we so cordially welcome to this country, is truly the CHAP V 1889-91 121 voice of the Canadian people. An article recently pub- lished in the ' Quarterly Review,' and attributed to a writer of great authority and experience in Canadian aflairs, gives much encouragement to the friends of federation. He tells us that the people of the Dominion of Canada are firmly resolved on working out their own future apart from the United States. Tliey have been resolutely and successfully building up, not oidy a politicid, ])ut a mateiial independence. In Lower Canada, the Fi'ench population support the British con- nection as the best guarantee for the preservation of their institutions and their language intact. In the province of Ontario, traditions of loyalty to the British connection maintain a potent influence over the descendants of those who withdrew during the War of Independence across the Canadian frontier. Such being the state of opinion in Canada, let us hear wliat the responsible ministei's of Australia have said on this great question. Sir Henry Parkes is the oldest in years, and ranks second to none in personal authority, among the statesmen of Australia. The discu-ssion in the legislature of New South Wales on the Bill for giving responsible government to Western Australia, has recently afforded him tlie opportunity to give expression to the views which he lias long consistently held, and which I have had the privilege of hearing from his own lips. ' I have no dream,' he said, ' of separation, or of a diflerent form of government from tliat of the parent State. As an Australian, I aspire to create in the Antipodes a glorious chain of free commonwealths ; but I desire tliat these commonwealths should remain in alliance with the grand country from which all Australians have sprung.' During my visit to Australia, I was the guest at 122 1889-91 CHAP V Melbourne of the local brancli of the Imperial Federa- tion League. Mr, Gillies, the then Prime Minister, gave to the occasion the important sanction of his presence ; and in his speech he made an earnest declara- tion of his adhesion to the cause of federation, and to a policy of drawing closer and closer the bonds and links of the Imperial connection. We find the same opinions held even in colonies where the British settlers are in a minority of the population. At the Cape I had the opportunity, during a recent visit, of learning the views of Sir Gordon ►Sprigg, the Premier, and Mr. Hofmeyr, the leader of the Dutch party in the Cape Parliament. It may be interesting that I should mention that Sir Gordon Sprigg was formerly a reporter in the gallery of the House of Commons. The period of his professional career in that position was the period when Mr. Cobden was in his prime, and that experience, depend upon it, has not been without value to Sir Gordon Sprigg in tlie important position which he now holds in tlie Cape of Good Hope. Well, Sir Gordon Sprigg, though depen- dent on the Dutch for his majority, is a thorough Englishman. Mr. Hofmeyr, though a l_)utchman, has no desire whatever to weaken the British connection. He knows quite well that if our protection were with- drawn, the important strategical position at the Cape would be immediately seized by one or other of the great Powers, and that tlie Dutch population of tlie Cape would look in vain, under their new rulers, for the liberty and the considerate treatment which they enjoy under the British flag. Lord Carnarvon, as he has shown in his article in the ' Fortnightly Review,' left tlie Capo with the same impression. He feels assured tliat England, if well advised in her policy, m;iy look CHAP V 1889-91 123 with confidence to the true and loyal support of the able and eminent leaders of Dutch opinion at the Cape. I have quoted the opinions of Colonial statesmen. Now, how stands the case at home ? Shortly after the accession of the present Government to power, I had the honour of introducing a deputation from the Imperial Federation League to Lord Salisbury. In the course of his reply, the Prime Minister used these sympathetic words : — 'I do not ever remember any feeling having grown up so suddenly and obtained such a rapid increase, both in this country and in the Colonies, as the desire which is expressed for Imperial Federation. . . . The great object which is before this League, and which it has been the desire of this deputation to enforce, is that the Mother-country and the Colonies should act together on those matters which concern their conmion interest. That is a desire which, I believe, statesmen will always have to keep before them, and I am sure that Her Majesty's Grovernment will r-eciprocate the feelings which have been expressed in this rooin. I will lay before them what you have suggested, and take care that your arguments shall be well considered by the Cal>inet, and I am sure that we shall approach this question and consider the representations of this deputation, feeling that Ave are dealing with questions that will affect for many generations to come a \ast portion of the earth's surface, and many, many millions of the subjects of the Queen.' We have a later declaration from Lord Salisbury, arising out of the proceedings of that Conference which was convened in the year following that interview to which I have referred. This is what he said about the Colonial Con- ference : — ' We are all sensible that this meeting is the beginning of a state of things which is to have great 121 1889-91 CHAP V results in the future. It will be the parent of a long progeniture, and distinguished councillors of the Empire may, in some far-off time, look l:)ack to the meeting in this room as the root from which all their greatness and beneficence have sprung.' T have cited some weighty opinions in favour of the policy of Imperial Federation. It remains to ask our- selves whether the time is ripe for action on this great question. Let us gladly acknowledge that the relations between the Mother-country and the Colonies as they now exist, managed with tact and judgment, leave little to be desired. But if we look a few years ahead, we can clearly foresee that the changed conditions will require new adjustment. It is evident that, by the close of the century, the growth of the Colonies in popu- lation and in wealth will have been so considerable as to make it impossible, at any rate most extremely arduous, for the Mother-country to provide unaided for the defence of the Empire. Already Ijotli Canada and Australia have assumed the responsibility for their local defence. Australasia, under the recent agreement which grew out of that Colonial Conference, will share with the Mother-country the charge for the maintenance in Australian waters of naval forces for a wider sphere of defensive operations than one of mere coast and liarbour defence. A call such as we Jiavc; already made upcjn the Australian Colonies cannot l)o often repeated without admitting the Colonies to a shai'e in the direc- tion of the external policy of the Empire, even though they make no direct contribution to naval and military expenditure. The Colonies, in so far as they are open and liable to attack, are exposed to bear the brunt of any war in which the Mother-country may be engaged. Tlie necessity for paying deference to Colonial opinion CHAP V 1889-91 125 aiid Colonial interests is already i^ractically acknow- letlged more and more in the foreign policy of this country. Our statesmen instinctively shrink from engagements and commitments in all matters in which Colonial interests are concerned. From all these con- siderations, it is evident that we cannot much longer — I use these words not measured Ijy the period of time of a single human life, but with reference to the life of the nation — we cannot much longer remain under the present loose arrangements. I may claim, therefore, for the Imperial Federation League that it is doing good service by keeping the great (juestion with which it deals under the considera- tion of the public. It is not the business of the League to formulate schemes of federation. When i:)ublic opinion is ripe, it will be for responsible states- men at home and in the Colonies to formulate plans, to exchange views, and to arrive at a settlement. During the present year, the League has suggested another Con- ference for the purpose of discussion and deliberation. In a friendly reply, Lord Salisbury has expressed the opinion that, for the present, the proposal is premature. He desires to see further progress in Colonial con- federation, and some movement on the part of the Colonies themselves. I have said that it is not the part of the League to formulate plans. Our president. Lord Rosebery — we keep ouiselves in a perfectly neutral position by selecting our president from the Opposition and the vice-president from the Cabinet — has not gone further as yet tlian the enunciation of a general principle. 'The federation we aim at,' he said, 'is the closest possible union of the \ arious self-governing States ruled by the British Crown, consistently with that free development which is the birthright of British 126 1889-91 CHAP V subjects all over the world — the closest uniuu in sympathy, in external action, and in defence.' Various proposals have been put forward for the practical application of the main principle. That which seems to command, as yet, the most general favour was originally suggested by Earl Grey, some ten years ago. Earl Grey proposed the appointment of a federal com- mittee selected from the Privy Council. The idea thus shadowed forth has been worked out with greater ampli- tude of detail by Mr. Greswell, in an essay to which the prize offered by the London Chamber of Commerce was awarded. Among the judges were Mr. Froude and Sir Rawson Rawson. 'The Imperial assembly which we want,' says Mr. Greswell, 'must be an independent body, constitutional in its origin, representative in its character, and supreme in its decisions.' Such a body we have already in existence in the Privy Council. Its members are chosen, irrespective of party considerations, from among the most eminent of those who have done service to the State. To this body, Colonists of dis- tinguished public service could be elected. In consti- tuting the Imperial Committee of the Privy Council, representatives would or might be given to every part of the Empire, in proportion to the several contributions to the expenditure for the Imperial defences. The success with which the Senate of the United States has discharged its most important functions as a council of advice to the President in the department of foreign affairs may be cited as a practical illustration and a well- tried model, which those who may hereafter be charged with the responsibility of devising a similar institution might with advantage keep in their view. With the growth of great communities and the ever- increasing labours of government in counti'ies of a high CUAP V 1889-91 127 ,'Uid complicated civilisation, the uiethud of devolution seems to offer the only practical solution. But if, in rela- tion to all questions of local administration, the tendency has been to draw farther apart, on the other hand the possibilities of unity have become, and are daily becom- ing, greater in relation to other, and perhaps higher, aspects of human life and effort. Steam and the telegraph are potent factors in Imperial Federation. By these agencies, the preservation of the national unity is rendered more and more practicable. Looking outside the sphere of politics, facility of intercourse is making England more and more the social centre of the Empire. The ancient Universities of the Mother - country may long I'emain the great Imperial seminaries of learning ; our courts of law may remain the supreme courts of appeal. Learning, science, and the arts may have their centre in our noble capital. The Sovereign who reigns over our United Kingdom will, I trust, through all time remain the living personal symbol of the unity of all English-speaking people. Perhaps I have been arguing for federation too much on grounds of utility and necessity. Let me, in conclusion, commend federation as a grand idea. E\ery one of us is greater individually by retaining his citizen- ship in the noblest Empire upon the earth. England, the universal Mother-land, does not limit her affec- tionate interest and her care to the inhabitants of these tight little islands. She feels — England feels— the instinctive love of a mother for those stalwart younger sons who ha^•e gone forth to rear up other Englands in the parts beyond the seas. Let, then, the same patriotism animate us all. 128 1889-91 CHAP V In the foregoing address it is again to be remarked that after a brief introduction Lord Brassey at once comes to the absor))iug question of Defence, and points to the mutuality of the advantage that would accrue both to the Mother-country and the Colonies if the defences of the Empire were conducted upon a common system and by joint effort, instead of separately and independently. Great value also attaches to the review of the opinions of Colonial statesmen and political leaders as to the Imperial connection. Such men as Gait and Tupper in Canada (Sir John Macdonald had been referred to in a previous speech), Parkes and Gillies in Australia, Hofmeyr and Sjorigg in South Africa, are cited as witnesses to the recognition by the leaders of politics in every group of Colonies of the advan- tages of union, and of the readiness of the people of the Colonies to retain their places in the Empire and do their duty by it. Many such men are committed in a sense to the principle of Imperial Federation, and to be consistent with their professions they should not shrink from giving practical effect to that principle by showing their readiness when called upon to join actually and sub- stantially in that combination of the resources of the Empire for the maintenance of common interests and for the provision of an oi-ganised defence of common rights which it is the object of Imperial Federation to efiect. Lord Salisbury, who is also quoted, spoke of the Conference of 1887 as to be 'the parent of a long progeniture.' The Colonies have not as a matter of fact been as yet formally invited to attend a second Imperial Cmiference in London. Speci.il circumstances have no doul^t intervened to place obstacles in the way of the assembling of .such a Conference ; but there is no reason CHAP V 1889-91 129 to doubt that successive Governments have shrunk from issuing an invitation, in part from the knowledge that it might not have been altogether readily accepted in every quarter ; or, if the invitation were accepted, that the beginning of a joint system of Imperial Defence made in 1887 might not, as yet, be materially advanced. It would be distinctly discouraging to have to con- clude that any reluctance to attend a Conference in London might be due to the nature of the propositions which would naturally be made on the part of the Imperial Government for extending the principle of Colonial co-operation in providing the means of Imperial Defence. The difficulty of leaving their own Govern- ments, which has sometimes been suggested on this side of the water as a reason why Colonial statesmen should hesitate to accept such an invitation, is obviously some- what overrated ; since it has not been found to place any obstacles in the way of a Conference of some of the leading politicians of the most distant Colonies of Australia and South Africa being assembled recently at Ottawa, to discuss projects in which the Colonies them- selves were specially interested, and to the furtherance of which they decided that the United Kingdom should contribute. Lord Brassey refers specifically in this speech to the attempt made by the Imperial Federation League, again, in that year, 1889, to induce Lord Salisbury to summon another Conference at an early date, and to the latter's friendly reply, in which he expressed the opinion that for the present such a proposal was premature, and his desire to see a move on the part of the Colonies them- selves. The Conference desired by the League was for the purpose of reporting on 'the possibility of establisliing closer and more substantial union between the Mother- K 130 1889-91 CHAP V country and the Colonies, to the advantage of the whole Empire.' This, Lord Salislmry, in the reply he addressed to the request conveyed to him by the President of the League (Lord Rosebery), said it was ' not within the pi'ovince oi Her Majesty's Government ' to do. ' If the Colonies desire to consult together for this purpose ' (the reply continued), 'they can select representatives to do so without any summons or assistance from us. The intervention of Her INIajesty's Government in a matter where their assistance is not required would only lead to misapprehension.' In this somewhat inverted doctrine of Imperial responsibility, Lord Rosebery expressed (in a further letter) the inability of himself and the League to concur. ' We think,' he said, ' that meetings of the Colonies on this subject without the intervention, and under a presidency other than that of Her Majesty's Government, should be deeply deprecated. We cannot help feeling that that view requires reconsideration, both from the point of view of Imperial unity and the supremacy of the Crown.' At Chester Lord Brassey asked if the time were not ripe for action on this great question. In answer'ing his own question he acknowledges that the existing relations between the Mother-country and the Colonies left little to be desired, if managed with tact and judgment. But looking a few years ahead he foresees that changed con- ditions will require new adjustment of these relations, and concludes that we cannot much longer remain under the present loose arrangement. Lord Rosebery virtually gave expression to the same opinion in the reply just quoted from, addressed by him, on l)ehalf of the League, to Lord Salisljury. ' It is not any Government of Canada or Australia,' lie went on to say in that letter, written a few months before Lord Brassey spoke at CHAP V 1889-91 mi Chester, ' that can summon a Conference to bring about the realisation of the "growing desii-e to draw closer in every practicable way the bonds which unite the various portions of the Empire ; " it is only the Government of Great Britain. We would further remind you that five yeai's ago the Right Hon. W. H. Smith ' (a member of Lord Salisbury's Cabinet) 'moved a resolution that "in order to avert disintegration and to secure the permanent unity of the Empire, some form of Federation is indis- pensable." ' That was the resolution moved at the 1884 Conference wlien the League was started, which, being passed with some modification of its terms, became the formal expression of the reasons which called the move- ment into existence. Lord Rosebery's letter concludes : — ' We therefore cannot think that we are premature in urging on Her Majesty's present Ministers that a subject so recognised and so pressing, which was excluded from the Conference of 1887, should be considered at a further gathering of the various States of the Empire.' That further gathering has yet to come about. The brief examination of some of the proposals made for giving effect to the principle of Imperial representa- tion with which this speech concludes is of interest for purjaoses of comparison with the idea of an Imperial Council of Defence, put forward in the Report of the Special Committee of the League of which Loi'd Brassey was chairman, issued in 1892. That Committee had before it all the materials on which to form a judgment, provided by the proposals here referred to and number- less others of varying importance. The tentative cha- racter of the propositions laid down by that Committee affords some measure of the inherent difficulties of the problem. But in making such a comparison it is to be remembered that a body consisting, as for the most part 132 1889-91 CHAP V that Committee did, of responsible public men, was not likely to commit itself either to so definite or so advanced a programme as individual thinkers acting on their own sole responsibility. The Report itself will come to be dealt with in a subsequent chapter. Early in the following year, 1890, Lord Brassey pre- sided at a meeting held in Liverj)Ool in connection with the Imperial Federation League, at which the principal address was delivered by the League lecturer, Mr. G. R. Parkin. Lord Brassey, as chairman of the meeting, made the opening speech. Speech delivered at Liverpool, January 23, 1890. He commenced by referring to considerations which would be appreciated by men of business. The value of the over-sea Imperial trade, he said, was computed at 1,200 millions a year. One-third of that total was carried on between the Colonies and India, and the Mother-country, Of our exported manufactured goods — the most important branch of our trade, because it gave employment to the teeming millions of our indus- trial population — one-half was consigned to those countries. It was justly remarked in a recent article in the ' Times ' : — ' We are proud of being partners in a business of dimensions without parallel and difficult to realise, and we are resolved to keep whole and undivided the family that has created it, and in whose hands it is desirable tliat the business should remain.' It was obvious that to the Colonies separation would mean a higher charge for those abundant supplies of capital raised in London almost as cheaply by Colonial Governments as by that of the Mother- country. Tliat CHAP V 1889-91 133 money had been usefully spent in the Colonies in the construction of 15,000 miles of railways, in forming canals, on water- works, schools, public buildings, defences and harbours. Consolidation on the basis of a common nationality had been in active progress in recent years in all parts of Europe. If they were to hold their own against the fleets and armies of powerful neighbours, the British nation must remain undivided. Was the time ripe for action on that great question 1 Were they ready at home for Imperial Federatidn ? Were they ready to accept the conditions on which Impei'ial Fede- I'ation depended ? Were they ready to admit the Colo- nies to a voice in the direction of those afluirs of foreign jDolicy in which they had a common interest with them- selves ? It was certain that they could not always remain where they were. As the Colonies grew in wealth, in population, in commerce, we could not bear the sole responsibility of defence, even though the task were limited to the naval defence of the Empire. The appeal ali'eady made and promptly answered by Australia for contributions towards the charge for the naval forces in their waters must some day be renewed. With larger contributions to the expenditure would come the sti'onger claim to representation. AVe did already in effect consult and consider the views and interests of the Colonists with more solicitude than before. There was a growing anxiety in Downing Street to avoid commit- ments which would not be approved by Colonial opinion. It would be a step further in the same direction to create a Council of Advice in which the Colonies would be represented, and to which, as to the Senate of tlie United States, the consideration of foreign relations would be specially entrusted. 