LONDON B. F. Stevens & Brown PETROGBAD Watklns and Company 4 Trafalgar Square, W. C. Marskaia No. 86 PARIS Brentano's CAIRO F. Dlemer 87, Avenue de 1'Opera Shepheard'8 Building BERLIN Asher and Company BOMBAY Thacker and Company Limited Unter den Linden 56 Esplanade Road DUBLIN Combrldge and Company TOKIO Methodist Publishing House 18 Grafton Street 2 Shlchome, Glz Glnza EDINBURGH Andrew Elliott MEXICO CITY American Book and Printing Co. 17 Princes Street 1st San Francisco No. 12 MADRID Llbrerla Internacional de ATHENS Const. Electheroudakls Adrian Romo, Alcala 6 Place de la Constitution ROME L. Plale BUENOS AYRES...John Grant and Son 1 Piazza dl Spagna Calle Cangallo 469 ? tetrtral of Ammran if tstorg (f uarter Ntnrtmi Sixteen VOLUME X JULY-AUGUST-SEPTEMBER NUMBER 3 Proor?o bg Slj* National Ijtetoriral (Eompattg, in (f ttarterlg l-ottuma, 3For Hooka to tlj* Holwtt*, at 3ter Sollars Amwallg, Hollar a Glopg for ^tngk Numb^ra, far Naltnnal Copyright, 1916, &y TA^ National Historical Society (COLOR WORK ON THE COV T ER OF THIS NUMBER EXECUTED BY STOCKINGER PHOTO-ENGRAVING AND PRINTING COMPANY, NEW YORK CITY) Publication Office : Greenfield, Indiana. John Fowler Mitchell, Jr., Manager Editorial and Subscription Offices: Forty-Second Street Building, New York ADDRESS ALL COMMUNICATIONS TO THE NEW YORK OFFICES fExwutttt? 0Dflk?r0 nf QUj* ^attmtal lEottnrtal itrotora S I0t0rtral 00mta FRANK AU.ABEN, Editor-in-Chief FRANK ALLABEN, President MABEL T. R. WASHBURN, Genealogical Editor JSS Ti R wiiS-UirsS^ 11 W* W S. Associate Editor DUDLEY BUTLER, Treasurer JOHN FOWLER MITCHELL, JR., Associate Editor (grand OInunril of ilj? A. M. Ex-California Representa- PHILANDER KEEP ROOTS tive George Washington Memorial As- Colotabo sociation MRS. JOHN LLOYD McNEiL MRS. Louis FLICKINGER p ast Regent, Colorado, Daughters State Recording Secretary Daugh- of the American Revolution ters of the American Revolution SDftfttfCt Of Columbia California MRS. HENRY F. DIMOCK ROY MALCOM, A. M., PH. D. President George Washington Me- Professor of History, University of morial Association Southern California CAPTAIN ALBERT HARRISON VAN MRS. CYRUS WALKER DEUSEN. Holland Society, Sons of HONORABLE NATHAN W. BLANCHARD, the American Revolution [373] THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY LEWIS HORN FISHER, LL. M. Secretary United States Civil Serv- ice, Fourth District MRS. MARY STUART SMITH Jf lotto a MRS. CLAUDE STELLE TINGLEY, B. S., M. A. SISTER ESTHER CARLOTTA, S. R. Ex-President Florida Division Unit- i ed Daughters of the Confederacy ^ a to aii GEORGE P. CASTLE WILLIAM D. WESTERVELT HUnri* SAMUEL S. BUTLER HONORABLE CHARLES E. WILSON HONORABLE JOHN H. HUNGATE President First National Bank, La Harpe MRS. WASHINGTON HESING Daughters of the American Revolu- tion, Founders and Patriots MRS. GEORGE A. LAWRENCE MRS. HENRY CLAY PURMORT Life-Member Society Mayflower Descendants in Illinois Infetaia JOHN FOWLER MITCHELL President William Mitchell Printing Company HONORABLE GEORGE H. COOPER Cashier Greenfield Citizens' Bank Iftoa SHERMAN IRA POOL Sons of the American Revolution, Iowa State Historical Society EDWIN WELCH BURCH First President Iowa Baptist Bro- therhood HEMAN C. SMITH Editor Journal of History CHARLES ALEXANDER KEITH, B. A. OXON. History and Civics, East Kentucky Normal School MRS. WILLIAM H. THOMPSON Vice-President General, National Society Daughters of the Ameri- can Revolution Miss MARY NATHALIE BALDY SPaitu Miss NELLIE WOODBURY JORDAN Instructor in History, State Normal HUGH MACLELLAN SOUTHGATE, B. S. American Institute Electrical Engi- neers ALPHONZO BENJAMIN BOWERS, C. E. President Atlantic Harbor Railroad Company HENRY Louis STICK, M. D. Superintendent Hospital Cottages for Children, Baldwinsville J. VAUGHAN DEN NET? New England Historical and Genea- logical Society MRS. Louis PRANG President Roxbury Civic Club MRS. SARAH BOWMAN VAN NESS Honorary Life Regent, Lexington, Daughters of the American Rev- olution Miss CAROLINE BORDEN Trustee American College, Constan- tinople FREDERICK W. MAIN, M. D. Jackson Chamber of Commerce [374] Bancroft Library for All All for feplrndiD Kcbrillr to Jntrrnarional patriotism a (Brcat fetatccman at tljr pan=ammcan fecirntifir BY THE HONORABLE ROBERT LANSING Secretary of State of the United States R. PRESIDENT and Gentlemen of the Congress: It is an especial gratification to me to address you today, not only as the officer of the United States who invited you to attend this great Scientific Con- gress of the American Republics, but also as the pre- siding member of the Governing Board of the Pan- American Union. In this dual capacity I have the honor and pleasure to welcome you, gentlemen, to the capital of this country, in the full confidence that your deliberations will be of mutual benefit in your various spheres of thought and research, and not only in your individ- ual spheres but in the all-embracing sphere of Pan-American unity and fraternity which is so near to the hearts of us all. It is the Pan-American spirit and the policy of Pan- Americanism to which I would for a few moments direct your attention at this early meeting of the Congress, since it is my earnest hope that "Pan- Amer- ica" will be the keynote which will influence your relations with one another and inspire your thoughts and words. Nearly a century has passed since President Monroe proclaimed to the world his famous doctrine as the national policy of the United States. It was founded on the principle that the safety of this Republic would be imperiled by the extension of sovereign rights by a European power over territory in this