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THE NEMEAN ODES OF PINDAR EDITED, WITH INTRODUCTIONS AND COMMENTARY, BY J. B. BURY, M.A., FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, DUPLIN. 'Hon&on : MACMILLAN AND CO. AND NEW YORK. 189O [T/ic Right of Translation is reserved.] . 1 > - , , > > PRINTED BY C. J. CLAY, M.A., AND SONS, AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. ■ ■ ■ ■ V * i , . . • t I » I * «. » 1 «. * » PA 7*T SftLF YRL Us HI PREFACE. OF all the great Greek poets Pindar has received least attention from English scholars. The only complete - commentary that has appeared since Donaldson's is that of n Dr Fennell. The Nemean and Isthmian Odes came off even c less well than the Olympian and Pythian, which were separately R edited by Cookesley and in America by Mr Gildersleeve (whose work however was published in England). When we compare this list with the number of editions of Homer and the Greek dramatists which appear from year to year, it may seem needless to apologise for a new commentary on the works of Pindar ; and certainly an editor of the Nemean Odes may feel secure against the charge of crambe repctita. The methods of interpretation and the plan of exposition adopted in the present volume are in many respects new ; otherwise indeed this edition, after Dr Fennell's sound work, which so opportunely supplied a want, would have no reason for existing. The reader will find in the general Introduction a statement of my principles of interpretation, and he will see how much I owe to a new idea put forward by F. Mczger in Pindars Sicgcsliedcr, 1880. To the other well-known German scholars who have edited or dealt with Pindar (Boeckh, Dissen, Mommsen, Bergk, &c.) I gratefully acknowledge my obligations, and their names will be found in every page of my commentary. Rumpel's Lexicon Pindaricum and E. Abel's edition of the Scholia vctcra on the Nemean and Isthmian Odes have been specially useful. Dr Fennell's Nemean and Isthmian Odes has been always by me. In the revision of the proof-sheets I have received most a?2i55 vi PREFACE. valuable help from my friend Mr R. Y. Tyrrell, to whom I would here express my best thanks. Some of his suggestions are specially mentioned in the notes. I have also to acknowledge the kindness of Dr J. P. Postgate in offering to place at my disposal his manuscript notes on the Nemean Odes. Unfortunately I was unable to take full advan- tage of his offer, as the greater part of my Commentary was already finally printed ; but I have mentioned a few of his suggestions in a list of Addenda, to which I would invite attention. (See too Appendix A, note 10.) In regard to Pindaric metres, I have adopted with hesitation the conclusions of M. Schmidt. As I have not made a thorough study of Greek metric, I do not feel competent to pronounce on a subject which demands the concentrated powers of specialists. As six of the hymns included in this volume celebrate Aeginetans, I should like to have added an essay on the contemporary history of Aegina, but the introductory matter touching the art of Pindar claimed so much room that such an addition would have made the book too big. If however I realise my hope of editing the Isthmian Odes, there will be an opportunity of dealing with Aegina then. The two hymns to Chromius likewise suggest a section on a greater island than Aegina ; but that will be more in place when we reach the presence of the Syracusan ' Basileus ' himself. And besides when I come to the Olympian and Pythian Odes, if I should ever get so far, we shall have the advantage of new light on the island of the Sikels and Pindar's Sikeliot friends from the first instalment of the expected work of Mr Freeman. The Appendix on the Origin of the Great Games, in which I have had some useful help from Mr Mahaffy, propounds a new view as to the establishment of the Olympian games. I have stated there as strongly as possible the case which I plead, but of course I am fully conscious that it is only guesswork. ERRATA AND ADDENDA. P. i, footnote i. After the words '■Journal of Hellenic Studies'' read 'vol. ii.' for 'vol. i.' P. 2, footnote (continued from page i), for 'as Aetna was founded in 475' read 'as Aetna was founded in 476 B.C.', and in next line for '472 B.C.' read '473 B.C.' P. 20, add to note on 1. 46 : Dr Postgate, however, quotes Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 894, tou ^wevoovTos Xpovov 'the time that shared my sleep' as an instance of time being said to do what takes place during its lapse. P. 44, 13th line from foot, for ----- (i 7 ), read ~^---- (17). P. 49, add to note on 1. 11 : The difficult expression rjpeos 0«os has never been satisfactorily explained. Dr Postgate conjectures ijpu. deos, and this certainly deserves consideration. P. ,so, to note on 1. 24 add a reference (pointed out to me by Dr Postgate) to Plato, Critias, p. 108. P. 53, 1. 41 of text, for cLTpeKti read arpeKd. P. 59, to note on 1. 72 add the following words: rpirov is the reading of the MSS. of Triclinius. BB have rpiraros and the other ancient MSS. rpiTarov, contrary to the metre. P. 6 1, in note on 1. 80 after the words 'associated with the city of Agrigentum ' add : The scholiast says that Pindar is alluding to Bacchylides. P. S9, in note on 1. 2, for x a ^ K bv • • .ovre . . .iv'iKaaav read xa\Kbv...'6vTe ...wnairai. P. 91, add to note on 1. 20 : Dr Postgate compares Oed. Tyr. 1301 ti's 6 Trr]0-r)aas udfava oaitxwv tGjv fictKta- twc; and suggests that we may infer from this that a maximum and a minimum leap were marked. P. 92, add to note on 1. 26 : Dr Postgate believes that ireSaffai here means to kill, comparing <f>{irevi Foi OdvaTov IV. 59 and Tliren. Jr. 6, iriipve 8e TpeTs /ecu 5<?k avdpas, reTpdru 5' auras ir e a ij . viii ERRATA AND ADDENDA. P. 109, in note on 1. 38 after the words 'the significance of yitfrvp 1 a,Ka.fiavTO% has been explained in the Introduction ', add : I feel doubts however whether Dr Fennell and Mr Paley are right in taking aVa- /xavTOS as a collateral form of aK&fxas. Dr Fennell translates 'the impregnable cause- way through the sea', and Paley 'the hard rocky causeway'. Rut I can find no analog}' for a nom. sing. ckdjuaeTos (which would imply a *Ka/j.abu), and, though I am sorry to abandon the conception of the indefatigable bridge (see p. 100), I must admit that it is safer to follow Boeckh in taking o.K<xp.a.vjo% with ttovtov {maris indefessi). P. 130, add as a note on 1. 14 : For evl ci/v rpovix), 'in one way only', Dr Postgate compares the use of cum in Latin, as e.g. in Lucretius v. 364 solido cum corpore mundi nalitrast. P. 133, to note on 1. 30 add : Dr Postgate however thinks the meaning is 'Death conies unexpected even on the best prepared' and compares Horace, C. II. 13, 13. It cannot be denied that this explanation suits the position of ko.i better than that which I have adopted. P. 135, in note on 1. 48, add after the word yaarpu: Compare also kclkwv peKTTjpa ko.1 vppiv a.ve'pa, Hesiod, "E. Kal H. 191 (a reference for which I am indebted to Dr Postgate). P. 144, after the words {crying for nothing) in 1. 19 of note on 1. 102 add : Dr Postgate, who takes the same view of the construction as Dr Fennell, would illustrate /j.a\J/v\d.Kas ('vainly babbling', practically = 'vainly babbled') by \(/ev(TTav \6yov in Nem. V. 29. P. 152, add as a note on Kelvov ye 1. 10 : Dr Postgate has pointed out to me that the force of ye may be brought out by rendering 'a prince like him' (cf. VII. 75). P. 158, add to note on 1. 51 : For the repetition of the article {rdv) although the strife of Adrastus and the strife of the Cadmeans were one and the same, Dr Postgate well compares the repetition of inter in Horace, Ep. I. 2, 11 Nestor componere lites inter Peliden festinat et inter Airiden, the effect here being to bring out the fact that Adrastus and the Thebans were on different sides. TABLE OF CONTENTS, Preface ........ Introduction: i. The Interpretation of Pindar i. The Construction of the Pindaric 3. The Text . Text and Notes Appendix A (Notes 1 — 10) . Appendix B, The Graces in Pindar . Appendix C, Pindar's visit to Sicily . Appendix D, Origin of the Great Games Index : I. Greek II. English .... Ode PAGE V xi xxxiii lii 1 227 241 245 248 265 270 INTRODUCTION i. The Interpretation of Pindar. Those who desire to study the Greek mind as revealed in literary art will probably find that there are more secrets to be learned in Pindar than in any other writer. For of all Greek poets he is the most Greek ; or, rather, in his poems those distinctive qualities of the Greek temper which are alien to modern sentiments and ideas are more clearly reflected than for instance in the tragedians. The Greek tragedies deal with forms of human emotion which are universal ; as we read them, the stress of common humanity tends to eliminate the differences between the modern and the ancient spirit ; and hence we even find it difficult to avoid the importation of modern emotions into our reading of Sophocles and Euripides. Whereas there is no temptation to falsify Pindar in this way, or, as we might say, to modernise him. He is the poet of 'the delightful things in Hellas', ra Tep-rrvd h 'EAAaSi, and his works reflect the authentic quality of the Hellenic spirit. This is the secret of his charm, and to this, too, is due the fact that he is less generally read than other Greek poets. For the complicated structure of his Odes, — demanding from the reader a close searching attention, to apprehend the unity of the whole and grasp the punctual meaning of every part, — cannot be regarded as a completely independent cause of unpopularity; inasmuch as this elaborate art is likewise a revelation of the Hellenic spirit, here carrying the desire of artistic perfection to the extreme limit of achievement. For recognising that with nature their power was small, the Greeks determined that over art at least their control should be complete, and they left little to chance. The saying of the poet Agathon that art and chance loved each other, x i i INTR OD UCTION. had certainly no application to the work of Pindar. He elaborated his poems to such a point that every phrase was calculated, and no word was admitted which did not 'tell' in the total effect. In one place indeed he speaks as if he wandered from matter to matter at random 'like a bee' (wre ju-e'Auro-a 1 ) flitting from flower to flower; but that is only a graceful reserve or cipwveia — an expression of the artistic hiding of art. Nor is the contrast between genius and the mere know- ledge of rules (fay and Te'xvTj), on which he often dwells, in any sense inconsistent with the self-consciousness of his own art. His idea of <t>vrj was not of some blindly acting force, moving outside rules, successful by sheer strength ; nor did he condemn in t€ X ^ an excessive care for order or diction. By tc'xvi?, rather, he meant the mere mechanical, slavish application of formulae, where the divine gift of insight is absent; by cjivyj, the power which can wield art more artfully and effectually than ever, because it works freely. His hymns wonderfully unite an appearance of the absence of restraint with the most scrupulous precision of language. The poetry seems to flow with the impulse of a torrent or some free natural force, unable to confine itself; and yet when we look more closely we find that every sentence is measured, every word weighed, every metaphor charged with subtle meanings that play beneath the surface. To be fettered and yet free is the ideal of art, or, in Pindaric phrase, the ' aim of the Muses ' (Moicrai/ o-kotto's) ; and perhaps no literary artist has ever realised that ideal as perfectly as the poet of Thebes. For appreciating Pindar a susceptibility to the effects of words is eminently necessary ; for each of his is, as it were, a gem with a virtue of its own, which the poet had fully appreciated before he set it in its place. To show what in editorial waywardness may result from a lack of this susceptibility, I may choose (one of many instances) the last measure of the Sixth Olympian Ode. This poem written in honour of Agesias of Syracuse, closes with an invocation of Poseidon, who is besought thus : e/xwv o vfxvwv ae£ evrepTrts ai/tfos, Cause the delectable flower of my hymns to grow. As the chief feature of the Ode is the story of Iamus, laid after birth in a bed of pansies (la) and thence deriving his name, the last word avOos is calculated to suggest the aesthetic virtue of the whole hymn, reminding us, even at the end, of that flowery ' woodborn wonder ', to which the victor Agesias is compared. And di&iv is the appropriate verb for a flower. 