134 1889-91 CHAP V Various proposals had been put forward. Earl Grey suggested the appointment of a Federal Committee selected from the Privy Council, representation being given to every part of the Empire in proportion to the several contributions to the expenses of Imperial Defence. It was not, however, the business of the League to formulate schemes of Federation. When public opinion was ripe it would be for responsible statesmen to exchange views and to arrive at a settle- ment. Lord Rosebery had not gone further, as yet, than the enunciation of general princij)les. ' The Federation they aimed at,' he said, ' was the closest pos- sible union of the various self-governing States ruled by tlie British Crown, consistently with that free develop- ment which was the birthright of British subjects all over the world — the closest union and sympathy in external action, and in defence.' Lord Rosebery would limit the direct action of the Imperial Government for the present to ■ Conferences summoned at frequent intervals. The task of those Conferences would be, not legislation, l)ut the free and full discussion of common interests. He had himself lately been much engaged in dealing with labour disputes, and his experience had taught him to appreciate even moi-e highly than before the exceeding virtues of a Court of Conciliation. Unres- trained discussion between the representatives of con- flicting interests had been most effective in preventing stiikes and lock-outs. The frequent meetings of the representatives of the Mother-country and the Colonies would, in the same way, prevent the dismemberment of the Empire. Lord Brassey proceeded to say : — ' I desire, in con- clusion, to express my deep conviction that Federation, under a well-considered and statesmanlike scheme, CHAP V 1889-91 135 should not be condemned as an impracticable dream. The mechanical improvements of the age in which we live are potent factors in Imperial Federation. The Colonies and the Mother country are bound by the closest ties. Facility of intercourse is making England more and more the intellectual centre of the Empire ; our ancient Universities are thronged with Colonial students ; the decisions of our Courts of Law are every- where accepted as precedents to be followed in the Courts of the Colonies ; the bonds of unity are cemented by those old memories and traditions which make every Colonist speak of the Mother-country as " home," and which fill us in the old country with pride as we watch the splendid growth and enterprise of the Colonies. It may be that, in ordinary times, unity will chiefly consist in the external forms throughout the Empire, and all government will be carried on under one flag and in the name of the same Sovereign. But even so, we shall, every one of us, be the greater individually by remaining citizens of an Empire on which the sun never sets, and when the hour of trial comes. If it ever does come, our unity will be more than an idea : it will be a League of mutual Defence against external foes. ' In May of the same year Lord Brassey moved a resolution on a subject of some historical interest at the fifth annual meeting of the Imperial Federation League, presided over by Lord Rosebery, the Chairman of the League. In the previous January the House of Commons of the Dominion of Canada had passed a loyal address to the Queen for the purpose of re- 136 1889-91 CHAP V pudiating the aspersions upon Canadian loyalty that had recently been so freely cast about both in the United States and even in Canada itself. At the meeting of the League in London, Lord Brassey moved the follow- ing resolution: — 'That this meeting expi'esses its profound gratification at the terms of the loyal address adopted by the House of Commons of the Dominion of Canada, and congratulates the Imperial Federation League in Canada upon the effect which is being pro- duced in the Dominion by means of its exertions.' Speech at Annual Meeting op the League, May 22, 1890. In moving this resolution Lord Brassey said : — After the interesting speech of the noble Chairman, who never fails to put something attractive before us when he pleads the cause of Imperial Federation, and after the admirable and full speech that you have just heard from the chosen representative of Canada, it is not necessary that I should detain you with more than a few words in moving this resolution. I am particularly desirous to call attention to recent expressions in Canada of loyalty to the Mother- country. In December last. Sir John Macdonald, the British Prime Minister of Canada, made an important declaration. He said : — ' There is nothing to gain, and everything to lose, by separation. I believe if any party or person were to announce or declare such a thing — either by annexation with the great Republic to the south of us, or by declaring for independence — I believe that the people of Canada would say "No." ' This speech of the Prime Minister was followed a month later by the resolution moved in CHAP V 1889-91 137 the Canadian House of Commons by Mr. Mulock. It was seconded by a French Canadian Member, and was carried unanimously in a full House. These are the terms of the address : — ^'We have learned with feelings of entire disapproval that vai'ious public statements have been made, calling in question the loyalty of the people of Canada to the political union now happily existing between this Dominion and the British Empire, and representing it as the desire of the people of Canada to sever such connection. We desire, therefore, to assure your Majesty that such statements are wholly incorrect representations of the sentiments and aspirations of the people of Canada, who are among your Majesty's most loyal subjects, devotedly attached to the political union existing between Canada and the Mother-country, and earnestly desire its continuance. We feel assured that your Majesty will not allow any such statements, emanat- ing from any source whatever, to lessen your Majesty's confidence in the loyalty of your Canadian subjects to your Majesty's person and Government, and will accept our assurances of the contentment of your Majesty's Canadian subjects with the political connection between Canada and the rest of the British Empire, and of their fixed resolve to aid in maintaining the same,' The noble Chairman referred to the circumstance that our Report contains no new proposal of a specific character touching the great problem of Imperial Federation. I do not consider that it is necessary that such proj)osals should be made in order to justify the existence of our League. The work which this League is practically established to cany forward — the work which it is essential we should always bo carrying forward — is the cultivation of a feeling of attachment between the Mother-country 138 1889-91 CHAP V and the Colonies. If that feeling of attachment did not exist, Federation would be useless ; but if that feeling does exist, the British people — who are always remarkable for their aptitude as practical men— depend upon it, will never fail to find means by which to give expression to that sentiment. At the present time the work we have to do in connection with the Colonies relates chiefly to the Defence of the Empire. I am glad, and I am sure we are all glad, to know that the Colonies support with more enthusiasm than heretofore the measures proposed for self-defence ; and, depend upon it, many years must go by before the safe-guarding of the great routes from the Mother-country to the Colonies can be done by any other force than that of the great British Navy. I myself have been a wide traveller thi^ough the British Empire, and I have before me visions and living im- pressions of the greatness of those new countries which have sprung up fi'om our race, and I have at all times tlie greatest satisfaction in doing anything which it is in my power to do to promote and strengthen the con- nection which exists between the Mother-country and the Colonies. 1S91. On March 13, 1891, a large and influential meeting in support of its movement was organised by the Imperial Federation League at Leeds. The chair was occupied by Lord Houghton, and among those present were a large number of representative men from various parts of the West Hiding interested in the subject and favourable to the object of the gathering, namely, the formation of a branch of the League at L(;cds. Lord Brasscy was present and made an im])ortant speech. CHAP V 1889-91 139 Many events had contributed to bring the whole subject much before the minds of the public in this country during the preceding twelve months. The difficulties between Canada and the United States in the Behring Sea had tended to some exacerbation of feeling between the peoples of those two neighbouring countries, whilst party feeling ran very high in Canada itself, and gave rise to much heated discussion upon the value of the Imperial connection. The occurrence of grave international difficulties on either seaboard of British North America had bi'ought into prominence the Imperial resj)onsibilities devolving on Her Majesty's Ministers and the jDeople of the United Kingdom, from purely Colonial questions. In their Annual Report issued in 1890, the Council of the League had called attention to this feature in the following paragra]ih : — ' The questions arising out of the claims of the United States over the sea fislieries in the Behring Sea, and the encroachments of the French beyond their fishing rights on the shores of Newfoundland, have accentuated to some extent the question of the relations of the various parts of the Empire to its foreign policy, which the League has always been anxious to see placed on a more sound and definite footing.' At the general meeting of the League at Avhich this Report was presented, Lord Rosebery, who presided, had called especial attention to this paragrajjh, which, he said, tersely as it was put, and so framed as to avoid controvei^sial matter, he believed to indicate in a compendious way the incon- venience of our present arrangements. He pointed to the informal nature of the control wdiich the Colonies were able to exercise over the conduct of affi^iirs specially affecting their interests, and summed up the purpose of the League in a single sentence, saying that ' we seek 140 1889-91 CHAP V to base our Empire upon a co-opei'ative principle. At present the Empire is carried on — it is administered — successfully owing to the energies of the governing race which rules it, Ijut in a haphazard and inconsequential manner. The strong movement then going on in Australia for intercolonial federation had also the effect of setting men's minds on the wider problem of Federation, which it was hoped would be facilitated by such local grouping. Unfortunately, the hope that Australia would soon be federated has not yet been realised, nor does the prospect appear any better, if so well, now as then. But, as Lord Brassey has observed in one of these speeches, we must not judge of the course of events and the periods of time they occupy by the standard of the life of an individual, so brief in comparison with the life of nations. Speech delivered at Leeds, March 13, 1S91. Loud Brassey said he rejoiced to have been able, as a treasurer of the Imperial Federation League, to accept the invitation to attend that meeting held in the good cause of the unity of the Empire. He was not ashamed to admit that he did not come with a cut and-dried plan of federation. He was content with a more modest mission ; and he believed the League could do something to stimulate affection towards the Colonies. With regard to the mutual advantages which would accrue from pre- servation of our Imperial unity, it was unnecessary to enlarge upon them. The Colonies provided us with wider markets for our industries, a wide field for emigration, and large opportunities for the profitable emi>loyment of CHAP V 1889-91 141 our resources, and all this without any restriction upon their liberty of self-government. The sea power of Great Britain — an invaluable in- strument for peace and civilisation — was as necessary for the Colonies as for the Mother-country. The Colonies had done their part ; they had made their forts secure by powerful fortifications, and their Volunteer force might be numbered by tens of thousands. They had begun to provide a flotilla for coasts and harljours, and at the pi^esent time a powerful fleet was about to be placed in Australasian waters, to the cost of wliich the Colonies had made a handsome contribution. United the Mother-country and her Colonies had a power for defence which was ii-resistible. Separated, we in our small and over-peopled island, our Colonies scattered abi-oad all over the face of the globe, Avould present a painful contrast to the weight, dignity, and power which we possessed as a united Empire. The questions to be asked were, whether the circum- stances of the time were such as to call forth serious changes, whether fiscal or of a constitutional nature ; and supposing such changes were called for, what should be their nature and extent. These questions were never more important than to-day. Our difficulties with Frnnce in respect to tlie Newfoundland coast, the embittered feelings evinced by the Canadian elections, and the pro- posed plan of Australasian Federation, were things which no statesman or political party could pass unheeded. He was not afraid of the prospects of the future. Old and staunch Liberal as he was, he should not shrink from saying that, in the department of foreign affairs, we had at this time a skilful pilot at the helm. The time seemed to him to be ripe for the serious consideration of the relations between the Mother country 142 1889-91 CHAP V and our Colonies. Many schemes of federation had been propounded, and many degrees of federal union were possible. A proposal had been brought forward for the admission of representatives of tlie Colonies into the House of Commons. France and Spain admitted repre- sentatives from their Colonies into their Chambers of Deputies. Personally, he was prepared for such a step. But it was obvious that such a pi-oposal as that had not yet been put before the country in such a way as to demand and to have received adequate consideration. Another proposal was that there should be constituted a gi-eat Council of the Empire which would have functions similar to those of the Committee of the Senate of the United States — duties which embraced advice on foreign affairs. For such a proposal we were less prepared than we were for the admission of representatives of the Colonies to the House of Commons. It was clear that such a proposal as the constitution of a great Imperial Council would take something away from the power of the existing House of Commons, and he doubted whether we were at present ready for such a constitutional change. There Avere other similar proposals deserving attention, but it was clear that they were not ripe for treatment, either in Parliament or at a Colonial Conference. The appointment of a Colonial Council to adv-ise with the Secretary of State for the Colonies, as the Indian Council advised witli the Secretary of State for India, was a more limited proposal, and for this the time was near at hand, if it had not already come. As an example of what it seemed practicable to do, he might refer to the recent Presidential decree under which a Colonial Council had been created in France, with provision for the representation of tlie Colonies, in association with other members possessing special knowledge and qualifi- CHAP V 1889-91 148 cations. The great Departments of State — science, finance, and commerce — had their representatives on the French Colonial Council. Another proposal which had been warmly advocated, and especially by the Protectionists, was that for a Customs Union between the Mother-country and the Colonies. It could not be said that at the present time proposals for a Customs Union were ripe for settlement, or even for discussion, at a conference of representatives from all parts of the Empire. The Mother-country had been committed for more than a generation to a policy of Free Trade. By our policy of free imports of food and raw materials we had so cheapened production that we were able to compete successfully with all comers in the neutral markets of the world. Half the bread vvhicli was eaten in this country was made from imported flour ; half the products of our looms were sold in foreign mar- kets. Vast as was its volume, our trade was sensitive in the highest degree to the smallest alteration of condi- tion. It was only by a small percentage that we had an. advantage over our competitors in cheapness of price ; and if we were to lose that advantage, the 'consetjuences would be fatal to a large section of our industrial popu- lation. It would be impossible to entertain the idea of a reversal of our fiscal policy, in however restricted a sense, without the most careful and exhaustive inquiry. It might be alleged by those who argued for a Customs Union that some readjustment of our fiscal system in favour of the Colonies would be attended by no appreci- able or permanent enhancement of price in this country ; while, on the other hand, we should be far more than compensated by the monopoly which we should enjoy in the Colonial markets. These were questions of the greatest ditiiculty and gra\'ity, in relation to which 144 1889-91 CHAP V British statesmen might well hesitate to take a leap in the dark. When we turned from changes of tariff to Imperial defence, we had before us a problem which had reached a more advanced stage, and the consideration of which it was not desirable much longer to postpone. Lord Salisbury had recently stated his objections to the pro- posal advanced by Lord Dunraven for a conference of Colonists to meet in London with a view to a re-appor- tionment of the cost of naval defence as between the Mother-country and the self-governing Colonies. The friends of Imperial Federation would agree that it was idle to ask the Colonies to make a pecuniary contribution to the cost of maintaining the army and navy, unless we were prepared to give a proportionate representation in Parliament, or in a new Imperial Council to be created for the purpose of dealing with defence and controlling the external relations of the Empire. It might be long before such a proposition was seriously entertained. We mio-ht, however, take concerted action for defence without the necessity for constitutional changes wliich it would be difhcult to carry out. It was undoubtedly most desirable that such action should be taken. In an able paper recently read before the Royal Colonial Institute by Sir Bevan Edwards, who had re- cently returned from an official visit to Australia, we were reminded that, when considering great questions of international defence, we were met at the threshold by an insurmountable difficulty. We had it on the authority of the Royal Commission on the administration of the Admiralty and the War Office that ' no combined plan of operations for the defence of the Empire in any given contingency has ever been worked out or decided upon.' Before proceeding to concert any plan, wc must first he CHAP V 1889-91 145 informed as to the sluire which the Colonies would take in the responsibility for their own defence. To maintain themselves in security it would not be sufficient for the Colonies to work with a narrow view merely to the pas- sive defence of their own ports. If the communications between the Australian Colonies and the Mother-country were interrupted, the consequences would be not less fatal to the Colonies than to ourselves. It was as much their concern as our concern that the defence of the coaling-stations should be secured by adequate garrisons, works, and guns, and that the Imperial fleet should be of sufficient strength to give security to the trade of the Empire. With their growing population and wealth, and their improved military organisation, we might look for help from the Colonies in furnishing garrisons for the coaling-stations. They might help us at Halifax and Vancouver, at the Cape, in Mauritius, at Singapore, and Hong Kong. The Colonies might further help us in the protection of the trade in which we had a common in- terest, by the equiiDment of cruisers. The costly fleets of battle-ships and their a.uxiliaries required for offensive operations in European waters could not for many years be sent forth from the Colonies. Auxiliary cruisers could be provided by the disposition of the Colonies to aid in an emergency. We had some signal illustrations in the time of the Crimean War. The 100th Regiment was raised in Canada in a few weeks ; and in 1878, when war was supposed to be imminent, large offers were made from Canada to furnish a contingent. When it was thought that we were hard pressed, Xew South Wales sent, at its own cost, a ffne battery of field artillery and a splendid battalion of infantry, to stand shoulder to shoulder with the forces of the Mother-country in the burning deserts of the Soudan. 