ONFIDENTIAL REPORT ON LABOR SITUATION THE NETHERLANDS CONFIDENTIAL REPORT ON LABOR SITUATION OF THE NETHERLANDS TABLE OF CONTENTS Significant Political Events of 1917, 1918 7 Participation of Organized Workers in These Events 7 Status of Organized Labor 8 The Five Central Federations 9 Political Alignment in the States-General 12 General Summary of the Political Situation 13 Attitude of the Workers During the War 15 Attitude Towards the Government 15 Attitude as Between the Central Powers and the Allies 17 Attitude as to the Russian Situation 18 Attitude Towards Peace Terms 19 Appendices: I. Political Organizations of the Labor Groups, Their Structure and Aims 20 II. Statistics of Growth of the Unions and Federations. . 29 III. List of Organizations Affiliated with the Levine Federations 31 IV. Personnel of the Labor Movement. . 37 I SIGNIFICANT POLITICAL EVENTS OF THE YEARS 1917, 1918 Among the most significant events in the political history of the Netherlands during the past two years have been (a) the constitutional reforms of 1917, (b) the results of the elections of July, 1918, and (c) the Revolutionary gesture made in November of that year by P. J. Troelstra, who has long been the guiding spirit of the more moderate socialists and the successful opponent of the radical wing in his union and in party. The first of these, the constitutional reforms, included universal manhood suffrage with 23 as the voting age, the removal of the constitutional obstacle to women's suffrage, which now awaits only legislative formulation, and the limitation of the powers of the First Chamber to those implied in a suspensive veto. The second, the elections of July, 1918, which were the first held under the revised constitution and hence the first test of the popular will under conditions of universal manhood suffrage with proportional representation and compulsory voting, resulted in the return of 26 Socialists to the Second Chamber which numbers 100 members in all, and of 3 Socialists to the upper chamber which numbers 50 members. The third, Troelstra's Revolutionary gesture, while abortive as a revolutionary move was not without its effect, since it added momentum to the pressure for legislation in favor of women's suffrage, of the substitution of 8 hours in place of 11 as the legal working day, and of the abolition of the first chamber. Participation of the Organized Worker in These Events To each of these events organized labor was an important con- tributing factor. Electoral reform has been one of the cardinal de- mands on the program and a part of the propaganda of union labor in the Netherlands for almost fifty years, and its institution was due largely to the election of a parliament in which the conservatives were ousted from control by means of an understanding between the liberals and the representatives of the socialist parties with which the trade unions were closely allied. Of the twenty-six socialists elected on July 4th, 1918, twenty-two were returned by the Social Democratic Labor Party, which is so inti- mately affiliated with the Nederlandsch Verbond Van Vakvereeni- gingen (the Netherland Federation of Trade Unions) , as to be almost identical with it and the Social Democratic Party, the Socialist Party and the Federated Christian Socialists by whom the other socialist representatives were returned, are each affiliated in similar manner with a trade union federation. The fate of Troelstra's revolutionary gesture was dependent upon the reception accorded to it by the trades unionists and especially by those of his own organization which represents more than a majority of the total of the organized workers affiliated with the federations. Had their support been accorded the revolution, whether ultimately a success or a failure, would have come into being. With their sup- port withheld, as it was withheld, it could have no other fate than to be abortive. Status of Organized Labor That organized labor should have constituted an important factor in these movements and that it should constitute an important factor in all the political activities of the Nation, is rendered inevitable both by its ideals and by its numbers. For in the Netherlands the unions have steadily been pursuing political aims, and it is hardly too much to say that they regard their function of organizing the political concepts and ideals of the workers as equally important with that of arraying them for defensive and offensive action in industrial disputes. Indeed, all the unions contribute largely to the impulse on the one hand to foster and on the other to combat the tendencies to radicalism in political and religious thought; and almost thirty per cent, of the organized workers are affiliated with unions, which were created by the Catholic and Protestant churches, chiefly for the purpose of offsetting the socialistic ideals and purposes with which the secular unions were indoctrinated. Moreover, through the number of its members alone, organized labor in Holland is inevitably destined to exercise a great influence on political thought and activity. For at the beginning of 1918 when universal manhood suffrage had already been achieved its member- ship was the equivalent of 27.8% of the total voting population, and it is extremely probable that at the time of the election it represented even a larger percentage of the population. Furthermore the movement is highly centralized and the tendency to such centralization has been progressive. In 1910 only a fraction over 54% of the organized workers were affiliated with central federa- tions. In 1918 when the total number of workers was about 8 times as great as in 1910 nearly 78% of them were affiliated with one or the other of the five central federations, whose aggregate member- ship was then 287,458, or approximately twice the total number of all workers, who were organized in 1910. If it were united in its aims organized labor would therefore be in a position now to exercise almost a controlling influence in the political field; and if the developments of the past few years may be regarded as criterial this power is destined to grow in ever-increasing ratio. For during the years 1910 to 1918 its membership has increased from 143,850 to 369,151 (i.e., by 157%) and about 117,000 of this 225,000 increase has been allowed during the last two years of that period, in which the increase was at the rate of over 52,000 and over 65,000 respectively, while there are indications that during the year 1918 the ratio of increase was even larger. There is no such unity however. For while the several federations may occasionally unite in the advocacy of specific industrial reforms, there is among them a distinct line of cleavage with respect to their political ideals and purposes. On one side of this line stands the unions organized under the influence of the Catholic and Protestant churches which have been created to combat socialism and all its attendant concepts, and on the other side of the line, stand the non- religious organizations, which are in the main socialistic or more radical. The ratio between the influence of socialistic and radical thought on the one hand and of the conservative ideals on the other, if measured by this yardstick, would indicate that about 27^% of the organized workers were aligned with the conservatives and 723/% with the socialists and radicals.* The Five Central Federations The five central federations to which the vast majority of the organized workers thus owe allegiance, are: Referred to Name Dutch in this report Abbreviation Translation by initials 1. National Arbeids-Secre- tariaat NAS National Labor Secretariat . NLS 2. Nederlandsch Verbond van Vakvereenigingen . NW Nederland Federation of Trades Unions NFT 3. Christelyk Nationaal Vakverbond CNW Christian National Federa- tion of Trade Unions CNFT * The figures are based on 1917 statistics of membership in the central federations. 9 Referred to Dutch in this report Name Abbreviation Translation by initials 4 . Bureau voor de Roomsche Katholieke Vakorgeni- satie BRCV Bureau of the Roman -Cath- olic Trade-Union Federa- tion RCFT 5. Nederlandsch Verbond voor Neutrale Vakver- eenigingen NVNV Nederland Federation of Neutral Trade Unions .... NCFT The first of the federations, the National Arbeids-Secretariaat (National Labor Secretariat) is the outlet of the syndicalists. It advocates sabotage and "direct action." Its membership has grown from 5,247 on January 1, 1911, to 23,068 on January 1, 1918. It discourages all political action. Its present leaders are H. Kolthek and J. Lansink.