1 Pyth. x. 54. INTRODUCTION. xiii Poseidon is implored to tend the growth of Agesias even as he had watched over Iamus. Yet Bergk is led by the indications of some MSS. to adopt in his text e/xwv vfxvwv oe oe£ £VTep7res avuos . We shall meet many instances of this kind in the Nemean Odes. But what one may lose through mere inattentiveness of the ear to words and their intentions, most readers have perhaps at some time or other experienced in the case of really careful poetry written in their own language. In this stanza for example of Tennyson's In Memoriam — ■ And up thy vault with roaring sound Climb thy thick noon, disastrous day ; Touch thy dull goal of joyless gray, And hide thy shame beneath the ground, — the felicity of the word disastrous in the context might easily pass unnoticed. And words have the habit of investing themselves, through asso- ciations, with a certain atmosphere, sometimes palpable, sometimes very subtle, — these associations being often the secret of the whole aesthetic effect, and withal of so volatile a nature as to elude inquiry. In the poetry of an ancient, in the poetry even of a foreign language, much is missed by the impossibility of feeling instinctively such associa- tions ; but in some words at least, used by Pindar, we may detect special significances. <£e'yy os > for example, seems to have been charged with a mystic import, designating most probably, in the mysteries, a divine Light; it was an ajiporov IVos, a 'mystic word' 2 . And thus Pindar's phrase of the Graces, naOapov c^eyyos XapiTOH', will suggest (as </>aos could not) a wonderful light, — as it were, ' the light of ineffable faces '. But the delicate potencies in words tend to vanish, when you try to define them, for in definition there is mostly a certain violence or rudeness. Of modern poets Rossetti was a master in handling the subtle suggestiveness of words. In one of his sonnets in the House of Life, for instance, these lines close the octave : Such fire as Love's soul-winnowing hands distil Even from his inmost ark of light and dew. To this curiously happy effect it is clear that the choice of the word ark and its accompaniment by 'light and dew' most largely contribute ; and yet if we let the mind force into full consciousness the associations 1 Another objection to this reading is - See below, note on Ncm. ix. 42 that in an Olympian Ode Poseidon could (p. 180). not be the receiver of the poet's offering. xiv INTRODUCTION. which have determined the virtue of that word, the happy effect is spoiled by an emerging incongruity. For when you pass into imagi- native literature, no coquettes are so capricious as words, so easily spoiled in more than one sense, their humours requiring the patient study of a lover. Nor is the mere sound of a word insignificant. In poetry of all ages effects frequently depend on similar sounds which represent quite different meanings, as in Pindar's aAAoicri 8' a'AtKes dXXoi, in Homer's wSlvwv oSvi'ijctl, ddvpfxara 6vp.w, or in Rossetti's By what spell they are sped. This is carried further, the poet, as it were, drawing attention to it, when Viola says in Twelfth Night And what should I do in Illyria? My brother he is in Elysium. The effect of these lines depends on the assonance of the names. Now to the Greeks similarity in sound meant far more than to modern ears, for they (except a few rationalists) regarded language as a divine invention and of this view it was a corollary that behind a likeness in sound lay some hidden likeness in fact. And this theory, in combi- nation with a belief in omens, suggested especially significances in proper names ; ovojxa opvis, a name is a bird. References to such significances, common to all Greek poets, are a notable feature in Pindar, occurring in almost every hymn '. And this was recognised by Greek critics. In a note which probably comes from Didymus we read the words : elmde Se d IliVSapos Tats 6p,uivvp.iat<; e7rava7raue<x#cu Wei iSi'w (Schol. on Nem. n. 1 1). There is a good example in the Second Pythian Ode. Rhadamanthys is there introduced for the sake of his name, interpreted as 'easily learning', and contrasted with the ape who also 'learns in a way': — fxaOwv KaXds Tot TvtOutv, irapa Traivtv alei KttXd?" d 8k 'Pa.8diAa.v6vs ev iriirpaycv, on </>pevu5v e'Aa^e Kapirov ap.wp.rjTOV. Unless we recognise this intention, we shall have to think that Pindar, introducing Rhadamanthys without a motive, had forgotten his cunning. It is obvious that in many cases, where it would have been improper to mention names, unmistakable allusions could easily be made by 1 Instances will be found in most of paronomasia from Homer, Aeschylus &c. the Odes in this volume. It is needless The derivations of Iannis and Aias in to cite here the familiar instances of Pindar are well known. INTRODUCTION. xv various kinds of •paronomasia'. Latin poets, as everyone knows, used to introduce real personages under fictitious designations, metrically equivalent to the original names. Pindar combined this device with etymological allusion. In the Seventh Nemean Ode the strange coinage /jLouf/vkaKas can, in my opinion, have been invented for no other purpose than to designate Pindar's younger rival Bacchylides. /xa{f/- vAdKa? is metrically equivalent to BaK^vAi'S^? and has the same number of letters (i^-7rcr). And no enemy of Bacchylides who wished to refine on the significance of his name, could have more cunningly combined a plausible derivation and an invidious suggestion. Connecting the first syllable fta-x^- with the evil influence of wine on 'rhyme and reason', he parodies it by jxdxp 'wildly, rhymelessly'; and he sees in the second part of the name a relation of the words which mean 'bark ; (vXdtj), etc.) l . Philologists, much nearer to our own day than Pindar, would not have hesitated at such an etymology. There is in the Eighth Pythian, if my view of the passage is right, an interesting instance of an etymological allusion. That Ode, written in honour of an Aeginetan, soon after the conquest of Aegina by Athens (b.c. 457), though containing no direct reference to the Athenians, dwells on the uncertainty of prosperity ; in a short time, we read, 'men's pleasance waxethj but in the same wise too it falleth to the ground'. There is a clear prophecy of a reversal of fortune for the Aeginetans at the expense of the Athenians. Some words however contain a mote pointed allusion. The victor who had won his laurel wreath in wrestling had thrown four competitors ; and of these defeated men it is said that they did not return home to be welcomed by the smiles of their mothers, — Kara Xavpas ^opoiv aVaopoi 7TToxrcrovTi (TV(JL(f>opa. 8e8ayp.£voi, ' they cower, aloof from dances, in lanes '. The expression is strange ; but it wins significance if we suppose that one at least of the wrestlers was an Athenian and that Xavpas alludes to the silver mines of Laurium — Aavplov being really a diminutive of \avpa The suggestion, then, covertly expressed, is this : an Aeginetan has vanquished an Athenian in wrestling ; well, let the Athenian skulk in those mines, the source of the strength of his countrymen. The commercial Aeginetans must certainly have been jealous of the riches which their neighbours 1 If Pindar had been defending Ins connexion, suggested in the Odyssey, he- etymology he might have supported the tween 2kA\\cl and <m'\a£. connexion of -vXio-qs with -uXeucas by the B. b x vi INTRO D UCTTON. dragged out of the earth at Laurium ; but this jealousy was still more bitter, if, as has been plausibly suggested 1 , Laurium originally belonged to Aegina herself and was wrested from her by Athens, ' the fountain of silver' being really the fountain of discord between the two cities throughout the early part of the 5th century. We should not expect to find one so punctual as Pindar in the use of words errant in the matter of metaphors. For in this as in other respects Greek literature was marked by temperance ; in Greek writers there is not that oriental exuberance of metaphorical language, which, at first attractive through its very strangeness to the western mind, soon offends the dry understanding. This shyness in regard to metaphor produced the habit of qualification ; as when a chorus of maidens, in the Iphigenia among the Taurt, comparing them- selves collectively to a bird, add a7rrepos, ' a bird — but wingless '. The oestrus which drove Io is called by Aeschylus apSis a-n-vpos, ' a goad — but unforged ' ; Orestes and Pylades in the Orestes are ' Bacchants — but wandless' aOvpcroi; discord in the same play, is 'fire, but not of Hephaestus'. In Pindar we shall find that his metaphors, when they do not arise naturally out of the metaphorical usage of a word in common speech, are due to some motive which renders them appropriate. In the expression kXvtol(Tl SaiBaX(j)ai/xev vfjcvwv 7ttv)(cu<; the comparison of strains of music to the folds of a dress enveloping the object arises smoothly out of a metaphor latent in the verb SaiSa- Xovv. The remarkable image of a hymn as AuSiW fiLTpav Ka.vaxa.8d TreTroiKiXjAtvav has its justification in the use of the /xiVpa to bind together the leaves of the victor's crown, and Kava^aSa is the qualification of the image ; ' a headband — but of sounds'. This temperance in direct metaphorical language is combined with a sharp sensibility to the metaphors latent in words, leading to a choice of harmonious phrases. Thus crvv 6ew 4>vr<-v0ds oA/3os (in the Eighth Nemean) followed by Kivvpav 'ifipio-e ttXovtio suggests a tree weighed down by its fruit, but does not force the image on the vision. In another passage (Nemean 11. 7) ev6v7rofi.Tr6<;, implying the image of a wind, seems at first sight to stand alone. But 1 By Mr Mahaffy (Rambles ami Studies (3) the allusion in the Persae of Aeschy- in Greece, p. 163). This hypothesis ex- his, which indicates that the mines had plains (1) the power of Aegina, (2) the only recently come into prominence at existence of an Aeginetan metric system, Athens. INTRODUCTION. xvii looking closer, we discover that the substantive which it qualifies, aioji/, is really conceived as a breeze, for Pindar associated it with drj/xt. And thus, though Pindar has won a repute of audacity for bold and mixed metaphors, we shall find on examination that his language is always scrupulously weighed, and charged with intention, his metaphors, as all else, bearing a definite relation to the whole effect. He does not mix images incongruously, though sometimes they follow in rapid succes- sion ; but he is rather inclined to push a single metaphor further than may be superficially obvious. The famous instance of mixed images in the Sixth Olympian Ode is clearly due to an error in the text. The lines are these : K€tvos, oj 7rcu SworpaTov, (tvv fiapvySovTTU) 7rarpt Kpatvei a-eOev £VTV\\ia.v. 8o£av e'xco Ttv e7ri yXuxrcra aKoVas Xtyvpds, a /x WiXovra 7rpo(reXKeL /caAAtpootcrt irvoaxs, fxarep ifxd 2TU/x</>aAis evavOrj'i MeT0J7ra. The idea of a whetstone on the tongue, to sharpen it, interposed between the god of the sea and the waters of Metopa, with which the phrase /caAAipo'oicri 7ri'oats is accordant, is merely grotesque, and has absolutely no motive. Even in a modern writer, as eccentric as Browning, it would seem unusually harsh ; for Pindar, I believe, it would have been impossible. A little consideration will show what word originally held the place usurped by aKo'vas. From e^a) iirl yXwaa-a it is evident that the writer had in his mind the proverbial (3ov<; iirl yXuxraa signifying ' silence ' ; and as his meaning clearly is ' I cannot be silent touching Metopa', we must infer that for the ox of muteness he substituted a singing creature, a bird. And to be really suitable to the context, to harmonize with the presence of the sea and the rivers, the voice of a seabird was required. ' On my tongue I have (not an ox but) a certain fancy of a vocal seabird, which draweth vie on full willing with a fair stream of breathed sounds.' And this, I believe, was what Pindar wrote : oo£ai/ f.\oi tlv €7Tt yXto(T<Ta 'Xkvovos Xiyvpai<i\ The seabird that he chose was a kingfisher. And the idea is more than a mere metaphor ; for the seabird, as it were, flies seaward and draws the minstrel after it to the 'deep thundering' ocean from the waters of 1 AKyONOC was read cikvovos or a/coi'os, 70 ris yap dpxa VS^aro eairriXia?; (as and 'corrected' to axovas. For the Bergk rightly reads, only he spells dpxv occurrence of such prodclision (as I pre- 'Kde^aro), and 250 w 'pKe<ri\a ; 01. XIII. fer to consider it) in Pindar, cf. Pvth. IV. 99 5tj '/j.<poTepu)6ei>. b2 XV111 TNTROD UCTION. Metopa and the Stymphalian lake, in Arcadia, — thus symbolizing the passage from Stymphalus to Syracuse, from home to home {oIkoOzv o'UaSe). Nor is the imagery mixed ; for not the bird, but the imagina- tion thereof, is said to be eVi yXwcraa 1 . 1 This metaphor has been defended by two eminent scholars. Professor Jebb, in his admirable study on Pindar {Jour- nal of Hellenic Shtdies, vol. III., p. 171), writes thus : ' The thought which in- spires a strain is compared to the whet- stone which sharpens the knife, — and here, again, note the mixture of metaphors : [Greek quoted] : " I have a thought upon my lips that lends keen motive to my song ; it woos my willing soul with the spirit of fair-flowing strains "...With re- gard to this metaphor, as to many others in Greek lyrics which are apt to strike us as harsh or even grotesque, there is a general principle which ought, I think, to be clearly perceived. Most Indo- European nouns expressed some one obvious and characteristic quality of the object which they denoted : e.g. vavs is "the swimmer", dpvs the thing which is cleft, &c. Similarly cikovt} is the sharpener, KpaTTjp is the mixer &c. A Greek who called a thought an clkovo was thus using a less startling image than we should use in calling it a •whetstone ; to call the teacher of a chorus a Kparr)p was not the same thing as it would be for us to call him a bowl. And such phrases are less audacious in proportion as they are old, i.e. near to the time when the language was still freshly conscious of the primary sense in such words as olkovt) '. I find it difficult to elicit Professor Jebb's ingenious translation 'a thought upon my lips that lends keen motive to my song' from 5o'£ae tiv' clkovcls \iyvpas. TIN rendering would rather demand bo^av tiv , aicovav Xtyvpav. And his defence of the metaphors applies with greater force to xparrip than to aKovr/, inasmuch as the Greeks had the verb Kepdvvvixi to remind them of the original meaning of Kparrip, whereas they had no word (like Latin acnere) to associate with aKovrj except cLKOvdu itself. Such words as cu'77, a.KWK-1), 6.Koiv, <xk'is would, alone, hardly suggest the idea of sharpening, and, with all deference to Professor Jebb's opinion, I doubt very much whether in Pindar's day or many generations before Pindar the Greek language 'was still freshly conscious of the primary sense ' in aubv-r). Kparr/p, I submit, is on a different footing. Mr Tyrrell (Classical Review, May 1888, p. 139) has defended the suspected phrase on different grounds. ' On the one hand it is wellnigh impossible to set bounds to the "soaring craft" as Pindar called it. What may not a great poet say at that golden moment ' ' When a great thought strikes along the brain And flushes all the cheek"? Yet on the other, it must be owned that confusion of metaphor has its limits, and is sometimes quite intolerable. Our feeling about the expression seems to depend upon our feeling about the poet's mind at the moment when he clothed his thought in words. The expression is majestic only if we feel that the poet was in a " fine frenzy " '. In this con- nexion he refers to Pindar's ' Methinks a whetstone shrilleth on my lips, It draws me on full fain On current of sweet airs'. But there must, I think, be certain objec- tive limits to legitimate mingling of meta- phor, apart from the subjective state of the poet. Take the familiar instance from Hamlet, quoted by Mr Tyrrell in this connexion, — Or to take arms against a sea of troubles. INTR OD UCTION. x i x When this formidable example of metaphorical aberration is removed, those who read Pindar attentively will, I think, acknowledge that tenacity of one image is more characteristic of his poetry than a blend- ing of several. But though he does not confuse metaphors, he sometimes uses what we may call double metaphors, by playing on two meanings of a word. There is a remarkable example of this in Isthmian vi. 18; dfJLvdfxores Se fipOToi o tl fxyj cro(pLa<; awrov dxpov k\vto.l<; iirewv poats i$iK7]Tcu C,vyev. The meaning of these lines turns on the double sense of awros (i) gloss, or perfection, (2) breeze or breath (irr/p, awre'w), for which I must refer to note on Nem. 11. 