146 1889-91 THAT. V Hitherto it had not been necessary or desirable to ask the Colonies to conie to our aid under any definite engagements. Circumstances were in the process of change. The Colonies were more able to bear their share of burdens, and we might fairly claim that they should come to our relief. They might contribute to a connnon purse to be held by an Imperial Council. They might contribute to the Imperial Exchequer, the administration of the army and navy remaining as at present. They might, and probably would, prefer to add to the forces under their immediate control, agree- ing with the Mother-country as to their sphere of action in certain contingencies, which might be anticipated and discussed at a Colonial conference. Now, as to the time when a conference such as we proposed might with advantage be called. Lord Salis- bury had, in a recent speech, properly reminded us that the statesmen at the head of affairs in the Colonies could not without grave inconvenience quit their posts for the purpose of meeting in conference in London. It was evident that such conferences must be rare, and that they must not be called unless we had clearly in view an adequate subject, and one which was ripe for settlement. The subjects which were ripe for immediate consideration seemed to be three— (i) Concerted action for Imperial defence between the forces of the Mother-country and those of the Colon i(!S ; (2) establishment of a Colonial Council to work with the Secretary of State ; (3) inquiry into our trade re- lations. The two former might be referred to a Colonial Conference, and the time for the summoning of such a Conference would have arrived when the Convention now in session at Sydney had completed its task. The CHA'= V 1889-91 147 inquiry into our trade relations might be more appro- priately entrusted to a Royal Commission. He had endeavoured to confine himself to the princi- pal aspects of one question. It was difficult to discuss it without an appeal to the noble sentiments which should be aroused in the cause of the unity of the British Empire. As individuals, we were each the greater — whether living in the Mother-country or in the Colonies — because we belonged to one great dominion, on which the sun never set, and which, with the fullest privileges of self-government in local affairs, was united under one Queen, had one aim, one lan- guage, one literature, one code of laws, one history, and was secured from attack by one army and one navy. It had been by gallant efforts that the Empire had been built 11}). We should be unworthy of the privileges which we inherited if, for want of timely care and thought, or from lack of sympathy and indifference, we suffered it to fall to pieces. His Lordship concluded by moving the following resolution : — ' That in the opinion of this meeting the question of the consolidation of the Empire demands the im- mediate and continuous attention of all responsible statesmen, and that an earnest representation be made to the Prime Minister to urge upon him the con- vocation at the earliest timely date of an Imperial Conference for the purpose of considering the possibility of creating an Imperial Council, or of otherwise arrang- ing a scheme of constitutional representation by Avhich the self-governing Colonies shall share with the Mother- country in the management of Imperial afiairs in general, and in particular of our joint foreign and L 2 148 1889-91 CHAP V commercial relations, means of defence and methods of communication, and by which the bvirdens, benefits, and responsibilities of the Empire shall be more equally distributed.' In this address Lord Brassey very clearly recognises that the time was at hand for some step forward. He shows himself not afraid to face the necessity for formu- lating some kind of scheme whereby the objects of Imperial Federation may be carried into practical effect, though, for the moment, nothing more revolutionary is proposed than the creation of some such Council as that of the Secretary of State for India, The tenor of Lord Salisbury's reply to the next deputation that waited VLipon him, only a few months after the date of this speech, is thus in a manner adumbrated, as well as parts of the Report of the Special Committee following upon Lord Salisbury's speech. But these matters, and Lord Brassey's own important share in them, will come in for full treatment directly. Meanwhile, there are just two or three points in particular which it is important to note in the present speech. One is the clear and unmistakable enunciation of the speaker's attitude towards those schemes of tariff-reorganisation which would, whatever their object or the intention of theif framers, have the effect of re-introducing the principle of Protection into the iiscal policy of this country. As a life-long Free-trader Lord Brassey will have none of them. Another point is one which is found in almost every speecli in this collection — the paramount importance of Imperial Defence. ' That,' Lord Brassey said at Leeds, ' was a problem which had CHAP V 1889-91 149 reached a more advanced stage ' (than others he had been referring to), ' and was one the considei'ation of which it was not desirable much longer to postpone.' Besides Lieut. -General Sir Bevan Edwards, whose paper before the Royal Colonial Institute is referred to in the speech, other high authorities had within the course of the preceding twelve months been dealing with the subject. Not to mention the official Report on the Defences of the Australian Colonies made by Sir Bevan Edwards himself, the genei'al question had received very full and informing treatment in Sir Charles Dilke's 'Problems of Greater Britain,' published in 1S70 ; and Lord Carnarvon, who had presided over the Defence Commission appointed in 1882, had read an instructive paper before the London Chamber of Commerce. The Defence Committee of the League, which included men of no mean authority on the subject, had also put out a valuable report during the same period. On the occasion i"eferred to in this speech at Leeds, when Lord Salisbury stated his objec- tions to a proposal advanced by Lord Dunraven for a Colonial Conference for the purpose of re-apportioning the cost of naval defence between the Mother-country and the self-governing Colonies, the Prime Minister had expressed the opinion that if the Colonists were invited to confer for this purpose they might answer :^' Impe- rial Defence gets on very well now : the money comes fi'om somewhere ; ' and that, if they were to be asked to contribute, they would say, ' We should like to consider the matter at home for some time before we join your deliberations.' Lord Salisbury's view is perhaps not altogether without the justification of prescience. It is true the Colonies have not since been actually invited in a formal manner to attend a Conference for the purpose 150 1889-91 CHAP V indicated. But there is at the same time some reason for believing — as has been already noticed — that the chief reason they have not been so invited is that Her Majesty's Ministers had pretty broad hints that an invitation for such a purj30se would not (as Lord Salisbury put it) ' excite that enthusiasm throughout the Empire ' which Lord Dunraven seemed to suggest. Lord Erassey, nevertheless, than whom no one has proved himself more tender to Colonial susceptibilities, while admitting that hitherto nothing of the sort hrtd been necessary, declares categorically that we may fairly claim now, in the altered circumstances of the time, that the Colonies should come to the relief of the British taxpayer by contributing to a common purse to be held by an Imperial Council or otherwise. These subjects Lord Brassey then thought were i-ipe for dis- cussion : — Concerted action for Imperial Defence, and the establishment of a Colonial Council to work with the Secretary of State — to be referred to a Conference ; aiid the subject of inter-ImjDerial trade relations, more appropriately to be entrusted to a Royal Conniiission. It will be interesting to note the development of these views in the period of the Imperial Federation League's history immediately following the speech at Leeds. Before passing on, however, to those important steps in the movement it may be noted that two or tliree days before delivering the above address at Leeds, Lord Brassey had taken part in the discussion that ensued on Sir Bevan Edwards's paper at the lloyal Colonial Institute already referred to. In July of the same year, also. Lord Brassey, from his place in the House of Lords, called attention to a question having a very close bearing on the general subject of Imperial Defence, viz. the con- tributions made by some of the Crown Colonies to the 1889-91 U CHAP V io»y-yi io cost of fortifications and of tlie maintenance of garrisons subserving general purposes of Imperial Defence. Speech in the House of Lords, July 24, 1891. Lord Brassey rose to call attention to the increased military contribution demanded by tlie Imperial Govern- ment from the Colony of the Straits Settlements for the maintenance of the garrison. He said, in calling atten- tion to the increased military contribution which had recently been demanded from Singapore, his chief desire was to give to the Straits Settlements Association, on whose behalf he spoke, the satisfaction of being heard by their Lordships, and of receiving from the Secretary of State an explanation of the reasons which had guided the action of the Government. As an impartial Court of Appeal for every dependency of the Crown which con- sidered that it had a grievance, Parliament w\as a power- ful link to bind the Empire together. He would begin with the admission that the Straits Settlements owed their prosperity to the protection afforded by England, and might rightly be called upon to contribute to the cost of Imperial defence. The grievance alleged was that the amount asked was ex- cessive, and that the demand was made without previous warning or consultation. It was not necessary to dwell on the importance of Singapore as a link in the cli;iin of fortified stations which gave protection to our trade with the East. The importance of the possession had been greatly enhanced by the opening of the Suez Canal and the increase in the number of steamers. The defences of Singapore were carefully considered by the Royal Com- mission on the defence of the coaling-stations. Thenddi- 152 1889-91 CHAP V tional works recommended had been constructed by the Colony at a cost of 81,000^. The Imperial Government had provided the armaments. In addition to the cost of the defensive works the Straits Settlements liad paid a military contribution, amounting for the year 1868-9 to 59,000/., and for the subsequent years to 50,44;")/. per annum. Up to this point the Colony had cheerfully ofiven the co-operation which had been asked by the Home Government. The complaint which it was his duty to submit arose out of the despatch received from the Secretary of State in 18S9. Tlie Colony were suddenly called upon to contribute 100,000/. per annum out of a total military expenditure estimated at 136,000/. In addition they were to pay 60,000/. for barracks ; and they maintained a fine body of armed Sikh police for local defence and the maintenance of public order. The Colony objected to the demand which had been made on the ground that the garrison and the defences were mainly for the pro- tection of stores of coal kept at Singapore for the general purposes of Imperial defence. The Straits Settlements complained tliat the charge wliich had been laid upon them was heavier than any which had been demanded from any other Crown Colony. It was true the revenue was considerable, but it Avas precarious, depending, among other sources, upon the opium farms, which were becoming less and less pro- ductive. The Governor of the Straits Settlements, under orders from home, was compelled to exact the payment required from the Colony, but he did so under protest. In his despatch of February 1890, he stated that he was wholly unuljle conscientiously to supjjort the claims which Her Majesty's Government had made, and that every member of the Executive Council, in voting for the CHAP V 1889-91 153 payment demanded, voted against his conscience. He hoped that the Secretary of State, in his x'eply, might be able to announce some modification of the present demands, or at least to give explanations which might remove the sense of injustice which at present existed. In conclusion, it was scarcely possible to deal with a particular case apart from the general question of the distribution of charge for Imperial defence as between the Mother-country and the several Colonies and de- pendencies of the Crown. The subject called for a fuller inquiry by a commission. It was desirable to establish a standard of strength at which the navy and the naval stations should be maintained. It was desirable to de- termine the share of the burden which the Mother- country ought to bear, the mode in which the self-governing Colonies might best co-operate, and to fix the basis on which the contributions of the Crown Colonies should be assessed. The subject was too grave to be taken up at the fag-end of a fatiguing session, but he hoped it might be entertained at a later and more favourable oppor- tunity. The relation of the Crown Colonies to this question is an aspect of it that has been too much left out of sight. The people of the Ci-own Colonies, as well as those of the United Kingdom, are sufferers by the unjust burden imposed vipon them, through the immunity from contri- bution hitherto extended to the people of the self- governing Colonies. It will not be out of place to print here the official reply of the Secretary of State for the 154 1889-91 CHAP V Colonies, as well as the observations of Lord Kimberley, who subsequently held that ofl&ce. Lord Knutsford said : — A suggestion has been made of reference of the whole subject of Imperial Defence to a Commission or Committee. Such Commission or Committee might be useful in reporting upon the whole question of Imperial Defence, and in laying down prin- ciples which might guide Her Majesty's Government in deciding what contributions might be fairly looked for from the Colonies. It might, for example, report whether and how far the British taxpayer should be relieved from the payment of the whole Naval Defence of the Empire, or how far the fact of the naval expenditure being undertaken by the Mother-country should be considered in deciding what military contribution a Colony should be called upon to pay. But it is manifest that such a report, unless supported by evidence given by Colonial statesmen qualified and authorised to give evidence upon the question, and to explain the views of Colonial Govern- ments and Legislatures, would not carry much weight in the Colonies. Nor, again, could such a report, even if supported by such evidence, be held binding on our great responsibly-governed Colonies. It might be of some assistance to Her Majesty's Government as laying down general principles, and it would tend to strengthen their hands both in tliis country and perhaps in the Colonies when they were seeking assistance ; but it would not relieve the Government of the day from an inquiry into each particular case, as the amount of contribution which can fairly be demanded must depend upon the special circumstances of each case — as, for example, upon the financial position of the Colony, its revenue and expenditure, trade, and other local considerations. He then proceeded to explain that the Straits Settle- CHAF V 1889-91 155 ments in 1867 made a good bargain for itself, when, in order to get rid of the heavy military and naval charge imposed upon it by its connection with India, it was transferred in its own interest and at its urgent desire to the Imperial Government, which only agreed to take it over on the express condition that no additional expen- diture should be thrown on the Imperial Exchequer by the change. Tlie Home Government, in now asking for a hirger contribution, were not bearing hardly or unfairly on the Colony, which, if its military expenditure had continued on the Indian scale, would now have had to pay 236,000Z. a year instead of the present sum of 100,000/., or only 15 per cent, of its revenue. The popu- lation of the Colony paid 3s. Qd. per head, while the corresponding charge amounted in the United Kingdom to about 1 6s. per head. Lord Kimberley thought that the Colony in that case had no good reason for complaint, and that it was only just to the British taxpayer that it should bear its fair share of an expenditure by which its own extensive trade was protected. The same matter had been the subject of a regular debate about the same time in the House of Commons, when its bearings on the general question were more fully brought out. Mr. Stanhope (Secretary of State for War), referring to the Cape, said he thought that Colony ' ought to contribute more largely than it did, but the House of Commons could not compel the Cape to make a larger conti-ibution.' As a private member put it, speaking later in the debate, ' there was this ele- ment of shabbiness about it — that the Government would not persist in the demand on Colonies which could resist it,' but only did. so in cases like that of Singapore, a Colony unable to offer any eflfectual resistance. The question is 156 1889-91 CHAP V now, as it was then, whether the time has not come — not for ' insisting ' on contributions from the self-governing Colonies^ that cannot and should not be, since they are free agents, free to choose their own course, even though one alternative should mean their ultimate separation from the Empire — but whether the time has not come when, as Lord Brassey put it in his Leeds speech, we may fairly ask them to come in and take their proper part. In the September number of the ' Nineteenth Cen- tury ' in this year. Lord Brassey had a paper in which the whole subject of Imperial Federation was passed under review. IMPERIAL FEDERATION AS RECENTLY DEBATED Aktiole in the Nineteenth Ce.\tui<]', SEPTEMBER 1891 (Eejjrinted hy jjermissionfrom tlie Nineteenth Century) It has been computed that the public debts of the Empire, exclusive of the British National Debt, amount to 528,000,000/., of which nearly the whole is held in Great Britain. In addition to the public debt, British capital to the amount of several hundred millions has been privately invested. As borrowers on the Stock Exchange the Colonies hold a position inferior only to that of the Mother- country herself. Tlie lowest rate at which the Australian Colonies have been able to borrow is 3J7 per cent. The present average rate of their in- debtedness is 4f per cent. Canada borrows on equally advantageous terms. A policy of union, steadily pur- sued, will improve the position of the Colonists on the CHAP V 1889-91 157 London Exchange. A policy of separation would destroy conlidence. The more recent efforts to raise money have been less successful than those of earlier date, because separation has been under discussion. The money raised by loans is applied to objects of the highest public utility. Railways have absorbed by far the largest proportion of the expenditure. The other heads of outlay include water-supply, schools, public buildings, defences, and harbours. The development of Colonial jjrosperity would be seriously hampered by any change which made it more difficult or more costly to borrow money in London. Great Britain lends the money required to raise wool, mutton, and minerals. She offers the best market for the sale of all surplus Colonial produce. The Colonies are of value to us, not only as a market, but as a field for emigration. When other nations are vainly seeking an outlet for their surplus population by annexation within the tropics,, we are peculiarly happy in having acquired for the British people a wide stretch of territory in the temperate zone. The climates of Australasia are exceptionally favourable to a British population. The death-rate ranges from 16 per thousand in Victoria to 10'29 per thousand in New Zealand. In relation to defence, to remain united is of equal advantage to the Mother- countiy and to the Colonies. As a military Power we do not aspire to compare with the nations of Central Europe ; but we have an army of more than 200,000 men. We have a first class army- reserve of 50,000. We have 116,000 in the militia, and a third of that number in the militia-reserve. We have 227,000 volunteers. The sea-power of Great Britain is as necessary to the Colonies as to the Mother- country ; and they could 158 1889-91 CHAP V not create it for themselves. In their observations on the report by Sir Bevan Edwards, the Colonial Defence Committee insist that the security of Australasia rests mainly on naval defence. The transpoi^t for a large expeditionary force could not be prepared in the advanced bases of any European Power without the fact bein*^' known. Such an expedition could not reach its destination until the British Navy had suffered disaster. Our Navy has been brought to its present condition by the traditions of the past, by the experience of service in every part of the globe, by peace-manceuvres on a vast scale, and, lastly, by the maintenance in the highest attainable perfection of training-establishments for every branch of the service. Our gunnery and torpedo schools, the Naval Univers'.ty of Greenwich, the schools for the training of naval architects and naval engineers, are indispensable for efficiency, and could not be pro- vided by the comparatively narrow resources of inde- pendent Colonial Governments. While the Mother-country must take the main responsibility for the naval defences of the Empire, the Colonies, on their part, can give substantial aid. The census of 1881 showed that Australasia had a population of over 450,000 males of from twenty to forty years of a,(re. The most important cities and ports are protected by formidable works and modern armaments. A com- mencement has been made, notably in Victoria, in providing flotillas and naval brigades, for coast and harbour defence. A fleet of cruisei-s has recently been completed, at the joint charge of the Mother-country and the Colonies. Canada has a population of five millions ; with a registered tonnage of over a million and a quarter, and a seafaring population of over 47,000 men, she ranks fourth CHAP V 1889-91 159 among the maritime nations of the world. 8he jDossesses elements out of which a powerful naval force could be organised. An Imperial naval reserve force should be enrolled and drilled in the Canadian ports. If we remain one Empire we have at our command forces which are practically irresistible. If we separate, our small over-peopled island, and the young conmiunities which we have called into existence, scattered over the globe, would present, in their weakness, a contrast painful to contemplate, Ijy the side of the solid weight, dignity, and power of a united Empire. The sentiment of unity is strong in every part of the Empire. The people of the Dominion of Canada are firmly resolved on working out their own future apart from the United States. They have been resolutely and successfully building up, not only a political, but a material independence. In Lower Canada, the French population support the British connection as the best guarantee for the preservation of their institutions and their language intact. In the province of Ontario, traditions of loyalty to the British connection maintain a potent influence over the descendants of those who withdrew during the War of Independence across the Canadian frontier. We find the same opinions held even in Colonies where the British settlers are a minority of the population. At the Cape, I had the opportunity, during a recent visit, of learning the views of Sir Gordon Sprigg, then the Premier, and of Mr. Hofmeyr, the leader of the Dutch party in the Cape Parliament. The Dutch population well know that, if our protection were withdrawn, the important strategical position at the Cape would be occupied by one or other of the Great Powers. They would look in vain, under other rulers, for thejiberty and considerate treatment which 160 1889-91 CHAP V they enjoy under the British flag. The late Lord Carnarvon left the Cape impressed with the firm con- viction that England, if well advised in her policy, might implicitly put trust in the loyalty of our Dutch fellow- subjects at the Cape. Turning to Australia, the assembly of the Federation Convention afibrded an occasion for an eloquent ' declaration on the part of Sir Henry Parkes of loyalty to the old country. The Australians, while wishing to become one people, to share one destiny, and to convey to the world that they had the resources, the intellect, and the enterprise which would enable them to win distinction among the nations of the earth, earnestly desire to remain in the constellation of free States which form the British Empire. It has been said by Lord Rosebery, with equal eloquence and truth, that we have never had any difficulty with regard to the feeling which it was our wish to discover and promote. That feeling exists everywhere. We have never had to light the fire, so to speak, of Imperial Federation. We have only had to breathe on the burning embers and kindle the flame. The jaride of the Mother -country in the Colonies has been attested by many proofs : by the success of the Colonial Exhibition and by the warm welcome extended on all sides to our visitors. The same cordial feelings were once more aroused on the yet more important occasion of the Conference of Delegates from all parts of the Empire, called together, with wise statesmanship, by the present Government in 1887. In reply to a deputation from the Imperial Federation League, which urged the desirability of summoning such a conference, Lord Salisbury used these sympathetic words : — ' I do not ever remember any feeling having grown up so suddenly and obtained such a rapid increase, both CHAP V 1889-91 161 in this country and in the Colonies, as the desii'e which is expressed for Imperial Federation. . . . The great object which is before this League, and which it has been the desire of this deputation to enforce, is that the Mother- country and the Colonies should act together on those matters which concern their common interest. That is a desire which, I believe, statesmen will always have to keep before them, and I am sure that Her Majesty's Government will reciprocate the feelings which have been expressed in this room. We shall consider the representations of this deputation, feeling that we are dealing with questions that will affect for many generations to come a vast portion of the earth's surface and many, many millions of the subjects of the Queen.' At the opening of the Colonial Conference, Lord Salisbury, in welcoming the delegates, said : — ' We are all sensible that this meetino; is the besrin- ning of a state of things which is to have great results in the future. It will be the parent of a long progeniture ; and distinguished councillors of the Empire may, in some far-off time, look back to the meeting in this room as the root from which all their greatness and benefi- cence have sprung.' The Imperial Federation League has recently been urged by Lord Salisbury not to rest content with the advocacy of general principles. The time had almost come when schemes should be proposed. In Canada and in Australasia there was an unwillingness to acquiesce precisely in the present state of things. Hitherto we had been following in the lines traced by the late Mr. W. E. Forster, taking every opportunity of showing that we considered the Colonists our countrymen, and every Colony part of the common country. It had been M 162 1889-91 cHxv V held that the League fully justified its existence, if it could contribute in any degree to foster and to spread a feelinc: of affection for the Colonies in the Mother- countiy, and could send across the ocean from time to time to our Colonial fellow-citizens a message of good-will. Many schemes of federation have been propounded, and many degrees of federal union are possible. Lord Hosebery has not gone further, as yet, than the enuncia- tion of a general principle : — 'The federation we aim at (he has said) is the closest possible union of the various self-governing States ruled by the British Crown, consistently with that free development which is the birthright of British subjects all over the world — the closest union in sympathy, in external action, and in defence.' A proposal which has been warmly advocated, especially by the Protectionists, is that for a customs- union between the Mother- country and the Colonies. It cannot be said that at the present time proposals for a customs-union are ripe for settlement, or even for discussion, at a conference of representatives from all parts of the Empire. The Mother-country has been committed for more than a generation to a policy of Free-trade. By our policy of free imports of food and 7'aw materials we have so cheapened production that we are able to compete successfully with all comers in the )ieutral markets of the world. Half the bread wliich is eaten in this country is made from imported flour ; half the products of our looms are sold in foreign markets. Vast as is its volume, our trade is sensitive in the highest desrree to the smallest alteration of condition. It is only by a small percentage that we have an advantage over our competitors in cheapness of price ; and if we were to lose that advantage the consequences CHAP V 1889-91 16B would be fatal to a large section of our industrial popu- lation. It would be impossible to entertain the idea of a reversal of our fiscal policy, in however restricted a sense, without careful and exhaustive inquiry. It may be alleged by those who argue for a customs-union that some readjustment of our fiscal system in favour of the Colonies would be attended by no appreciable or permanent enhancement of price in this country, while, on the other hand, we should be far more than compen- sated by the monopoly which we should enjoy in tlie Colonial markets. The late Sir John Macdonald believed that some form of customs-union was not impracticable, and that a duty too small to affect the retail price of bread in England might confer immense benefits on wheat-growers of Canada. 