* The second, the Nederlandsch Verbond van Vakvereenigingen (Nederland Federation of Trade Unions) is numerically and in its political influence the strongest of the Federations. It advocates social-democracy, but discountenances any other than constitutional measures for its attainment. Its membership has increased from 44,378 on January 1, 1911, to 149,450 on January 1, 1918, and to 183,080 on September 1, 1918. It is closely affiliated with and is controlled by the Social Democratic Labor Party which polled 296,145 votes in the 1918 elections. Its present leaders are Jan Oudegeest and Edo. C. Fimmen.f The third, the Christelyk Nationaal Vakverbond (Christian Na- tional Federation of Trade Unions) is a federation of unions organized under the influence of the Protestant churches to combat socialism and the irreligion that was conceived to be its concomittant. Its membership has increased from 7,480 on January 1, 1911, to 28,008 on January 1, 1918. It supports the Anti-revolutionary Party, a party of extreme conservatism which polled a vote of about 174,000 in the 1918 elections. Its present leaders are Messrs. Kruythof and Diemer. The fourth, the Bureau voor de Roomsche Katholieke Vakor- genisatie (Bureau of the Roman Catholic Trade Union Federation) is the federation of trades unions organized under the influence of the Catholic church in the same spirit of antagonism to socialism and what were assumed to be its concomittants as characterized the Protestant organization. Its proportionate increase during the past eight years * In further details see pp. 43, 44. t For further details see p . 39. 10 has been greater than that of any of the other central organizations. On January 1, 1918, its membership numbered 69,139 as against 15,541 on January 1, 1911. It supports the Roman Catholic (Cleri- cal) Party the party of the extreme right which polled about 400,000 votes at the 1918 elections. Its present leaders are Lambert Poel and A. J. Loerakker. The fifth, Nederlandsch Verbond voor Neutrale Vakvereenigingen (Nederland Federation of Neutral Trade Unions) is liberal though not socialistic in its political conceptions but discountenances political activity and is not affiliated with any political party. Its member- ship has grown from 2,844 on January 1, 1913, to 7,794 on January 1, 1918. Its present leaders are'R. Winkel and Prof. M. F. W. Treub. 11 II POLITICAL ALLIGNMENT IN THE STATES-GENERAL As the result of the 1918 election the "lower" house of Dutch Parliament is composed of: 30 Roman Catholics (Clericals) 13 Anti-Revolutionaries 7 Christian Historicals 4 Free Liberals 6 Union Liberals 5 Liberal Democrats 3 of the Economic League 1 of the Rural Party 22 of the Social Democratic Labor Party 2 of the Social Democratic Party 1 of the Socialist Party 1 Christian Socialist 5 representatives of a variety of other organizations with rather indefinite political programs. The general attitude of these several Parties toward the question of economic reconstruction may be summarized roughly as follows: The Roman Catholic Party announces that it seeks a gradual return to ante-bellum conditions to be effected as soon as circumstances shall permit; the Anti-Revolutionaries announce that "the shackles which have bound commerce and industry in war time be loosened." The delegates who have been classified as Christian Historicals, though hardly to be listed as members of a unified Party, subscribe in general to the same doctrine. The Independent Liberals demand "the avoid- ance of everything that tends to frighten capital and to paralyze its energy." The Union Liberals insist "that State interference in agriculture, commerce and industry must gradually be discontinued." The Economic League demands "the restoration of liberty in industry as soon as circumstances will permit." The slogan of the Social 12 Democratic Labor Party is "Forward to socialization of industry and nationalization of the land. If the present organization of the State cannot accomplish these ends, then revolutionize the State."* With this program the Christian Socialists are practically in accord and to it the Social Democratic Party also subscribes but with a greater accent on speedy action; while the Socialist Party which is composed of syndicalists who have been impelled by the events of the last four years to enter the political arena, demands practical mass action. The Government is constituted through the coalition between the Roman Catholic and Anti-Revolutionary Parties, together with the Christian Historicals, who total in the aggregate 50 votes. The center is composed of the Liberal Democrats, Free Liberals, Union Liberals, Economic League, and Rural Party, all standing for ameliora- tive reforms and opposing any program that savors of socialism, and therefore standing ready to support the Government in its opposition to markedly progressive measures except in so far as they conceive that such opposition may tend to stimulate and enforce the radical senti- ment in the country. The "left" is composed of the 22 members of Social Democratic Labor Party, representing the more moderate socialists, to which may be added the one vote of the Christian Socialists who are also to be classed as moderates and in support of any measures, which satisfy the extreme views of the Socialist and Social Democratic Parties, the 3 votes which they control. General Summary of the Political Situation In summary, therefore, the situation in the States-General is that the Conservatives may count on an entirely safe majority but that the Radical group, though in a hopeless parliamentary minority, is relatively a strong one and is likely to be stimulated to constantly progressive demands by the fact that its strength has been increasing with each election; and that generally speaking the line of cleavage between those who stand for the established order and those who urge a reconstruction of society along socialistic lines is growing sharper and sharper. In appraising the significance of the relatively strong radical tendencies, which the election of July 4th has thus disclosed it must be borne in mind, of course, that the results of that election were un- questionably affected by the stimulus to unrest and the accentuation of economic inequalities which the hardships of the preceding years had induced; and there must be taken into account also the inevitable dissatisfaction of a suffering people with any measures of relief that any Government could find it possible to afford. Weight must be * See further p. 00, infra. 13 given also to the indications of adherence to the existing order dis- closed by the relatively large increase in membership of the Roman Catholic trades federations and to the complete failure of Troelstra's revolutionary gesture in November, 1918. But on the other hand, it should not be overlooked that the Dutch are naturally a conservative people; that there is a considerable and influential middle class in the Netherlands; that the churches, which have been powerful in that country throughout its history, have for years been utilizing all the machinery of their several organizations to combat the spread of socialism; that the recent extension of the suffrage has operated to enfranchise a large disproportionality of voters in the districts where the conservative influence of the Catholic Church are dominant and that the increase in socialist representation has resulted in the teeth of these opposing factors. 14 Attitude Toward the Government In general, the workers, irrespective of their political affiliations, were impatient with the Government by reason of their feeling that the measures of relief adopted were inadequate. The tone of the criticism varied, of course, in accordance with the political concepts of the several bodies of workers; and the tone of the unions affiliated with the Clerical and Anti-Revolutionary Parties naturally moderated when those parties took over the Government. At the outbreak of the war the Socialists decided to sustain the Government upon the conditions that strict neutrality should be ob- served and that the needs of the people should be met. And through- out the war Troelstra and other leaders of the Social-Democratic Labor Party and of the Netherland Federation Trade Unions evinced their appreciation of the difficulties which the Government was com- pelled to surmount in its effort to maintain its neutrality in the face of the demands of the rival belligerents and Troelstra was generous in his expression of approval of the wisdom and skill with which the Government had maintained its neutrality. Thus, in an interview published in February, 1918, he said: "The neutrality of the country is the first consideration. The foreign policy of the Government on the whole deserved approval.." And on June 3, 1918: "There is on the one side the mighty military power of Germany, which is of so great importance, both for the supply of raw materials and for the transit traffic through Rotterdam; on the other side is the Entente with its command of the sea, by which it can control the import of foodstuffs and the communications between Holland and her colonies. The Government has succeeded in keeping a balance between these two poles." Further, he and his Party exerted a stabilizing influence by opposing the efforts of the Radicals led by the "Secretariat" when on