9 and Appendix A, note 3. Thus there are two distinct metaphors, (1) from driving in a car (£vyev) to a height (a.Kf)o\>) : men remember not whatsoever reaches not the crowning height of Art, drawn in a rushing car of verses ; (2) from a ship wafted by a breeze : ivhatever exploit, ungirded by sounding streams of poetry, fails to win a favouring wind of Wisdom, passeth out of me/i's minds. The language is chosen with the greatest skill, almost every word suggesting a second meaning. £i'y«V, properly belonging to the first metaphor, is not inappropriate in the second, for £euy™/x6 was a technical word for undergirding a ship. l^iK-qrai may suggest ik/xci/o? ovpos, while acorov Here the metaphor ' sea of troubles ' is the passage and gives its proper object to natural and familiar ; ' to take arms a/i£. The same reasoning applies to the against ' or fight against troubles is also a passage under consideration. Four in- familiar image: and therefore the con- congruous pictures rise before us; yXuaaa, nexion of the two metaphorical phrases axova, eXKeiv, KctXXtpoot irvoal. The does not strike us as incongruous. But yXuicraa is not a natural resting-place for if both metaphors had been unusual, the the whetter; an cuwa cannot be said to incongruity would be unjustifiable. This ' draw on ' ; and with /caXXipoot wvoai it applies to the passage in the Antigone certainly is not accordant. And the where, according to the generally ac- strangeness of the image makes these cepted correction of the reading of the discords jar. My reading, while it in- mss., (com (with other things) is said to volves but a very slight change, harmo- mow down a light which had been set nises the words into one striking idea, above a plant. Here the incongruity of I should add that the comparison of a the unfamiliar metaphors is aggravated trainer to a Naxian whetstone, that by the fact that the thing (pifa) which sharpens athletes, in Isthm. v. 72 (an seems to offer itself to the scythe of the image thoroughly in place there) cannot Erinys is not mown, while the thing be fairly adduced to support olkovols in which could not possibly be mown suffers Olympian vi. that operation. A slight change restores xx INTRODUCTION. aKpov of a prosperous breeze is justified by the Homeric adjective aKp-dys. The idea of building up the Ode of Victory on a myth, worked out so as to contain an application usually to the victor himself, sometimes to his country, was adopted by Pindar 1 . Direct praises, blended with ethical commonplaces, must, when continued through a whole composi- tion, become monotonous and fulsome 2 , a poet's genius notwithstanding. But the myth gave a sphere both for the higher work of the imagination and for craft in elaborating a parallel or an allegory ; while the apparent passing away from the subject of the victor, for a while, was a relief from the necessity of reiterating a sort of Aios Kopu'flos. This new method of Pindar was thus a happy discovery, and we may regard it as the chief secret of his poetical charm ; for certainly the interest of each poem turns mainly on the myth and its relation to the rest. And here too lies the chief difficulty. Only recently a clue has been found by a German scholar, whose discovery certainly marks a new period in the study of Pindar. Just ten years ago F. Mezger published his Pindars Sicgeslieder, in which he pointed out that it was a practice of the poet to repeat some particular word in the same verse and foot of different strophes or epodes, and that he indicated thereby some connexion in thought between two separated parts of the Ode. Thus Pindar has himself supplied us with indications for following the ways of his thought; he has 'set words"'' for us like sign-posts. And he hinted too that his songs require a key, when he called Aeneas — the bearer of the Sixth Olympian Ode to Agesias, and charged with its interpretation — a scytale of the Muses (tJvko/awv vkvtoXo. Moicrav) 4 . I need not illustrate the principle of Mezger here, for each of the Odes in this volume is an example, as is shown in the special Intro- ductions. But I must observe that Mezger has not carried his own principle far enough ; and this has precluded him in many cases from grasping the full meaning of a poem. For Pindar does not confine his ' responsions ' to verses metrically corresponding — and Mezger has to some extent recognized this — but indicates the train of his thoughts by 1 lie tells US this himself in the Fourth derung an die Nemesis gewescn sein". Nemean (</.z'-), as Mezger has shown. :; iwewv Secret, Olymp. in. X. Mezger The idea lie is said to have derived from has closely connected this discovery with the instruction of Comma. Westphal's untenable theory of the struc- - Cp. also \i. Ltibbert, Pindar's Leben lure of the Pindaric Ode; but the con- und Dichtung, \>. 8 : ' Kin ausilihrliches nexion is not essential. directes Lob des Siegers wiirde nach * I (not Mezger) am responsible for hellenischen Begriffen eine Herausfor- this interpretation. INTRODUCTION. xxi verbal echoes anywhere, independently of the metre. These echoes become formal and emphatic ' responsions ', where in conformity with Mezger's rule the metre is confederate ; but when the metre does not assist, they are not less important guides for us in detecting the parallel ranges and answering groups constructed by this wonderful art. The last words of the Sixth Olympian Ode, already quoted, furnish an instance in point. Poseidon is invoked for Agesias : hiviroTa ttovt6[x&ov, evOvv 8e ttXoov KU/AaTiov €Ktos iovra 81801, x.pv<raAaKaToio 7roo"is 'AfupLTpiTas, ip.wv 8' v/xvoiV ae£' evrepires av6o<;. In the myth which occupies the centre of the hymn, Poseidon had been invoked by lamus, who is the mythical counterpart of the victor Agesias ; and this is recalled by the ringing of ' gold ' and an echo of 'delight'. For the appeal of lamus to Poseidon was introduced by the words T€pirvas 8' €7rei xp\)<ro<TT€<f)uvoio \a(3cv KapTrov H/3as. And, further, there is another cross-echo, here punctually answering; fur tirepirh &v0os, at the end of the fifth epode, recalls €uav0r}s MeTwVa, the last words of the fourth epode. And sometimes the echo is combined with a play on words. In the First Isthmian Ode, for instance, we read of the ' omen of Asopodorus ' yapvao/xai — d.yai<\ea t<xv 'Acrcj7ro8ojpou iraTpos aicrav (1. 34), and we wonder what it may be. Reading further we learn of the things which this Asopodorus (the father of the victor) had suffered ; how he had been banished from Thebes and afterwards restored ; and then the third strophe ends thus : o 7^ov^7C^a^s 8e vou> kcu irpo[j.a9eiav <\>ipa. When we reach the end of the fourth antistrophos, our ears are struck by a reverberation, which clears up our difficulty : ■q jxa.v 7roAAu/a Kal to <T€<rwTrafj.€vov evOvp.iav [xet^w <J>€p«i (1. 63). The repetition of <£epei here at the end of the same verse, takes us back to the man of 'forethought'; and then we apprehend that to a-ewiraptvov explains the omen of 'A-o-wiro-Swpos — the guerdon of silence. The objections, which will doubtless be made to the principles on which my interpretation of Pindar is based, I can well imagine. It will be said that my view imputes to the poet an artificiality which is unworthy of a great genius and inconsistent with true poetical inspira- xxii INTR OD UCTION. tion. If it be replied that no a priori considerations can alter a simple fact, the objectors will say that the echoes and ' responsions ' are undesigned coincidences, discerned only by the vain fancy of an over subtle commentator. This second argument is the only one with which I am necessarily concerned. If it can be shown that the echoes are not the creatures of a modern fancy, seeing in Pindar more than he ever dreamed of, then we must simply accept the fact and harmonize it with our aesthetic theories as we may see fit. There are two considerations which, in my judgment, peremptorily exclude the supposition that the echoes and responsions, pointed out in this volume, were merely accidental, (i) If only one hymn of Pindar were extant, it might be maintained that echoes of language, noticed by an editor, were a freak of chance and formed no part of the poet's design. But seeing that forty-five (or at least forty-three) poems of Pindar 1 have been preserved, and that in every one of these there are distinct responsions and echoes in which a direct bearing on the connexion of thought may be perceived (more or less easily), it cannot be judiciously or even plausibly maintained that chance worked so systematically. The eleven odes in this volume are quite sufficient to establish the principle ; but, if additional proof is needed, it will be shown in the succeeding instalments of this edition of Pindar, how amply the Olympian, Pythian and Isthmian Odes reinforce the evidence of the Nemeans, that rexv-rj, not tvxv, arranged the answering echoes. (2) If it be found that the echo-systems guide the student of Pindar to an adequate interpretation of the Odes, and enable him to discern the significance of the myths and the general connexions of thought, — then, regarding such results, it can only be said that, if this be chance, ' yet there's method in it '. Now the explanations offered by Boeckh, Dissen and their successors, who possessed no directing clue, were certainly, and indeed confessedly, far from satisfactory. Their analysis was often true as far as it went, but it generally left serious difficulties unexplained. When Mezger discovered the law of verbal responsions, he found himself able to solve problems which had eluded his predecessors ; and it is a feature of his commentary that the artistic unity of each hymn is exhibited and analysed more thoroughly than in previous works on Pindar. But even Mezger frequently failed, and left many knots untied, because he had not recognised that his ' responsions ' were only part of a more general system of echoes and signals. 1 Forty-five, assuming Olymp. v. lo be consist of eight (not seven) Odes. genuine, and the Isthmian collection to INTR OD UCTION. x x i i i As an example of the inadequacy of hitherto proposed interpreta- tions, I may point to the First Nemean. The chief question, which occurs to the student of any ode, is : what is the application of the myth ? but in the case of the First Nemean this question forces itself on the attention with more than usual emphasis. What can the story of Heracles throttling the snakes have to do with Chromius of Syracuse? There might be little difficulty in agreeing that the general description of the labours of Heracles (11. 