8ir Charles Tupper asserts that a duty of ten shillings a quarter on corn imported from foreign countries would not add a halfpenny to the price of the four-pound loaf. A duty of five shillings would give an enormous advantage to the Colonies, and would never reach the consumer. Colonial statesmen are not in a jDOsition to form a wholly unbiassed opinion. The difficulties of the case were clearly stated by Lord Salisbury in his leply to a deputation of the United Empire Trade League : — ' If you give preferential treatment to your Colonies it must be that you tax the similar goods to the rest of the world, and that the Colonies are to command a better price for their goods than they would obtain under restricted competition. A better price for the vendor means a more disagreeable price for the consumer ; and we have yet to receive jDroof that the people of this country are in favour of a policy of preferential taxes on wheat, on corn, and on wool.' Lord Rosebery has recently declared that in his m2 164 1889-91 CHAP V opinion it is impracticable to devise a scheme of representation for the Colonies in the House of Commons and House of Lords, or in the Privy Council. The scheme of an Imperial customs-union, ahly put forward by Mr. Hofmeyr at the last Colonial Confer- ence, he equally rejects. Lord Rosebery would limit the direct action of the Imperial Government for the present to conferences, summoned at frequent intervals. Our first conference was summoned by the Government at the instance of the Imperial Federation League. It was attended by men of the highest distinction in the Colonies. Its deliberations were guided by Lord Knutsford with admix'able tact and judgment ; it considered many important questions of common inte- rest to the different countries of the Empire ; it arrived at several important decisions, and it cleared the air of not a few doubts and delusions. The most tangible, th.e most important, and the most satisfactory result of that conference was the recognition by the Australian Colonies of the necessity for making provision for the naval defence of their own waters by means of ships, provided by the Government of the United Kingdom, but maintained by the Australian Governments. Lord E,osebery holds that the question of Imperial Federation depends for the present on frequent confer- ences. In his speech at the Mansion House he laid down the conditions essential to the success of confer- ences in the future. Thoy must be held periodically and at stated intervals. Tlie Colonies must send the best men to represent them. The Government of the Mother-country must invest these periodical congresses with all the authority and splendour which it is in their power to give. The task to be accomplished will not be the production of statutes, but the pi-oduction of CHAP V 1889-91 165 recommendations. Those who think that a congress that only meets to report and recommend has but a neutral task before it, have a very inadequate idea of the influence which would be exercised by a conference representing a quarter of the human race, and the immeasurable opulence and power that have been garnered up by the past centui'ies of our history. If we have these conferences, if they were allowed to discuss, as they must be allowed to discuss, all topics which any parties to these conferences should recom- mend to be discussed, Lord E,osebery cannot apprehend that they would be wanting in authority or in weight. Lord Salisbury, in his speeches recently delivered in reply to the Earl of Dunraven in the House of Lords, and in reply to the deputation of the Imperial Federa- tion League at the Foreign Ulhce, has properly insisted on the chief practical obstacle to a policy of frequent conferences. Attendance at conferences involves irrave inconvenience to Colonial statesmen. They should not be called away from their important duties unless we have questions of adequate importance, and proposals fully considered and clearly defined, to submit for consideration. On the other hand. Lord Salisbury admitted that it was impossible to come to decisions on grave questions affecting the Empire as a whole without personal communication with Colonial statesmen. In appealing to the Imperial Federation League for some practical suggesticms as to the means by whicli tlie several parts of the British Empire may be more closely knit togetlier. Lord Salisbury threw out some pregnant hints. To make a united Empire both a Zullverein and a Kriegsverein must be formed. In the existing state of feeling in the Mother-country a Zollvereiu would be a serious difficulty. The reasons 166 1889-91 CHAP V have been already stated. A Kriegsverein was, perhaps, more practicable, and certainly more urgent. The space which separates the Colonies from possible enemies was becoming every year less and less a protection. AVe may take concerted action for defence without the necessity for constitutional changes which it would be difficult to carry out. An inquiry by a Royal Com- mission into the means and requirements for Imperial defence is a first essential step, which has been already delayed too long. We have it on the authority of the Royal Commission on the Administration of the Admi- ralty and the War Office, that ' no combined plan of operations for the defence of the Empire in any given contingency has ever been worked out or decided upon.' We owe the measures recently taken to secure our coaling-stations to the labours of a Royal Commission. A Commission on Imperial Defence would collect infor- mation from the intelligence branches of the army and navy, and might establish, at least for some years to come, the standard of strength at which the British Navy should be maintained. With a careful and exhaustive report in their hands, embodying the views of those most competent to advise, the Government could determine how much of the naval foi'ce required should be provided by the Mother- country. This point being decided, we could then proceed to summon the Colonies to a conference, at which it would be our duty to submit definite proposals for consideration. To maintain themselves in security it will not be sufficient for tlie Colonies to work with a view merely to the passive defence of their own ports. If the communications between tin; Australias and tin; Mother-country were interrupted the consequences would hd probably tlie most important advance made in the history of the Imperial Federation movement since the establishment of the League in 1884. The report emanated from an admittedly strong Committee ; as an influential provincial journal said at the time, it would be difficult to find eleven men better qualified for the work they had in hand. To assist them, they had all the accumulated information and experience that the organisation of the League rendered available for their use, as well as the body of opinion (referred to in the report) elicited ad hoc from some thirty gentlemen specially qualified to advise. The sittings of the Com- mittee were spread over a year, and the discussions were full and earnest. The repf)rt, theiefore, was no chance pi'o- duction, but the outcome of the mature thought of a CHAP VUt 1892-3 221 number of minds, and represented the preponderating opinion resulting from their differences and their agree- ment. This repoi-t so arrived at was agreed upon unanimously and signed by every member of the Com- mittee ; it was moreover unanimously adopted by the Council in a meeting largely and inHuentially attended. Upon minor points differences of oijinion no doubt existed, not only in the Council, but even in the Special Counnittee itself • but as regards essentials the report must be taken to have had the unanimous approval of every member of the Committee which issued it, and of every member attending the meeting of the Council which adopted it. An exception ought perhaps to be made in the case of Sir Charles TujDper — not, of course, that Sir Charles did not approve the report to which he appended his signa- ture ; but because he would scarcely apj^ear to have given his adhesion to it in precisely the same spirit or in the same sense as his colleagues, and because he certainly showed himself afterwards unwilling to carry its recom- mendations to their consistent practical conclusion. The issue of the report was followed by a somewhat un- pleasant episode which must be mentioned here, because it became Lord Brassey's part as Chairman of the Com- mittee issuing the report to vindicate the position of himself and his colleagues from the cliarges levelled against them by Sir Charles Tupper. A letter addressed by Sir Charles to the Secretary of the League in Canada was read at the annual meeting of that body, and subse- quently published in the ' Montreal Gazette ' and other papers in the Dominion in February, 1893. Attention was called to this letter by Lord Keay in the Executive Counnittee, on account of the following passages which it contained : — 222 1892-3 CHAP VIII ' Knowing as I do that the most active members of the Imperial Federation League were mainly intent on levying a large contribution on the revenues of the Colonies for the support of the Ai-my and Navy of Great Britain, I am delighted to have been able almost single- handed to obtain such a report from such a Committee. Unfortunately they captured Mr. Parkin, and, having used him here, are now using him in Canada to create the false impression that we do nothing to maintain the defence of the Empire, instead of showing, as he truth- fully could, that we have entitled ourselves to the grati- tude of every man who has the inteiTst of the Empire at heart.' According to the report of the proceedings of the Executive Committee at which this letter was read, given by the official organ of the League/ Sir Charles Tupper stated that the letter addressed to the Secretary of the League in Canada was not intended for publication, but that he adhered to every word contained in it. The matter was eventually referred l)y the Executive to the Council, and after considerable discussion in that body Sir Charles Tupper finally withdrew the imputation on his colleagues of the Special Committee. It has been necessary to refer, thus briefly, to these circumstances in order to a j^roper undei'standing of the following letter, written by Lord Brassey as chairman of the Committee whose motives were aspersed. The letter appeared in the Toronto ' Empire ' of April 1 4, and in many other papers throughout the Dominion. ' I/iqierial Federation for May, 1893, vol. xiii. p. 111. CHAP vni 1892-3 223 Letter to Canadian Press April 1893 To the Editor of the ^Umpire.' Sir, — My attention has been called to a statement by Sir Charles Tupper to the effect that the most active members of the Imperial Federation League in p]ngland are mainly intent on levying a large contribution on the revenues of the Colonies for the support of the army and navy of Great Britain. As chairman of the committee to whose report Sir Charles Tupper makes allusion, it is my duty to assure our fellow-subjects in the Colonies that the Federation League was established by its eminent founder, Mr. Forster, for a lai-ger and nobler object than that sug- gested by Sir Charles Tupper. It was established to bring the Mother-country and the Colonies closer to- gether and to unite them by the bonds of mutual affec- tion and good-will, while also seeking to form political ties which should associate the Colonies more directly with Great Britain in the control and maintenance of a common Imperial policy, and to furnish a permanent guarantee against the risks of separation. We are proud of our Colonies. We desire from our hearts that they may grow with the elasticity of youth. AVe seek no sordid advantage for ourselves from the Colonial connection. Our desire is, on the contrary, to give them every help which it is in our power to afford for the development of their resources and the advance- ment of their social and political condition. Pressed by Lord Salisbury, Avhen Prime Minister, to propose some practical scheme and not to rest content with the cultivation of those sentiments of good-will which are the essential conditions of a better settlement 224 1892-3 CHAP VIII of constitutional relations, we have proposed in cur report certain plans for the pooling of resources for the purposes of mutual defence. We do not believe that any members of our body desire to see Colonial funds ex- pended for the benefit of the Mother-country. What we seek to secui'e is that the resources of all parts of the Empire shall be so combined for common, not English, purposes as to provide a more efficient defence for the outlying parts of the Empire, and especially for the trade of Colonial no less than of British ports. No immediate changes have been advocated. Recognising fully all that the self-governing Colonies have already done in providing for local defence, the committee, in their report, expressly state that these local effiDrts ought to be regarded as constituting direct conti'ibutions to Imperial defence. Our proceedings having been confidential, I have not dealt with allegations relating to the deliberations of the committee over which I had the honour to preside. I have said quite enough to indicate the spirit of generous friendship and afiection for the Colonies by which we were one and all animated. Yours, &c,, Brassey. 2i Park Lane, London, March 30. Apart from the personal gi-ievancc of Sir Charles Tapper's colleagues on the Committee, it was very necessary that such a .statement as that made in his letter, coming from so responsible aiad influential a pei'sonage as the High Commissioner for Canada in London, should be at once and authoritatively answered. Even if it had been true that the most active members of the League here were ' mainly intent on levying a large contribution on the I'evenues of the Colonies,' for CHAP VIII 1892-3 22; any purpose whatever, whicli it was not ; stiJl, the state- ment that the object of such contribution was for the support of ' the Army and Navy of Great Britain ' puts the matter in a very dangerous light. Not only has the true aim of 'the most active members of the League,' referred to by Sir Charles Tupper, been a far higher and noblei- one, as Lord Brassey points out, than any question of money ; but when the question of pecuniary support enters into the policy of Impei'ial Federation, it is not support for the army and navy 'of Great Britain' that is demanded, but joint support of an Imperial Force by Great Britain and the Colonies alike. To speak of the contributions required being for the support of the army and the navy of Great Britain is entirely to misconceive the whole position. A federal army or navy supported by the contributions of all the countries of the Empire ceases ijjso facto to be the army or the navy ' of Great Britain,' and that is the very essence of the policy of Imperial Feder- ation. But the general public, especially people in the Colonies, because they are accustomed to regard the power of Great Britain as ' Imperial ' — as a power to which they have a right to look for protection without payment or responsibility on their own part — would obviously be most readily imposed upon by this misuse of terms ; and would naturally assume that they were being asked to do what Lord Brassey repudiates the thought of asking them — to make a contribution of funds to bo expended for the benefit of the Mother-country. The mischief that would be done to the cause of Imperial Federation if such erroneous views became current amomif people in the Colonies is incalculable. It is satisfactory to know that Lord Brassey's letter was well received by the Dominion Press, and no doubt did much to dispel 226 1892-3 CHAP vni the impression created by Sir Charles Tapper's state- ments. In the course of the same month a deputation of the League waited on the Prime Minister (the Rt. Honble. W. E. Gladstone, M.P.), with the object of formally laying befoi'e him, as head of the Government, the report of the Special Committee, adopted by the Council in the previous November, embodying the definite proposals called for by Lord Salisbury when in office. The deputation was introduced by the President of the League, the PJght Hon. Edward Stanhope, ]\LP. The Prime Minister was accompanied by Mr. Bryce, M.P., and Mr. Sydney Buxton, M.P. Among the deputation were the following gentlemen : — The Earl of Dunraven, the Earl of Ptaduor, the Earl of Winchilsea, Lord Brassey, Lord Chelmsford, Lord Lamiirgton, Lord George Hamilton, M.P., Colonel Bridgeman, M.P., the Hon. W. F. D. Smith, M.P., the Hon. Harold Finch- Hatton, Mr, W. L. Jackson, M.P., Sir Charles Pearson, Q.C., M.P., Sir Reginald Hanson, M.P., Sir James Kitson, M.P., Sir Charles Tupper, Sir R. Temple, M.P., Genei-al Sir J. Bevan Edwards, Sir John Colomb, Sir Frederick Young, Sir Alfred Hickman, M.P., Sir John Simon, Sir George D. Harris, Sir Henry Doulton, Mr. Howard Vincent, M.P., Mr. H. Evans Broad, M.P., Mr. Alfred Baldwin, M.P., Mr. George Howell, M.P., Mr. H. L. W. Lawson, M.P., Mr. G. W. E. Loder, M.P., Mr. Heneage, M.P., Mr. Kimber, M.P., Mr. William Dunn, M.P., Mr. John Barran, M.P., Mr. James Rankin, M.P., Mr. Arnold-Forster, M.P., Mr. R. Munro Ferguson, M.P., Mr. Charles Bill, M.P., Cap- tain Cecil Norton, M.P., Mr. S. Montagu, M.P. Mr. Alban G. H. Gibbs, M.P., Mr. J. Parker Smith, M.P., Colonel Wyndham iMurray, M.P., Mr. Thomas Wi-ight- CHAP VIII 1892-3 227 son, M.P., Professor G. H. Darwin, General Leggatt, General J. W. Laurie, General Lowry, Mr. Story-Mas- kelyne, Mr. Alexander M'Arthur, Mr. Peter Redpath, Mr. F. T. Barry, M.P., Colonel T. Myles Sandys, M.P., Sir T. Powell Buxton, Professor Montagu Burrows (Oxon.), Mr. W. F. Lawrence, M.P., Sir Charles Adam, Sir Charles Nicholson, Professor A. S. Napier (Oxon.), the Bishop of Durham, Mr. J. G. A. Baird, M.P., Sir Henry Barkly, Mr. J. H. C. Hozier, M.P., Sir Robert Gillespie, Sir William Mackinnon, Mr. J. Austen Chamberlain, M.P., Genei'al Sir John Watson, A^.C, Major-General Sir Richard Harrison, Sir Daniel Cooper, the Venerable the Archdeacon of London, Canon G. F. Browne, Professor T. McKenny Hughes (Cambs.), Pro- fessoi' Raleigh (All Souls', Oxon.), Mr. James I. Fellows (Agent-General for New Brunswick), Mr. Richard R. Dobell (Quebec), Mr. H. M. Bomj)as, Q.C., Mr. T. Henry Baylis, Q.C., Mr. C. J. Follett, C.B., Mr. Kenric B. Murray (Sec. London Chamber of Commerce), Colonel Maillard, Colonel P. R. Innes, Colonel John Watts, Ind. S.C, Major H. E. Rawson, R.E., Alderman J. G. Rhodes, L.C.C., Mr. A. Arter, L.C.C., Mr. Henry Harben, L.C.C., Mr. T. Douglas Murray, Mr. P. H. Nind (British Guiana), Dr. W. Culver James, Mr. S. Vaughan Morgan, Mr. F. Faithfull Begg, Mr S. B. Boulton, Mr. C. H. Ommanney, Mr. C. Freeman Murray, Mr. W. Herbert Daw, Mr. W. Becket Hill, Mr. Robert Beadon, Mr. Geo. W. Gordon, Mr. J. Stanley Little, Mr. H. F. Wilson, Mr. W. U. Acworth, Mr. James A. Game, Mr. W. Basil Worsfold, Mr. C. Camp- bell Finlay, Mr. W. A. Bell, and Mr. A. H. Loring (Secretary of the League). Amongst those expressing regret at inability to attend were the Earl of Aberdeen, Lord Reay, Lord Castletown of Upper Ossory, Mr. J. Q2 228 1892-3 CHAP VIII B. Balfour, M.P., the Hon. T. A. Bmssey, Sir William Ansoii, Sir Richard Webster, Q.C., M.P., Professor Tyndall, and Professor Seeley. Mr. Stanhope spoke at some length in introducing the deputation, and the other members of the deputation selected to address the Prime Minister were Lord Brassey, Sir John Colomb, and Mr. George Howell, M.P. Lord Brassey had recently been elected Vice-President of the League in the room of Lord Rosebery (who did not desire to retain any official position in the League while holding political office), and he made the following speech on this occasion. Address to the Prime Minister, April 13, 181)3. Sir, — As Chairman of the Committee whose Report we desire to submit to the consideration of the Government of the day, it is perhaps fitting that I should say a few words. The Report was due to a suggestion Avhich fell from Lord Salisbury on the last occasion when he re- ceived a Deputation from our League. To-day, sir, we have the honour of being received by yourself, the leader of the different party in politics, but from you we arc assured of receiving an equally sympathetic reception. Sir, our Report deals mainly with the question of Im- perial Defence, but I think I may appropriately say that the task of formulating schemes oi that nature was not the primary or the essential object of our Imperial Federation League. In the view of Mr. Forster, the lamented statesman who was our founder, in the view of Lord Salisbury, and in the view of others who have succeeded Mr. Forster as President of the League, I hold that our association has been chiefly regarded as CHAP. VIII 1892-8 229 an agency for fostering and cherishing the kindest feelings of honest pride, sympathy, and affection on the part of the people of the Mother-country towards their fellow-subjects in the Colonies. Assured as we are that these feelings exist, we are not impatient for changes in the federal relations of the Empire. We know that