hemisphere. Conceived in a suspicion of monarchial institutions and in full sympathy with the republican idea, it was uttered at a time when our neighbors to the south had won their independence and were gradually adapting themselves to the exercise of their newly acquired rights. To those struggling nations the doc- trine became a shield against the great European powers, which in the [457] THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY spirit of the age coveted political control over the rich regions which the new-born States had made their own. The United States was then a small nation, but a nation which had been tried in the fire; a nation whose indomitable will had re- mained unshaken by the dangers through which it had passed. The announcement of the Monroe Doctrine was a manifestation of this will. It was a courageous thing for President Monroe to do. It meant much in those early days, not only to this country but to those nations which were commencing a new life under the standard of liberty. How much it meant we can never know, since for four decades it re- mained unchallenged. During that period the younger Republics of America, giving ex- pression to the virile spirit born of independence anl liberal institu- tions, developed rapidly and set their feet firmly on the path of national progress which has led them to that plane of intellectual and material prosperity which they today enjoy. Within recent years the Government of the United States has found no occasion, with the exception of the Venezuela boundary inci- dent, to remind Europe that the Monroe Doctrine continues unaltered a national policy of this Republic. The Republics of America are no longer children in the great family of nations. They have attained maturity. With enterprise and patriotic fervor they are working out their several destinies. During this later time, when the American nations have come into a realization of their nationality and are fully conscious of the responsibilities and privileges which are theirs as sovereign and inde- pendent States, there has grown up a feeling that the Republics of this hemisphere constitute a group separate and apart from the other na- tions of the world, a group which is united by common ideals and com- mon aspirations. I believe that this feeling is general throughout North and South America, and that year by year it has increased until it has become a potent influence over our political and commer- cial intercourse. It is the same feeling which, founded on sympathy and mutual interest, exists among the members of a family. It is the tie which draws together the twenty-one Republics and makes of them the American Family of Nations. This feeling, vague at first, has become today a definite and cer- tain force. We term it the 'Tan-American spirit," from which springs the international policy of Pan- Americanism. It is that policy which is responsible for this great gathering of distinguished men, [458] ONE FOR ALL, ALL FOR ONE who represent the best and most advanced thought of the Americas. It is a policy which this Government has unhesitatingly adopted and which it will do all in its power to foster and promote. When we attempt to analyze Pan-Americanism we find that the essential qualities are those of the family sympathy, helpfulness and a sincere desire to see another grow in prosperity, absence of covet- ousness of another's possessions, absence of jealousy of another's prominence, and, above all, absence of that spirit of intrigue which menaces the domestic peace of a neighbor. Such are the qualities of the family tie among individuals, and such should be, and I believe are, the qualities which compose the tie which unites the American Family of Nations. I speak only for the Government of the United States, but in doing so I am sure that I express sentiments which will find an echo in every Republic represented here, when I say that the might of this country will never be exercised in a spirit of greed to wrest from a neighboring state its territory or possessions. The ambitions of this Republic do not lie in the path of conquest but in the paths of peace and justice. Whenever and wherever we can we will stretch forth a hand to those who need help. If the sovereignty of a sister Republic is menaced from overseas, the power of the United States and, I hope and believe, the united power of the American Republics will consti- tute a bulwark which will protect the independence and integrity of their neighbor from unjust invasion or aggression. The American Family of Nations might well take for its motto that of Dumas' famous musketeers, "One for all ; all for one." If I have correctly interpreted Pan- Americanism from the stand- point of the relations of our Governments with those beyond the seas, it is in entire harmony with the Monroe Doctrine. The Monroe Doc- trine is a national policy of the United States ; Pan- Americanism is an international policy of the Americas. The motives are to an extent different, the ends sought are the same. Both can exist without im- pairing the force of either. And both do exist and, I trust, will ever exist in all their vigor. But Pan-Americanism extends beyond the sphere of politics and finds its application in the varied fields of human enterprise. Bear- ing in mind that the essential idea manifests itself in cooperation, it becomes necessary for effective cooperation that we should know each other better than we do now. We must not only be neighbors, but friends ; not only friends, but intimates. We must understand one an- [459] THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY other. We must comprehend our several needs. We must study the phases of material and intellectual development which enter into the varied problems of national progress. We should, therefore, when opportunity offers, come together and familiarize ourselves with each other's processes of thought in dealing with legal, economic, and edu- cational questions. Commerce and industry, science and art, public and private law, government and education, all those great fields which invite the in- tellectual thought of man, fall within the province of the deliberations of this Congress. In the exchange of ideas and comparison of ex- periences we will come to know one another and to carry to the nations which we represent a better and truer knowledge of our neighbors than we have had in the past. I believe that from that wider knowl- edge a mutual esteem and trust will spring which will unite these Re- publics more closely politically, commercially, and intellectually, and will give to the Pan-American spirit an impulse and power which it has never known before. The present epoch is one which must bring home to every think- ing American the wonderful benefits to be gained by trusting our neighbors and by being trusted by them, by cooperation and helpful- ness, by a dignified regard for the rights of all, and by living our na- tional lives in harmony and good will. Across the thousands of miles of the Atlantic we see Europe convulsed with the most terrible conflict which this world has ever witnessed ; we see the manhood of these great nations shattered, their homes ruined, their productive energies devoted to the one purpose of destroying their fellowmen. When we contemplate the untold misery which these once happy people are enduring and the heritage which they are transmitting to succeeding generations, we can not but con- trast a continent at war and a continent at peace. The spectacle teaches a lesson we cannot ignore. If we seek the dominant ideas in world politics since we became independent nations, we will find that we won our liberties when in- dividualism absorbed men's thoughts and inspired their deeds. This idea was gradually supplanted by that of nationalism, which found expression in the ambitions of conquest and the greed for territory so manifest in the nineteenth century. Following the impulse of na- tionalism the idea of internationalism began to develop. It appeared to be an increasing influence throughout the civilized world, when the present war of Empires, that great manifestation of nationalism, stayed [460] ONE FOR ALL, ALL FOR ONE its progress in Europe and brought discouragement to those who had hoped that the new idea would usher in an era of universal peace and justice. While we are not actual participants in the momentous struggle which is shattering the ideals toward which civilization was moving and is breaking down those principles on which internationalism is founded, we stand as anxious spectators of this most terrible example of nationalism. Let us hope that it is the final outburst of the cardinal evils of that idea which has for nearly a century spread its baleful in- fluence over the world. Pan-Americanism is an expression of the idea of international- ism. America has become the guardian of that idea, which will in the end rule the world. Pan- Americanism is the most advanced as well as the most practical form of that idea. It has been made possible be- cause of our geographical isolation, of our similar political institutions, and of our common conception of human rights. Since the European war began other factors have strengthened this natural bond and given impulse to the movement. Never before have our people so fully real- ized the significance of the words, "Peace" and "Fraternity." Never have the need and benefit of international cooperation in every form of human activity been so evident as they are to-day. The path of opportunity lies plain before us Americans. The gov- ernment and people of every Republic should strive to inspire in others confidence and cooperation by exhibiting integrity of purpose and equity in action. Let us as members of this Congress, therefore, meet together on the plan of common interests and together seek the com- mon good. Whatever is of common interest, whatever makes for the common good, whatever demands united effort is a fit subject for ap- plied Pan- Americanism. Fraternal helpfulness is the keystone to the arch. Its pillars are faith and justice. In this great movement this Congress will, I believe, play an ex- alted part. You, gentlemen, represent powerful intellectual forces in your respective countries. Together you represent the enlightened thought of the continent. The policy of Pan- Americanism is practical. The Pan-American spirit is ideal. It finds its source and being in the minds of thinking men. It is the offspring of the best, the noblest con- ception of international obligation. With all earnestness, therefore, I commend to you, gentlemen, the thought of the American Republics, twenty-one sovereign and inde- THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY pendent nations, bound together by faith and justice, and firmly ce- mented by a sympathy which knows no superior, but which recognizes only equality and fraternity. [462] Jn Httum flnurican He publics artist fetanb of tfjc European ttUr cam Be #ntagom0m of and iosrrG totoarb t&e flmmran l\rpublicG_*jrrom an flb= 9D*Ubmfc betote t$e fetconu jaamjammcan Scientific BY THE HONORABLE JOHN BARRETT Director-General of The Pan American Union HIS Pan American Congress may prove