63 — 68) is appropriate to the man who had fought at Helorus and led an unusually active life ; but of all the exploits of Heracles why should that of his infancy be selected for a hymn celebrating a victory won in the chariot-race by a Sicilian noble ? The answer of Dissen was, that, as Tiresias augured the future powers of Heracles from his achievement in the cradle, so Chromius had showed in his early youth at the Helorus what manner of man he was to be. It is clear that this answer is inadequate ; nor indeed is it tenable. It is not tenable, because there is no reference or allusion to the battle of the Helorus throughout the Ode, and in the tale of the conflict with the snakes there is nothing to suggest it. It is inadequate, because no account is taken of the elaborate detail in which the exploit of Heracles is worked out. If Pindar merely meant what Dissen says, these details are superfluous and must be considered an obvious blemish in the poem. We have to believe that nearly half the ode is devoted to a description of accessories, which have nothing to do with the main idea and only draw the attention away from it. The selection of this event in the life of Heracles for comparison with the bravery of Chromius in battle does not, at the best, strike one as happy. But granting that Pindar might have likened the adventure with the snakes and the fighting at the Helorus as the opening incidents in two brilliant careers, he would assuredly have accentuated the point of likeness and passed over the details in which the dissimilarity was glaring. But this is just what he has not done. He has worked out an elaborate picture of the battle of the snakes, while he has not even alluded to the special exploit of Chromius supposed to be signified thereby. On this question no new light was thrown in the various explanations offered by von Leutsch, Rauchenstein and L. Schmidt. All these interpretations left the remark of Schneider, that the poet 'verlor sich in eine Episode die gar kein Verhaltniss zum Ganzen hat und dem Gedichte die fabelhafte Gestalt eines Hippocentaurus gibt ' ', as true as ever. But Mezger, by the help of his discovery, advanced nearer a solution. He holds that the myth is intended to illustrate the truth 1 Quoted by Mezger. x x i v INTR OD UCT10N. that all men have to contend with troubles and to show how they can overcome them. The trouble of Chromius was the malice and calumny of enemies, but by his native faculty he triumphed over them, even as Heracles proved himself superior to all the trials which beset him even from his cradle. The responsion of 1<jto.v (I. 19) with Icrra (1. 55) suggests that Amphitryon contemplating the triumph of Heracles over the snakes is compared to the poet contemplating the triumph of Chromius over his calumniators ; and thus indicates what the intended parallel is. This analysis is an important advance on all previous attempts, but it does not completely solve the difficulty. A general reference to detractors will hardly account for the elaborate picture of the slaying of the snakes. Moreover we find that the verses which describe the success of Chromius against his foes respond, not to anything in the episode of the Spdicoircs, but to the lines in which Tiresias foretells that Heracles will distinguish himself by killing robbers and fighting with the Giants (dvriov 1. 25, for example, signals to aV-na^oxriv, which Mezger did not observe). Thus as far as the general comparison is concerned, the episode under discussion might be spared ; for the Giants and the Orjpc; d'i8po8iKai of 1. 63 amply suffice as prototypes of iniquitous foes and calumniators. We may infer that the combat with the snakes is introduced for the sake of some particular reference. This special instance of the victories of Heracles over 6-fjpes or Kvw8a\a (1. 50) must have been selected in order to suggest some special victory of Chromius over ' beasts ' who annoyed him. Here we have no clue, except so far as the language of the myth itself may reveal us some- thing ; for Pindar preferred to veil his special allusions in a fable which was perfectly lucid for Chromius and his friends. There is at least one inference which may be drawn with tolerable confidence. The enemies of Chromius specially alluded to were two, — neither more nor less. The accentuation of the dual number (Sto-o-aicrt Scuou's) can hardly be regarded as undesigned, — if it be once admitted that the myth had any application to contemporary fact. As the allusion to Chromius, which I suppose to be intended in 1. 46, rests on a slight change in the reading of the mss., I will not dwell on it here. The responsion earav — co-ra was appreciated by Mezger, but he did not notice a further responsion, Oi/xev — Oiaav (11. 5, 59), which sustains the parallel between Heracles and the victor. But enough has been said for the present purpose ; the other points bearing on the question will be set forth in the Introduction to the Ode under discussion. Tt may be shown that another distinct difficulty in the same poem INTRODUCTION. xxv yields to investigation, when Pindar's method of verbal signals is duly apprehended. The meaning of the opening lines is a puzzle as old as Didymus. Why is the river Alpheus introduced? Some say (according to the scholiast) that the stables of Hieron and Chromius were in Ortygia ; for this reason Ortygia was mentioned ; and Ortygia suggested Alpheus, though Alpheus has no connexion with the subject. Modern commentators throw no further light on the question. It has been noticed by Mezger that in the last verses of this hymn there is an echo of the beginning (crefivov, — aepvov, 11. i and 72). There is another echo which he did not observe: BdXos, 1. 2 — OaXzpdv, 1. 71. Now the Ode closes with the prophecy of the apotheosis of Heracles and his marriage with Hebe. It is clear, therefore, that if these echoes have any signification, they must imply some bright augury for the future of Chromius ; and there must be some allusion to such an augury in the first lines of the Ode. The solution is now obvious ; and indeed the query of the scholiast might have put us on the right path. These are the words in which he states the difficulty : ^tcitcu 8c, tl brjiroTi t<3 'AA<£eiu> 7rpocrSiaA.cy€Tcu koX rrj 'Oprvyiu, ttjs VIK1]S OUK OVO-TJS '0\v(J.7TiaKT]S, aAAa Nc/AeaK?7S. That is, 'AA</>eoC would have been pertinent in an Olympian Ode. But it is now easy to see that the mention of Alpheus is not only quite in place, but wonderfully happy, although the Ode is not an Olympian. By this allusion the prospect of an Olympian wreath in the future is held out to the Nemean victor. Such a victory would be his crowning triumph, as the entry into the houses of the Gods was the crown of the career of Heracles. This interpretation is strikingly confirmed by the reference to Olympian wreaths won by Sicilians in 1. 1 7 ' ; and it should be observed that the words OXv/jlttlixSow (pvWois iXatav xpvcre'ois in the 3rd line of the 1st epode are metrically identical with w — daktpdv ''llfiav olkoitiv kcu ya.fji.ov in the 3rd line of the last epode. The meed foretold for Heracles responds to the meed foretold for Chromius. If these reasons are cogent — and it seems to me that they cannot be eluded, — students of Pindar must henceforward avail themselves of the 1 Timaeus actually inferred from this taws ^Xa^^els 6 Ti/j.aios 'OXv/xwikov tov line that the Ode was not a Nemean but iirlviKov ta-qdr) dvai (ed. Abel p. 2 7). an Olympian, Schol. on 1. 17: eureudev xx vi INTR OB UCTION. signals which the poet himself has placed to guide us. It may be urged against Mezger, it may be urged against me, that it is difficult to believe that Pindar alone of the Greek poets adopted such a system of connecting the trains of his thought. But in the first place, of the lyric poets complete compositions have not been preserved except Pindar's Epinicians ; so that it is impossible to say what they did or did not. And in the second place it may be pointed out that the artifice of verbal signals was not unknown to Aeschylus. Pindar's elaborate systems of echoes may be illustrated by a familiar choral ode in the Agamemnon. The second stasimon in that play (11. 367 — 474), whose theme is suggested by the fall of Troy, falls into four parts. The first part (367 — 398) deals generally with the impossibility of hiding injustice, and asserts that the gods regard it. In the second part, this doctrine is applied to Paris ; the flight of Helen is briefly described ; and the Sofioyv TrpofyrjTat lament the case of Menelaus (399 — 426). In the third part the poet passes to the woes brought upon Greece by the Trojan war and the feelings of discontent which prevailed against the Atridae (427 — 455). In the fourth part gloomy presentiments are expressed in the form of general moral remarks on the results of excessive prosperity and indifference to human life. — Now it is to be observed that although the import of the first section is apparently and professedly a comment on the crime of Paris (olos ko! IIu/hs iXOwv 1. 399), yet the poet dismisses this crime in a line or two and hurries on to Menelaus, as though he were the real theme of the Ode. It is quite clear that the preliminary moral reflexions are intended to apply to the Atridae as much as to Paris, and indeed they have a close resemblance to the moral reflexions at the close, which refer undisguisedly to the house of Atreus. The irony of the situation is that a very similar cause to that which overthrew the house of Priam is now about to bring low the house of the victors. It was an irony which gained by being covertly suggested rather than overtly expressed. And thus Aeschylus, while he directly identifies Paris with the dvrjp who ' kicked the altar of Justice ', does not state in so many words that Agamemnon or Menelaus might be considered examples of the same type. But he has conveyed this meaning indirectly by a number of artful echoes. (1) Phrases in the first part are taken up in the second — in the passage where the So/awv 7rpocp7Jrat describe Menelaus after the departure of Helen. (2) The grief of Menelaus, as painted in that passage, for his lost wife is contrasted with the grief of the Greeks at home for their kinsfolk who fell in the war, by means of answering words. The details are as follows : INTRODUCTION. xxvii (i) (a) The elders state at the beginning of the Ode that they intend to ' search out the traces ' of the great stroke which Zeus has dealt to Troy (Aios 7rAayaV). Their words are TrapecTTi tovto y e^c^i/evcrai. The metaphor does not recur, and we forget that we are so to speak on a scent, until a strange phrase let fall by the &6fAMv 7rpo<prjrai reminds us that we are seeking traces. o-ti'/Joi cpiXdvopes {prints or traces of a •wife's embrace) is one of the most noticeable expressions in the whole hymn; and it was chosen, I believe, to suggest that the o-ti/Soi, conceived as arousing the regrets of Menelaus and determining him to the fatal expedition, were in a deeper sense 'traces' in the course of the tragedy, — the Aios TrXayd, which is here traced out. The elders begin their investigation by asserting that the gods do not disregard those 371 ocrots d9iKTo>v x^P LS ttutolO'. The man who kicks the altar of justice has no defence against punishment. ov yap eo-Tiv £7raA^ts 382 TrXoVTOV 7T/D05 Kopov dv8p! AaKTtcravTt p.eyav AiKa9 /3(Dfx6v ets a^avetav. It is clear that the Ai*as /3oj/xos is the dOiKTotv x^'pt? under another aspect. Now by using the same metre and by introducing a responsion, the poet suggests that the son of Atreus is an example of such an dvtjp. At the end of strophe 2 we find evpdp<pm> Se koXo<t<t<Zv 417 ex^ercu X^P IS cwSpi. ofXfxdrwv 8' iv dxqviais Ippu 7rd(T 'A<ppo$iTa. Here is an avr/p who also scorns a certain yap 1 ?- I n both cases the cause of this scorn is assigned ; and the two causes are parallel. The typical wicked 'man' is constrained by importunate Persuasion: • 385 /3iaTai 8' a TaXana imGci. The man in the special case is the victim of persuasive dreams, which will not allow him to forget the treacherous wife: 420 6i>€ip6<pavTOL 8e imGijixoves' TrdpeiaL 8o£cu. 1 Mr Housman's correction of irev 8r)/xoves. xxviii INTRODUCTION. In both cases the vanity of hope is dwelt on. The fancy of the typical scorner that he may escape is vain ; the fancy of Menelaus in his dream that he may clasp Helen is vain. 387 a/cos Se Tro.v fxaraiov. 421 — oo£ai (pepovaat \aptv | JLaTa ^ a v. p.aTav yap — fiefiaKcv o\]/i<s. But the parallel is carried further still. It has often struck me, and it may have struck others, that (in the first antistrophos of this Ode) it was somewhat strange to introduce the figure of a boy chasing a bird in the middle of another totally different metaphor taken from ill-mixed bronze. We are now in a position to explain the motive of this. The boy chasing the bird is there for the purpose of the covert parallel. The unjust man attempting to hide, and Menelaus seeking to embrace the dream forms, are like men chasing winged things : 394 8uoKfi 7rats iroTavov opvLV, 426 irrtpois 07raSots vttvov KtkevOois. Another point which strikes the reader in the first strophe is the expression o.0lktwv x a P ts (already mentioned) — surely a somewhat strange one. It is highly probable that this phrase was echoed in words regarding Menelaus. and although a corruption in the mss. had long concealed the echo, the ingenuity of Mr Housman has brought it to light. In 1. 420 we have, if this restoration is correct — cpepovcrai \ C 4 HV fw-Taiav. /xdrav yap evr av es Oi/yds 8okolv opa — jSefiaKtv 01/as k.t.A. Menelaus seeks to touch the charming visions ; but they cannot be touched. The case of the transgressor was somewhat different ; but the word dOiKTos is ambiguous. The transgressor laid an impious touch on the charm of things which must not be touched. And this is more than a mere sport with words. The charm of the dream forms (it is implied) is the cause of the transgression of the Atridae. The apparitions of Helen in sleep are a poetical symbol for the brooding and longing regret of Menelaus, ultimately driving him to undertake the fatal expedition. Thus the dream forms, from this aspect, are literally 1 Though I have printed Mr I Iousman's read Oopy. It would be quite in the bp$ (provisionally accepted by ^T|■^\'^•al]), manner of Aeschylus to picture Menelaus I <|iicMi(>n ii. I should In- inclined to leaping up in his bed to clasp the vision. INTRODUCTION. xxix the aOiKra, whose x a P ts or spe\\, thrown over the man, tempts and compels him to transgression. He should have seen that Helen was <x8lkto<;, like the dreams, and that it was vain (fidraios too has a double sense) to seek to touch her. (b) But there are some passages in the first part of this Ode to which a more distant echo answers, (i) The declaration in 1. 370 that the theory which imputes to the gods disregard of transgressors is impious, is repeated in 1. 