these changes must come in the future as the Colonies grow nearer to the Mother-country in population and in wealth; but we leave those changes to be proposed and to be considered by the states- men of the day according to the circumstances of the hour, and we leave them with confidence to their con- sideration as appropriate opportunities arise. Now, sir, referring to the Report which we are here to-day to submit to the Government, there are two ways by which our Imperial relations may be made closer. We may constitute a Zollverein, or we may constitute a Kriegsverein. In Canada, where we have many warm friends, the establishment of preferential trade has been constantly regarded as the strongest link by which any system of Imperial Federation may be welded together. There are wide differences of opinion upon that question. The existence of those differences was brought promi- nently into view at the conference of the Chambers of Commerce of the Empire in the City of London last year. We of the Committee, recognising the undeter- mined state of public opinion on this trade question, made no recommendations with legard to it ; but we think that occasional conferences would afford oppor- tunity for discussion by responsible persons upon this important subject. Now, sir, I turn to that part of the Report which deals with questions of Imperial defence ; and I may say with Mr. Stanhope, and I am sure that I am repre- 230 1892-3 CHAP. VIII senting the general feeling of those standing in this room, that union for mutual defence is a question which is becoming ripe for consideration. Quite recently a squadron has been established for the defence of Australasian waters. To the best of our ability, we have suggested in our Report further steps with a view of promoting concerted action for Imperial defence. We offer our suggestions, with deference, to the consider- ation of the Parliaments and the statesmen at home and in the Colonies. Sir, there is only one further obser- vation which I desire to make. The members of our Committee did not come totrether having for their first aim the obtaining of further contributions fi-om the Colonies. We recognised wliat the Colonies had done for their local defence, and we are prepared to accept what they have done as having been, at any rate in the past, a not insufficient equivalent for direct co-oi^eration. No, sir ; I may truly say that the members of our Committee were animated by a nobler and a loftier aim than h;is been sometimes suggested. We desire to do something which would bring home to every British subject, whether living in the Mother-land or living in the daughter States, the truth that separation involves grave disadvantages- and that strength for defence and influence for maintaining the peace of the world would be best secured bv remaining together as one people. It is worthy of remark, as showing the import- ance attached to undoing the bad effect of Sir Charles Tapper's statements as to the olyects of the leaders CMAP. VIII 1892-3 231 of the movement in this country, that Lord .Brassey availed himself of this important public occasion once more to repudiate the motives ascribed to them. ' The members of our Committee did not come together having for their first aim the obtaining of further contribu- tions from the Colonies. . . . No, sir ; I may tiuly say that the members of our Committee were ani- mated by a nobler and loftier aim than has been sometimes suggested.' Mr. Gladstone's reply to the deputation was gene- rally regarded by the Press as somewhat disappointing. But, as was observed at the time in the ' Journal ' of the League, when looked at more critically and with a full knowledge of the whole situation, it was Jess disap- pointing to the friends of the movement than was generally assumed. Mr. Gladstone said the time was not opportune for a Conference, and pointed out that the propositions contained in the report of Lord Brassey's Committee did not amount to a complete and perfect scheme of Federation, even for defence. But both these points were fully i^ecognised by members of the League beforehand. The League had good reason to consider it a matter for congi'atulation that it had secured from the chief of the Liberal Party the same general approval of its aims as it had already obtained from the chief of the Conservative Party. Mr. Glad- stone expressly adopted and associated himself with Lord Salisbury's former deliverance, and, while recog- nising the dangers of the present Imperial relationship, approved the League's princij^le of getting over these by means of Conferences. He also assented to the propo- sition that union for tlefence was alone an object of the greatest importance. Thirdly, he made an emphatic statement in the name of his party of the impossibility of 232 1892-3 chap vm adopting the plan (favoured by some sections of the League but not by its Council oi' the Special Committee) of cementing the Empire by means of preferential tariffs. And lastly, Mr. Gladstone agreed that the matter was one for the initiative of the Government of the United Kingdom, not of the Colonial Govern- ments. The presentation of this report was the last public act of the Imperial Federation League, which was dissolved at the end of the same year, 1893. But it was not from any want of sympathy on the part of the Prime Minister or of the public generally that the League ceased its operations. Its enemies were of its own household. As it was put by one of the editors of the present volume, in an account published shortly after the dissolution of the League, the state of things revealed by the discussions which had taken place in connection with the Report made it evident to those familiar with the inner working of the League's or- ganisation ' that a crisis had been reached, threatening the very existence of the Society. . . . The lines of cleavage, it will be observed, are twofold. There was the introduction into the League's policy of schemes of commer-cial union, and there was the virtual elimi- nation from its policy of the great principle upon which it was founded. It was because they recog- nised that the differences thus openly disclosed were fundamental and irreconcileable that the leaders of the League were forced to the conclusion that its power for good was paralysed, and so recommended its dis- solution.' ' Lord Brasscy was among the other League leaders 1 ' Why the Imperial Fcleration Lc.'i.t,'ue was dissolved.' By Robert Deadon. National limew : February, 18'J4. CHAP VIII 1892-3 233 who felt themselves constrained to this course of action. The decision of the Council to bring the operations of the LeaOTe to a close was taken after consideration of a report drawn up by a Committee that had been appointed, in consequence of the events that have been referred to as taking place shortly before and after the deputation to the Prime Minister, ' to inquire into and report upon the course of action to be adopted by the League in the near future.' Besides Mr. Stanhope, M.P., the President, and Lord Brassey, the Vice-President of the Lea '-« i ^ ''- '-« 2 a ^ Q c/;S-xc/3n?^acc a; .« 60 o o sa a bo •3 — a fc< n a § ^ w o Ph «(!< I I bo bo a d g r-) tj o cii ^ o O ? ^ h^ o o f-> II Vr > 5b cS Oi '^ n o « ^^ CD f— ( a S 0) a o a) > s t~. • rt a ^ a 2}e. Joseph Cowen. James Cropper. Major-Gen. Sir "VV. Grossman, K.C.M.G., M.P. Right Hon. G. Cubitt, M.P. R. S. Cunningham. Sir Donald Carrie, K.C.M.G., M.P. Captain the Hon. A. G. Curzon Howe, R.N. R. Neale Dalton. The liev. Canon Dalton, C.M.G. Professor G. H. Darwin, F.R.S. (Cambridge). N. Darnell Davis (British Guiana). R. Gent Davis, M.P. Charles Percy Davis (Victoria). F. Debenham. Baron Dimsd.ale, M.P. B. B. Dobrll (Quebec). Sir John Dorington, Bart., M.P. A. Akers DouglS-s, M.P. T. Douglas. Sir Henry Doulton. The Earl of Dunraven, K.P. Sir Charles Gavan Duffy, K.C.M.G. (late Premier of Victoria). Edward Easton, C.E. The Right Hon. Lord Emly. Admiral James E. Erskine. Richard Eve (Aldershot). C. Washington Eves ("West Indies). "W. Ewart, M.P. Sir William Farrer. James J. Fellows (Agent-General for New Brunswick). Right Hon. Sir J. Fergusson, Bart., M.P. R. Munro Ferguson, M.P. The Earl of Fife. The Hon. Harold Finch-Hatton (Queensland). C. Campbell Finlay. Sir Willm. Pitzherbert, K.C.M.G. (Speaker of New Zealand Legis- lative Council). The Bif/ht Hon. Viscount Folkestone, M.P. Sir William Foster, Bart. H. O. Arnold -F or ster. A. B. Forwood, M.P. Sir William Fox, K.C.M.G. (late Premier of New Zealand). Alderman Sir R. N. Fowler, Bart., M.P. C. F. Gahan, R.N. (Munritius). APPENDIX III 285 T. D. Galpin. Sir Alexander Gait, G.C.M.G. (late High Commissioner for Canada). J. A. Game. J. T. Agg Gardner, M.P. P. Lyttelton Gell (Oxford). Sydney Gedge, M.P. J. G. Gibson, Q.C., M.P. (Liver- pool). Bobert Gillesjne. William Gishorne (late Minister in New Zealand). The Master of Trinity College, Cambridge. Sir John Gorst, Q.C., M.P. Sir Julian Goldsmid, Bart., M.P. G. Prior Goldney. George W. Gordon. Col. E. T. Gourley, M.P. Lt.-Gen. Sir Gerald Graham, G.C.M.G., V.C. G. Graham (late New Zealand). W. S. Sebright Green. W. H. Grenfell. The Hon. F. T. Gregory (late Minister in Queensland). W. Greswell. Albert H. G. Grey. Daniel Gurteen, J.P. (Haverhill). F. A. Gwynne (New South Wales). R. G. Haliburton. Lord C. J. Hamilton, M.P. (Liverpool.) Right Hon. Lord G. Hamilton, M.P The Right Hon. Viscount Hamp- den, G.C.B. F. A. Hankey, M.P. F. Hardcastle, M.P. (Liverpool). G. D. Harris. Admiral the Right Hon. Sir J.C. D. Hay, Bart. A. Raymond Heath, M.P. J. Henniker Heaton, M.P. (New South Wales). The Right Hon. E. Heneage, M.P. Mitchell Henry. Richmond Henty. Lord Herries. The Right Hon. Lord Herschell. A. Hickman. The Right Hon. Sir M. Hicks- Beach, Bart., M.P. Sidney Hill. A. J. Staveleij Hill, Q.C., M.P. R. T. Hermon-Hodge, M.P. R. Hodgkinson (Newark). Sir Arthur Hodgson, K.C.M.G. (late Queensland). F. O. Hodson (New South Wales). Quintiu Hogg (West Indies). Hon. H. Holbrook (late Minister British Columbia). The Et. Hon. Lord Knutsford, G.C.M.G. E. W. Howson (Harrow). J. Castell Hopkins (Ingersoll Branch) . J. H. C. Hozier, M.P. Professor T. McK. Hughes (Cam- bridge) . Professor G. M. Humphry (Cam- bridge). Colonel P. B. Imies. James Jackson. W. L. Jackson, M.P. W. Culver James, M.D. Captain Charles Johnstone, R.N. W. Johnston, M.P. The Hon. S. A. Josejjh (M.L.C., N.S.W.). H. Kimber, M.P. Colonel King-Harman, M.P. F. P. Labilliere (late Victoria). Donald Larnach. 286 APPENDIX m H. L. W. Lawson, M.P. Sir John Trevor La\vi-encc, Bart., M.P. Elliott Lees, M.P. Sir Baldwyii Leighton, Bart. Stanley Leighton, M.P. Sir Roper Lethbridge, C.I.E., M.P. N. E. Lewis (Tasmania). The Bight Hon. Viscount Lewis- ham, M.P. Rev. J. J. Lias (Cambridge). J. Stanley Little. Sampson S. Lloyd. G. B. Longstaff. A. H. Loring. General Lowry, C.B. Hon. W. Lowther, M.P. Sir John Lubbock, Bart., M.P. J. M. Ludlow, C.B. Professor J. R. Lumby (Cam- bridge). R. A. Macfie (Edinburgh). Colin Mackenzie. William May. Alexander McArthur, M.P. (late New South Wales). Colonel 3IcCalmont, C.B. D'Alton McCarthy, M.P. (Presi- dent of the Imperial Federation League in Canada). R. Douglas McLean (New Zea- land). The Right Hon. Sir John Mac- donald, G.C.B. (Premier of Canada). F. Mackamess (late Cape). William MacJcinnon. Sir George Macleay, K.C.M.G. (New South Wales). Colonel R. T. Maillard. The Duke of Manchester, K.P. (Chairman, Royal Colonial Institute). Rev. C. Martyn. H. N. Story-Maskelyne, M.P. Sir Herbert Maxwell, Bart., M.P. The Earl of Meath. The Hon J. X. Merriman, M.L.A. (late Minister at the Cape). Sir F. A. Milner, Bart. Gishorne Molineux. The Right Hon. Viscount Monck, G.C.M.G. Col. A. Moncrieff, C.B. S. Montagu, M.P. The Right Hon. G. Osborne Morgan, M.P. 0. V. Morgan, M.P. S. V. Morgan. Walter V. Morgan. Major W. V. Morgan. J. V. Morgan (Victoria). Walter Morrison, M.P. T. B. Moxon (Manchester). K. B. Murray (Sec, London Chamber of Commerce). Professor A. S. Napier (Oxford). Lieut. -Col. Francis Newdigate. Sir C. Nicholson, Bart, (late Speaker, New South Wales). W. N. Nicholson. P. H. Nind (British Guiana). W^ilson Noble, M.P. The Marquis of Normanby, G.C.B., G.C.M.G. Captain Cecil W. Norton. C. M. Norwood. Colonel Sir Charles Nugent, K.C.B. James L. Ohlson (West Indies). Laurence Oliphant. Sir G. E. Paget, K.C.B. (Cam- bridge). Col. E. H. Paske. J. C. Payne (Lagos). J. Home Payne, Q.C. Major-Gen. Sir Lewis Pelly, K.C.B., K.C.S.I., M.P. APPENDIX III 287 The Right Eev. Bishop Perry (late of Melbourne). Harold A. Perry. W. Copland Perry. The Bight Hon. Sir Lyon Play- fair, K.C.B., M.P. The Duke of Portland. Professor Postgate (Cambridge). P. Balli. James Rankin, M.P. (Hereford). Edward Rawlings. Sir Eaivson W. Baivson, E.C.M.G., C.B. The Right Hon. Lord Reay (Governor of Bombay). Peter Redpath (Canada). Admiral Sir Spencer Robinson, K.C.B. Reginald X. Rogers (Falmouth). The Right Hon. Sir John Rose, Bart., G.C.M.G. (late Minister in Canada). T. B. Royden, M.P. (Liverpool). G. W. Busden (Victoria). Albert 0. Butson. Sir Saul Samuel, K.C.M.G., C.B. (Agent- General for New South Wales). W. A. Sandford. Lieut.-Colonel Myles Sandys,M.P. The Hon. J. W. Sauer (late Minister at the Cape). Sir Thomas Scanlen, K.C.M.G. (late Premier at the Cape). Professor J. B. Seeley (Cam- bridge). The Hon. James Service (late Premier of Victoria). H. Seton-Karr, M.P. (Liverpool). Walter Severn. Sir C. Farquhar Shand (late Chief Justice, Mauritius). The Master of Sidney College, Cambridge. Col. H. A. Silver (Chislehurst). S. W. Silver. Major-General E. Coysgarne Sim, R.E. Sir John Simon, M.P. Lieut. G. Mansfield Smith B.N. Philip Vernon Smith. Sir Francis V. Smith (late Chief Justice of Tasmania). Samuel Smith, M.P. The Right Hon. W. H. Smith, M.P. R. Murray Smith, C.M.G. (late Agent-General for Victoria). R. Burdett Smith, M.L.A. (Sydney, N.S.W.). Arthur Somerset. W. Garland Soper, J.P. (Cape). The Hon. R. Southey, C.M.G. (Cape). Sir E. W. Stafford, K.C.M.G. William Stewart (Glasgow). Professor G. G. Stokes, M.P. (Cambridge). W. Summers, M.P. The Rev. S. A. Swaine. J. R. Tanner (Cambridge), Lord Tennyson. The Hon. Hallam Tennyson. Alfred Thomas, M.P. J. J. Thomas (Lagos). W. Tipping. Silvanus Trevail (Truro). Admiral Sir George Tryon, K.C.B. C. L. Tupper (Simla). Alex. Turnbull (West Indies). W. S. Turner (British Guiana). Professor Tyndall. C. J. Valentine. P. Vanderbyl. The Right Hon. Sir Harry Verney, Bart. 288 APPENDIX III C. E. Howard Vincent, C.B., M.P. Robert Walker, C.E. T. D. Wanliss (Victoria). R. H. Lee Warner (Hereford). Major-General Sir Charles Warren, G.C.M.G. T. W. Warren (Sydney, N.S.W.). Dr. Herbert Watney. The Hon. J. B. Watt (M.L.C., New South Wales). Colonel John Watts (Bombay Staff Corps). Sir Richard Webster, Q.C., M.P. Sir F. A. Weld, G.C.M.G. (Governor of Singapore). The Rev. J. E. C. Welldon (Headmaster of Harrow). The Earl of Wemyss and March. Professor Westcott (Cambridge). William Westgarth (late Vic- toria). The Very Rev. Dean of West- . minster. Arnold White. E. Whiteley, M.P. (Liverpool). Major-General Sir Owen Williams. Z. A. Williams (Lagos). H. F. Wilson. Sir Samuel Wilson, M.P. (late Member of the Legislative Council, Victoria). The Earl of Wincliilsea. The Very Rev. The Dean of Windsor. Major G. de Winton. Baron H. de Worras, M.P. (Liverpool). W. Basil Worsfold (New Zea- land). H. Smith Wright, M.P. James A. Youl, C.M.G. (Tas- mania). Sir Frederick Young, K.C.M.G. (Vice-President Royal Colonial Institute). APPENDIX IV TEXT OF THE EEPOBT OF THE SPECIAL COM- MITTEE OF THE IMPEBIAL FEDERATION LEAGUE Lord Brassey, Chairman. The circumstances under wliicli the present Report is furnished are as follows : — 1. On June 17, 1891, a deputation fioni the loi-.i Paiu- Imperial Federation League waited upon the Prime gestioif""' Minister for the purpose of urging upon him the convo- cation of a second conference of the self-sovernini- countries of tlie Empire. In the course of his reply the Prime Minister, after having stated that the subject dealt with by the deputation was ' nothing more nor less than the future of the British Empire,' continued as follows : — ' As has been pointed out, owing to the operation of external causes and some external impulses, there is a feeling of unrest in Canada, and even in Australia — a feeling which may not improperly be described as an unwillingness to continue to acquiesce precisely in the present state of things. Sir John Colomb very justly pointed out a consideration of which, in my office, I am especially sensible — the large portion of our foreign negotiations, our foreign difficulties, and the danger of foreign complications which arise entirely from our colonial connections ; and tli(> effect is that from time U 290 APPENDIX IV to time we have to exercise great vigilance lest we should incur dangers which do not arise from any interest of our own, but arise entirely from the interests of the important and interesting communities with which we are linked. . . .' Referring to tlie proposal which had been brought forward by the deputation, Lord Salisbury said : — ' I quite think that no grave decision in reference to the relations between the Colonies and this country ought to be taken, or could be taken, without personal communication with the statesmen who guide the Colonies in those matters. But I would venture to lay down also as a maxim, that we should not call them from their momentous avocations to put them to all the difficulty, and all the labour, and all the cost, of coming to this end of the world unless we are prepared to lay before them for discussion some definite scheme of our own. I do not say such a scheme that we must adopt it with a resolution not to recede from it — it is not to be an unalterable determination ; but I think it would be a frivolity, almost amounting to an insult, to ask those statesmen to come together here without any definite idea of what ought to be done, merely in the hope that some scheme would generate itself from contact of so many distinguished minds. ... If you summon a con- ference, you always have .some proposition to make to that conference. You may not be certain that you will carry it — you may be prepared to make great concessions, jrreat modifications — but it would be an insult to summon a conference and to have no proposition to make to them when they came. ... I think that we have almost come to the time when some schemes should be pro- posed, and that without them we shall not get very far.' 2. Such being the suggestion of the Prime Minister, APPENDIX IV 291 the Council of the Leacfue, while not admittinoj that the Action , . p T • 1 "" 1 1 takoii by the solution or a political problem which involves so great League" an issue as the future of the Empire could with advan- tage be delegated by responsible Ministers of the Crown to an independent and irresponsible body, nevertheless considered it to be a clear duty to endeavour to furnish such definite proposals for federation as, in their opinion, would be possible of adoption, and would satisfy the requirements of the Constitution. 3. At a meeting of the Council of the League held on July 6, 1891, the following resolution was moved by Sir Charles Tupper, seconded by Sir Frederick Young, and passed unanimously : — ' That a carefully selected Committee be appointed to a com- submit to the Council, for the consideration of the appointed organisations of the League throughout the Empire, definite proposals by which the object of Imperial Federation may be realised.' The Committee nominated for this purpose by a Constitution Special Committee of Selection was constituted as committee follows : — Lord Brassey, K.C.B. [Chairman). James Bryce, Esq., M.P.' Sir John Colomb, K.C.M.G., M.P. Sir Daniel Cooper, Bart., G.C.M.G. H. O. Arnold-Forster, Esq. Lord Lamington. The Right Hon. Sir Lyon Playfair, K.C.B. , M.P.^ James Rankin, Esq., M.P. Sir Rawson Rawson, K.C.M.G., C.B. Lord Reay, G.C.S.L, G.C.LE. Sir Charles Tupper, Bart., G.C.M.G., C.B. ' Now Eight Hon. James Bryce, M.P. - Now Lord Playfair, K C.B. U2 29'2 APPENDIX IV Procedure of the Coininittee Xature of replies Proposals of the Committee 4. Your Committee, having been thus appointed, decided to commence the inquiry by circulating to persons specially qualified to give their opinions a series of carefully considered questions raising the prin- cipal points involved in any form of federation. 5. These questions were sent to some thirty gentle- men. Many of the replies received are elaborate and valuable documents, and, taken together, the papers embody the result of much time and thought, and form an important collection of opinion upon the main points connected with the federation of the Empire. The unanimity of suggestion with regard to many of the points at issue is as remarkable as it is satisfactory. 6. There is an absolute agreement with regard to the object in view, which may be correctly expressed in the words of the original constitution of the League, adopted in 1884 : — 'The object of tlie League is to secure by federation the permanent unity of the Empire ; that no scheme of federation should interfere with the existing rights of Local Parliaments as regards local affairs ; and that any scheme of Imperial Federa- tion should combine on an equitable basis the resources of the Empire for the maintenance of common interests, and adequately provide for an organised defence of common rights.' 7. Your Committee, after duly considering these replies, have drawn up the following proposals, which appear to them to embody the main piinciples that must prevail in any readjustment of the relations between Britain and her Colonies. 8. In presenting these proposals your Committee wish it to be understood that they have proceeded on the assumption that a general desire exists for maintaining the unity of the Empire and making its APPENDIX IV 293 organisation more perfect, especially for the purpose of defence. 9. The essentials of a united Empire may he thus Essentials of •^ a federated briefly defined :— Empire (a) That the voice of the Empire in peace, when dealing with Foreign Powers, shall be, as far as possible, the united voice of all its autono- mous parts. {b) That the defence of the Empire in war shall be the common defence of all its interests and of all its parts, by the united forces and resources of all its members. 10. In order that the Empire may speak with the greatest authority to foreign nations, there ought to be a body in which all its autonomous parts are represented. 11. In order that the voice of the Empire may be Representa- 1 ■ 11 1 ^ I! 1 *^^® body supported m peace, and the common defence of the and com- Enipire assured in war, its resources must be combined, fence This entails, as regards its self-governing portions, both a representative body and common property in the means of defence. 1 2. Tlie sphere within which combined defence is Naval de- necessary is confined to those common interests, the flrstcommoi defence of which cannot be provided by local means. It is in the maintenance of the sea communications of the Empire that the community of interests is most absolute. The primary requirements of combineil defence, there- fore, are a sea-going fleet and naval bases. 