to be the most important Pan American gathering that has been held in the history of the American Republics. It has come at a critical time in the world development, and the eventual practical results which should follow its delib- erations and conclusions may determine the sovereign integrity and actual life of all the American Republics. The spirit of fraternity, solidarity, and common interest, which is inspiring all the delegations that are here assembled is giving a meaning to Pan Ameri- canism which all the nations must forever hereafter respect. While there is nothing in the world or spirit of this Congress which is in any way antagonistic to Europe, it will be unquestionably a most powerful factor in cementing that new relationship of mutual interest and inter- dependence which has been growing with great rapidity in the last few years, and especially since the outbreak of the European war. In the minds and thoughts of everybody interested in Pan Ameri- canism is the question: What is going to happen to Pan America when this war is over? Immediately and instinctively there is the reply: The American Republics must stand together for the eventu- alities that may possibly develop. While everyone would deplore any agitation or suggestion that a European nation or a group of European nations, following this strug- gle, should undertake any territorial aggrandizement in the Western [463] THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY Hemisphere, or in any way take action that would contravene the Monroe Doctrine, it must be borne in mind and can not be for a mo- ment overlooked that whatever way this war results there may be lit- tle or no love for the United States and the other nations which form Pan America. Whichever group of nations wins in this mighty combat will say that it won in spite of the attitude of the United States and the other American Republics. Whichever side loses will say that it lost because of the attitude of the United States and its sister Ameri- can Republics. No matter, therefore, how just and fair the nations of America may have been in their efforts to preserve their neutrality and in no way interfere on either side of this conflict, the w r ar passions and the war power of the peoples and the Governments of the victorious group of nations may force a policy toward Pan Americanism, toward the Monroe Doctrine, and toward their relationship with individual coun- tries of the Western Hemisphere, which will demand absolute solidar- ity of action on the part of the American Republics to preserve their very integrity. In the light of this terrible, though regrettable, possibility, one supreme thought stands out, and that is : If a foreign foe were to suc- ceed in destroying the sovereignty of the United States, it would only be a question of time when that foe would destroy the sovereignty of every other American Republic. In turn, there is no doubt whatever that if any foreign foe ever succeeded in extending its dominion over a considerable part of Latin America, and if the nations of Latin America should become dependencies, it would inevitably follow that the United States would meet the same fate, because no foreign foe could achieve such a result except by victory over the United States. All Pan America will therefore rejoice if this conference shall give the inspiration, though it may not be able to write the act, because it is not a political gathering, for the actual evolution of the Monroe Doctrine into a Pan American doctrine, which will mean that the Latin American Republics, in the event the United States were attacked by the foreign foe, would, with all their physical and moral force, stand for the the protection and sovereignty of the United States just as quickly as the United States, under corresponding circumstances, would stand for their sovereignty and integrity. With such a Pan American doctrine recognized and approved by all the American Re- publics, there would be no danger for the sovereignty and peace of Pan America, and the greatest step possible for practical peace among all nations would be achieved. [464] IDEALS OF WASHINGTON AND LINCOLN FOR ALL AMERICA toward this ideal; no less diverse have been the obstacles which we have had to overcome in attempting to incorporate these ideals in our national life and thought. Furthermore, we must not forget that the conditions have not been equally favorable to all of us. Nevertheless, each and every country, even the most modest, possesses a wealth of experience, which can not help but be of value to all the other countries of the continent. I believe that I can say, without reserve, that the political history of Chile is the story of a struggle, ardent at times, but always looking toward the realization of this democratic ideal. Can you imagine a purpose more important and more noble for gatherings such as these than the study of our political life as republics and of our evolution toward democratic ideals ? Let us never forget that every law, and that every event in the life of our peoples, is a social phenomenon, a resultant of historical antecedents, which, at times, we are unable to overcome. Let us study these antecedents with a serene and dispassionate silence, without prej- udice, and without passion. The results of such study can not help but be fruitful, although we may not be able to express them for the mo- ment in terms of material advantage. Material interests do not al- ways unite nations, and at times we have even had instances in which the influence of such interests were not in harmony with the highest ideals of