three 15 separate occasions during the war that body sought to bring about a general strike as an expression of dissatisfaction with the Govern- ment's relief measures, a proposal which Troelstra characterized as nothing more than "an exhibition of revolutionary gymnastics." On the other hand the Social Democratic Labor Party was itself insistent in its criticism of the Government's relief program* and was constantly applying the whip to compel more drastic action. As an instance, at the very outbreak of the war, Troelstra, in the Second Chamber, and Polsk, in the First, objected to the inadequacy of the measures taken for provisioning the people and demanded "free distribution of food" and of course, throughout the war Troelstra and his Party were clamorous in their demands for constitutional reforms, which they accepted merely as a stepping stone to the achievement of more drastic reforms. This attitude is disclosed by Troelstra in the interview of February, 1918, above referred to, when after voicing his approval of the Government's foreign policy he proceeded: "In respect to the revision of the constitution the Government has done its duty and now it is the general opinion that the Government should go." * This included progressively, limitation of food exports, price fixing, rent sub- sidies, unemployment relief supplementary to that afforded by the Trades Unions, war risk and accident insurance for seamen and for owners of fishing vessels (with a large percentage of the premium underwritten by the Government in the case of the smaller vessels), housing projects, institution of Government and municipal labor construction projects for the purpose of furnishing employment, increase in orders for military supplies for the same purpose and the institution of labor ex- 16 IV ATTITUDE OF THE LABOR GROUP TOWARD THE BEL- LIGERENTS AND THE ISSUES OF THE WAR As Between the Central Powers and the Allies Generally speaking, the attitude of the Dutch people toward the belligerents may be summed up as follows: In the Northern provinces, the Frisians and North Hollanders have been pro-British; in the provinces, North Brabant and Limburg, the workers were pro-Belgian and pro-French; the workers of the eastern textile districts and the metal workers were for the greater part pro- German; while, of course, as the war progressed the seamen's unions grew bitterly anti-German and increasingly pro-Entente. In general, the leaders, though insistent that the war was due to the influence of bourgeois and imperialistic influences on both sides, favored the Allies because of their fear of German imperialism and their greater sympathy of the ideals of democracy prevailing in the Allied countries. Thus on February 25, 1915, Vliegen voiced the sentiment generally prevalent in the Social Democratic Labor Party and in the Netherland Federation of Trades Unions in condemning the violation of Belgian neutrality, and van Kol, in April of that year, expressed his abhorrence of the German atrocities in Belgium and said that "the silent consent to the violation of Belgium was the circum- stance of all others that most endangered the International;" and Oudegeest was frank in his expressions of his personal antipathy to the German Government. In July, 1918, Troelstra spoke of the political and civilian spirit in the Entente countries as "much more akin to his ideas than the German spirit praised by Kaiser Wilhelm. At about the same time, in explaining his opposition to any Governmental policy other than that of strict neutrality, he placed himself squarely on the ground that, a policy favorable to the Entente would inevitably lead, sooner or later, to the conquest of Holland by the Germans, saying, "It is just because I am a friend, of peace, a Democrat, a Socialist, 17 just because all that is best in our people is opposed to the Kaiser's German spirit, that I oppose a pro-Entente policy that would lead us in the end into Germany's arms." They were all especially critical of the failure of the German Govern- ment to publish its peace terms. In common with most Socialist and many labor organizations of other countries, they were sympathetic with the various German peace gestures and sought to bring about an International Congress to further the settlement, but they were im- patient with the failure of the German Government to state its peace terms. Also they were emphatic in their condemnation of Scheide- mann and the German Majority Socialists for their support of the German Imperialist program. On June 22, 1917, Het Volk, expressed this feeling as follows: "The German Majority Socialist Party is itself a belligerent party; it adopts the Government's war as its own war. * * * It has not turned against Imperialism, but pleads in its favor. The Imperialist tactics in which the labor leaders join the capitalists regard defense as unsuccessful if no advantage is gained from the enemy. By insisting on the liberation of the seas from the British fleet and on the emancipa- tion of subject races within the British Empire, the German Socialists bring shame and injury down upon their own workers, as they become allies of German capitalism against foreign labor. Their minds are poisoned and they want to keep their own Colonies and fellow sub- jects under the policeman's sword." B As to the Russian Situation Upon the outbreak of the Russian revolution the Social Demo- cratic Labor Party and other labor groups naturally expressed its sympathy with Kerensky and his aims. That Party and the other conservative workers are, however, utterly opposed to the Bol- shevists, whose dissolution of the constitutional assembly they re- garded as evidence of defection from the principles of true democracy. Sympathy with the Bolshevists and advocacy of their doctrines is confined to the comparatively small, though not unimportant, group of revolutionary socialists. 18 ATTITUDE TOWARD PEACE TERMS In general, it may be said of the working classes of Holland that they are in favor of a "lasting peace" and sympathetic with President Wilson's program, that they are opposed to annexations and in favor of self-determination. Troelstra has expressed his adherence to President Wilson's plan, his general approval of the fourteen points and his aspiration for "a peace unsullied by the desire to get more out of the present circumstances than is warrantable or which by disre- garding the vital interests and possibilities of development of the enemy will create a basis for a continuance of the terrible system of economic rivalry, diplomatic intrigue, and armament, the removal of which must, after all, be the only Socialist war aim." Further, the Social Democratic Labor Party has a plank in its platform under the section dealing with foreign relations which demands: A plebiscite for the people of Alsace-Lorraine and all other small nationalities (the Poles, Czechs, etc.) to be determinative of their alliances and their form of Government. None of the Radical Labor Groups are sympathetic with the activist movement in Belgium and they are diametrically opposed to the aspirations of the greater Netherland movement and the imposition of the Dutch language as the exclusive vehicle of speech throughout Belgium. For President Wilson the admiration among the workers is uni- versal, if there be excepted the Anarchists and members of the Social Democratic Party, who, like their Russian confreres, regard him as a hopeless bourgeois and denounce him in unmeasured terms. 19 APPENDIX I POLITICAL ORGANIZATIONS OF THE LABOR GROUPS, THEIR STRUCTURE AND AIMS A The Social Democratic Labor Party a Origin When in August, 1894, a majority of the old Social Democratic Federation voted to discontinue political activity and to concentrate upon "revolutionary mass action" a number of its members who were opposed to this course undertook to organize a new party under the name of the Social Democratic Labor Party. The authors of this secessionist movement included Troelstra, van Kol, Polak, Vliegen, Levita (now dead), Schaper, Jan Fortuyn, J. H. Bergmeyer, and four others, who are commonly called "the Apostles." The Party which was thus organized as a means of counteracting the ultra-radical tendencies in the old organization and of furnishing a vehicle for political action to the more moderate Socialists, has adhered consistently to this purpose and, in spite of the occasional secession by more radical groups within its ranks, has grown steadily in numbers and influence until today it is by far the most powerful of the labor parties and is exceeded in voting strength and repre- sentation in the Chamber only by the Clericals among the conservative Parties. b Growth Its growth is reflected in the following statistics showing its voting strength and membership in the Second (popular) Chamber of the States- General: 20 Voting Strength National Elections Members in Second Year Votes Chamber 1897 13,035 2 1901 38,279 7 1905 65,743 7 1909 82,793 7 1913 144,375 16 18.8% 1918 296,145 22 22.3%* The spread of its influence is indicated further by the election of three members to the First (Senatorial) Chamber of that body and by the increase in circulation of its daily paper "Het Yolk" which is now 41,000 copies. Program Its general purposes are expressed in the following statement: "Forward to socialization of industries and nationalization of the land. If the present organization of the State cannot do all this, then revolu- tionize the State." Its specific demands have been formulated in the following terms: Program of Demands f 1. Immediate demobilization with reasonable compensation as long as the demobilized would be unemployed. 