13. It being admitted that in order to combine the resources of the Empire for the purpose of defending and maintaining its common interests, some central body in which all its parts are represented is essential, the question of the nature and functions of such a body at once arises. It remains then to consider — • 1 necessitv 294. APPENDIX IV (a) How shall a Council of the Empire be constituted 1 (b) By what means can the resources of the Empire be most effectively combined ? Mode of 14. In order to secure more complete co-operation in presentation maintaining and defending the common interests of the Empire, means should be adopted for more intimate communication and consultation between the great out- lying British possessions and the Imperial Cabinet, and to that end it is proposed that when the Provinces of Australasia and South Africa are each united under one Government, as Canada now is, and those three Do- minions are represented in London by a member of each Government respectively, such representatives should be available for consultation with the Cabinet when mat- ters of foreign policy affecting the Colonies are under consideration. The Imperial Government would thus be placed in closer touch with the Governments of these several Dominions, and measures would be better con- certed for more effective mutual co-operation and sup- port in the defence of the Empire. Constitution 15. Witliout limiting or defining the functions the ot aea'i.oe ilf exercise of which a Council might attract to itself in tiie Eiiiiiire p^.Q^ggg of time, for practical and innnecliate purposes the following propositions are submitted : — IG. The Council should consist of members appointed by the United Kingdom and the self-governing Colonies. 17. The three great'groups of self-governing Colonies — North American, Australasian, and South African — should be directly represented in that Council. India and the Crown Colonies would be represented through Her Majesty's Secretaries of State at present charged with the administration of their affairs, and in such other manner as might become desirable. LS. The Council might include, on the part of the APPENDIX IV 295 United Kingdom, the Indian Empire, and the Crown Colonies, the Prime Minister, the Secretaries of State for Foreign Affairs, War, Colonies, and India ; the First Lord of the Admiralty and the Chancellor of the Ex- chequer ; and on the part of the self-governing Colonies, of representatives of the three groups. 1 9 Such a Council should deal with Imperial defence. Functions of - - , the Council somewhat on the lines contemplated m Article 2U or the Report of Lord Hartington's Commission on Defence, which may be appropriately quoted. Article 20. There mieht be some advantage in the formation of iniperiai ~ 'J ueieuce a Naval and Military Council, which should probably be presided over by the Prime Minister, and consist of the Parliamentary heads of the two services and their prin- cipal professional advisers. In this Council also pos- sibly might be included one or two officers of great repu- tation or experience who might not Imppen to hold any official appointment in the Admiralty or War Office at the time. This Council might meet in all cases befoie the Estimates of the year are decided upon by the Cabinet, so that the establishments proposed for each service should be discussed from the point of view of the other, and the relative importance of any proposed ex- penditure might be fully considered. It might also be summoned from time to time to consider and authori- tatively decide upon unsettled questions between the two departments, or any matters of joint naval and military policy which, in the opinion of the heads of the two ser- vices, required discussion and decision. It would be essential to the usefulness of such a Council, and to the interests of such a Council, and to the interests of the country, that the proceedings and decisions should be duly 296 APPENDIX lY Foreign policy MetlioJ of raising con- tributions Amounts to be fixed liy con- ference Combination of resources for defence recorded, instances having occurred iii which Cabinet decisions have been differently understood by the two departments, and have become practically a dead letter. 20. The Council might receive such information re- lating to matters of foreign policy as would enable it to deal adequately with questions of defence. 21. In matters of defence the Council should super- vise the appropriation of any moneys provided for the defence of the Empire by the common contribution of the United Kingdom and the Colonies. 22. The method of raising contributions would pro- Ijably, by general consent, be left at the outset to the choice of the individual self-governing States. But future developments may disclose a means of raising the necessary contributions upon some uniform principle throughout the Emj^ire, by the allocation to this purpose of special sources of revenue or otherwise. 23. The several amounts should be fixed in the first instance for a term of years by a conference, subject to periodical revisions. 24. The question of contribution for the maintenance of forces for the general protection of the Empire is a branch of the subject in which the greatest difhculties ai'e involved. It may be considered at the present time with the less hesitation, because there is no immediate need for a change in existing arrangements. The chief inducements for keeping the Empire to- gether spring from the identity of the populations of the Mother-country and the self-governing Colonies in all the essentials of a common nationality, and from the existence of a common danger which united defence alone can avert. While, however, in the present and in the neai- future, no large readjustment of burdens is called for, APPENDIX IV 297 the time must inevitably come, through the rapid development of the Colonies themselves, when further provision must be made for their defence by naval means. It would be only fair that the self-governing States should make contribution towards the cost of those additional defensive preparations. Hence arises the necessity for a consideration of the subject of contributions in connection with any revision of the present relations between the Mother-country and the Colonies. 25. It may be laid down as a leading principle that as all parts of the Empire enjoy the benefits of Imperial defence, they should contribute to its cost. In the case of India and the Crown Colonies the United Kingdom would continue to be responsible for all matters relating to their respective contributions. 26. There is no reason to doubt that if the necessities Colonial of the case were made clear, the Colonies would be pre- tious pared to take their share in the cost of the general defeiTce of the Empire, provided that tliey were given a proper share in the control and expenditure of the com- mon fund. 27. In proposing that the self-governing Colonies should bear the enhanced cost of their own defences, and thereby shai'e the cost of the defences of the Empire in common with the people of the United Kingdom, your Committee desire to point out that by so doing those countries would be undertakingan incomparably smaller financial expenditure than would be required for their own defences if these did not form part of the general scheme of defence adopted for the Empire. 28. In all the self-governing Colonies expenditure is An .iitemsi- al ready incurred for providing for local defence. The contribution maintenance of naval and military forces, at a certain 298 APPENDIX IV All Imperial conference proposed Koyal Coin- mission sug- gested strength, in a proper condition of efficiency, and gene- rally available for mutual protection and support, might be regarded as the equivalent of a direct contribution to the Imperial Exchequer. 29. In order to ascertain the views of the different Colonies enjoying responsible government as to securing tlie unity of the Empire and meeting the responsibilities of Imperial defence, and for the purpose of determining the basis upon, and the method by which, contrilnitions should be raised, the Governments concerned should be invited to send representatives to a conference sum- moned ad hoc. Such conference ought not, however, to be formally convoked until Her Majesty's Government have satisfied themselves that the moment is opportune, and that a favourable reception of any proposals they may make may reasonably be looked for. 30. The invitation to such a conference should be accompanied by a complete statement showing the general necessities of the Empire in the matter of defence ; the means by which defence has hitherto been provided, and the proposed means and estimated cost of pi'oviding it by joint action in the future. 31. It is possible that a preliminary inquiry by Royal Commission may be necessary to supply the groundwork for a comprehensive statement of the complete and authoritative character required. treasures conducive Imt not essential in federation 32. In addition to the conditions specified at the out- set as essential to the maintenance of the permanent unity and integrity of the Empire, there are other mea- sures Avhich, though non-essential, may be recommended as conducive to the same end. APPENDIX IV 299 33. Some of these would become immediately prac- ticable on the fulfilment of the essential conditions ; others might become practicable later, in consequence of the permanent character given by the fulfilment of those conditions to the Imperial relationship. 34 Amonir the measures that would thus become Measures f more im- more immediately practicable ai^e : — mediately "^ ^ . . practicable (a) The admission of Colonial Government securities after federa- to the category of investments in which, under British law, trust funds may be placed. (b) The Imperial guarantee of local loans raised for purposes subservient to Imperial ends, such as immigration, dry docks, strategic caljles, rail- ways. Arc. (c) The actual opening of the Administrative Ser- vices of the Empire, outside the United King- dom, by holding local examinations for the Indian, Diplomatic, and Consular Services, as now done for the Army and Navy, and the more frequent appointment to Governorships and other high posts of fit persons in whatever part of the Empire they may be domiciled. (d) The selection from time to time of eminent Colonial Jurists to sit upon the Judicial Com- mittee of the Privy Council. (e) Uniformity in certain branches of Statute law, especially commercial law — as, for instance, the law of Bankruptcy and IMerchant Shipping — increased facilities for the execution of legal processes, and so forth. (/) Uniform Imperial postage and special arrange- ments for telegraphic service. 35. The reforms contemplated under heads (a), (e), and (/') can only be attained by local legislation at the 300 APPENDIX IV Other meas- ures— iiiter- Itnperial trade Details re- served for the coii- fereuce Conclusion invitation of the Council, since these matters are at present subjects of local legislation, with which no scheme of Britannic Confederation should interfere. 36. Among the measures which, if not at first prac- ticable, might become more so with the growth of a feel- ing of permanent national unity, the most impoi'tant would be those connected with the fuller development of inter-Imperial trade and the removal of existing hindrances thereto due to tariflf arrangement. 37. The course of events may remove the obstacles at present retarding the interchange of commodities between the countries which constitute the Empire. The sense of the permanence of the political union would naturally induce the people of the vax'ious countries in the Empire to make, for the sake of strengthening the union, fiscal arrangements which, under existing cir- cumstances, they are not prepared to adopt. 38. In concluding this report, the Committee wish to add that they have not attempted to give effect to all the recommendations with regard to matters of detail contained in the replies which have reached them. Many of these recommendations are of great value and of a practical nature ; the Committee believe, however, tliat the initial step of calling a conference for the specific purpose of organising and strengthening the resources of the Empire for defence is one upon the necessity of which there is a general consensus of opinion, and that it would be to the advantage of the cause advocated by the League to reserve the consideration of points of detail for such a conference. 39. The Committee having thus complied with the suggestion of the Prime Minister to fui-nish proposals for the consideration of Her jNIajesty's Government, and having definitely recommended ilie summoning of a APPENDIX IV 301 conference for the purpose above referred to, desire to place on record their sense of the very grave importance of the questions involved, and their belief that it will be a matter for great regret if the Imperial Government should fail to take, at the earliest fitting opportunity, the initial step of summoning representatives of the United Kingdom, and of the self-governing Colonies respectively, to meet and to discuss the best means of formulating some arrangements for the future government of the Empire which shall make satisfactory provision foi- the joint protection of its common interests. 40. It is recognised as possible that such a conference as has been suggested by your Committee may fail to adopt these proposals, or any otliers, for the better organisation of the Empire ; but until such conference has been summoned, and has either succeeded or failed, British Cabinets and the British Parliament will be fairly open to the reproach of having made no adequate effort to deal with a question which, in the words of the (late) Prime Minister, ' involves neither more nor less than the future of the British Empire.' (Signed) Brassey (Chairman). J. Bryce. John C. R. Colomb. Daniel Cooper. H. O. Arnold-Forster. Lamington. Lyon Playfair. James Rankin. Rawson W. Rawson. Re AY. Charles Tupper. Arthur H. Loring (Secretary/). July, 1892. APPENDIX V THE PROPOSED MAIL BOTJTE TO ATI ST BALI A, VIA CANADA Letter published in the ' Times,' September 8, 1894. To the Editor of the ' Times.'' Sir, — My friend Mr. Huddart has asked me to assist him at the present important juncture in putting before the British public the advantages of an accelerated mail service between England and Canada and Canada and Australia. The project merits public support on many grounds, and chiefly as tending to promote the unity of the British Empire. That is an object desired alike at home and in the Colonies. The difficulty has been to suggest practical steps. On two occasions I had the privilege of introducing to the Prime Minister deputations from the Imperial Federation League. We had no ground to complain of the reception accorded to us. Our first interview was followed by a conference held in London, at which the Colonies were ably represented. The rein- forcement of the Australian Squadron at the expense of the Colonies was the chief outcome of deliberations which were mainly directed to the defence of the Empire. Our second interview with Lord Salisbury elicited the important suggestion that tlie time had come when schemes of federation should be proposed. The challenge APPENDIX V 808 of the Prime Minister was answered by the League in a report, the reception of which by the Press and by public opinion was a source of satisfaction to all concerned. But we have not found that action has been taken upon our suggestions. We may claim that they were feasible and desirable. We must acknowledge that there was no immediate necessity for their adoption. It has never been the way of British statesmanship to occupy itself with questions in anticipation of ulterior exigencies. If, however, it is wise to wait for fitting occasions before attempting to alter existing constitutional relations between the Mother-country and the Colonies, all will recognise that whenever opportunities offer we should not neglect them. The practical steps which may now be taken were made clear by the recent proceedings at Ottawa. That second great colonial conference gave its attention espe- cially to the improvement of telegraphic and postal communications. All the delegates who attended were agreed as to the desirability of opening up a new line of communication under the British flag between the Mother-country and Australia through Canada. The recommendations of the conference have been empha- sised by something more than empty declarations. It is proposed to connect the eastern terminus of the Canadian railway system with England, and the western terminus with Australia, by a service of four large 20-knot steamers on the Atlantic and five swift steamers on the Pacific. The cost of these vessels is estimated at 3,000,000/. The subsidies asked from the Governments concerned amount to 300,000/. a year. Towards this amount Canada has voted 175,000/. The Imperial Government is asked to contribute 75,000/. and Australia 50,000/. If Canada has a special interest in establish- 304 APPENDIX V ing a new trade and postal route across her vast dominion, we have interests of hardly inferior magnitude in the development of communications with our Colonies. It is a circumstance that should have its due weight that, while Canada finds a large proportion of the money, all the expenditure on the construction of the ships will be incuri'ed in the United Kingdom. Turning to the Australian Governments, if we display a wise liberality they may be trusted to follow. In granting; assistance to Mr. Huddart's scheme every care should be taken to insure that the public money is applied to the best advantage. Conditions may be inserted requiring the conveyance at low rates of troops to Hong-Kong, and relief crews to the Australian, Pacific, and China stations. It may be insisted that the specifications and plans for the new ships shall insure their fitness for service as scovits or auxiliary cruisers. In view of the desirability for increasing the means of training the engine-room complements of our ships of war, it might be arranged that the Admiralty should have the option of sending officers and men from the steam reserves for temporary duty in the new ships. We are losing a valuable training service by the decision recently taken to do away with the Indian troopships. The subsidy now asked for may be in part mado up by some reduction in the amounts now paid for mail services by other routes. It is in the initiatory stages that the helping hand of the Government is most needed. Once established, a service which meets a real public want may be efficiently conducted with diminish- ing assistance from the Treasury. Tt has been urged by the representative of the Allan I/ine that the Gulf of St. Lawrence presents special diffi- culties to the navigator. The Allan Line has been free '»" AlTENJjiX V. 305 t'roiu disaster for many years. If its present proprietors had been men with the same enterprise and the same inducements to face the risks of business which animated the founders of their undertaking, they would have put vessels on their line which would have been capable of earning the subsidy which has been granted to a rival. In considering the present demand we may appro- priately ask ourselves how such a proposal would be received elsewhere. "With comparatively insignificant commercial interests at stake, lavish subsidies are paid by Italy for a service to India, by France and Germany for services to China, Australia, and America, and by Russia for a fleet of volunteer cruisers. The British Government has been able, throuali the keen competition in our mercantile mai'ine, to make large reductions. Economy should not be pushed too far. High-speed services across the ocean can only be performed by subsidised steamers. In conclusion, I return to the argument with which it was sought to open the case. To preserve our Imperial unity is a primary object of our public policy. We desire to make the value of the connection with the Mother-country felt in all the Colonies. When, there- fore, our co-operation is asked in furtherance of a common object by such a conference as that lately assembled at Ottawa, it is not wisdom to refuse assistance. The decision to be taken must largely depend on the report of Lord Jersey. It is earnestly to be desired that no hesitation will be shown if he recommends that the new Canadian services to Australasia should be sub- sidised. I have the honour to be. Sir, your obedient servant, Brassey. Dahiacardoch, N.B. *X APPENDIX VI LOBD BRASSEY'S INTRODUCTION TO 'OUT- LINES OF BRITISH COLONISATION,' BY THE REV. W. P. GEE SWELL Mr. Greswrll's volume on Colonisation is a record of achievements of which the British nation may justly be proud. We read in these pages of maritime discoveries in every ocean, and of s-till more arduous inland explora- tions. The brilliant story of our colonisation carries us forward from the solitary struggles of the pioneer in unknown countries to the combined eflbrts made by great communities to develop commerce and promote civilisation. We see the first administrators of our distant dependencies at their work, in days when com- munication was slow and infrequent, and when little aid could be given and little interference was to be apprehended on the part of the authorities at home. In a later stage we have before us encouraging and splendid examples of the prosperity and contentment which ha\e followed upon the bold and ungrudging acceptance of the policy of the devolution of local affairs upon a re- sponsible constitutional government. Jn any history of our colonies the West Indies must have a large place. Those lovely islands, gems of sur- passing V)eauty set in the silver sea, have been the scenes of many struggles, and have witnessed some of the most brilliant victories of the British navy. Since the close of the Great War the progress of these islands APPENDIX VI [301] has never been interrupted by international conflicts. The difficulties of the planters have been due to other causes. The manumission of the slaves, and later the unfair and unequal struggle with foreign competitors lavishly subsidised by bounties, have entirely changed the conditions under which the cultivation of sugar must be carried on. It is gratifying to know tliat by reductions in the cost of production, and the opening of new markets, chietly iu the United States, the position of the sugar industry has been much improved. Owing to theii' tropical climate the West Indies cannot be regarded as a suitable field for European colonisation on an extensive scale. For the negro poj)ulation these islands may be made an earthly paradise. It is to the development of peasant proprietorship that the gover- nors are at this moment chiefly directing their attention. The fruit trade with the United States, which has been rapidly growing of recent years, seems specially adapted to the limited resources and aptitudes of a negro peasantry. The history of Canada contains many episodes of surpassing interest. Heroism and self-denying zeal in the cause of religion have never been exhibited more conspicuously than by the Jesuit fathers whom France sent forth in the seventeenth century to found missions in North America. The wars of the eighteenth century led to many hard-fought ericounters between the British and French forces. The long list of brave and capable commanders on both sides culminates in the memorable names of Wolfe and Montcalm. In the siege and cap- ture of Quebec both these illustrious heroes laid down their lives with unmurmuring devotion in the cause of their respective countries. There are episodes in war in which all the highest virtues of the human cliaracter [302] APPENDIX VI are displayed. History has no more moving stoiy than that which gathers I'ound the crumbling battlements of Quebec. At a later stage Canada was the scene of another display of patriotism. Thousands of British settlers, rather than live under an independent flag, migrated, at great sacrifices, from their homes in the United States, and came to reside in a country where all the hard labours of the pioneer had to be encoun- tered, but where the flag of the Mother-country still waved above their heads. The subsequent history of Canada is chiefly interesting for the success which has attended the concession of responsible government. All traces of rancour and disloyalty have disappeared. The latest constitutional incident was the federation of all the provinces into one dominion. Canada possesses many sources of prosperity. Its flsheries give employment to a numerous and hardy maritime population. Lower Canada possesses noble forests : Ontario has a thriving