civilization. The advantages we have in mind are of a much higher order. Permit me, therefore, in expressing the sincere thanks of the Chil- ean Delegation to this Nation, and to the Government of the United States for their generous hospitality, and to combine therewith the expression of our admiration for the high and noble democratic ideals which Washington and Lincoln have made the common property of all the Americas. [493] Union of BY DOCTOR ERNESTO QIJESADA President of the Delegation from the Argentine Republic at the Second Pan-American Scientific Congress OUR EXCELLENCY, the Vice-President of the Re- public, the Honorable, the Secretary of State, Mr. President of the Congress, ladies and gentlemen : The Argentine Delegation, over which I have the honor to preside, in acknowledging the distinguished attentions received alike from authorities and individ- uals, takes pleasure in expressing its wishes that this Congress, des- tined as it is to tighten the bonds of Pan-American solidarity among the nations of our continent, shall achieve success. Never more than at the present moment, while Europe is in the throes of the great conflict of nations, has America been confronted by a more vital necessity to stand together, with a view to uniformity in ideas, aspirations, and tendencies, as well as in politico-economic as in purely intellectual spheres. This Congress is to concern itself with only the second of these fields of thought, and the programme pre- pared is so vast and comprehensive that it may be said that, in the many themes submitted for our deliberation, every problem that con- fronts the human mind is to be found. In view of the composition of the Congress, there will undoubt- edly be presented for us to consider innumerable papers which, not- withstanding our desire to do so, we shall probably not have time fully to discuss and digest. Perhaps it may become necessary for us to con- tent ourselves with a concise exposition of the context of each and await its publication in full in the proceedings of the Congress for our opportunity to take due account of its consummate importance. But, [494] THE INTELLECTUAL UNION OF THE AMERICAS in any event, this opportunity of meeting and conferring with so many representatives of all the American countries will contribute to facili- tate the solution of not a few of the questions, and will serve to make more binding the intellectual union of America, which, until now, has been somewhat loose and which has been of rather negligible force in certain sections. The Argentine Delegation has felt that it ought to strive to make the present Congress bear more tangible and permanent fruit, yet without prejudice to the series of isolated papers that may be presented at its several sessions. To this end, it has placed itself in accord with the Chilean and Brazilian Delegations, in order to formulate certain proposals of a general character and common utility, and has submit- ted them previously for the consideration of other delegations, for the purpose of securing a true realization of Pan-American work. Because this should be based on the absolute international equality of all continental nations, both great and small, the international con- sciences of all are to-day awakened, and are impressed with the duty of co-ordinating in an effort to solve the general problems from a point of view peculiarly American. The political aspect being happily eliminated from the deliberations of this Congress, the intellectual alone remains, and in this, conceivably, no stumbling block can present itself. Therefore, the fundamental idea pervading the three projects that are to be submitted to the Congress at its next general session should be agreeable to all the Delegates. Lack of time only has pre- vented their presentation, unanimously signed by all. It is sought thereby to complement, in the intellectual field, the work of the exist- ing Pan-American Union, by organizing, as sections of that union, three subsidiary unions : One pertaining to universities, a bibliothical union, and an archaeological one. The first proposes to confederate all the universities of this con- tinent, for the better development of their organizations and tenden- cies, the facilitation of interchanges of professors and students, and to permit the meeting of both in periodical assemblies. The second has for its object to place within reach of the isolated student the common treasures collected in all the libraries of the con- tinent, by recommending to those institutions the service of exchange of publications and the preparation of bibliographical lists of intellect- ual productions, to the end that any person may know and obtain such productions as may appear in other sections of America. [495] THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY The third proposes to conserve the pre-Columbian remains of the ancient civilizations of the peoples that inhabited this continent before its discovery, and combine the activities of the ethnological museums, in order to facilitate the study of this mysterious science. It will be seen, then, that these projects, which it is sought to have the present Pan-American Union carry into effect as subsidiaries thereof, will tend to advance the solidarity of all the nations of Amer- ica, and to produce in all very real benefits. So that, if such projects should prosper, this Congress will have given life to new institutions of a permanent character and of indubitable utility. Whether on this account, or on the more strictly technical ground taken in the papers designated in the