2. Immediate introduction of woman suffrage, suffrage for all persons, who are of age. 3. Abolition of the First Chamber; decision over war and peace to be made by the people's representatives. 4. All expenses made on account of the war and social measures to be paid out of taxes levied on capitalists and land owners. 5. Socialization of all industries, which are of a social nature. 6. Quick and sufficient solution of the housing problem the need for workers' houses. 7. Improvement in the condition of small farmers. 8. All demands of the sailors and soldiers for better conditions, and a people's army and navy (officers to be elected by rank and file from among those who qualify through examinations). * Makes total vote, 1,328,000. This was an increase of 400,000. t These were formulated at a labor congress held under the joint auspices of the Social Democratic Labor Party and the Netherland Federation of Trades Unions in November 16 and 17, 1918. 21 9. Food distribution to be a matter of state concern, and coopera- tion of farmers, agricultural laborers and consumers. leagues to be fostered. 10. State pensions for all persons of 60 years and over. 12. A program of social legislation as outlined at Berne by the International Confederation of Trade Unions. 13. The legal 8 hour day and a 6 hour day for miners working underground. 14. Complete unemployment assurance under control of labor organizations. 15. Substantial increase of the salaries of workmen and minor employees in public service and of the railroads. Throughout its history it has constantly and persistently advocated electoral reform and woman suffrage. . d Attitude Toward Religion and Religious Unions It regards the religious question as outside the sphere of its activities 'and is neither religious nor agnostic. But it characterizes the pro- grams of the Anti-Revolutionary State Party (the Party of the Pro- testant Church) and of the Roman Catholic State Party and the declaration of principles of the religious trades unions as instruments designed to conceal the purpose of these organizations to maintain the dominance of the capitalistic class. Structure For the purposes of organization the Party has divided the country into regions (gewesten) which are subdivided into districts which are further subdivided into locals. Each of these divisions and sub- divisions has its executive committee. There is also a National Executive Committee of eleven members elected for a term of one year by the rank and file. Five of this committee must be residents of Amsterdam and they form the "Daily Executive Committee ("local quorum") which meets every day for at least % hour. The Party supports two paid officers, an Administrative Secretary, and a Corresponding Secretary, and a number of paid propagandists. It publishes Het Volk (The People) a daily paper whose circulation is now 41,000, and in addition a scientific weekly and a satirical weekly 22 and a scientific monthly called "De Socialistische Gids" (The Socialist Guide). There are also a number of papers published by the local organizations. The women of the Party are organized in the "Federation of Social Democratic Women" which is entitled to two representatives in the annual congress. This Federation publishes a paper "The Proletarian Woman' which, on January 1, 1916, had 6,000 subscribers. The Party fosters also the Social Democratic Study Circle, an organization for labor research, which maintains a large library relating to labor matters in Holland and abroad, and renders free service to the Party, the trades unions, and the cooperatives. The work of this Circle is held in such high esteem that even Con- servative Governments have availed themselves of its services. The Executives of the Party are Chairman W. H. A. Vliegen, Ad- ministrative Secretary J. G. van Kuijkhof, Secretary J. W. Matthy- sen; Headquarters of the party, 16 De Genestet St., Amsterdam. Troelstra's Influence From the outset Troelstra has played a leading role in the Party councils and he was one of the first of its representatives at the Second Chamber to which he was first elected in 1897. His influence in the main has been directed toward restraining the radical or visionary elements and toward concentrating the efforts of the Party upon effective action. Thus in 1913 he advocated the acceptance by the Socialist delegates of portfolios offered by the Liberal Government to which that Party was lending its support, and in 1917 he was active in the defeat of the effort to bring about an alliance between the Party and the radicals of the "Secretariat." An apparent depar- ture from this policy was involved in the declaration which he made in November, 1918, in favor of revolutionary measures; but he accepted the defeat of this program with apparent equanimity and the incident has probably left his influence practically undiminished. B The Social Democratic Party This Party was organized in 1909 under the leadership of Dr. David Wynkoop. It first manifested political strength at the election of July 4th, 19-18. Its Executive Committee consists of seven members of whom three are residents of Amsterdam and form the "local quorum." 23 It has been too small to have any regional organization and its locals report directly to national headquarters. Its policies are those of the Academic Socialism and" it is uncompromising in politics and revolutionary in its utterances. Its official paper is the "Tribune" edited by Wynkoop, van Ravensteyn, and Herman Gorter. In 1916 this paper had a circulation of 3,000. While radical in its socialism, the Party disapproves of the syndicalists and is not in sympathy with the National Labor Secretariat. On the other hand it finds the Netherland Federation of Trades Unions and the Social Democratic Labor Party too moderate. Prior to the elections of July 4, 1918, it had never polled any considerable vote. At that election it polled 31,023 votes and elected two representatives. Socialist Party The Socialist Party made its first appearance in the elections of 1918 under the leadership of H. Kolthek. Its birth was due to the pressure of the world-war upon the economic status of the Netherlands, which impelled even the Syndicalists to resort to political measures for the purpose of seeking a solution of such immediate problems as those of food production and food distribution. The Party is really a transformation from a revolutionary socialist committee. It announced before the election that it would represent the political wing of the revolutionary proletariat. It may be compared in spirit with the reformist syndicalists of the C.G.T. in France. Its con- tinuance w T ill depend upon the degree to which Kolthek and his lieutenant Lansink shall persist with the syndicalists. In the elections of July 4, 1918 it polled throughout the country 8,826 votes and elected one representative. Federation of Christian Socialists This is an independent organization under the leadership of the Rev. J. W. Kruyt and a Miss Enka, in earlier years a member of the "Anti-Revolutionary State Party." The Rev. J. W. Kruyt, is a religious anarchist, Tolstoyan. He was a minister before the war and enlisted as a field chaplain. His pacifist and anti-military views collided soon with the government war orders and he was ousted by the military governor of Tilburg. He was elected member of the Second Chamber on July 4, 1918. 24 The "Federation" is apparently more of a sect than a Party. Voting Srength July 4, 1918 8,423 votes 1 seat E Free Socialist Group There exists also a "Free Socialists Group" with a weekly paper. It is a loosely organized body of libertarians, atheists, agnostics, syndicalists, philosophical anarchists, etc. Its power is nil, but it is formed by a noisy crowd. Its spiritual father, F. Domela Nieuwen- huys, has lost all his old-time influence. The Catholic Unions At a combined meeting of the executives of the Bureau for Roman Catholic Trades Unions and Council of Delegates of the Diocene People's and Workers' Federation held in December, 1917, the fol- lowing program was adopted: 1. Social legislation, leading to the recognition of judicial rights of trade unions and especially through (a) legal regulation of collective labor contracts, (b) giving a share in the execution of labor laws and in their promulgation. 