agriculture and rich pastures : the Canadian North-West is rapidly be- coming one of the most abundant granaries of the world. The West Afi'ican settlements are especially in- teresting in connection with many pex'ilous efforts to explore the recesses of the Dark Continent. Off their surf-bound shores our squadrons for many years kept watch and ward for the suppression of the slave trade. Under British protection the slaves whom we set free have formed a settlement at Sierra Leone. The port is advantageously situated, both as a place of trade and as a coaling station for the fleet. As a Colonial Power the French are exhibiting re- markable energy in West Africa. Englishmen will watch with a generous approval the efi'oj'ts of a friendly APPENDIX YI [303] Power in the cause of civilisation. There would be less of reserve in our good wishes to French colonisation if her settlements were administered under a less exclusive fiscal policy. At the Cape of Good Hope we have gradually over- come difficulties which in times past seemed almost insurmountable. By the concession of responsible government we have conciliated the Dutch, who form a strong majority of the white population. After a series of wars, as inglorious as all conflicts must be which are Avaged between a civilised Power and savage tribes, we have found in the Cafi:res willing and sturdy labourers, who are lending invaluable services in opening up the resources of their country. Under the direction of Mr. Rhodes, the premier, the railway system of the Cape is being rapidly pushed forward, and British capital is being freely applied to the opening up of the mineral resources and the general settlement of the vast sphere over which the British Protectorate in South Africa extends. Let us pass on to Australasia. With those distant shores must for ever be associated the names of the great navigators by whom they were first explored. Dampier, Tasman, Flinders, Baudin, and, most renowned of all. Captain Cook, deserve special mention for the part they took in the extended explorations which made the civilised world first acquainted with the vast terri- tories of Australia. The newly-discovered lands were used in the first instance as a convict settlement. That miserable stage in their history was fortunately brief. A population of stalwart settlers has found in the antipodes a rich field of enterprise. It was soon ascer- tained that the vast plains of the continent, though subject to long periods of drought, were capable of [804] APPENDIX VI atFordiiig adequate subsistence to sheep selected from breeds especially rich in the production of wool. In 1851 the Hrst great discoveries of gold were made in Australia. Attracted by the reports of many fortu- nate finds, emigrants arrived in extraordinary numbers. Tn four years the population of Victoria was increased from less than 100,000 to more than 400,000. From this epoch onwards the prosperity of the Australasian colonies was a-isured. It now rests on a broader and more enduring basis than that of the gold-diggings. So boundless and varied are the resources, and so energetic the population, that it is now computed that, within a period but little exceeding the reign of our gracious Que-n, less than live millions of people have accumu- lated a total private wealth of some twelve hundred millions sterling. Well may the people who have achieved such dazzling success inscribe upon their flag the motto, ' Advance, Australia ! ' It only remains to add a few concluding observations upon the problem of Imperial Federation. Not many years have elapsed since leading statesmen regarded with complacency the prospect of a severance of the ties, in those days deemed an incumbrance, which bound the Mother-country to distant dependencies, to which it seemed difficult, if not impossible, to afford adequate protection. At the present time we have broader and worthier views of the advantages and possibilities of maintaining the unity of the British Empire. The true basis of that unity is to be found, not in the parchments of lawyers or the despatches of ministers, but in the feelings of the people of the colonies towards that old but not exhausted land whicli it delights thein to regard as the common Imine of the race. On the day before these lines were wiitten the APPENDIX VI [305] subject was treated witli a master-haiul by Lord Rose- bery in presiding at the twenty-fifth anniversary ban- quet of the foundation of the Cokmial Institute. In his speech delivered on that occasion, with the humorous touches so much to be desired in a post-prandial oration, there were conveyed lessons of statesmanlike wisdom. ' It is a part,' he said, 'of our responsibility and heri- tage to take care that the world, so far as it can be moulded by us, shall receive the Anglo-Saxon, and not another character.' While not recommending the im- mediate summoning of another Colonial Conference, Lord Rosebery gave evidence that sympathy and affec- tion for the colonies was the governing principle of his conduct as the minister in charge of the foreign affairs of the Empire. The same sentiments wei-e expressed, with not less warmth of feeling, by Lord Knutsford. There are no divergent views in reference to our colonial policy. It is held by statesmen on both sides to be of the last importance to the future of our race to prevent our noble Empire from falling asunder. March 7, 1898. INDEX Abebdeen, Lord and Lady, 280, 281 Adelaide, defences of, 38, 7(5 ; the position of labour in the city and its vicinity, 239, 243, 247; its University, 240 Aden, as a trade emporium, 31 ; as a naval base, 42 ; suggested improvements at, 72, 73, 79 ; Indian trooijs at, 181 Africa, Sir Henry Parkes on British Colonies in, and their future, 96; England's position in, and the effect on foreign policy, 107 ' Albatross,' German cruiser at Sydney, 81 ' Alexandra,' Mediterranean flag- ship, 41 Algoa Bay, settlement at, 245 America, North, British Colonies in, the defences of, 12 ; trade with Mother-country, 33 Angas, Mr. J. H., his gift to Adelaide, 240 Arbuthnot, Colonel, and the lack of dock accommodation in British Colonies, 43 Army, British, suggested additions to the, for foreign garrison duty, 264 Arnold-Forster, Mr. H. 0., his connection with the Imperial Federation League, 233, 291, 301 Ascension, defences of, 79 Asia, England's dependencies in, and the effect on foreign policy, 107, 185 Assiniboia, emigrant Colony in, 267 ' Atlantic Monthly ' on Imperial Federation, in Atlantic coaling stations, 42 Auckland, defence of, 43 Australia, independence contem- plated by Colonists, 5 ; Imperial Federation movement in, 14, 15, 27, 61-68, 90-92; trade with Great Britain, 33, 195, 196, 246 ; progress of the various Colonies, I 34, 35 ; naval and military de- fences and resources, 12, 38,39, 43, 60, 76, 82, 94, 95, 101, 113, 119, 124, 133, 141, 158, 164, 169, 204 ; defence of coaling- stations and lines of connnuni cation with, 41, 42, 76, 181 ; the creation of a naval reserve in, 44, 45, 265, 266 ; loyalty of colonists to British connection, 63, 91, 92, 100, 160, 266 ; pro- posal regarding naval and mili- tary training in, 77, 80, 115 ; graving docks at Australian ports, 81 ; advantages to Aus- tralian Colonies of union with Great Britain, 92, 94, 102, 103, 119, 121, 122 ; future of, as a nation, 96 ; its contingent in the Soudan campaign, 97, 113, 119, 145 ; intercolonial federation movement in, 105, 140, 141, x2 808 INDEX 181, 250 ; England's position in, and the effect on foreign policy, 107, 108; Lord Brassey's ' Work and Wages in Australia,' 110, 235, 247 ; reception in Australia of representatives to Imperial Conference, 112 ; Sir Bevan Edwards's visit to, 144, 145, 149, 180 ; Lord Brassey's circumnavigation of, 117 ; future of Australia as a naval power, 119 ; indebtedness to Great Britain, 156, 197, 246 ; as a field for British emigrants, 157, 244, 245, 257, 262, 263; secu- rity of, dependent on an efficient navy, 158, 1()6, 167 ; dissatisfac- tion of the Colonies with exist- ing arrangement s, 161, 182 ; population of, in 1881, 158; Mr. Thomas and Lord Brassey's efforts to develop, 194 ; wages of the railway navvy, 235, 236 ; coal and gold miners, 236 ; sea- men, 236 ; settlers, 237 ; German V. British colonists, 237,238 ; life in the urban districts, 238-240 ; education, 240 ; the Universities, 240,241; libraries, science and art, 241, 242 ; a hamlet in the bush described, 242 ; sugar plan- tations, 242, 243, 245 ; the land question in, 243, 244 ; labour in the tropics of Australia, 245 ; Lord Dunraven on labour in, 247, 248 ; on emigration to, 248 ; wages in, and emigration to, 261-263 ; proposed mail route between Canada and, 276, 302-305. {See also South Aus- tralia, Western Australia, &c.) Australian Association (London), genu of tlie lloyal Colonial In- stitute, 3 Bain, Sir J., his interest in Im- perial rederation, 98 Ballarat, gold-diggers of, 251 Barkly, Sir Henry, and the Im- perial Federation League, 219 Barnaby, Mr., on an organised maritime confederacy for Greater Britain, 39, 41 Barnardo, Dr., his efforts in coloni- sation, 273 Beaconslield, Lord, on the defence of the Colonies, 39 Beadon, Robert, on the dissolu- tion of the Imperial Federation League, 232 Beckett, Mr. E. W., his connection with the Imperial Federation League, 175 Behring Sea Fisheries dispute, 139 Bermuda, defence of coaling-sta- tion at, 42, 181 ; lack of dock accommodation, 43 Bi-metallism and Imperial Federa- tion, 174 Birmingham Chamber of Com- merce, 192 Blake, Mr. Edward, and Federation, 3 Bombay, a naval base, 42 ; sugges- ted improvements for the de- fences of its harbour, 73, 79 ; its dockyard, 73, 80 ; naval and rifle volunteer corps for, 73, 74 ; compared with Trincomalee and Kurrachee, 73, 74 Booth, General, his colonisation scheme, 266 Bourne, Mr., on food imports and colonisation, 36 Bradford, Lord Brassey's address before the Chamber of Com- merce, 28, 30-46 Brassey, Mr. Thomas, his enter- l)rise in railway construction, 194; founder of colony of emi- grants at Kosario, 254 Brassey, Lord, his interest in Greater Britain and its federa- tion, 2, 4 ; joins the Imperial Federation League, 9 ; becomes lion, treasurer, 10, 50; work on the executive committee, 10 ; INDEX 309 introduces deputation from the League to Lord Salisbury, 11, •"'!, 1 56 ; on Australia and the mari- time defences of the Empire, 12 ; 1 speech on federation in Mel- ' bourne, 14, 61-68 ; speeches, lectures, and papers delivered and issued by Iiord Brassey in London and various other places, 15, 28-49, 71-84, 88-105, 110- i 127, 132-138, 140-148, 151-153, 156-170; introduces a second deputation to Lord Salisbury, and efforts following thereon, 17, 148, 176-181, 185-188; his work as chairman of the special committee of Imperial Federa- tion League for preparing scheme, and speeches and writings during 1892, 17-20,131, 132, 188, 189, 193-199, 201- 209, 223, 224 ; attends deputa- tion to Mr. Gladstone, 21, 228- 230 ; agrees to dissolution of the League, 24, 232, 233 ; his papers and addresses on work and wages in Australia, 235-247 ; on State colonisation, 251-266 ; letter on colonisation, 26()-271; address on colonisation, 271-281 Brazil, its coaling-stations, 42 Brighton, Lord Brassey's speech at Imperial Federation meeting, 169, 170 Brisbane, defences of, 76, 77 ; workmen's dwellings in, 240 Brisbane ' Telegrapli ' on Colonial defence, 39 'Britannia' Naval TrainingCollege, 115 British colonists, characteristics of, 237, 238 British Empire, the, its extent and resources a fascinating study, 1 ; charm of the subject enhanced by travel, 1 ; interest of Lord Brassey in the Em.pire's welfare, 2 ; separatist movement in Aus- tralia, 5 ; action of the Man- chester school, 5, 6 ; Mr. Forster and the unity of the Empire, 6, 7, 62, 63 ; sketch of the move- ment for its federation, 8-27 ; importance to, of a maritime con- federacy, 39-41 ; Lord Brassey on the unity of the Empire, 66-68, 100, il2-114 ; condition and requirements of the fortified places of the Empire, 71-84 ; Sir John Seeley's interest in the Empire, 86, 87 ; Mr. Duncan (iillies and other Australian statesmen on unity and federa- tion of the Empire, 90-97 ; area of the Empire, 118 ; trade of the Empire, 132 ; various schemes of federation : Imperial council, Colonial council, customs union, 142, 143 ; the defence of the Empire, 144, 145, 201, 202, 231 ; three subjects ripe for discussion concerning, 146, 147 ; proposals regarding an Imperial council for defensive purposes, 147-151, 207, 275 ; the Imperial Parliament as a court of appeal in questions affecting the Empire, 151 ; the debt of the Empire, 156 ; the de- fensive forces of the Empire, 157- 159 ; strong and wide-spread sen- timent of unity, 159-162 ; trade relations of the Empire, 162-164, 173, 174, 205, 208, 229 ; a policy of frequent Imperial conferences recommended, 164, 165 ; objec- tions to, 165, 166 ; importance of protecting the Empire's trade routes, 166, 167 ; efforts to pro- mote a second conference of the Empire's representatives, 175- 183 ; the German and United States models of a United Empire discussed, 184, 185 ; congress of the chambers of commerce of the Empire, 190-199 ; the essentials of a united British Empire defined, 210-213 ; Lord Brassey on the unity of, 265, 266 310 INDEX Bryee, Mr. James, interest in Imperial Federation, 8, 175, 261, 301 Bm-dett-Coutts, Baroness, interest in colonisation, 2(50 Burmah, its ports, 75 Burrows, Professor Montagu, on the scheme of the Imperial Federation League, 217 Cambridge : H.R.H., the Duke of, attends Imperial Federation banquet (1886), 51 Cambridge University, Lord Brassey's address on Imperial Federation at, 70, 87-99 Canada : a century's progress, 35 ; Imperial Federation movement in, 15, 27 ; agitation for customs union of the Empire, 21, 163, 200, 201, 219, 229 ; fisheries and maritime fleet of the country, 38, 39,101, 102,117, 159; reasons for continued alliance with Great Britain, 66, 67, 92, 101, 102, 120, 121, 280 ; Crimean contin- gent, 97, 145 ; intercolonial federation in, 105, 201 ; the fisheries dispute and relations with the United States, 107, 139 ; Lord Brassey on colonisation in, 110, 259, 267; proposed naval college for, 115; part taken by Canada in Nile expedition, 118 ; as a recruiting field for naval reserves, 119, 265, 266 ; pro- visions for local defence, 124, 169 ; loyalty of, to British con- nection, 135-137, 159 ; the elec- tions in 1891, 141 ; indebtedness of, to Great Britain, 156, 197 ; dissatisfaction witli existing arrangement, 161, 182 ; the Halifax ' Evening Mail ' on Ln- perial Federation v. union witli tlie United States, 168 ; and the defence of our coaling-stations, 181 interest of Mr. Thomas Brassey and Lord Brassey in the development of, 194 ; its trade with Great Britain and the United States, 195, 277-279; land in, compared with Australia, 244, 245, 258 ; lumber work in, 251 ; as a field for British emigrants, 257, 258 ; proposed mail route between Australia and, 276, 302-305; union with the United States discussed, 278, 279 ; character of Governors- general, 280, 281 ; the Hon. John Schultz on the future of Canada, 281, 282 Canadian Co-operative Colonisation Company, 110, 267 Canadian Pacific Railway, enter- prise of the company, 276, 277 Canterbury (New Zealand) Chamber of Commerce and the fiscal policy of the British Empire, 192 Cape, the, coaling- stations at, 42, 45, 117 ; defences of the Colony, 78, 80, 85, 86 ; graving- dock at, 81 ; loyalty of Dutch subjects at, 84, 122 ; its contribu- tions to Imperial defence, 155 ; advantages to, of British con- nection, 159, 160 ; settlers and colonists at, 245, 251 ; price of land to colonists, 259. (Sec also South Africa.) Carnarvon, Lord, his interest in Im- perial Federation (1889), 16, 179 ; on colonial administration, 35 ; on the defences of the Empire, 49, '){), 149 ; on loyalty of Cape Dutoli, 122, 123, 160 Carter, Mr. G. Downes, at banquet in Melbourne (1887), 61 Carthago, a maritime and colonis- ing State, 31 Catlicart, Lady, her efforts on behalf of colonisation, 259, 267 ' Cerberus,' Sydney turret-ship, 38 Ceylon, the harbours of, 42. 74, 117 INDEX 311 Chambers of Commerce, and the fiscal poHcy of Great Britain, 20, 48 ; and Imperial Federation, 108, 109 ; Congress, in 1892, of the Chambers of the Empire, 190 ; attendance, 191 ; resolu- tions moved, 191, 192 ; Lord Brassey's speech, 193-199 ; general review of the proceed- ings, 200, 201, 229 Chester, Lord Brassey's address at (1889), 116-127 China, trade route to, 41, 42, 78 ; French war against, and the Foreign Enlistment Act, 81 ; communications with Van- couver, 277 Coal contraband of war, 42 Coaling-stations, British, defence of, 41-43, 45, 145, 151, 16G ; ad- dress by Lord Brassey on, in 1888, 71 ; defence of, by fortifi- cations a measure of economy, 72 ; the Mediterranean and Bed Sea stations, 72, 73, 79 ; Indian ports, 73-75, 79 ; Australasian defences, 7G-79 ; the Mauritius, South African and other stations, 78, 80 ; private enter- prise and dock extension at naval stations, 80, 81 ; use of private docks by foreign fleets, 81 ; government graving-docks at colonial ports, 81 ; the navy and the mercantile marine, 82, 83 ; fortification and manning of, 263, 264 Coaling-stations, Foreign, 42 Cockburn, Mr. G. K., and the Im- perial Federation League, 218 Colomb, Captain (now Sir John), on the protection of coaling- stations, 37, 49 ; on the naval and maritime resources of the Colonies, 40 ; on what our naval policy should be, 44 ; his interest in and connection with Imperial Federation, 4, 56, 175, 182, 220, 228, 233, 289, 291, 301 Colombo, fortifications at, 74, 80 Colonial and Indian Exhibition (1886), 11, 50, 100, 160 Colonial Conference at Ottawa, 129, 276, 277, 303 Colonial (Imperial) Conference, 1887, its work, 11, 58, 59 ; and Imperial defence, 11, 12, 60, 94, 95 ; speeches of Lord Salisbury and Sir Samuel Griffiths at, 12, 13 ; and the fortifications of King George's Sound and Thurs- day Island, 84 ; Lord Brassey on the results of, 97, 100, 112, 115, 160, 161, 164, 179, 180, 204, 302 ; proposals for a second, 20, 128, 144, 146, 149 Colonial Empire, our, Mr. Forster on, 7 ; Lord Brassey's address to Bradford Chamber of Com- merce (1880) : forecast of -the address, 28-30 ; personal recol- lections of trade emporiums, 31 ; value to Great Britain of Colonial and foreign possessions, 31 ; statistics of British trade with the Colonies, 32, 33 ; character of exports to, 33 ; growth and trade of the Colonies, 34, 35 ; value to Great Britain of Colonial food supplies, 36; the necessity for and duty of colonisation, 36 ; defence and resources of Colonial possessions, 37. 38 ; maritime confederacy for defensive purposes, 39-41 ; de- fenceless coal and foreign naval stations, 41, 47 ; lack of foreign and Colonial dock ac- commodation, 43, 44 ; militia and volunteer commended, 44 a Colonial naval reserve, 44, 4o Colonial forces re- the creation of 5; annual value of British trade, 45 ; energy of our Colonial fellow- subjects and importance of unity, 46 ; summary of Lord Brassey's views, 47-49 ; address at Chester in 1889 : qualifications for the 312 ISDEX task, 116, 117 ; growth of Colonial Empire, lis ; value of Colonial connection from an Imperial standpoint, IIS, 119 ; value in connection with Great Britain from Colonial stanilpoint, 119- 1'2:] : the Federation League and the Colonies, 123-127 Colonies, the, and separation, 5 ; and the defence of the Empire, 12, 18, 19,39-41, 62, 68, SC), 101, 102, 144-14t), 150-156 ; and com- mercial union with Great Brit- ain, 20, 25, 26 ; enterprise of the Colonies in eonstructinp: graving- docks, SI ; advantages to the, of alliance with Great Britain, 102-105, 274, 275 ; defences of the, 141 ; indebtedness of, to Great Britain, 206 ; and state- aided colonists 258 ; and Im- perial Federation, 265, 266. {See also Colonial Empire,) Colonisation, successful instances of State, 245 ; Lord Dunraven on, 248 ; Lord Brassey at Man- chester in 1888, 251 ; reasons for State aid, 251, 252 ; details of the scheme for promoting colonisation, 252, 253 ; success- ful instance of colonisation at Cordova, 254 ; "Western Australia as a field for emigrants, 255, 256 ; Lord Brassey at Liverpool in 1888, 256 ; trade with the Colonies, 256 ; suitable fields for British emigrants. 257 ; argu- ments in favour of a Government scheme, 257 ; societies for the promotion of, 258 ; amount of advance necessary to each set- tler, 258 ; ditticulties of the State aiding colonists, 258, 259, 2(Jl ; private effort, 259-261 ; emigra- tion statistics, 260 ; a Govern- ment information-oftice, 261, 262 ; farm labourers most re- quired, 261 , 262 ; the United States V. Australia as a field for emigration, 262, 263 ; Lord Brassey on a colonisation scheme at work, 266 ; some pioneers of the movement, 267 ; initial pro- ceedings, 267 ; land acquired, 267 ; men required, 268 ; wages in-omised, 268 ; selection of applicants, 268 ; experiences of the party and of the company, 268-270 ; a new de^Darture and its results, 269, 271 ; address to Manitoba Board of Trade, 271 ; Lord Brassey's position regard- ing colonisation, 272 ; philan- thropic colonisation at Indian Head, 272-274 Columbia, British, its railway com- munication with Canada, 35 Columbus, his discoveries, 32 Conference, Colonial. (See Colonial Conference.) Cooper, Sir Daniel, connection with the Imperial Federation League, 182, 291, 301 Cordova, railway and Colony at, 254 Crimean War, Canada and the, 97, 145 Crofters, the, and State colonisa- tion, 259 Croydon (Queensland), gold-mining at, 236 Cuba, Spanish administration of, 196 Dai.ton, Canon, at Cambridge, 87 Darwin, Port, its defences and posi- tion, 78, 79 Deakin, Mr., on the Colonial Con- ference, 97, 98 Do Labiliiere, Mr. F.P., his interest in, and writings on, Imperial Federation, 4 Derby, Earl of, on union of Empire, 93 ; on State-aided colonisation, 252 Derby, Earl of (formerly Lord INDEX 313 Stanley of Preston), as governor- general of Canada, '280 Dilke, Sir Charles, his works on ' Greater Britain,' 29, 149 Docks, lack of, in foreign and Colonial possessions, 43 ; docks and graving-docks at coaling and naval stations, 80, 81 Dufferin, Marquis of, on Canada, 35, 280 Duluth, 277 Dunraven, Earl of, his speech on Australia and Imperial Federa- tion, 110, 247-2-50 ; his proposals regarding Lnperial defence, 144. 149, 150 ; motion in Parliament on trade relations with the Colonies, 165, 173, 174 Dutch colonists at the Cape, loyalty of, to British connection, 84, 122, 123, 159, 160 Dutch tieet use Singapore docks for rejiairs, 81 Edinbdegh, Mr. Forster's speech at, on the Colonies, 7 ; Lord Eosebery on Imperial Federation at, 14, 15 Edwards, Sir Bevan, on Australian and international defence, 144, 149, 150, 158, 180 Egypt, Indian troops in. 119 Elder, Sir Thomas, his gift to Adelaide, 240 Emigration. (See Colonisation.) Engineers, wages and hours of, in Sydney, 238 England. (Sec Great Britain.) Europe, progress of the principle of nationalities in, 65 ; trade route to Australia, 70, 78 Faie-teade and Imperial Federa- tion, 16, 47. (See also Free-trade.) Falkland Islands, defences of the, 42, 45 Fai-rer, Sir William, on the Im- perial Federation scheme, 220 Federation of the Empire. (See Imperial Federation.) Ferguson, Mr. E. Munro, his connec- tion with the Imperial Federation League, 175, 233 Ferguson, Sir James, on the growth of New Zealand, 34 Fitzgerald, Mr. E., at banquet in Melbourne (1887), 61 Fleming, Mr. Sandford, on the population of Canada in 1880, 35 Foreign Enlistment Act, 81 Foreign policy, Lord Eosebsry on the effect of Colonial questions on, 106-109 Forster, Mr. W. E., his interest in Colonial questions and connec- tion with Imperial Federation League, 6-10, 54, 56, 62, 63, 88, 105, 161, 179, 204,223, 228,246, 247 Foster, Mr., Canadian Finance Minister, 200 France, trade with Great Britain, 33 ; position of, as a maritime nation, 39 ; use of Hong Kong docks by her fleet during war with China, 81 ; influence of, compared with England, 97 ; and the Colonial question in America and Asia, 107 ; and the Newfoundland fisheries, 139, 141 ; Colonial representatives in Chamber of Deputies, 142; creation of a Colonial Council in, 142, 143 ; subsidy to mercantile marine. 