programme, the Argentine Dele- gation, animated by the most ample sentiments of American cof rater- nity, and sensible of our imperishable historical traditions, takes part in the deliberations of the Congress imbued with the highest desire for its success. There is no doubt that this will be a brilliant one, and that the generosity and unstinted hospitality extended to us at this time by this great country will contribute to facilitate that result and to tighten the bonds of friendship and sympathy between the nations and the inhabitants of America. Such is the message that my country sends on this portentious occasion. [496] ilonrop lortrttt?, Utam? put Ammratt, "a ^oltfc $u> of Im- 00n, a fetrantg, a Hwlroark for ($ur i^morraroa" JUnoerlpins tlje Conference* ot from t^e American SDemoccaciegjfc^'Elieir WHorft |2ot -BDnlg for t&e Cflle0tern ^emtep&ere, but ^o project a j^eto ^iff5t upon tje Intellectual Jtoealg of (Europe, anb Effect a Concert of te /ation0jfc*&peec!) before t|>e Second American Scientific Congrrss BY HIS EXCELLENCY, SENOR DON EDUARDO SUAREZ-MUJICA Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary from Chile to the United States XCELLENCIES, Messrs. Delegates, Ladies and Gen- tlemen : It now behooves me to say a few words, on this memorable occasion. So well known are they, that I do not have to dwell upon the characteristics forming the essence of this great assembly, and which are not ordinarily to be found in interna- tional gatherings of a wider scope. Its purpose, of a purely intellect- ual order, free from any interests outside of those of scientific re- search, displays that mark of nobleness and dignity peculiar to men- tal efforts when the mind strives for a greater amount of light a white, intensive, and pure light to enlighten the path of human prog- ress. Man, creation's superior being, owes to himself and to the infi- [517] THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY nite diversifications of matter coming under his control, the duty of continually developing himself, so that he may be worthy of his semi- divine role, and in order to increase, also unceasingly, the welfare and happiness in the world wherein he exercises his sovereign domain. Thus, a Congress, such as the one we are to-day inaugurating, to attend which caravans of pilgrims of knowledge of have come, with- out heeding difficulties or sacrifices, from all parts of the Continent, to contribute with their share towards the work for the intellectual emancipation of the species a Congress, such as this, I -repeat, con- stitutes a vivid testimony to the fact that man is fulfilling his high mission, and that his efforts and his energies are not spared when for the sake of humanity's higher interests. To this end it is comforting to look back to the origin of the move- ment by which exactly one-half of the civilized countries of the globe are here to-day in communion. That origin shows how the sparks of the spirit of science, through their own expansive power, grow, until they become large, glowing flames, capable of serving as torches to light the world's path. Twenty-five years ago, a modest Chilean scientific organization originated the institution of national scientific congresses, whose range did not go beyond the geographical boundaries of the country, unless it was to appoint a few corresponding members in the neigh- boring Republics. Some years later, the spark caught fire on the other side of the Andes, and an important Argentine scientific organization, enlarging the idea with a wider scope, and acting with the co-operation and un- der the auspices of its enlightened Government, founded the perma- nent institution of Latin American Scientific Congresses, with the en- thusiastic participation of scientists from all the cognate Republics of America. A complete success attended the first three congresses, held, re- spectively, in Buenos Aires, Montevideo, and Rio de Janeiro. When the preliminary work of the fourth congress, sitting in Santiago de Chile, was undertaken, its organization committee thought, in its turn, that the time was ripe for wiping out the boundary lines to which these congresses, for ethnical reasons, had been confined until then, and to give them thereafter a continental latitude, that might be in better har- mony with the universality and majesty of their purposes. With that end in view, they sought and secured the ample, uncon- ditional, and efficient co-operation from our great sister of the north, THE MONROE DOCTRINE A BULWARK FOR OUR DEMOCRACIES the United States of America, which nation participated in the San- tiago Congress with a brilliant representation, and now so eloquently and pleasingly shows to the rest of America its spirit of scientific con- fraternity. Thus, through a successful, progressive evolution, impelled by men and supported by governments, we have come, from the modest beginning of a local scientific body, to the solemn and magnificent in- ternational assembly which to-day unites the whole continent in a brotherly intercourse for the mutual benefit of all. Thus, also permanent existence has been secured for an institu- tion which is an honor to America, an institution which, undoubtedly, has already begun to exercise a positive influence upon the populariza- tion and adoption into our laws or into our economic or educational methods, of principles and doctrines of common interest to us, and which, in fine, is likely destined, by reason of the generic nature of its scope and on account of the very intensity of its irradiation, to carry the benefits of its work far beyond the