2. Trade unions to be considered as advisory bodies in social legislation. 3. Health, invalidity and old age insurance, medical aid to be included in the health insurance. 4. No change in Tariff, on account of introduction of social insurance. 5. Taxes according to income, especially with regard to large families. Gradual reduction of indirect taxes on life's necessaries. 6. Improvement of housing conditions of the people through changes and improvements in the housing laws. Compulsory aid by municipal governments. Municipalities to cooperate with Work- ers' Building Associations. 7. More energetic measures in public hygiene, especially concern- ing adulterations of foodstuffs. 25 8. Law on vocational and domestic science education and regula- tion of apprenticeship. 9. Improvement of labor laws: (a) extension to all industries, (b) a 10-hour law and a 56-hour week, (c) less hours in some industries, (d) prohibition of labor by children under 14, amendments to Com- pulsory Education -Act, (e) Prohibition of Labor by married women in shops and factories, (f) special laws on agricultural labor. 10. Improvements in the Accidents Insurance law in the way of decentralization and extension of this law to agriculture. 11. Regulations of the judicial position of employees in public and semi-public service with recognition of trade unions. 12. Strong support of the international attempt to arrive at an abolition of military conscription and limitation of armaments. The Bureau for Roman Catholic Trades Unions was organized, as has been said, for the purpose of combatting the philosophic and economic concepts of the socialists. All the influence and power of the Catholic church has been concentrated in this effort, which was stimulated by the specific comment of the Pope conveyed in the letter known as "Rerum Novarum" which was issued in 1892. These efforts have resulted in -a rapid increase in its membership which has grown year by year as reflected by the following figures: Jan. 1, 1911 1912 1913 1914 1915 1916 1917 1918 15,541 16,402 21,096 . 29,048 35,257 . 40,328 54,855 69,139 It supports the Clerical Party which is at present the strongest political party in the Netherlands. The Protestant Unions The origin and purpose of the Protestant unions is similar to that of those organized by the Catholic church in that the impulse to their activity has been a sense of a need to combat the philosophic and economic theories of the Socialists and Radicals. The growth of its union, the Christian National Federation of Trades Unions, is revealed by the following statistics: Jan. 1, 1911 1912 1913 1914 1915 1916 1917 1918 7,480 7,792 7,944 Missing Missing Missing 20,506 28,008 This Federation supports the Anti-Revolutionary Party. At a general meeting held on January 23, 1918 it adopted the following program: 26 1. Energetic measures as to Sunday's rest, especially on public means of transportation. 2. Equal position of public and private (clerical) education. Extension of compulsory education to the 14th year. Vocational and domestic science education. State aid to workers' children who are talented. 3. Legal enactments as to collective labor contracts. Compulsory arbitration of strikes and lockouts. Establishment of arbitration committees, wherein employers and employees have both representa- tion. Councils for the determination of a minimum wage scale in industries. 4. Prohibition of labor to children under 14. Legal ten hour day and 56 hour week with measures to a transition of a legal 8-hour day and 45 hour week. One free day weekly, preferably on Sunday. Extension of these laws to office and storage rooms. A safety law for the building trades; improvement of Baker's and Agricultural Laborers law, especially as to women and children. 5. Health insurance, with medical aid, Invalidity Insurance, Old Age pensions. Widows' pensions, technical revision of the accident Insurance law. Vocational disease law. Legal regulation of unem- ployment insurance and Labor Exchanges, Mothers' pensions. 6. Increase in salaries for public servants. Recognition of trade unions of public servants, and introduction of "common councils" for public servants and their superiors. 7. Pure food regulations. Price fixing of necessary food stuffs. Development of economic resources of the country and its colonies. 8. Legal enactments as to the closing hour of stores. 9. Increased subsidies to Workers' Building Associations to come to improved housing conditions for workers. 10. "Local option" in the liquor question. Limitation of alcohol production. 11. Taxes according to income, but taking in consideration the size of the family. No indirect taxes on food stuffs. H Social Political Program of the Christian National Workers' Federation This was drafted at the general meeting at Utrecht on April 16, 1918. 1. Sunday's rest in all industries and especially in public service. 27 Double time for Sunday work and a 36 hours holiday every other week if Sunday work is indispensable. 2. Abolition of all night labor, (including bakeries) and three shifts where night work is unavoidable. 3. Ten hour day and 54 hour week as a transition measure to an 8 hour day and 45 hour week. All stores to be closed at 9. Vaca- tion of at least 12 days a year. 4. Legal regulations of collective labor contracts, compulsory for organized as well as unorganized workers. 5. Revision and extension of the Accidents Insurance Law to all wage earners. Health insurance with medical aid. Widows' pen- sions. State Unemployment Insurance. 6. "Chambers of Labor" to be transformed in "Councils for Arbi- tration." 7. Better housing conditions. 8. State supervision of food distribution. 9. No large land ownership and no increase in land rent. 10. Local option on the liquor question. 11. Curbing of compulsory trading at company stores. 12. Extension of compulsory education, 13th year inclusive; voca- tional education for children between 12 and 14; prohibition of child labor to 14; legal regulation of apprenticeships. 28 APPENDIX II Growth of the Movement as a Whole Year Total of Organized Organized as Percentage in Workers Federations Federations Jan. 1910 143,850 62,351 43.34 1911 153,689 72,646 47.27 1912 169,144 82,570 48.82 1913 189,030 101,428 53.66 1914 220,275 137,893 62.60 1915 227,391 149,101 65.57 1916 251,667 170,418 67.72 1917 303,760 224,223 73.82 1918 369,151 287,458 77.87 B Growth of the Several Federations 1 Membership 1911 1912 1913 1914 1915 1916 1917 1918 Sept. 1, (1) 1918 NLS 2 5,247 6,180 8,097 9,697 9,24210,510 14,309 23,068 NFT 44,378 52,195 61,447 84,261 87,598 99,511 128,918 159,450 183,080 GNFT 7,480 7,792 7,944 20,506 28,008 RCFT 15,541 16,402 21,096 29,048 35,257 40,338 54,855 69,139 NCFT 2,844 3,864 4,677 5,046 5,635 7,794 ir The economic concepts of the several organizations are summarized at p. 9. 2 Key to abbreviations: NLS National Labor Secretariat. NFT Netherland Federation of Trade Unions. CNFT Christian National Federation of Trade Unions. RCFT Roman Catholic Federation of Trade Unions. NCFT Neutral Central Federation of Trade Unions. 29 Percentage of Total of Organized Workers Represented in the Several Central Federations? Jan. 1 1911 1912 1913 1914 1915 1916 1917 1918 NLS 3.41 3.65 4.28 4.40 4.06 4.18 4.71 6.25 NFP 28.88 30.86 32.51 38.25 38.52 39.54 42.44 43.19 GNFT... . 4.87 4.61 4.20 5.00 5.42 5.97 6.75 7.59 RCFT... 10.11 9.70 11.16 13.19 15.51 16.03 18.06 18.73 NCFT 1.50 1.75 2.06 2.01 1.86 2.11 Total . 47.27 48.82 53.65 62.59 65.57 67.73 63.82 77.87 Growth of Religious as Compared to Non-Religious Federations The religious affiliation has a preponderant influence upon the action of the federation or union. The religious trade-unions repudiate the theory and tactics of the class struggle. The following table gives the fluctuations in the ratios between religious and non-religious trade unions in percentages of the total number of organized workers in "Central Federations." Jan. 1 1911 1912 1913 1914 1915 1916 1917 Protestant Organizations 4.14 3.67 3.23 2.98 3.22 3.22 3.33 Roman Catholic Organizations 15.28 15.23 16.28 17.02 18.39 18.39 19.84 Other Religious Organizations . 4.04 4.07 3.34 3.75 3.80 3.80 4.29 Total Religious Organizations. 23.46 22.97 22.85 23.75 25.41 26.15 27.46 Total other Organizations 76.54 77.03 77.15 76.25 74.59 73.85 72.54 3 In 1911 there existed a National Federation of Transport workers with 3,125 members, being 2.03% of the total organized workers. In 1912 these figures were: 3,658 and 2.16%. In 1913 amalgamation took place with the Netherland Federa- tion of Trade Unions. 30 APPENDIX III List of Organizations affiliated with the Levine Federations. A National Labor Secretariat (Founded September 27, 1893) (a) Affiliated Federations (As of January 1, 1916) 1. Federation of Furniture Makers and affiliated trades. 2. National Federation of Lumberworkers. 3. Federation of Workers in the Clothes industry. 4. National Federation of Metalworkers. 5. Federation of Cigarmakers and Tobaccoworkers. 