461, with a definition however of the particular form of transgression meant : t<Zv 7to\vkt6v<dv yap ovk oVoo-ko- 7roi OcoL (2) Again to 8' vn-tpKortos k\v€iv ev fiapv 1. 469 repeats, in a special form, what was said about excessive prosperity in 377 sqq. (pkeovTwv SwfxaTuv vire'p<j>€v v-rrep to (iiXnarov. What was before ap- plied to the house of Priam is now repeated of the house of Atreus. (3) In both passages, with this denunciation of the 'excess' is closely connected a reference to moderate prosperity. 379 eorw 8' dirrip.avTov (sc. to (3c\tl<ttov), wot' dirapKfxv ev 7rpa7rioW Aa^o'vTa, 471 Kph'w 8 d<f>6ovov 6\/3ov • p,7]T elrjv TTToX.nr6p97]<; prjT ovv euros aXovs vtt dWow (3lov Kcrn'Soi/xi 1 . (4) When the curse comes on the transgressor, there is no defence or aid: 381 ov yap eoriv giraMjts k.t.A., 466 iv 8' aiorois Te\e6ovTo<; ovtls aX.Kd. (5) In both cases similar expressions are used for the destruction which awaits the transgressor, 384 €ts a<£aVeiav, 465 eu 8' aurrois. (6) The remarkable metaphor from the rubbing of bad bronze in the first antistrophos is echoed in the last antistrophos. 390 kukov 8e xoAkou rpoTrov Tpipw T€ kol irpocrPoX.ais p.eXap.Trayrj'i TreXet 8iKcua>0eis — 7roXet 7rpoo-Tpip.|Aa #eis acpeprov. This metaphor is not repeated, but another metaphor to the same intent is so expressed as to echo some of the words : 461 KeXatvai 8' 'Epinks XP° vl i? rvxr]pov ovt avev StVas 7ra\ivTux € ^ xpipa Biov TiOela ap.avpov. It has not been definitely made out, what is the metaphor of iraXLvrvx^ Tpi/3a, but rpifia echoes Tptfi(i> and TrpoarpipLpa, both in sense and language, while the words dpavpov and /ceAaivat (of those who make dpavpov) recall /xeXa/x7rayr/s. The Erinyes are said to make the man dim, and this idea is carried on in words which follow pdXXtxai yap ooxrois AwOev Kepavvos. 1 Of the last two words one is probably, both possibly, corrupt. xxx INTR OD UCTION. The lightning of Zeus is hurled upon their eyes. This fiokrj of Zeus is an element in the fatal progress of their doom, and was to the transgressors of 1. 461 what 7rpoo-(3o\aU was to the SiKaiwfeis of 1. 393 ; /?aA.A.€Tat echoes 7rpocr/3oA.ar?. (2) Another parallel is instituted between the grief of Menelaus for the loss of Helen, caused by the crime of Paris, and the grief of the Greeks at home for the loss of their fighting kinsfolk who fell at Troy through the crime of the Atridae. The parallel is worked out by echoing in the second description remarkable words which had been used in the first. As the length of this digression has already exceeded bounds, I will not enter into the details of comparison between these companion pictures. But one striking echo may be pointed out. The charm of the/air statues of Helen disappears as it were in the hatred of Menelaus for their blank gaze : 416 €V|x6p<j>wv Se KoXocrawv Even so the fair bodies of the Greek warriors are lost in a land which hates them : 453 6t]Ka<; 'IAiaSos yas £v'|xop<f>oi KaTe^ovaLV • €\- 0pd 8' e^ovras eKpvij/ev. It appears then that the artifice of suggesting meanings by echoes was not confined to Pindar, although he practised it more systematically and more constantly than any other poet of whose work we have materials to judge. There is no reason to suppose that he originated the idea, but he may have been the first to develope it into a system. If we had the works of the early Greek lyric poets, we should doubtless be able to trace the evolution of this remarkable feature of Pindar's poetry. It might be conjectured that the 'responsion' is simply a subtle modification of the ' refrain ', a feature of the most primitive poetry. The refrain is reduced to a catchword ; and as poetry becomes more subtle and elaborate the catchwords and catch-phrases are varied, multiplied, refined ; the iteration becomes more than a mere iteration, and of itself adds an idea. Such a development is intelligible, but we have not the data for tracing it. Before leaving the subject, it is worth pointing out that Pindar sometimes takes a physical substance, bronze or gold, and rings signifi- cant changes throughout a poem. In the Tenth Nemean and in the Sixth Isthmian x«Ako?, in some form, occurs in each metrical system. In the Third Pythian, in the Fifth Nemean, in the Sixth and Seventh INTR OD UC TTON. xxxi Olympians, the parts of the argument are connected by golden links. Silver has a special significance in the Ninth Olympian. Other sorts of words are effectively repeated in the same way ; for example, £cu/os and its cognates in the Seventh Nemean. ' Works ' are the keynote of the Eighth Olympian, and accordingly in the first epode we find epyu, in the second epyao-icus, in the third and in the fourth Ipya. Now it is worth noticing that Sophocles adopts the same artifice. In the first choral ode of the Oedipus Rex (beginning <S Atos dSve-rrh ^dn) a remarkable effect is won by this device. The bright abode of the Pythian Apollo is almost physically borne in upon us by the gold ringing through the hymn, (i) Ta9 TroXvxpva-ov Ylv6wvo<; 1. 151, (2) <5 XP 1 ' ' 6 ' 01 ? tckvov eA.7rtSos 1. 157, (3) <*> XP v<r€a Ovyarep Atos 1. 187, (4) xP va " o<TT / 3o/< / >C0V °"r' dyKvXav 1. 203, (5) ™" xpvo-o/ALTpav Te KLKXrjaKo} (Dionysus) 1. 209. We observe also the presence of Aglaia; (i) a'yAaa's 1. 152, (2) aiyXa? 1. 207, (3) ayAaa;7rt 1. 213. By such a recurrence of physical symbols Sophocles has deter- mined the bright, hopeful atmosphere of this appeal to gracious deities. Thus Pindar, like most great poets, was highly artificial. But he hid his art so effectually that we are only now beginning to apprehend how thoroughly self-conscious his poetry really was. His utterances seem spontaneous ; his sentences flow without constraint ; and yet every word was weighed. It is not within my scope to enter here upon an aesthetic disquisition, but I may point out one significant fact. It may appear to many modern minds that the dominant note of the Odes of Victory is 'unregenerate' indeed; Pindar might be de- scribed as the poet of the 'pride of life '. He consorted continually with the great of the earth, he moved among the strong and the beautiful, where none was ' sick or sorry ', he derived his inspiration from success, being himself too intellectually successful in realising his desire of per- fection. Kingdom and victory, nobility and wealth, strength and comely limbs, dyXaia and evcppoawr), inherit his palaces of music. The impression left on the mind, after reading the Odes of Victory, is that 'lo, the kings of the earth are gathered and gone by together'. Now it is a significant fact (for the Philosophy of History or the Philosophy of Aesthetic) that this Pride of Life, in its untroubled phase, found expres- sion in a spiritual art, which was flawless in the minutest details of order and diction, and yet moved in lofty places. It is thus suggested that where there has been no rending of the soul, art can be scrupulously accurate and achieve finite greatness; l avee Part chretien nous eprouvons le trouble et le dkhiremenf 1 . Euripides, in the Helena, describes the 1 E. Scherer, Etudes critiques de litterature, vol. 1. p. 57. B. C xxxii INTRODUCTION. life of Ganymede in the Olympian abode as xaWiydXrjvos, and no single word perhaps describes more properly the art in which the Greek spirit revealed its rhythm. The calmness of the atmosphere, in which that art lived, was untroubled, for 'the wind which bloweth where it listeth ' had not yet been loosed. 'Un rhythme secret' M. Cherbuliez writes of the Greeks 'reglait leurs mouvements les plus vifs, et il se faisait, au fond de ces cceurs si bien gouvernes, comme le doux bruit d'une fete, dont une divinite, couronnee de fleurs, etait la supreme ordonnatrice '. A divinity crowned with flowers is a happy image for the spirit which presided over ' the delightful things in Hellas ' and illuminated Pindar's imagination. By the shores of the midland sea, not yet ' dolorous ', were raised, under a really benignant breath, palaces of music, shining afar, and statues of ivory and gold. Haggard forlorn faces, wizened forms did not haunt the soul, nor were there any yearnings to heavenward, Grace, which maketh the ways of men soft 1 , being arbitress then with undivided right and ' crowned with flowers ' in those bright pagan borders. The spirit of man, bland but without effeminacy, dwelling, as it were, in a strong and beautiful body, had no thought of the faintness of old age, no foreboding of a day when it should leave the broken shell, naked, stark, pallid — as the Roman Emperor conceived the soul sundered from the body, — and be swept along dreary ways into wild places and 'devious coverts of dismay', which are known, at least partly, to those who live now, the experienced of the children of men. Pindar may well interest us as the most characteristic poet of that fortunate spirit. 1 xapts 5' oi7rep a7ravTa rei'^et rd /xe[Xi%a op. cit. p. 16: 'Die Olympischen Gotter Ovarols (First Olympian, 1. 30), which werden durch menschliches Leid und means that men owe all their aesthetic Elend, welches in das Bild der einigen pleasures to Charis ; in other language, Schonheit der Welt nicht passen wild, Charis is the divinity of art and of the beleidigt; der Anblick von Leichen fairest things of nature. For Charis in verunreinigt sie '. Pindar see Appendix B. — Cf. Lubbert, 2. The Construction of the Pindaric Ode. The question how the metrical divisions are related to the divisions of argument in Pindar's Odes, seems at first sight to present considerable difficulties. Does each ode, when we regard its matter, fall into divisions which do not coincide with the terminations of the strophic systems, or are the two sets of divisions coincident ? With this question I propose to deal. Before dealing with it, however, I must clear the ground by considering the ingenious but, as I hope to show, groundless theory of Westphal and Mezger concerning the construction of the Pindaric hymn. Westphal has sought to prove, that the hymn of Pindar is built on the same lines as the nome of Terpander 1 , and can be analysed into the parts of which the Terpandrian nome is said to have consisted 2 . Each hymn falls into three major divisions, (i) the dpxd, (2) the d/x^aXo? and (3) the (T(jypayi<;. The transition from the dpxd to the 6[x<paX6<; is called the KararpoTrd, that from the o'/A^aAos to the cr<£payi's is the /xera- KaraTpoTra.. In some hymns a Trpooifuov goes before the dpxd, and sometimes, though rarely, there is an i-n-apxa or transition from the Trpooipuov to the apx a ' 3, I n some hymns too there is an e£o'Siov ox finale, succeeding the <j<ppayi<;. Of these parts, the 6p,(f>a\6<;, as its name betokens, is the centre and kernel of the composition, and it contains the chief thought {Hauptge- danke) of the poem. Thus the nome of Terpander and, according to Mezger, the ode of Pindar resembled in structure the pediment of a 1 Prolegomena zu Aese/iy/os' Tragb- in the Introduction to his edition of the dien, 1869. The theory, as worked out Olympian and Pythian Odes. by Mezger, was briefly criticised by Mr 2 Pollux, iv. 66. Mahaffy in the Preface to his History of 3 For example in the Thirteenth Olym- Greek Literature, vol. I. and ed. 1883; pian Ode, which has also an i^odiov, and afterwards by Professor Gildersleeve according to Mezger's analysis. C2 xxxiv INTRODUCTION. temple. There is a central group, with antiphonic groups on either side which might be represented thus : 6/v\(J>aA6c KaTdTpOTra jxiTaKaraTpoTra. &PX<£ ccbp&pc £7rap^a| 7rpoo£[uovJ s'£68iov Mezger claims to have shown that these divisions underlie all Pindar's odes, except six, of which the compass is too short to admit of such elaboration, and the Eleventh ' Nemean ' which is not an ode of victory ; but even in these a triplicity, which suggests ap^a, o/xc/xxAo's and o-<£payis, can be traced. This idea sounds extremely plausible, but will not stand examina- tion. It must however be distinctly understood that his discovery of the verbal responsions in Pindar is really quite independent of West- phal's attempt to detect the Terpandrian nome lurking in the Odes of Victory. We can reject WestphaPs Terpandrian divisions, while we accept the new light thrown by Mezger on the lirluv 0«ris ; just as we might accept Fick's theory of the original language of the Odyssey, though we reject the special analysis of Kirchhoff on which Fick has worked. The considerations, which, in my judgment, are fatal to YVestphal's theory as worked out by Mezger, may be stated as follows : i. It implies that Pindar constructed his strophic system and his trains of thought quite independently ; it implies that the matter and form of each poem were totally unconnected 1 . For when the odes are analysed on the principle of the Terpandrian nome we find that the strophes are sometimes cut up, sometimes not, at haphazard, by the divisions of Mezger. Now this independence of matter and form is, a priori, highly unlikely; it is certainly not consonant with the spirit of Greek art. It devolved upon Westphal and Mezger to show cause for such a strange proceeding, and they have not done so. We know very little about Terpander's nome, but it certainly seems extremely probable that the corresponding parts corresponded in metre. As the dp-^d answered to the <r<£payis, we may conjecture that dpxd and o-^payt's were similar in metre. The KararpoTrd was taken up by the p.^raKaraTpoird, as the nomenclature indicates ; is it not probable that they were metrically the same? No such metrical correspondence can be found in Pindar; 1 This obvious objection has of course Mr Gildersleeve's Pindar, Introductory been noticed by every critic who has Essay, p. lii. dealt with the question. Sec, fur example, INTRODUCTION. xxxv and thus Mezger's theory implies that the Terpandrian divisions were transferred into a new metrical system for which they were not intended, without any attempt to compass a harmony between the old and the new. That such a consummate artist as Pindar would have been satisfied with this patchwork it is impossible to believe. 