confines of Columbus's world. Indeed, who can deny the probability that tomorrow, when the hour of calm, of love, and brotherliness shall have replaced the hour of con- flagration, of hatred, and of death, now consuming the work of the other half of the world the oldest, the most civilized, the one whose duty it is to set up its example with its spirit of humanity and with its powerful impulse of civilization and progress who can deny, I repeat, the probability that, when the tragedy shall have ended and the men in that part of the world shall have recovered their equilibrium of mind and heart, our present and future labors may project a new light upon European intellectualism, finally to effect a universal concert? As a complement of the work of scientific extension by these con- gresses, there is the work of social and political extension which, though not precisely their object, is their natural consequence and in- deed does not constitute one of the lesser benefits derived from their meetings. Together with the abstract problems of anthropology, law, astronomy, medicine, mechanics, there are found the less metaphysical and more practical researches on educational methods, sanitation sys- tems, development of transportation facilities, and other factors of in- dustrial prosperity bearing directly upon the common economy of life, in whose field intercourse and acquaintance are facilitated among the men who direct the mental activities of countries. Men are the instrument, by means of which love and good-will among people are wrought. They are the ground-work of peace and [519] THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY the foundation of its prosperity. Assembled in these congresses, and thereby associated and acquainted with each other, they study recip- rocally their individual and national traits, the conditions and necessi- ties of life in their respective countries, and bring about an atmosphere of mutual understanding and congeniality. Under this atmosphere, egotism vanishes, and the obstacles that separation and distance put in the way of human cordiality are overcome. If this indirect benefit were to be the only outcome of these period- ical conventions, I do not hesitate in stating that, in my judgment, it would suffice to justify all efforts and all sacrifices on the part of indi- viduals and governments. It is the good fortune of this assembly to meet at a time gratifying to the political and international interests of the Republics herein rep- resented. Twenty days ago, at the time of the solemn opening of the Federal Congress of this great Republic, His Excellency, the President of the United States, tracing in detail the lines of the exact meaning of Pan-Americanism, succeeded so eloquently and expressively in shaping his sentiments of continental brotherhood, that his statements were flashed by the wires throughout our Americas, like messages of friendship and as a crystallization of a policy of American respect, equality, and solidarity. With the echo from these solemn declarations still vibrating, and as if to confirm their meaning and extent in a direct and unmistakable manner, His Excellency, the Secretary of State, the authorized organ for communicating the official thought to the other countries, has just uttered, in terms perhaps more assertive, although not more transpar- ent, the complete expression of the Pan- American sentiment and pol- icy, wherefrom the government, guiding the affairs of George Wash- ington's country, derives and shall derive its inspiration. A new community of interests and a clearer conception of their common ties, said His Excellency, President Wilson, binds the na- tions of America to-day. All intelligent men should welcome the new light guiding us now, when nobody here thinks of guardianship or tutelage, but of a frank and honorable association with our neighbors, in the interest of all America, North and South. Within the purpose of defending national independence and political liberty in America, which inspired the historical declaration by President Monroe, there is no thought of our taking advantage of any Government in this Hem- isphere or of exploiting for our benefit their political contingencies. All the Governments of America, the worthy Executive of this coun- [520] THE MONROE DOCTRINE A BULWARK FOR OUR DEMOCRACIES try concludes with eloquent majesty, stand, so far as we are con- cerned, upon a footing of genuine equality and unquestioned independ- ence. , Mutual co-operation in the divers orders of their national activ- ities, the unity of their thought and action, the community of their sympathies and ideals, such are the characteristics of Pan-American- ism. There is none of the imperialistic spirit in it; only the embodi- ment, effectual embodiment, of the spirit of law, of independence, of liberty, and of reciprocal support. A similar language, an expression equally clear and precise, of American confraternity, a statement of declarations no less substantive and valuable, has just been formulated by His Excellency, the Secre- tary of State, in the remarkable speech we have heard from him. This is a Pan-American gathering. It is the first large meeting of eminent men from all Americas held since and soon after the trans- cendental manifestation of purposes by the two officals embodying the representation and assuming the responsibilities for the foreign policy of the United States. Therefore, no other opportunity is more propitious, nor any representative body is better qualified than ours, at this time, to take notice of such declaration, and to place them