6. National Federation of Food trades. 7. Federation of Agricultural Laborers. 8. General National Federation of Seamen. (b) Affiliated Single Trade Unions Of the National Federation of Building Workers the following 18 locals: At Alkmaar, Building Workers. At Amsterdam, Earth-workers, Hod-carriers, Masons, Carpenters, Pile-drivers, Plasterers, Common Laborers, Beton-workers. At the Hague, Masons, Carpenters, Hod-carriers, Beton-workers. At Haarlem, Masons, Pile-drivers. At Oostzaan, Earth-workers. At Sappemeer, Hoogezand, Carpenters. At Zaandam, Building-workers. Of the Netherland Ship-workers' and Longshoremen's Federation the local at Rotterdam, Harbor-workers. Of the "National Federation of Textile-workers" all five locals at Almelo, De venter, Enschede, Goor and Hengelo. 31 (c) Other Local Unions At Alkmaar, Independent Transport-workers Union. At Amsterdam, Netherland Chauffeurs Union. "Our Interest, Taxi-chauffeurs Union." Excelsion, Newspaper Distributors Union "Aw r ake on Time," Independent Organization of Commercial, Em- ployers, Union of Ship-classifiers "D.E.V." Gardeners and Florist Union "Humananitas." At Hoogezand, Factory-workers Union "Strong through Unity." At Groningen, Tobacco-workers Union "Help One Another." At Haarlem, Independent Transport-workers Union "New Life." At Haar leemermeer, "Strong Together" Agricultural Laborers' Union. At Halfweg, Independent Mixed Union, "Through Unity, Strength" At Noord Crock, The Agricultural Laborers' Union. At Noordwolde, Independent Union of Reed and Bamboe Workers "New Life." At Sappemeer, Independent Union of Card-board-workers. At Schiedam, Union of Glass-workers and affiliated Trades. At Veendam, Card-board Workers' Union. At Zaandam, Independent Union of Factory Workers "Striving for Betterment." When the anarchist leaders in the "Secretariat" became afraid of the ever growing influence of the leaders of the political socialistic parties, they succeeded in having both parties expelled from the "Secretariat." Since then, the "Secretariat" has in an increasing measure tended to syndicalism of the extreme type and has lost influence and economic power. B Christian National Federation of Trade Unions (Founded July 1st, 1909) (a) Affiliated Federations 1. Christian Federation of Typographs. 2. Netherland Christian Building Workers' Federation. 3. Federation of Dutch Christian Furniture Makers, Paperhangers and Allied Trades. 4. Christian Wood- workers' Federation. 5. Dutch Federation of Christian Workers in the Clothes Industry. 32 6. General Federation of Christian Mine-Workers. 7. Christian Metal-workers' Federation. 8. Nederland Christian Textile-workers' Federation "Unitas." 9. Christian Federation of Journeymen Bakers, Chocolate and Sugar-workers. 10. Christian Protestant Union of Workers in the artificial Liquor Industry and Affiliated Trades "True to Our Principle." 11. Christian Federation of Cigar-makers and Tobacco-workers. 12. Nederland Federation of Christian Agricultural, Horticultural and Dairy-workers. 13. Nederland Christian Federation of Journeymen Butchers. 14. Nederland Federation of Christian Office and Commercial Employees. 15. Federation of Christian Workers in the Harbor and Transport Trades and Allied Trades. 16. Nederland Federation of Christian Protestant Post and Tele- graph Employees "Through Duty to Justice." 17. Protestant Christian Federation of Railway and Train em- ployees. 18. Nederland Federation of Christian Factory Workers. 19. Christian Federation of Dutch Municipal Workers. (b) Local Trade Unions At Aalten, Union of Christian Horn- workers. At Dokkum, Protestant Christian Building Trade Union. At Enschede, Christian Textile-workers Union "St. Severus." At Tilburg, Tilburg Textile Workers Union. At Vlaardingen, Christian Trade-Union of Journeymen Coopers "Harmony." Roman-Catholic Trade Union Federation (Founded July 18, 1909) (a) Affiliated Federations 1. Federation of Roman Catholic Glass and Ceramic-Workers "God and Our Right." 2. Netherland Roman-Catholic Graphical Federation. 33 3. Roman-Cat holic-Litho-Foto and Chemographs' Federations. 4. Netherland-Roman-Catholic Chalk and Stone-cutters Federa- tion "Saint John." 5. Netherland Roman Catholic Painters' Federation "Saint- Lucas." 6. Netherland Roman-Catholic Carpenters' Federation "Saint Joseph." 7. Netherland Furniture Makers, Paperhangers' and Upholsterers' Federation "Saint Anthony of Padua." 8. Roman Catholic Netherland Federation of Wood-workers "Saint Joseph." 9. Netherland Roman-Catholic Seamstresses and Taylors' Federa- tion "St. Gerardus Majella." 10. Netherland Roman-Catholic Shoe and Leather Workers' Federation. 11. Netherland Roman-Catholic Metal-workers' Federation. 12. Netherland Roman-Catholic Textile Federation "Saint Lam- bert." 13. Netherland Roman-Catholic Tobacco-workers' Federation. 14. Netherland Roman-Catholic Federation of Bakers' Cocoa, Chocolate and Sugar- workers. 15. Netherland Roman-Catholic Federation of Journeymen Butchers "Saint George." 16. Netherland Federation of Roman Catholic Florists, Gardeners and Agricultural Laborers. . 17. Netherland Roman-Catholic Federation of Railway and Train Employees "St. Raphael." 18. Netherland Roman-Catholic Federation of Employees in Hotels, Saloons and Restaurants. 19. Netherland Roman-Catholic Seamens' Federation. 20. Netherland Roman-Catholic Factory, Harbor and Transport Workers' Federation "Saint Willebrord." 21. Netherland Roman-Catholic Federation of Petty Officers "Saint Martinus." 22. Netherland Roman-Catholic Federation of Employees in the Service of Public Organizations or Public Industries "Saint Paul." (b) Local Trade Unions 23. At Amsterdam, Netherland Roman-Catholic Diamond- workers' Union. 34 Netherland Federation of Neutral Trade-Unions (Founded June 2, 1912) (a) Affiliated Federations 1. Netherland Neutral Federation of Workers in the Clothes Industry. 2. Federation of Neutral Journeymen Bakers and Confectioners. 3. General Netherland Federation of Journeymen Butchers. 4. Netherland Federation of Confectioners' Clerks. In 1918 it included 1,144 affiliated unions and was organized in 362 municipalities. These figures are to be compared with 577 and 95 respectively for the year 1911. Its growth has been almost parallel to the economic development of the Netherlands. This is reflected in the increase in Croningen especially, a province where the industrial advance has been rapid during recent years. The slowest increase has been recorded for the southern provinces, where Roman Catholicism is dominant. The most powerful of the affiliated organizations is that of the Diamond Workers, which is the oldest and strongest and richest of the Dutch unions. The list of affiliated organizations is as follows: 5. Netherland Federation of Bookdealers' Clerks. 6. National Federation of Commercial and Office Employees "Mercurius." 7. Neutral Federation of Hotel and Restaurant Employees "Our Interests." (b) Local Trade Unions 8. At Almelo, Textile- workers Union "Sustain One Another." 9. At Amsterdam, Neutral Federation of Store and Storehouse Employees. 10. At Amsterdam, Union of the Messengers and the Store-house Employees "E.m.M." 11. At Haarlem, Carpenters and Pattern-makers Union "Har- mony." 12. At Leiden, Carpenters and Pattern-makers Union. 13. At Rotterdam, The Rotterdam Metal-workers' Union "Saint Aloysius." D Netherland Federation of Trades Unions 1. Functionaries. 2. Assistant Druggists. 35 3. Bakers and Cocoa Workers. 4. Building Laborers. 5. Diamond Workers. 6. Liquor Trade. 7. Factory Workers. 8. Municipal Workmen. 9. Glass and Ceramic Workmen. 10. Gold and Silversmiths. 11. Office Workers. 12. Harbor Workers. 13. Waiters. 14. Tailors and Seamstresses. 15. Domestic Servants. 16. Coopers. 17. Agricultural and Dairy Workers. 18. Lito-Foto-Chemigraphs. 19. Engineers and Firemen (Ships). 20. Metalworkers. 21. Furniture Makers and Paperhangers. 22. Miners. 23. Supervisors and Draftsmen. 24. Post-Telegraph-Telephone Employees. 25. Government Workers. 26. Painters. 27. Cigar Makers. 28. Butchers (Journeymen). 29. Railway and Train Employees. 30. Plasterers. 31. Textile Workers. 32. Carpenters. 33. Transport Workers. 34 . Typographers . 35. Seamen. 36. Nederland Cooks Union. 37. Engineers and Firemen (Railroads). 38. Government Tax Clerks. 39. Earthworks Union. 40. Theatre Employees. 41. Central Union Transport Workers.* * (Combination of 12 Harbor Workers and 33 Transport Workers.) 