2. Waiving the question of the metre, we find that Mezger's analysis of the Odes does not always conform to the structure of the Terpandrian nome. They do not all resemble a pediment, of which the 6fx<fia\6<; forms the central group. For of some hymns the apx<* occupies the larger portion; in some the o-^payis begins before the middle. Thus the 6fjL<f>a\6<; is sometimes in the first half of the hymn and sometimes in the second 1 ; it is not always in the middle. Such flagrant inequalities in proportion, as well as the absence of correspondence in metre, throw discredit on the theory. 3. If then neither fixed relations of metre nor fixed length are marks of the Terpandrian divisions in Pindar, it remains that they should be at least distinguished by some definite character in point of matter. Here certainly the champions of the nome seem to have something to urge for their cause. It is pointed out as the mark of the o'/x,<£aAo's that it contains the myth. But even this mark is not certain, and Mezger has to confess that there are six odes 2 in which the o/i^aAo's does not contain the myth. Allowing the exceptions to pass, we ask whether, after all, this observation proves anything. Supposing that there had never been any such thing as a Terpandrian nome, should not we expect to find, as a general rule, the illustrative legend placed somewhere in the middle of the poem? The natural conditions of such a work evidently demand that the poet should begin with his proper theme, that he should pass from it to the mythical tale which illustrates it, and that he should then return to his theme again. In certain cases some artistic effect may be gained by not returning again, as in the First and Tenth Nemean Odes. Now if Pindar's hymns conform to this obvious law of art, how can such a conformity prove any relationship to Terpander's nomes ? And the same argument applies to the KaTarpoird and jjLeTOLKaTCLTpoird. As a matter of course, there are transitions in Pindar's Odes. There must be a transition to the myth ; and the poet, as a rule, passes back again to the personal theme of the poem. But 1 This doubtless is what Wilamowitz- welche Pindar auf das kreuz des terpan- Moellendorff means when he says (Euripi- drischen nomos schlagen '. des, Herakles, B. 1. p. 329 note) : 'Dies - Pythian I. and IX., Nemean I. and x., gedicht (New. 1.) und N. 10 diirfte man Isthmian II. and VI. zun'achst von den herrn erkliirt wiinschen, xxx vi INTR OD UCTION. there is no sufficient reason for identifying these transitions with the catatropa and metacatatropa of the nome. It is true that there is constantly a connexion in idea between these parts, in the analysis of Mezger. But this does not amount to a proof, and, if it did, it would prove too much, for in every hymn there are parallelisms of idea in many places. Mezger also points out that in certain cases, where the KaraTpoTrd and fxeTaKaraTpoTrd happen to correspond partially in metre, there are verbal responsions. But this observation likewise proves too much ; for verbal responsions occur in all the parts, indifferently, and are not peculiar to these two divisions. It appears then that Mezger has produced no sufficient reason for identifying the divisions into which he has broken up the Odes of Pindar with the divisions of the Terpandrian nome, recorded by Pollux. It appears also that in point of form there is much to be said against this theory ; for it involves divisions which are neither symmetrical in length nor confederate with the metre. 4, If Pindar really did adopt the structure of the Terpandrian nome as his refyios, it is very strange that he makes no allusion to it. For such an allusion would have been quite in his manner. It seems almost certain that he would have sometimes hinted at those charac- teristic names, the seal and the navel. As no such an allusion is to be found in the Odes, there is, to my mind, a presumption that these names were not the keywords of his t€#/x.os. We may then set aside as groundless the doctrine that Pindar built his odes by the canon of the Terpandrian nome. We must also set aside the misleading comparison of a Pindaric Ode to the pediment of a temple. If there had been any real analogy between the Theban and the Corinthian eagles, Pindar would not have failed to remark it 1 . He would have eagerly grasped the opportunity of likening his hymns to pediments, just as he likens them occasionally to statues and often to palaces. Of one fact at least as to the construction of Pindar's hymns we are assured. We know that those hymns, which were to be sung by a chorus in procession, consist of a number of repetitions of a strophe ; hence they are called monostrophic. We know that the stasima, which 1 In 01. XIII. 2r Pindar mentions the comparison between the deros and his pediment (derds) as an invention of the own odes. It seems to me that too much Corinthians, along with the curb and the is made of this passage in the admirable dithyramb, (tIs...6€u>v vao'taiv oiiovQv /3cun- essay on 'Pindar's Odes of Victory' in X<?a 5l8v/xov iirid-qK ;) but he suggests no the Quarterly Review (Jan. 1886) p. 171. INTRODUCTION. xxxvii were sung by a standing chorus, consist of a number of repetitions of a system. By system I mean the metrical group which consists of strophe, antistrophos and epode. These are the obvious elementary facts about the form of Pindar's Odes. The problem is to determine how the matter is related to the form. It would be inconsistent with the first principles of all Greek literary art to suppose that no such relation existed. It would be absurd to imagine that Pindar constructed his odes on two discordant systems without any attempt to harmonise them, or that he adopted a form which had no relation to the matter. This problem chiefly concerns the stasima. The monostrophic hymns, which are comparatively few in number, present little difficulty. If all the hymns were like the Eleventh 'Nemean', the problem would be easily solved. That composition consists of three systems, and each system is an unity in itself. The divisions of matter and form in this case absolutely coincide. The whole poem is an unity ; but it is built up of three subordinate unities of equal length. This hymn however is exceptional ; it is not the Pindaric type. In the first place, all the odes are not formally threefold. Of the extant odes, nine (including ' Nemean ' xi.) consist of three systems, eleven consist of four systems, and eleven consist of five systems. In the long Fourth Pythian there are thirteen repetitions of the metrical unit. Thus odes consisting of three systems are in the minority. In the second place we cannot in the other odes distinguish subordinate unities punctually coinciding with the metrical unities, as in the Eleventh ' Nemean '. In most cases the train of thought and the grammar run on from one system into another. The inference which we are entitled to draw is clear. The Eleventh ' Nemean ' represents an older type, against which Pindar's other odes are a reaction. It is a misfortune that no complete ode remains from the workshop of Stesichorus, who had the glory of inventing the system of strophe, antistrophos and epode. But we may consider it probable that the Eleventh ' Nemean ' represents the Stesichorean type. I have little doubt that in the hymn of Stesichorus each system was a subordinate unity, shut up in itself. My contention is supported by the circumstance that the Eleventh ' Nemean' is just the work which we might expect to represent an older form. For it is the only one of Pindar's extant odes which is not an ode of victory. It was composed for the eisitcria of a prytanis of Tenedos, and in a hymn for such an occasion Pindar was more likely to be conservative. We are now much nearer to a solution of our problem. In proposing that problem we have a certain standard in our minds. Our xxxviii INTRODUCTION. standard is a hymn in which the divisions of matter and the divisions of form should punctually coincide ; and as we see at the first glance that Pindar does not conform to such a standard, we ask, why? Had he some other canon ? But now we have advanced to another point of view, and we have at least reason for suspecting that Pindar was purposely avoiding the very standard, which we might have expected him to adopt. The type of the Eleventh ' Nemean ' is directly opposed to the divisions which Mezger has sought to establish in the epinician hymns. In the former case there is absolute coincidence in the partitions of matter and form ; in the latter case there is no coincidence at all ; or, if there is occasionally, it is purely accidental. Now a careful examination of all the odes shows that Pindar followed neither of these plans. The principle assumed by Mezger would indeed never have occurred to him ; for it is thoroughly inartistic. But the other principle was doubtless the established canon of the Stesichorean hymn, and Pindar must have had a definite design in abandoning it. It is not difficult to see Pindar's motive here. The sheer divisions between the parts of the hymn produce a stiff and unpleasing effect. The full stops interrupt the flow ; and the unity of the whole is to some extent sacrificed to the integrity of the parts. The want of transitions is felt. We can appreciate this stiffness of effect in the Eleventh ' Nemean ', and we can understand how much was gained by abandoning that type, when we compare with it one of the epinicians. What Pindar had to do then was to break down the wall of partition between the metrical systems. While he preserved the general corre- spondence between divisions of thought and divisions of metre, it was his aim to make the whole ode as far as possible continuous. Wherever the sense is obviously continuous, it makes little difference whether the systems are syntactically connected or not. Such is the case, for example, in the narration of a story. It is when a new system introduces a new division of the composition that Pindar is careful to avoid a break or a full stop. He tries, as it were, to disguise the division by an intentional overlapping. Sometimes indeed, though rarely, we find an absolute break,- — a survival of the old method ; but in such cases some special effect is aimed at. In many cases the continuity is formally preserved by a relative pronoun or a relative adverb, at the beginning of the new system. But most often there is an overlapping ; the last words of an cpode belong to the following strophe or the first words of a strophe belong to the foregoing epode. Occasionally the overlapping is considerable, but in these cases there was generally a special motive. INTRODUCTION. xxxix There is some reason for conjecturing that in his later years Pindar handled his transitions with much greater freedom than in his early period. The comparison which Pindar institutes between his odes and works of architecture 1 throws light on his procedure. He likens his works not to pediments but to palaces. Holding to this metaphor, we may regard the metrical systems as the rooms of the palace ; the first for example being the Tr P 68v P ov, as ' the mason ' himself suggests in the opening lines of the Sixth Olympian. According to the old type, the systems were like unconnected compartments, each shut into itself. Pindar's improvement was to open the doors of connexion ; in his odes, each chamber com- municates with that which follows, so that the Muse can sweep on unhindered from ingress to egress. In order to establish this it will be necessary to consider briefly each ode separately. For our present purpose we may divide the odes, according to the number of systems, into four classes: Odes (i) of 3 systems, (2) of 4 systems, (3) of 5 systems; (4) the Fourth Pythian, consisting of 13 systems. It is worthy of observation that there are no odes of two systems 2 . I. All the odes of three systems are tripartite in matter as well as in metre. The mythical part is generally in the centre, but not always. (1) I begin with the Sixth Nemean because it contains a survival of the want of continuity which characterised the old type. The third system begins abruptly, without any attempt at a transition ; and this is certainly unlike the usual procedure of Pindar. The connexion between the first and second systems is smoothed by the relative «re£ In this hymn the myth is in the third part. (2) In the Eighth Nemean (a) the first line of strophe 2 (beginning with o(TTT€p) is closely connected with the last line of epode 1. The second division of the ode properly begins in the second line of the strophe. (/>) The other transition is smoothed by tolovtov at the beginning of the 3rd system, referring to the last words of the 2nd epode. The myth is in the centre. (3) The second transition (from the second to the third system) in the Fifth Nemean is very skilfully managed. The myth, which 1 Furtwangler (in die Siegesgesange des 2 Thus Bergk's conjecture that the Pindaros) has worked out curiously a 3rd 'Isthmian' (ace. to his numbering) parallel between the Pindaric Ode and originally consisted of two triads, of which the Greek temple. one has been lost, was not happy. xl INTRODUCTION. occupies the second division of the hymn, leads, quite naturally, up to Poseidon, and in Poseidon's company we pass from legend to the Isthmus and athletic victories won there. The third strophe begins yafxfipov noeraSawva 7r£iVais, 6s Alya$ev