198, 305 Free-trade and the Imperial Fede- ration movement, 47, 148, 162, 1G3, 173, 174, 196, 197, 199, 205 French population of Canada, loy- alty of, to British connection, 159 Froude, Mr. J. A., and Mr. Gres- well's prize essay on Imperial Federation, 126 ; on the Colonies of Great Britain, 206 314 INDEX Galle, defence of, 42 Gait, Sir Alexander, on Canada's connection with Great Britain, 120, 128 ; interest in Imperial Federation, 178 Gairdner, Professor, his interest in Imperial Federation, 98 Gell, Mr. Lyttelton, on the scheme of the ImjDerial Federation League, 217 German colonists in Queensland, characteristics of, 237, 238 ; at the Cape, 245 Germany, trade with Great Britain, 38 ; position of, as a maritime nation, 30 ; unity of, 4C>, (J5, 101 ; influence of, compared with England, 97 ; influence of, in the Pacific, 107, 108 ; as a model for federated British Em- pire, 184 ; subsidy to mercantile marine, 198, 305 Ghoorkas as soldiers, 2G4 Gibraltar, a base for naval opera- tions, 42 ; coaling-station at, 72, 117 ; lack of graving-dock, 80 ; the Imperial Government and the defences of, 86 Gibson-Maitland, Sir J., his in- terest in Imperial Federation, 98 GiUen, Mr., his statistical abstract on foreign and Colonial trade, 35 ; and Colonial indebtedness to Great Britain, 197, 198 ; his statistical eminence, 251 Gillams, Colonel, Boys' Farm scholars as colonists, 271 Gillies, Mr. Duncan, at banquet in Melbourne (1887), 01 ; on Lord Brassey and Imperial Federation, 90-92, 98 ; on the maintenance of an Imperial connection with Great Britain, 122, 128 Gladstone, Mr. W. E., and the Imperial Federation League, 21, 22, 220-232 Glasgow, Imperial Federation League meeting at, in 1888, 98- 105 Glasgow, Earl of, his interest in Imperial Federation, 99 Goschen, Mr., sjjeech on Imperial Federation in the Commons, 173, 174 Great Britain, and the independence of the Colonies, 5 ; separation advocated by the Manchester school, 5, ; position of, as a maritime nation, 39 ; relations with the Colonies in the event of war, 40 ; trade with the Colonies and foreign countries, 45, 132, 194, 205, 277-279 ; Lord Brassey on loyalty of Colonies to, 03-68, 159, 160 ; the Government and Imi^erial defences, 82 ; Sir Henry Parkes on Great Britain's in- fluence, 96, 97 ; effect of Colonial possessions on foreign jiolicv, 106-109 ; elasticity of trade, 111, 112 ; area of possessions, 118 ; Colonial aid to, in time of war, 118, 119 ; Colonial indebtedness to, 119, 120, 132, 156, 197, 206, 246 ; value of navy to the Colo- nies, 141, 157, 158, 206 ; fiscal policy, 143, 194-199, 208 ; as a market for Colonial iJroduce, 157 ; value of the Colonies to, as fields for emigrants, 157, 245, 260-262, 273 ; military strength, 157 ; the proposed mail route to Australia via Canada, 276, 277, 302-305 Great Lakes of Canada, 277 Greece, as a maritime and colonis- ing State, 31 Greenwich Naval School, 158 Gieswell, Mr., his j^i'ize essay on Imperial Federation, 126 Grey, Earl, his proposals concern- ing federation, 126, 134 Grifllths, Sir Samuel, speech at the Colonial Conference, 13 H.\Liiu'UT0N, .Judge (' Sam Slick '), on federation, 3, 168 INDEX 315 Halifax, a base for naval opera- tions, 42 ; coaling-station, 145 ; Canada and the defence of, 181 Halifax 'Evening Mail' on Im- perial Federation, 1G7, 108 Hamilton, Lord George, interest in Imperial Federation, 9 ; and the defence of our coaling-stations, 263 Hay, Sir John, on the unity of the Empire, 92 Heath, Captain, his scheme con- cerning Colonial naval reserves, 264-26G Herbert River, sugar mills and plantations at, 242, 243, 245, 256 Herschell, Lord, interest in Im- perial Federation, 51, 114 Hicks-Beach, Sir Michael, interest in Imperial Federation, 9 Hill, Mr. Becket, on the Imperial Federation League scheme, 219 Himalayas, 117 Hofmeyr, Mr., Dutch leader at the Cape, 122, 128; on loyalty of Dutch population of Cape to British connection, 159; his scheme of Imperial customs union, 104, 173 Holland, Sir Henry. (See Knuts- ford, Lord.) Holland, and her possessions in the Eastern Archipelago, 191) Home Rule and Imperial Federa- tion, 10 Hong Kong, as a trading port, 31, 45 ; coaling-station and its de- fence, 42, 117, 145, 181 ; dock accommodation, 43 ; graving- docks at, 80; private shii3-re25air- ing docks at, 81 Houghton, Lord, interest in Im- perial Federation, 138, 205 Howe, Mr. Joseph, his interest in federation, 3, 108 Howell, Mr. George, interest in Im- perial Federation, 228 Hozier, Mr., interest in Imperial Federation, 98 Huddart, Mr., of the Canadian Pacific Railway, and the proposed mail route to Australia, 277, 302, 304 Hughes, Sir Walter Watson, his gift to Adelaide, 240 Imperial Federation, Lord Brassey's interest in, 2, 4 ; early history of the movement, 3 ; Mr. Lowe's and other promi- nent men's views on the subject, 3, 4 ; the London Australian Association in 1857, 3 ; official and other obstaclesto federation, 4-0 ; Mr. Forster's share in the promotion of federation, 6, 7 ; the movement in 1880 : Lord Brassey's addresses on Our Colonial Empire, 28-49 ; Con- ference in 1884, 0-8; formation of the Imperial Federation League, 8,9; progress in 1885, 9, 10 ; death of its founder in 1880, 10 ; stimu- lating effect of Colonial and Indian Exhibition in 1886, 11, 50, 51 ; banquet of the League and the advocacy of an Imperial conference, 11, 51 ; deputation to Lord Salisbury, 11, 51 ; names of the deputation, 52, 53 ; Lord Brassey's and other speeches, 54-59 ; the Conference and the results therefrom, 11-13, 59, 00 ; Lord Brassey promotes the cause in Australia, 13, 14, 01- 08; the movement in 1888-89, 14-10, 70-110; in 1889-91, 111- 170 ; further deputation to Lord Salisbury in 1891, advocating a second Conference, 17, 176 ; names of the deputation, 170- 178 ; Lord Brassey's and other speeches, 178-182; Lord Salis- bury's reply, 182-185 ; conse- quent action of the League, 17, 316 INDEX 18, 185-189 ; the movement in 1892, 190-209 ; recommendations of the Special Committee of the League. 18-20, 210-310 ; meet- ing of the Council, and names of the same, to receive the Report, 29, 216-286 ; deputation to llr. Gladstone in 1893, and speeches on the occasion, 20, 21, 226-232 ; future policy considered and determination to dissolve the League, 22-24, 232, 233; in- creased activity among its advo- cates consequent on its dissolu- tion, 25-27, 233, 234 ; Lord Dun- raven on Imperial Federation, 249, 250; the Colonies and, 265, 266 ; hst of the Council, 283-288 ; text of the Report, 289-305 India, the Opium Commission in, 24 ; British trade with, 32, 102, 132, 196, 205, 256; trade routes to, 41 , 42, 78 ; importance of, to the Colonies, 66 ; the Government and the defences of its coaling- stations, 73, 80 ; England's position in, 84 ; Sir Henry Parkes on the future of, 96 ; Australian aid in the defence of, 102, 119; effect of England's position in, on foreign policy, 106 ; native troops serve in Egyptian Campaign, 119 ; its Council a model for an Imperial Council, 142 ; former connection of the Straits Settlement with, 155 ; native troops at Aden, 181 ; railway enterprise of Mr. Thomas Brassey in, 194 ; indebtedness to England, 197 Indian Head, experiments in philanthropic colonisation at, 272 ; farming operations at, 273 ; inducements to colonists, 273, 274 Italy, position of, as a maritime Ijower, 39 ; unity of, 46, 65, 101 ; subsidy to mail steamers, 305 Japan, coaling-stations in, 42 ; com- munication with Vancouver, 277 Javanese labour on Australian sugar plantations, 245 Jenkins, Mr. Edward, paper on ' Imperial Federation,' 4 Jervois, General Sir William, duties in Australia, 76 ; at Imperial Federaiion League deputation (1891), 182 Jubilee of H.M. Queen Victoria. (Sec Victoria, Queen.) Kaffirs as soldiers, 264 Keighley Chamber of Commerce, Lord Brassev's address to the, in 1889, 111-114 Khartoum, British expedition to, 118 Kimber, Mr., his efforts on behalf of State-aided colonisation, 258 Kimberley, Lord, on Colonial con- tributions to Imperial defence, 1.55 King, Sir James, his interest in Imperial Federation, 98 King George's Sound, strategical position and defences of, 76, 79, 84, 85, 263 Knutsford, Lord (Sir Henry Hol- land), tribute to the memory of Mr. Forster, 7 ; interest in Im- perial Federation, 8, 9 ; presides over Imperial Colonial Confer- ence, 12, 58, 59, 164, 179 ; on the contributions of the Colonies to Imperial defence, 154 ; at Con- gress of Chambers of Commerce (1892), 192 Kriegsverein, the constitution of a, for the British Empire, 166, 184, 185, 229 Kurrachee as a naval port, 74 Lamingtox, Tjord, connection with Imperial Federation League, 291, 301 INDEX 317 Lang, Rev. Dr. Marshall, interest in Imperial Federation, 98 Langley, Mr. J. N., at Cambridge, 87 Lansdowne, Marquis of, as gover- nor-general of Canada, 280 Lascars, use of, to the Indian Government, 73, 75 Laurie, Lieut.-Gen., connection with the Imperial Federation League, 175, 182 Leeds, Imperial Federation League meeting at, in 1891, 14, 138-142, 205 ; Lord Brassev's speech, 140- 148, 150 Lion of St. Mark, Venetian symbol, 32 Lisbon coaling-station, 42 Liverpool, Imperial Federation League meeting at, in 1890 and 1891, 132-135, 138-148; Lord Brassey's paper on State coloni- sation read at, 256-266 Lloyd's Weekly Newspaper,' Lord Brassey's article on Imperial Federation in, 203 Loder, Mr., interest in Imperial Federation, 169 London Chamber of Commerce, Lord Brassey's address before the, 71-84 Loring, Mr. Arthur H., Secretary of the Imperial Federation League, 301 Lome, Marquis of, interest in Imperial Federation, 99 ; as governor-general of Canada, 280 Lowe, Robert (afterwards Lord Sherbrooke), on federation, 3 Lubbock, Sir John, connection with Imperial Federation League, 175 ; presides over Congress of Chambers of Com- merce (1892), 191, 192 Lubbock, Mr. Nevile, mover of resolution at Congress of Chambers of Commerce (1892), 191, 200 McAlister, Dr., at Cambridge, 87 McBain, Sir James, at banquet in Melbourne (1887), 61 Macdonald, Sir John, and Imperial unity, 3, 54, 128 ; on the value to the Colonies of union with Great Britain, 66, 136 ; on commercial union between Canada and the United States, 103 ; on the ad- vantages of a customs union with Great Britain, 163 ; on the future of Canada, 283 McNeill, Mr. Alex., on the Imperial Federation League scheme, 219 Macoun, Professor, on Canada as a corn-growing region, 35 Madeira, coaling-station at, 42 Mail route, proposed, to Australia, via Canada, Lord Brassey's letter to the ' Times,' 302 ; the Ottawa Conference and, 303 ; cost of vessels, 303 ; subsidy, 303, 304 ; objections of the Allan Company, 304 ; reasons why a subsidy should be given, 305 Malta, a base for naval operations, 42 ; dock accommodation, 43 ; coaling-station, 72 Manchester, Lord Brassey's speech at, on State colonisation, 251- 256 Manchester School, its policy of disintegration, 5, 6 Manitoba Board of Trade, resolu- tion of, at Chambers of Com- merce Congress, 192 ; the Cana- dian Government and the coloni- sation of, 245 ; Lord Brassey's address to Manitoba Board of Trade on Colonisation, 271-281 ; the trade and produce of, 277, 281 Manning, Cardinal, interest in Imperial Federation. 16, 51, 179 Manning, Sir W., on union of the Empire, 93 Mansion House, Imperial F'edera- 318 INDEX settlement at, and Imperial tion League meeting at, in 1887, 16, 179, 205 Maories, and the New Zealand Government, 38 Marburg, German 237 Marriage Laws Federation, 16 Mauritius, harbour and coaling- station, 42, 117, 145 ; defences of, 78, 80 ; dock improvements at, 80 ; Mr. Thomas Brassey's railway enterprise in, 194 Meath, Earl of, efforts on behalf of colonisation, 245, 258, 267 Mediterranean, bases for fleet in the, 42 Medley, Mr. G. W., mover of re- solution at Congress of Chambers of Commerce (1892), 192, 200 Melbourne, Imperial Federation banquet at, 14, 61-68 ; defences of, 38, 43, 76,86, 100 ; graving- dock at, 81 ; suburban dwellings for working classes, 239 ; uni- versity, library, and art galleries, 240, 241 ; labour market in, 243 Mercantile marine as a naval re- serve, 82, 83 Merchant Taylors' Hall, Congress of Chambers of Commerce at, in 1892, 191-199 Mexico, Gulf of, naval base in the, 42 Miners, coal and gold, wages of, in Australia, 236 Mocha, effect on, of British ad- ministration of Aden, 31 Montgomery, Sir Hugh, interest in Imperial Federation, 98 Montreal, Lord Brassey's visits to, 30, 117; resolution of its Chamber of Commerce at Lon- don Congress, 192, 200 ; import- ance to its trade of efficient canals, 277 Morgan. ^Ir. G. Osborne, interest in Imperial Federation, 175, 1^<2 Morgan, Mr. S. Vaughan, and the Imperial Federation League, 233 Mort, Messrs., engineers at Sydney, 238 Mount Morgan, gold mining at, 236 Mulock, Mr., his resolution on Canadian loyalty to British con- nection, 137 Nation.Uj Anthem, its popularity in Australia, 63, 64, 100 Naval College, proposed, for the Colonies, 115 Navies of the Empire, Lord Brassey on the, 114 ; suggestions regarding naval colleges for the Colonies, 115 ; the Colonial navies, 115, 116 Navvy, wages of the railway, in Western Australia, 235, 236, 261, 262 Navy, British, the mercantile marine as an auxiliary to, 82, 83 ; and Imperial defence, 113, 114, 138, 145, 157, 158, 166, 167, 169, 170, 206, 266, 274 ; Colonial reserves for the navy, 264, 265 Newcastle (N.S.W.), its coalfields, 236 Newfoundland, Lord Brassey's visits to, PA), 117, 251 ; fishing industrv, 107 ; fisheries dispute, 139, 141, 175 New South Wales, trade and pro- gress of, 34, 35 ; defences, 38, 77 ; and the Soudan War, 145 ; wages in, 236 ; public debt, 238, 239 ; Lord Brassey's visit to, 251 New Zealand, trade and progress of, 34, 35 ; militia and volunteer force, 38, 102; seaboard, 39; death rate, 157 Nile, Canadian voyagers on the, 118 ' Nineteenth Century,' Lord INDEX 319 Biassey's paper on Imperial Federation in the. 15(5-168 Norway, position of, as a maritime nation, 39 Nova Scotia, Lord Brassey's visit to, 251 Oliver, Mr., connection with Im- perial Federation League, 175 Ontario as a wheat-growing coun- try, 35 ; loyalty of inhabitants to British connection, 1'21, 159 Opium Commission in India, Lord Brassey's connection with, 24 ' Orion ' at Singapore, 75 Ossington, Lady, efforts on behalf of colonisation, 259, 267 Ottawa, Colonial Conference at, 129, 276, 277, 303 Pacific, coaling-stations in the, 42 ; England's position in the, and the effect on foreign policy, 107, 108 ; future of Australia in, 119 Palmerston, Lord, on patriotism, 116 Parkes, Sir Henry, and federation, 3 ; on the relations between the Australian Colonies and Great Britain, 92, 96, 97, 121, 128, 160 ; efforts to federate Australia, 180, 181 ; financial policy in New South Wales, 239 Parkin, Mr. G. E., his efforts on behalf of Imperial Federation, 15, 132, 169, 222 Parliament, Lord Brassey's speech in, on the defence of the Straits Settlements, 151-153 ; motions in advocating a second Imperial Colonial Conference, 173 Parnell, Major, on the value of fortifications, 44 Patriotism, Lords Brasscy and Palmerston on, 110, 117 Persian Gulf, British trade on the shores of, 31 Peterson, Mr. McDonald, at ban- quet in Melbourne (1887), 61 Phtt'nicia as a maritime and colonising state, 31 Playfair, Sir Lyon (afterwards Lord), his interest in Imperial Federation, 175, 177, 186, 291, 301 Port Arthur, 277 Port Louis, a naval base, 42 Port Koyal, Jamaica, a naval base, 42 Portugal and the discoveries of Vasco da Gama, 32 Pownall, Governor, on federation, in Privy Council and Imperial Federa- tion, 126, 134 Protection and the Imperial Federation movement. {See Free- trade.) Qu'Appelle, colonisation scheme at work there, 267, 271 Quebec, Lord Brassey's visits to, 30, 117 Queensland progress and trade of, 34 ; trade routes to, 76, 78 ; gold-mining in, 236 ; a pastoral country, 237 ; sugar cultivators and manufacturers in, 242, 251 ; price of land in, 259 Ramsay, Professor, interest in Im- perial Federation, 98 Rankin, Mr. James, connection with Imperial Federation League, 291, 301 Rawson, Sir Rawson, his work on British trade, 111 ; awards prize to Mr. Greswell for essay on Im- perial Federation, 126 ; connec- tion with Impprial Federation League, 291 301 320 INDEX Eeay, Lord, interest in Imperial Federation, and connection with tlie League, 175, 233, 201, 301 Eedpatli, Mr. Peter, interest in Im- perial Federation, uG Eobertson, Sir John, on union of the Colonies with Great Britain, 92, 23 Kobinson, Sir Bryan, on the fisheries of Newfoundland, 38 Eosario, railway and Colony at, 254 Eosebery, Earl of, interest in, and connection with, Imi^erial Fede- ration, 8-11, 14-17,24,51,87- 89, 98, 99, 105-109, 125, 130, 131, 134, 139, UO, 162-165, 175, 178, 179, 205, 206, 228, 233 Eoyal Colonial Institute, its origin and advocacy of federation, 3, 4n, 5, 6 ; Lord Brassey's pajjer read before the, on Work and Wages in Australia, 235-250 Eoyal Commission on Admiralty and War Office Administration : Imperial defence, 114, 166 Eusden, Mr. G. W., connection with Imperial Federation League, 175 Eussell, Earl, on our Colonial Empire, 37 Eussia, yield of wheat in, 35 ; effect on Australian Colonies of threat- ened hostilities between Great Britain and, 42, 43 ; influence of Eussia compared with (ireat Britain, 97 ; Canadian aid to Great Britain in last war against, 97 ; subsidy to mail steamers, 305 Saigon, French naval establish- ment at, 81 St. Helena, communications with, and defences of, 42, 79, 80 St. Lawrence, Gulf of, the Allan Company on its navigation, 304 St. Lawrence Eiver, 30, 117 St. Vincent, detention of transports at, 42 Salisbury, Marquis of, and the Imperial Federation League, 11, 12, 17, 19, 51, 56-58, 69, 97, 123-125, 128-131, 144, 146, 148, 149, 160, 161, 163, 165, 172-174, 186-188, 204, 226,228 Samoa, German influence at, 81, 108 ' Sam Slick.' {See Haliburton, Judge.) Schultz, the Hon. .John, on the future of Canada, 281,282 Scratchley, Sir Peter, duties in Australia, 76 Seamen in Australia, wages of, 236 Seeley, Sir John, interest in Im- perial Federation,86,87 ; speech at Cambridge Meeting, 86, 87 Service, the Hon. Mr., interest in Imperial Federation, 56, 95 Sherbrooke, Lord. (See Lowe, Eobert.) Sierra Leone, defences of, 79, 80 ; Lord Brassey at, 117 Sikhs, as police at Singapore, 75, 152 ; as soldiers, 264 Simon's Bay, a naval base, 42 ; defences of, 78, 85 Singapore, as a trading port, 31, 45, 75 ; as a naval base, 42 ; defences of, 42, 75, 80 ; docks at, 80, 81 ; the Colonies and the defences of, 145, 151, 155, 181 Slavs, union of, 46, 101 Smith, Adam, his ' Wealth of Nations ' cited, 4n Smith, M)-. Marshall, on a Colonial naval reserve, 44, 45 Smith, Mr. W. H., interest in Imperial Federation, 8, 9, 131 Soudan War, Australia and the, 97, 113, 119, 145 South Africa, local interest in naval defence, 12, 169 ; Australia and the war in, 118, 119 ; as a field for emigration, 257 South Australia, progress of, 34, 35 ; railway enterprise in, 78 ; INDEX 3-2 i and the Transvaal War, 118, 119 South Seas, Australia's position in the, 119 Spain and the discoveries of Columbus, 32 ; Colonial repre- sentatives in Chamber of De- puties, 142 ; administration of Cuba, 190 Sprigg, Sir Gordon, on the advan- tages of Colonial connection with Great Britain, 122, 128, 159 Stanhope, Mr. Edward, his interest in, and connection with, Imperial Federation, 9-11, 21, 24, 51, 58, 59, 179, 217-220, 220, 228, 233 ; on Colonial contributions to Im- perial defence, 155 ; and the defence of the coaling-stations, 263 State colonisation. (See Colonisa- tion.) Steamers, Lord Brassey on foreign subsidised, 198 Straits Settlements, European trade with, 31 ; trade route to, 78 ; its contribution to Imperial defence, 151, 152, 154, 155 Strangways, Mr., on Imperial unity, 40 Stuart, Colonel Harrington, in- terest in Imperial Federation, 98 Suez Canal, effect of the, on Singa- pore, 151 Sugar plantations in Queensland, 242, 245 ' Sunbeam,' the, her famous voyages, 28 Sydney, defences of, 38, 43, 76, 86 ; private docks, 81 ; graving docks, 81 ; naval reserves, 82 ; conven- tion, 146 ; wages and hours of labour in, 238, 239, 243, 248; University and art galleries, 240, 241 Table Bay, defences of, 78, 86 Tanner, Professor, and the Cana- dian co-operative colonisation scheme, 267 Tasmania, its Volunteer corps, 38 Teck, the Duchess of, and Princess May at Chester, 116 Tennant, Sir Charles, interest in Imperial Federation, 98 Thibet, British commerce with, 107 Thucydides quoted, 67 Thursday Island, defences of, 77- 79, 84, 263 'Times,' the, on Imperial Federa- tion, 13 ; Lord Brassey 's letter in, on colonisation, 266-271 Toronto, Lord Brassey's visit to, 30, 117 Trincomalee, value of, as a harbour and dockyard compared with Bombay, 73, 74 ; defences of, 74, 75 TroUope, Mr. Anthony, on College Hall, Sydney, 240,241 Tryon, Sir George, on the defences of the British Empire, 94 Tupper, Sir Charles, his connection with Imperial Federation and theories concerning fiscal policy of British Empire, 20, 120, 128, 163, 200, 217, 223-226, 291, 301 United States, trade with Great Britain, 33 ; yield of wheat in, 35 ; position of, as a maritime nation, 39 ; coaling-stations, 42 ; Sir Henry Parkes on the future of, 96, 97 ; influence of, com- pared with England, 97 ; com- mercial union with Canada dis- cussed, 103; relations with Canada, 107, 121, 136, 137, 139, 159, 168, 169 ; as a model for British Empire, 126, 133, 184 ; commercial relations with Canada, 195 ; Protection in the United States, 197 ; land in, compared with Western Austra- lia, 244 ; emigration of British subjects to, 262 ; possibility of 'd'2'2 INDEX federation with British Empire, 262 Vaxcouveb, dock imi^rovement at, SO ; coaiiiift-station, 145 ; com- munication with Japan and China, 277 Vanderbyl, Mr., interest in Impe- rial Federation, .5() "S'asco da Gama, his discoveries, 82 Venice as a maritime power in the Middle Ages, 32 Verde, Cape de, coaling-station, 42 Victoria, its naval defences, 38, 77, 158 ; Imperial Federation in, (Jl ; death rate, 157 ; art and educa- tion in, 241 ^'ictoria, H. M. Queen, jubilee cele- brations, 11, 61, ()3, 89, 100, 118 Vincent, Mr. Howard, on British trade relations with the Colonies, 173 ; connection with Imperial Federation League, 175 ^'ogel, Sir Julius, advocates federa- tion, 3 ; on the growth of New Zealand, 34 ; on Imperial unity, 40 \'olunteers in the Colonies, 76, 102, 119, 141 Watson, Dr. Fouisks, comparison of Britisli trade in 187(i and 1869, 32, 33 Webb, Mr. Justice, at banquet in Melbourne (1887), <)1 Western Australia, yield of wheat in, 35 ; the Government of, and the fortification of King George's Sound, 7(), 85 ; Lord Brassey and the development of, 194 ; wages of railway navvies and artisans in, 235, 236, 251, 262 ; land in, and government of, 244 ; suggested aid for emigrants to, 255, 256; and State colonisation, 259 West Indies, naval base in the, 42 ; Canada and the defence of, 181 ; indebtedness to Great Britain, 197 ; native regiments, 264 Westminster, the Duke of, at Chester, 116 Westminster Palace Hotel, Im- perial Federation Conference at, 7-9 Weyl, Mr., on Hong Kong private docks, 81 Wheat, preferential tax on, dis- cussed, 163 White, Mr. Arnold, efforts on be- half of colonisation, 267 Winchilsea, Earl of, connection with Imperial Federation League, 175 Winnipeg and the fiscal policy of the British Empire, 192 ; Lord Brassey's address at, on coloni- sation, 271-281 Wolseley, Lord, attends Imperial Federation banquet (1886), 51 Wolseley, the hamlet of, 242 Young, Sir Frederick, his interest in Imperial Federation and Colonial (juestions, 4, 33, 35, 38, 98, 219, 220 Zanziiiar, trade with Aden, 31 ; German influence in, 108 Zollvcrcin and Kricgsvercin, the establishment of a, for the British Empire, 1(55, 184, 185, 208, 229 Zulus as soldiers, 264 Spotiisicoode -4 -^-j &., **M ';p'iir.i -im (. 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