36 APPENDIX IV PERSONNEL OF THE LABOR MOVEMENT Influential Members of the Social Democratic Labor Party and the Netherland Federation of Trades Unions Pieter Jelles Troelstra was born in 1860 at Leeuwarden, the son of a high provincial official. He studied law and received a doctor's degree in 1888. From 1889 to 1892 he practiced law in the City of Leeuwarden, defending the Agricultural Workers accused of violence. He met Jan Stap, their leader, and through his influence became in- terested in the Socialist movement. Later he broke relations with his parents and moved to Sneek where he edited the "Sneeker Courant" and later the "Nieuwe Tyd." In 1893 he went to Utrecht as a propagandist and edited "The Baanbreker." He was one of the "Apostles" of the Social Democratic Labor Party. His personal history since 1897 is inseparably bound up with the public life of the Netherlands. He is an excellent and eloquent speaker; and a clever and accomplished parliamentarian. His control of the Social Demo- cratic Labor Party and of the Netherland Federation of Trades Unions is strong although on two occasions the rank and file revolted against his advice, first, against his opposition to the general strike of 1903 and second, against his counsel to allow the Party leaders to accept portfolios in the liberal cabinet in 1913. No one in the party and very few outside the party doubt his sincerity. The anarchists and the Wynkoop faction hate him, the conservative groups and the government fdar him, the members of the S.D.L.P. and the N.F.T. adore him, and call him "Pieter Jelles" or "Heit" the Frisian word for father. (See also references to his specific activities at p. 23.) Henry Huibert van Kol was born in 1852 at Eindhoven of Belgian parents. He studied at the Poly technical school in Delft and was afterwards civil engineer in Java until 1894 when he was pensioned because of ill health. From 1897 to 1909 he was a member of the Second Chamber and since 1911* he has been a member of the First 37 Chamber (Senator). He is very wealthy and a personal friend of many of the highest government officials. He is impulsive and senti- mental has terrific working-power, and is fearless. He has made a profound study of colonial problems and at the request of the French government investiated conditions in Algiers. He is the author of the "Colonial Program" of the Social Democratic Labor Party, and of the "International." At his own expense, he has made two ex- tended trips through the Dutch East Indies and has made one trip through the Dutch West Indies. In 1915 he was commissioned by the government of the Netherlands to investigate the industrial condi- tions in Japan. His report, as published, created a great deal of antagonism in the government circles on account of its bitter denuncia- tion of the Japanese Government's treatment of its workers. He is an unqualified pro- Ally. Jan Hendrik Andries Schaper was born in 1868. By trade he is a painter. At the age of 18 years he joined the Social Democratic Labor Party. He has edited several provincial labor papers. In 1897 he was elected to the Municipal Council of Groningen and in 1898 to the Provincial Council. From 1897 to 1901 he was a member of the Second Chamber for the District of Beendam. When Troelstra is absent he is the leader of- the Socialists in Parliament. He has great influence over the Unions in Groningen and Friesland and is thoroughly acquainted with labor legislation. He is strongly opposed to all "direct action." He is a "pacifist" and a prominent member of the "Anti-War Council" in the Netherlands. Henri Polak is the all-powerful leader of the Diamond- workers . During his youth he worked in England and became acquainted with the Fabian socialists. He translated the works of Sidney and Beatrice Webb and Robert Blatchford. His experience in the British trade unions was of great value to him in the Dutch Labor movement. Since 1902 he has been municipal Councilor of Amsterdam. He is a member of the Provincial Council and the First Chamber. With Ouvegeest he is the dominant factor in the Netherland Federation of Trades Unions. He is less radical and more tactical than either Troelstra or van Kol. He was appointed, by the Queen, Chairman of the Statistical Committee of the Netherlands and is famous for his extensive knowledge of labor conditions the world over. W. H. A. Vliegen is Troelstra' s right-hand man, and is one of the earliest Socialists. For some time he resided in Paris. He has edited various provincial papers and "Het Volk." He is a member of the Second Chamber, and has been Municipal and Provincial Councilor since 1909. His specialty is Public Finance. He is an unqualified pro- Ally. At the beginning of the war Vliegen advocated joining the 38 Entente but was heavil}^ rebuked by the Party for "breech of Neu- trality." M. Mendels was born at the Hague in 1868. He is an Attorney. By reading Marx he was converted from Liberalism to Socialism. He is a "slick" speaker, extremely agile and alert as a debater and a keen analytical writer. He lost influence in the Social Democratic Labor Party by his desertion in 1909 to follow the Wynkoop faction but was forgiven and restored to favor by the leaders as the result of his propaganda work in Utrecht. He was a paid propagandist in the Zaandistrict, where he fought the anarchists and clericals. He was elected Municipal Councilor in Zaandam in 1904 and 1905 and has been a member of the Second Chamber since 1913. His specialty is criminal law and Penology. Jan Oudegeest is the strong leader of the Netherland Federation of Trade Unions and the editor of its paper "De Vakbeweging" (The Trade Union Movement). His personal history begins with a long record as an excellent employee of the Netherland State Railroads. His attention was drawn to the organization of the railroad workers when still a young man. He became municipal councilor at Utrecht while stationed in that city as an administrator of the Railroad Em- ployees Union. In 1903 he was the leader of the great railroad strike. In 1913 he was nominated for the Second Chamber in the third district of Amsterdam but lost. He was elected on July 4, 1918 with a con- siderable majority. He stands strongly under the influence of H. Polak, and is Troelstra's mouthpiece in the Netherland Federation of Trade Unions, and will no doubt play a prominent role in the near future. From 1906 to 1917 he was Secretary and since then has been Chairman of the Netherland Federation of Trade Unions. Edo Fimmen has for some time been the right hand man of Oude- geest. He is now Secretary of the Netherland Federation of Trade Unions. Frank van der Goes was originally a financier of the Amsterdam Ex- change. His youthful exuberant revolutionary character brought him the hatred of his colleagues and in 1892 he was forced out of the Exchange. He studied political economy and statistics at the Uni- versity of Amsterdam and since 1901 has been "lector" in Socialism at that University. He is considered the "Kautsky" of the Nether- lands. He belongs to that faction which disagreed with the Party in theory but stays with the Party and propagates Marxism through the scientific weekly. F. M. Wibaut is the son of a rich lumber dealer. He studied Marx's works while in High School. His specialty is trusts and trust history. He is Echevin of the city of Amsterdam for Public Works, is a good 39 business man, and is rich. He belongs to the Marxists within the Social Democratic Labor Party and is a strong backer of cremation movement. A. H. Gerhard is the son of J. W. Gerhard, Dutch Secretary of the old "International." Thus he inherited his socialism and agnosticism. He is prominent in the free-thinkers movement. He became a school teacher and principal and has been a great factor in the modern pedagogical movement in the Netherlands. Since 1913 he has been a member of the chamber. He has great influence among the socialist teachers. He is moderate in socialist and trade-unions views. W. P.O. Helsdingen was originally a carpet weaver. He is a self- made man and reads five languages. "I studied all philosophical and scientific books I could lay my hands on." He has great influence with unions in Northern provinces and has been a member of the Second Chamber since 1901. He is a pleasant speaker, venerable, and mild in theory and action. He is a personal crony of Van Kol and very often speaks in the Chamber on labor conditions of lower government employees. He is responsible for better conditions of the munition workers. L. M. Hermans was an anarchist in his earlier days. He edited a very notorious paper "The Red Devil." He became propagandist of the Social Democratic Labor Party for Rotterdam, and later, in Arnhem, where he was elected Municipal Councilor in 1909. On July 4, 1918 he was elected a member of the Second Chamber. He is completely under control of the leaders of the Party and will do what- ever Troelstra wants him to do. K. ter Laan was a school teacher by trade and is now Burgomaster of Zaandam. He has been a member of the Second Chamber since 1901. He is not very strong as a speaker but is a good administrator and exhibits great interest in the amelioration of the conditions in the lower ranks of the Army. F. W. N. Hugenholtz is minister of the liberal church and has been a member of the Chamber since 1901. He has made a special study of Navy matters. He played a great role in the general strike of 1903 at which time he was in full command of one of the trunklines. He is a Revolutionary idealist. J. E. W. Duys has been notary public at and member of the Second Chamber for Zaandam since 1909. He is a clever speaker, turbulent character, excels in sarcastic interruptions and is one of Troelstra' s personal devotees. He became converted to socialism in the election of 1902 in Amsterdam (candidacy of Troelstra). He is Municipal Councilor and eschevin for Public Works at Zaandam. 