k.t.X. This is one of Pindar's most strikingly successful transitions. On the other hand the first and second systems of this hymn are not connected; but the want of connexion is intentional. Pindar notifies this by calling a halt, as it were, at the end of the first epode : CTTCKTO/ACH" OV TOL aTTOUTa K.T.X. and the second strophe begins abruptly a new subject, with the usual 81 (4) The Third Olympian affords another example of a very successful transition, (a) The myth of Heracles visiting the Hyper- boreans and obtaining there the olive tree to plant at Olympia occupies the central system. It is thus introduced epode 1 . . .y\avKO)(poa Kocrfiov eXatas, rav Trore "l(TTpov diro (TKiapdv 7rayav eveiKev ' AfAcpLTpvoividSas [xvafxa. twv OvXvfJLiria. kolXXlcttov aeOXwv, strophe 2 Sdfxov 'YTrep/3op£<»v 7r£i<rais k.t.X. We thus pass to a new part, without a break in the continuity, (b) The conclusion of the legend extends a short way into the third system ; but only such a part of it as closely bears on the Olympian festival to which the poet then returns. (5) The Second Isthmian is marked by the absence of the mythical element. In both the transitions there is an overlapping, (a) The Isthmian victory of Xenocrates leads us from the first system to the second, in which past victories at other festivals are recorded, (b) The first two lines of the third system are connected not with what follows but with what precedes. (6) In the Fifth Isthmian (Bergk's numbering) the myth is in the centre, (a) The last sentence of epode 1 overflows into strophe 2 — Tai/S' es evvo/xov ttoXiv, and in this position these words become very emphatic. (b) The third system is connected with the second by the relative touxiv, referring to heroes mentioned in epode 2. (7) The legend of Telamon occupies the middle system of the Sixth Isthmian (Bergk's numbering), (a) It is introduced thus : INTR OD UCTION. xl i ovS" ecrTLV ovto) /Sctp/Ju-pos ovt€ TraXiyyXcucnros 7roXis an? ov n^Xeos...KX£o<j... strophe 2 ouS' arts Ai'ai/Tos TeXa/xwvtaSa .X. kcu 7raTpos* tov k.t (£) The legend runs on into the 3rd strophe, occupying no less than five lines. This excessive overlapping requires an explanation ; and the explanation clearly is that the poet wished to make the words of the prophet, contained in these lines, particularly emphatic, and to point their application to the matter in hand. (8) In the Seventh Isthmian (Bergk's numbering) the mythical matter is in the first part, (a) The transition from the first to the second system is divided between them both : ...dfxvd[xov€S Se j3poTOi, strophe 2 6,Tl [AT] (TCN^iaS K.T.X. (I)) The second and third system also overlap : a7T£7rv€was akiniav strophe 3 irpo[J.d\oiV dv ofjaXov, 'ivv k.t.X. at which point Pindar leaves Strepsiades prrpw?. In regard, then, to the odes of three systems we see that each consists of three parts, coincident in form and matter. Eight such epinician odes are extant, and in these eight there are consequently 16 cases of transition from system to system. In only two of the 16 cases is there an absolute break; and one of these two breaks is designed. II. Odes of four systems are of three kinds, bipartite, tripartite, and quadripartite. They are bipartite when there is a close connexion between systems 1 and 2, and between systems 3 and 4. They are tripartite when systems 2 and 3 form an unity. They are quadripartite when each system stands by itself. Of the eleven odes of this structure, three are bipartite {Nemean I., Pythian v., and Isthmian iv.), five tripartite {Pythian x., Nemean in., Olympians 1., vin., IX.) and three quadripartite {Isthmian 1., Pythian 11. and xi.). (1) The First Nemean is bipartite, the myth occupying the second half. The introduction to the myth begins in the second epode, where the birth of Heracles is related ; but the main tale of the battle with x lii INTRODUCTION. the serpents does not begin till the third strophe. Pindar signifies this by the resumption of ws, epode 2 t j \ (OS C7T61 strophe 3 to? ov Xa6<av k.t.A. The second o5? is as much as to say : ' the last two lines of the epode were an anticipation ; we are now really entering on the second part of the hymn'. In the two subordinate transitions there is no loss of continuity. eVc^av (last line of epode 1) and iarav 8' (first line of strophe 2) have the same subject. The fourth system continues the tale of Heracles. (2) The Fifth Pythian falls into two parts, and the myth occupies part of the second. The transition is made by the relative o at the beginning of strophe 3. The subordinate transitions are cases of overlapping 1 . (3) The Fourth Isthmian (according to Bergk's numbering) is bipartite ; the first part is concerned rather with the family of the victor Melissus, the second part with himself. The transition is managed cleverly. Ajax at the end of the 2nd epode suggests Homer who honoured him, and thus leads to the power of poetry. The two subordinate transitions in this ode are marked by grammatical con- tinuity. (4) The Tenth Pythian, Pindar's earliest extant hymn, is tripartite, the myth coming in the central division, (a) The first words of strophe 2 and the last of epode 1 form one idea, 'Ittolto {JLolpa KO.I V(TT€pat(TlV iv a/xepais dydvopa ttXovtov avOuv o-cfuaw strophe 2 TtoV 8' €V 'EAAaSl T€p7TVC0V iiriKvpo-auv. The central part consists of general reflexions and the Hyperborean myth. (t>) There is a break between systems 3 and 4, but Pindar prepares for a new subject by the last words of epode 3, €yKco/>uW yap awTos vpvwv iir aXXor' aAAov one /u.eA.icr(ra dvvti Xo'yov. 1 It might be thought that the return connected with Cyrene that such a divi- from the myth to Aicesilaus in the end sion was unnecessary, and Pindar clearly of the 4th strophe ought to mark a new intended to emphasize the intimate con- division. But the myth is so intimately nexion formally. INTR OD UCTION. xl i i i (5) The mythical narratives in Nemean m. fill the second and third systems, and thus it is tripartite, (a) The transition is skilful. The proverbial pillars of Heracles introduce the myth of Heracles in the western sea. ovkItl — Kiovw v7T€p 'HpaKXeos nepdv euwapes, strophe 2 ^pws #cos as K.T.X. (If) The first line of strophe 4 belongs in sense to the preceding epode : •n/Xairyes apape </>e'yyos Ata»a8aV avroOev. But at the same time it lights us forward as well as backward. In the subordinate division between systems 2 and 3 there is a break. (6) The First Olympian is tripartite, (a) The first and second systems overlap. Preparations for the myth begin in epode 1. (b) The myth runs over into the fourth strophe, but so as to bring us back to the Alpheus. (7) The Eighth Olympian is also tripartite, (a) The transition from system 1 to system 2 is thus managed : d(TK€LTai ®e/x.is strophe 2 €$0\ dv6p<J)7riDV. (If) The third part is begun at the end of the 3rd epode vvv pikv avTu! ye'pas 'AXxipebiov k.t.X. (8) The Ninth Olympian falls into three parts, (a) The myth is thus introduced : epode 1 aya0oi Se kclI ao<f>ol Kara Sat/xov' avSpes strophe 2 eyevovT . €7ret k.t.A. (if) Part 3 begins in the penultimate line of the 3rd epode TTpo£cvia 8' upera t r]\0ov k.t.X. (9) The First Isthmian naturally resolves itself into four parts, corresponding to the four systems, (a) The myth, which is placed in the second system, begins in the last line of the 1 st epode : KiLl'OL yap Tjpwixfl' K.T.A.. xli v INTR OD UCTION. (b) The theme of the third system is introduced in the last lines of the 2nd epode, and there is grammatical continuity : ya.pvcrop.ai — tclv Ao-wTroSwpov 7rarpos atcrav strophe 3 'Op^o/xevolo Te TraTpitiav apovpav, k.t.X. (c) Between the 3rd and 4th systems there is a break, strophe 4 beginning thus : a.p.p.1 8 eotK€ Kpovou (tci(tl\6ov vlov k.t.X. But the abruptness is much lessened by the circumstance that he is proceeding to carry out what he said in the 2nd epode: eyco 8e IlocretSawvi T 'Icx#/ac3 TC...7repiCTTe'XXwv aoiSai', cyw is taken up by dp.pn, and IlocreiSaojn by aeio-L^Oov vlov. (10) The Second Pythian consists of four parts, (a) The myth of Ixion is introduced in epode 1. (b) There is a sharp break between systems 2 and 3, but there was a special intention here. Pindar wished to emphasize 0eos, the opposition of 610L and fipoToi being an important element in the ode. The 3rd strophe begins #eos cnrav cVi FeA/TrtSecrcri T€K/x,ap avverai, #€09, O KCU K.T.X. Thus the word is emphasized in two ways, by its abrupt introduction and by its repetition, (c) The fourth part begins in the last line of epode 3, and there is grammatical continuity. (n) The Eleventh Pythian is peculiar. It falls into four parts, but Pindar suggests that it was very nearly becoming a poem of three parts, (a) The relative tov St/ connects the second system, which is occupied with the myth of Orestes, and the first, (b) The myth runs on into the third system, so that we expect it to occupy two systems. But at the beginning of the 3rd antistrophos Pindar pulls himself up with these remarkable words r/ p, w <pi\oi, kclt apavaiTTOpov Tpiohov iStvdd-qv, opOav KeXevOov iwv Tonptv' rj p.i Tts ave/x.os e£u> ttXoov epaAcv cos or aKCLTov eivaAtav; This is a sort of apology for not concluding the myth at the end of the second epode. Of course the apology is ironical ; iSivdOrjv and e^w ttXoov are also ironical; for it was with a design that Pindar let the myth overflow. Nevertheless his words indicate that he was doing an unusual thing. The result is that the third division of the hymn consists partly of matter that might seem to belong to the second INTR OD UCTION. xl v division, partly of matter that might seem appropriate to the fourth division and partly of an explanation of the irregularity. (c) The fourth part begins with dtoOev ipaifxr]v kclXujv n the second line of strophe 4. In the eleven Odes, which have four systems, we have met two cases of an abrupt transition (in the First Isthmian and the Second Pythian), and in both these cases we have seen that there are reasons which mitigate or explain the abruptness. III. Eleven of the remaining Pindaric odes have five metrical systems, and these systems are combined in various ways, (a) The favourite type is that in which systems 2, 3 and 4 are closely connected; thus — 1 = 2 + 3+4 = 5. To this type belong Olympians 11., vi., vn., x. and Nemean vn. (/>) Another symmetrical form is 1 + 2 = 3 = 4 + 5. The First and Eighth Pythians are thus constructed. (<r) The Third and Ninth Pythians are bipartite, a continuous narration running through the first three systems : 1 + 2+3 = 4 + 5. (d) The Thirteenth Olympian and (e) the Tenth Nemean have each four parts, but not distributed exactly in the same way : (d) 1 = 2 = 3 + 4 = 5 (e) 1 = 2 = 3 = 4 + 5. We may consider the Odes in this order. (1) In the Second Olympian (a) the last sentence of epode 1 runs into strophe 2 and {b) the myth is concluded in the beginning of strophe 5. (2) In the Sixth Olympian (a) there is a pause between the first and second systems. Strophe 2 begins thus : '12 4>tvTi9, ctAAa &v£ov 17877 //.oi aOevos -q^iov^v. The abruptness is happy, for it gives the effect of making haste to reach Olympia. (/>) The transition from system 4 to system 5 is veiled by grammatical continuity. (3) The transitions in the Seventh Olympian are managed by xlvi INTRODUCTION. relatives ; (a) toIo-lv connects system 2 with system 1 and (b) t60i connects system 5 with system 4. (4) In the Tenth Olympian, (a) a general remark in the last two lines of epode 1, followed by a general reflexion in the first two lines of strophe 2, forms the transition to the myth, (b) The third part begins in the last line of the 4th epode. (5) The three central systems of the Seventh Nemean belong closely together, although the mythical part ends in the third strophe. By this means Pindar has indicated that the myths are intimately connected with the words which he addresses to Thearion in the 3rd epode and with what he says to Sogenes in the 4th strophe and anti- strophos. (a) The transition to the myths is a criticism of Homer which begins in the last lines of epode 1. (b) The third part of the ode begins at the end of the 4th epode — XiyovTi yap Alaxov k.t.X. (6) Of the First Pythian (a) the second part, which occupies the third system, begins in the second line of strophe 3 : dvSpa 8' e'yw neivov k.t.X. (b) The fourth system is connected with the third by the relative to. t (7) In the Eighth Pythian (a) the transition from the second to the third system is skilful : epode 2 Aoyov ^epeis tov ovirep ttot OikAcos 7tgus ev e7rra777;Aois ISojv ®r){3<xi<; vlovs alvL$a.TO Trapp-ivovTas cu^pa, strophe 3 07TOT' G7J-' "ApyCOS 7)\v6oV K.T.X. It will be observed that while the narration is continuous we do not know that we are to have the myth until the third strophe begins, (b) Between the third and fourth systems there is an apparent break. Strophe 4 begins with an address to Apollo : TV 8 , €KttTa/3oAe, 7TuVSoK01' vaov cvKXta Siave'pwi/ IIu#covos ev yvdXois k.t.X. But as Delphi is directly suggested in the last lines of epode 3, (v7rai'Tao"£V Iovtl ya<; Sp-cpaXov nap' aot'8tpoi' p.avTevp.a.Tit)v t i<pd\f/aTo crvyyovoLcri re^vats) the passage to the last part of the hymn is not really abrupt. In fact this case might be quoted to illustrate Pindar's care in smoothing transitions. INTRODUCTION. xlvii (8) The myth occupies the first three systems of the Third Pythian. The 3rd epode leads gradually up to the An-vouos &V09, 6s %vpa.KO(T<Taia-i ve/xei ($acri\zv<s — Strophe 4. (9) Between the two parts of the Ninth Pythian there is, super- ficially, a sharper division than usual. The myth ends in the middle of epode 3, the rest of which is occupied by a declaration of the victory achieved by Telesicrates : /cat vvu kv UvOwvl