over the frontispiece of this Congress, within a frame built by the friend- ship and love of the other twenty republics of the Continent. Although representing only one of those Republics, I am never- theless convinced that I am interpreting the thought and feeling of each and every one of them, when I say that the Government of the United States to-day completes the erasing, with a friendly hand, of the last traces of past misunderstandings and erroneous interpreta- tions which had in former times clouded the political horizon of Amer- ica. No doubt, there had prevailed before now, in the atmosphere in American Foreign Offices, uncertainties, misgivings, and suspicions, whenever the well-inspired and unquestionably beneficial declaration of President Monroe was brandished in the United States with a view to practical application. There was lacking the precise definition of the meaning and extent of that memorable document, and many of the weaker American nations, like small birds that feel in the air the sound of a menacing flight, seemed afraid and apprehensive, whenever the news reached them of a possible practical application of its declara- tions. Thus, the Monroe doctrine might have been a threat, so long as it was only a right and an obligation on the part of the United States. Generalized as a derivation from the Pan-American policy, supported THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY by all the Republics in the continent, as a common force and a common defense, it has become a solid tie of unison, a guaranty, a bulwark for our democracies. Before now, some steps had been tried with success along the path of Pan-American evolution, and if those preliminary efforts have, through circumstances, been participated in only by a numerically small and geographically distant group of the countries in the hemis- phere, it is not, indeed, due to the purposes of exclusion or selection which would have been inconsistent with the well proven spirit of brotherhood that always inspired the governments of those countries. All the Republics of America are capable of setting up their own des- tiny, and all are unquestionably bound to serve, in their turn, as expo- nents of our civilization and progress. It is, therefore, gratifying to expect days of joy and glory for our America. The ship of our destinies, flying the banner of fraternity and solidarity, which are the motto of Pan- Americanism, cannot run against any rocks that might hinder her course. The forces of twenty- one countries are united to propel her, and by means of this harmonious impulse, moral progress is secured, and the road leading to the achieve- ment of material advancement is directly pursued. Messrs. Delegates: Under the auspices of the cordial reception accorded us by this country and with our hearts full of faith in the suc- cess of the journey, you are going to undertake your labors, from which America expects fruitful results. We are in the country of great energies, where every man is an originating power, and where every solution spells victory for the welfare of humanity. Let us, we delegates with the Latin soul, prove that we are equally capable of generating energy to insure the well-being of humankind, and that we are likewise able to assist, with a contribution worthy of our brothers of Anglo-Saxon America, in the work of Pan-American communion to which we are invited by the engaging word of President Wilson and his Secretary of State. In concluding my remarks, I request the Congress that, with all standing up, it shall join me in sending the homage of our respectful greetings to the President of the United States, who is to us the high- est embodiment of the national entity of this Republic. [522] of % Jbarrful A0a?m blmo, of Jte Ammra liljwt NattottH are Snm^B in of a Har Inmojjt About of BY DOCTOR EDUARDO J. PINTO Chairman of the Costa Rican Delegation to the Second Pan-American Scientific Congress OUR Excellency, Mr. Vice-President, Mr. Secretary of State, Mr. President of the Congress, ladies and gen- tlemen : The peaceful assembling of free America to discuss in this Congress, and at this moment, the best and most adequate means science can dispose of to dignify and beautify human life, is highly significant to all who have had the priv- ilege of being born in the new world. And that this should happen at the precise moment when the genius of war prevails as a god com- manding ruin and desolation on the other side of the Atlantic is even more significant. The pride which the Pan-Americans to-day ex- perience is the more intense and well justified since this is the second continental convention which has met in Washington during the pe- riod of world-wide desolation. It would seem as if, by a natural re- flex impulse, the nations of America, having witnessed the results of upheaval and hatred, wished to prevent them forever, making a union ever growing in strength and cordiality. [523] THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY Gentlemen of the Congress, my country, Costa Rica, being so small a nation, has but very limited means at her disposal to be able to offer you any original work deserving the care and consideration of your enlightened science and learning. I therefore beg of you to accept in her name the earnest and sincere wishes that your efforts may attain the most brilliant success, as is called forth by your learn- ing, by the noble motives which summoned you here, and by the great- ness and glory of the nations you are representing on this most sol- emn occasion. [524] lord Bros. Makers rton, Calif. IAN 21, 1908