40 Theo van der Naerden is a Ph.D. and Civil Engineer and is a strong temperance advocate. He has made a special study of the Taylor system. He is a high school teacher in Amsterdam and a member of the Board of Education in that city. He has been Provincial Coun- cilor for North Holland since 1909 and on July 4, 1918 was elected a member of the Second Chamber. He is a Marxist within the Party. J '. W. Albarda became an international figure through the Stock- holm Conference and has been active in the pacifist movement during the war. Since 1913 he has been a member of the Second Chamber and interests himself especially in the mine workers and textile workers. G. W. Sannes is an attorney at law and since 1913 has been a mem- ber of the Second Chamber. During the war he has been active in the food distribution work. He is an opportunist in action. E. Rugge has been Municipal Councilor at Groningen and Provincial Councilor since 1909. He is editor of the party paper in the province of Groningen. He is greatly under the influence of Helsdingen and Schaper and is a pacifist agitator. J. H. F. van Zaedlhoff is a teacher and has been active in the teach- ers' union since 1892. Since 1903 he has toned down considerably in theory and action. He is a regional propagandist for South Holland. G. Ossendorp was for a long time president of the teachers union and is an active worker in the teachers' movement. J. A. Bergmeyer is an active worker in the teachers' movement. He is one of the "apostles." He is still very active but is old. Suze Groeneweg was the first woman member of the Second Chamber. She was born in 1875 at Stryensas, South Holland, and attended a village normal school and was appointed a teacher at Rotterdam in 1903 in which year she joined the Social Democratic Labor Party. In 1906 she initiated the movement for the foundation of Social Democratic Women's Clubs. Since 1914 she has been a member of the Executive Committee of the party. She is much sought after as a speaker on feminist questions, birth control, temperance, etc. She occupies quite an independent position in the Party and has a personal following in the longshoremen's union in Rotterdam. J. van den Tempel is a minor but influential lieutenant in the Nether- land Federation of Trade Unions. He is a member of the Second Chamber. A . Heykoop of the Harbor workers of Rotterdam is a minor but in- fluential lieutenant in the Netherland Federation of Trade Unions. He is a member of the Second Chamber. J. ter Laan is Municipal Councilor at Rotterdam and a member of the Second Chamber. He is a minor but influential lieutenant in the Netherland Federation of Trade Unions. 41 K. Kuyper is a theoretician, rejects the Marxian theory of value, but accepts the materialist conception of history as a work method. He is strongly anti-militarist, and in 1915 wrote a pamphlet "Not a man, not a cent," which was sold in large quantities. He has lately played a prominent part in the Netherland Federation of Trade Unions. A. B. Kkerekooper is a practical politician, attorney, eloquent and convincing speaker and since 1913 has been a member of the Second Chamber. He is Municipal Councilor for Amsterdam. His influ- ence is, however, limited to that city and province. A. Vander Heide is a Christian Socialist within the Social Demo- cratic Labor Party and edits the Christian Socialist weekly. He is non-resistant and a pacifist of the extreme type. His influence is limited to the province of Friesland and he is not taken very seriously by the party. B Influential Members of the Social Democratic Party David Wynkoop was born at Amsterdam in 1876 and in 1900 joined the Social Democratic Labor Party. He soon started an opposition to Bernstein's revisionism. As far back as 1904 he showed antagonism to Troelstra, during the "International Socialist Congress in Amster- dam." He founded the weekly "Tribune," the Marxist paper, in 1907 and was one of the founders of the Social Democratic Party in 1909. In April, 1916 he changed the "Tribune" to a daily paper and was elected a member of the Second Chamber on July 4, 1918. He is dogmatic and querelent and has great influence within his own circle and in the last three months has gained considerable strength. The Dutch Socialists assert that he is in constant communication with Trotsky. He advocates a mild form of Bolshevism, Soviets, etc. In his earlier life he was a teacher and is a much feared pamphleteer. He has a personal following among the younger teachers and students of the University of Amsterdam. W. van Ravensteyn is a doctor of literature, a historian and an econo- mist. He has been a socialist since 1899 and left the Social Democratic Labor Party with Wynkoop. He is a writer of numerous works on economic history and a book on the "World War." In action he is much milder than Wynkoop and since July 4, 1918 has been a member of the Second Chamber. Anton Pannekoek is an astronomer and was for years assistant in the Observatory in Leiden. In 1899 he joined the Social Democratic Labor Party and left it with Wynkoop in 1909. He lost his influence in the Social Democratic Labor Party through his inactivity in the 42 great strike in 1903. He fosters a profound hatred for Troelstra. He was a teacher of history and historical method at the "Social Demo- cratic Party School" at Berlin. He opposed the military clique in Germany and in 1915 was requested to leave that country. Today he is a high school teacher at Aekmaar, and is author of various Marxian pamphlets on the causes of the war, etc. Herman Gorier belongs to the pioneer of the literary movement in 1880. He is a doctor in literature, a poet, and a philosopher. In 1895 he was attracted to the socialist movement. His acquaintance with the leaders in the Zaan district, where he was born and received his earlier education, was very useful to the Social Democratic Labor Party in its struggle against the anarchist and syndicalist organizations from 1895 to 1905. He was called when Mendel could not weather the storm. At all times he has been a strict Marxist and left the Social Democratic Labor Party with Wynkoop and has since drifted to the most extreme internationalist position of the Zimmerwald faction. He has popularized the materialist conception of history for the workers and has written radical pamphlets on the w&r. He has a lovable character and his influence over the most radical groups is increasing since 1914. He is outspoken in his sympathy with, the Soviet Government. Extreme Radicals Henrietta Roland Hoist is another pioneer of the literary movement of 1880. She is a poetess and a profound student of economic and social history and has written various works on the history of the working classes in Holland and a very notable book "General Strike and Social Democracy." She is a woman of great oratorical power and can sway audiences. From 1898 to 1911 she was a member of the Social Democratic Labor Party. She joined the Social Democratic Party but during the war deserted that party and founded a "Socialist Revolutionary League." When this drifted towards an anarchist position she returned from the movement. Of late she has been giving much attention to the psychical and biological factors in social development. Her temperament is revolutionary and she may be expected to follow the most radical course at all times. She is wealthy. H. Kolthek, Jr., is the leader of the newly formed "Socialist Party." In earlier days he was a member of the Social Democratic Federation and the Social Democratic Labor Party. After 1896 he left the Social Democratic Labor Party and devoted himself entirely to the National 43 Labor Secretariat and at the present time he is its National Secretary. On July 4, 1918 he was elected to the Second Chamber. His right- hand man in the National Labor Secretariat and the Socialist Party is B. Lansink, Jr. B. Lansink, Jr., is Kolthek's right hand man in the National Labor Secretariat and inherits his influence from his father. B. Lansink, Sr., is one of the oldest syndicalists in the Netherlands. Dr.Frederik vonEcden,the communist, has recently lost his following among the workers. His organization "Common Property of Land" has changed into a real estate company. He has shown himself to be a consistent and unqualified supporter of the allied cause. Of late his journalistic work has brought him in the sphere of the Liberal Democrats. His opinions undergo constant changes and in political matters he is a most unreliable man. He is the author of several books of fiction, and of dramas, and is a poet of no mean quality. 44