vtv [KupaVav] dyaOea KapvciaSa ■uios eti^aXc? crvv€fu£e tu^cx, h'9a j't/cacrais dvecpave K-vpdvav a vtv evcppwv Se^toi KaWiyvvaiKi TTOLTpa 86£av [pieprav dyayovr aVo AeAc/xov. strophe 4 aptTcu 8' atet /xeyaAai TroXvpvBoi ' /?ata 8' iv p.a.Kpol(Ti 7roi/a'A\eiv aKoa (robots' 6 Se Kaipos 0/i.otws 7ravTos c^ci KOpv<pdv. The last lines of the epode in the strictest sense belong to the first part of the hymn. The myth is both preceded and followed by notifications of Telesicrates' victory ; and these lines express in a new way the idea which the first lines of the hymn had already stated. Thus we come to a full stop at the word AcAc/Wv, and if the hymn had ended here we might have thought it a complete composition, dperal 8' ahl //.eya'Acu seems to begin anew, and although we apprehend on reflexion that the general expression is suggested by the particular dperd of Telesicrates, just mentioned, still it cannot be denied that there is as rough a break here between the systems, as either of the breaks in the Eleventh Nemean. It may be that by this break Pindar wished to introduce with solemn emphasis his thoughts about Opportunity ; for this idea is the feature of the ode, called by Mezger ' Das Hohelied von Kcupo's '. (10) In the Thirteenth Olympian (a) there is a sufficient break between systems 1 and 2 to invest the prayer to Zeus with a due solemnity. The first system eulogizes Corinth and strophe 2 begins vrrar tvpvavdo-cruiv '0X17*77-1019... kol rov8e Xaov d{$\a(3rj vep.wv k.t.A. There is no stiffness in a transition like this. (/;) There is sufficient B. xlviii INTRODUCTION. connexion of thought between the end of epode 2 and the first lines of strophe 3 to obviate the unpleasant effect of a complete break. cos p-av craves ovk av eiSei^v Xiyeiv ttovtio.v \j/dcj><j)v dpLVfAOV. strophe 3 C7T€Tai O CV EKaOTTO) f^erpov vomeral 8e Ktupos apicrro?. (<:) There is a greater break between systems 4 and 5. epode 4 S(.acrto7racTO/i.tu en /xopov iyu>, rov 8' ev OiAv/x7rco <j)a.Tvai Ztjvos dp^alat StKovrat. strophe 5 tji.1 8' ev0w a/covTcov Icvra pofifiov irapd (tkottov ov xpr) k.t.X. Here the emphatic repetition of the first personal pronoun helps to bridge across a passage to the new system. (n) In the Tenth Nemean (a) the first line of strophe 2 refers directly to the theme of system 1. (b) There is a slight break between systems 2 and 3, but the subject of the verb (e/xoXev) in the last line of epode 2 is directly addressed in the first line of strophe 3. (c) The third epode leads up to the myth. The direct continuity is superficially broken by the interposed reflexion (nal fxdv 9e<Zv ttio-tov -yevos) at the end of epode 3. From this analysis it appears that in the eleven odes consisting of five metrical systems, there is only one case of an abrupt division, without an apparent motive, namely in the Ninth Pythian. IV. The Fourth Pythian stands by itself as the only surviving specimen of an ode exceeding in length the measure of five systems. It falls naturally into three parts, the myth extending from strophe 4 to epode n. Thus: 1 + 2 + 3 = 4+. .. + 11 = 12 + 1 3. (a) The first transition is on this wise : a7ro 8' auToi> eyco Mouraitri 8ajcrto Kai to Trayxpvcrov volkos Kpiov" fxera yap Keivo TrXtvauvTtDV Mtvvdv, c9eoVop.7roi crtpicriv rifxal tpvTcvOev. strophe 4 Tts yap apx 7 } 'k&c^olto vavTiAias ; k.t.X.. TNTROD UCTION. xl i x (/>) We are prepared for the end of the myth and the approach of the third part by the first words of the i ith epode (fxaKpd p.01 veio-Oai kolt dfxa^LTov k.t.X.). The end of the legend, rapidly told, runs over into the 1 2 th strophe, where it loses itself in the early history of Cyrene. The result of this investigation is that the avoidance of abrupt transitions is a distinct feature of Pindar's art, and that this feature tends to disguise the agreement which really exists between the metre-groups and the subject-groups (if I may be permitted to use these expressions) of his odes. There are a few cases in which the clefts of metre are not bridged over by a close connexion of grammar or sense ; but they are few, and mostly designed to produce a special effect. There are only two cases where no cause for the abruptness is apparent, in (i) the Sixth Nemean and (2) the Ninth Pythian; and even of these the second possibly admits of explanation. The strange expression which Pindar uses of his own improvements in art, vcocriyaXov cvpovn rpo-xov (O/. in. 4), may allude partly to his smooth transitions. In any case it is a metaphor from the craft of the mason or the carpenter, not from the craft of the sculptor ; for words in the context show that the construction of the hymn is compared to the building of a house. ©77'ptovos 'OXv/x7rLOVLKav vjxvov opGwcrais, aKa^avT07roSa)i/ 17T7TOJV OUDTOV. MotCTd O OVTU) TTOl TTapidTO. p\Ol veOtrtyoXov CVpOVTL TpOTTOV e7rci . . . crri(pavoL 7rpa<T(TovTL pa tovto #eo8[AaTov xpeos, fpopfityya re 7roi/«Aoyapw koi {3odv avXwv £7reW T€ 0€<riv (laying of words) (TVfJifU^ai 7Tp€7TO J'TO)5. The adjective o-tya\o'ets is used in Homer of vVepana as well as of seats (#poVos), reins, linen garments &c. ; and vcoo-tyaXos suggests the high polish, obtained by new methods, of the chambers of Pindar's palaces. In conclusion I must briefly notice the monostrophic Odes, intended to be sung in procession. They are built on the same principles as the stasima. The strophe takes the place of the system. Thus the Twelfth Pythian, consisting of 4 strophes, is constructed in the same way as the Tenth Pythian which consists of 4 systems. The 2nd and 3rd strophes containing the myth hang closely together. A relative pronoun connects the 2nd strophe with the 1st, while there is grammatical continuity between the 3rd and 4th. The Eighth Isthmian (to Clean- d 2 1 INTR OD UCTION. dros of Aegina), consisting of seven strophes, is similarly constructed (1 + 2 = 3 + 4+5 + 6 = 7), and the transitions are equally smooth. The formula of the Second Nemean (5 strophes) is 1 + 2 = 3=4 + 5; the central strophe being mythical. The Fourth Nemean has twelve strophes, of which the central six contain the mythical element ; (a) the first transition is skilful and (b) the return from myth-land is formally announced in the end of the 9th strophe. The transitions in the Sixth Pythian (1 + 2 = 3 + 4 + 5 = 6) are also smooth. The Ninth Nemean falls into two parts, a mythical and a non-mythical, which meet in the 6th or central strophe. But this poem suggests more than anything else a series of scenes, passing into each other, on a running frieze, like that of the Parthenon cella. And this comparison illus- trates the feature of Pindar's art, which it has been the object of this essay to illustrate and emphasize. The metrical systems of the older Odes, typified by the Eleventh Nemean, might be compared to a series of metopes, kept apart by the intervening triglyphs; whereas the Pindaric hymn resembled rather a continuous frieze, without blanks. But it should be remembered that the truest analogy for the Pindaric Ode, and that sanctioned by the artist himself, is the analogy of a house or palace 1 . As to the construction of the strophe itself, it is not my intention to say much. I determined to exclude from this edition the abstruse and repulsive subject of 'colometry', for I could not find that it contributed to the comprehension of Pindar's meaning or that it gave much assist- ance towards the enjoyment of his rhythms. But I have taken advantage of Dr M. Schmidt's studies on the Stropheiibau of the Pindaric Ode (which indeed involve the rejection of colometry) and I have incorporated his results in the metrical analysis of each hymn. It seemed quite unnecessary to give any account of the new methods of treating Greek metres, of which J. H. H. Schmidt has been the chief exponent. The mysteries of irrational syllables, cyclic dactyls, synco- pation, fxoLKpal TpLo-rj/jLoi &c. have been familiar to English students 1 It is unnecessary to introduce into of three systems, as I have been unable this discussion the four short Odes of one to satisfy myself that it is the work of system (Olymp. IV., x., XII. and Pytli. Pindar. As for the Third 'Isthmian', vii.) or the Fourteenth Olympian which see my paper in IIer»iathena, vol. XVI., consists of two strophes. I have omitted 1890. the Fifth Olympian from my list of hymns INTRODUCTION. li since the publication of Professor Jebb's Oedipus Rex. The subject has also been treated, in special reference to Pindar, in Mr Gilder- sleeve's edition of the Olympian and Pythian Odes. The symmetrical arrangements of p-tycOy, or groups of feet, which M. Schmidt has discovered in the strophes and epodes, seem to me superior to the analyses of J. H. H. Schmidt and Westphal. Occasionally these constructions compass or conduce to an aesthetic effect ; as for example in the first epode of the Eleventh Nemean (A) dvSpa. 8' eyw piaKapii^w p,\v Trarep Ap/cecriAai/, Kal to OarjTuv Se/xas drpefxiav T€ ^vyyovov. (A') €t 8e tis 6'AySov e^wi' /xoptjia tx e pa p.ev<T€T at ak\wv, ev r aiOXotcnv aptcrreucoi/ e7reSet^ev (ilaV (B) Ovarii p.ep,va(r8io irepLCTTeXXaiv p.eXrj Kal TtXtvTav airavTiav -yav e7n,e<xo"o/xei/os. Here the structure is epodic. Upon the two parts A and A' (corre- sponding in the number and character of their feet), which describe the advantages of the man who is deemed happy, supervenes an epode (B), metrically dissimilar, with the suggestion of death supervening on the fair things of life. Thus the metrical structure deepens the effect of the words, — they have almost the sound of a knell. That the effect might have been deepened still more by the accompanying music, we can well imagine. 3. The Text. The most important mss. for the text of the Nemean and Isthmian Odes are the Vatican B (of the 1 2th century) and the Medicean D (B). Unfortunately the Ambrosian (A), which has preserved some important variants, contains only the first twelve Olympian hymns. All the mss. ' of Pindar are derived from a single archetype ; and there are con- siderations which show that this archetype was of late date. The principles adopted by its author in arranging the verses set at defiance the metrical doctrines of the Alexandrine grammarians, and betray complete ignorance of the studies of Aristophanes in the field of lyric poetry. Hence Christ deduces that this lost ms. was written long after the days of Alexandrine learning. It is a matter of importance for the purposes of textual criticism to reach some conclusion as to the comparative values of the fountain of our mss. and the Pindaric scholia. It is generally confessed that some German scholars have gone to unwarranted extremes in eliciting emendations from the scholia ; but even judicious editors have, in my opinion, given them undue weight. These scholia are founded on a Pindaric commentary composed by Didymus, who lived about the Christian aera ; but citations from the grammarian Herodian prove that they were compiled at a time subsequent to the middle of the i 1 Of less importance are B (Augusta- ' emendations ' of these students of the nus C) and B (Augustanus E"). Besides 15th century, and have little value; some- these, mss. contain Nem. 1., II., III. and times however they have a reading which iv. 11. 1 — 68 : namely V (Parisinus A), deviates from the old MSS. and rests per- X Estensis B, X (Estensis A), these two haps on some lost scholium. Thus in also containing Nem. VI. 34 — 44 ; also 01. vi. 83, <x /x' iQ&Xovra wpocrt'XKa is X (Par. U), Y (Venetus D). Moreover found in the libri Tricliniani, while the Z (Vindobon. D 1 ) has Nem. I. — ill., T best MSS. have wpoaepwei. (Two MSS. (Vat. C) and U (Vindob. A) have Nem. I., have irpocre'XKOi, and the scholium on 142 II. and Z (Aug. D-') has Nem. 1. 1—40. has the explanation : irpo<rayei, irapotyvei. The Byzantine mss. of Moschopulos ko.1 clvtov fie O^Xovra, while in that on 1 44 and Triclinius are spoiled by the bad we find e'XKtral /xe 77 'SUrwtnj.) INTRODUCTION. liii second century a.d. It is likely enough that they are considerably earlier than the archetype of our mss. ; but there is no definite proof of this. I certainly cannot attribute much value to the argument of Christ, based on Pythian xi. 42. In this passage all the mss. except one have Mdiaa, to S' €TeoV, el picrOu avviOev irapi^iv 42 (pojvav virdpyvpov dWor aAAa fflr) Tapacrcre/xev k.t.X. (P, a Heidelberg ms., has to Se tcoV). The metre in 1. 42 requires the omission of xpV ( an d the restoration of aAAa or aAAa. for aAAa), and this correction is confirmed by the scholion : dvrl tov rdpaa-ae /cat /xeTa^epe- Xeiiret ™ 6<f>etk€K. Thus the scholiast used a text, which had not been corrupted by the insertion of xpi and Christ infers that our archetype is more recent than the scholia. Possibly; but, on the other hand, it may be shown that our mss. are sometimes free from corruptions which beset the text of the scholiast. There is a remarkable example in Olympian vi. 97, which has hitherto escaped notice. The mss. have aSuAoyoi Se viv XvpOLl jU.oA.7rai T€ yiVCOO-KOVTl. On this the scholiast has the following comment : Xiyovrai at aVo twv opydvwv irvoai- 6 Se Xo'yos' ai Se ^SuAoyot auToV 7rvoat twv opydvuv Kai ioSal yviapiCpvcriv. It is perfectly clear that this is not an explanation of \vpai, which required no explanation. Bergk recognised this, but he was wrong in his conclusion that the scholiast read irvoai, and he was not judicious in expelling Xvpac from the text in favour of irvoai. It is manifestly an instance of the confusion of A and A. The scholiast found in his text AY PA I and naturally interpreted it by irvoai, whereas our archetype preserved the genuine reading AY PA I. This is a case in which the mss. have the best of it. In most cases however there is little or nothing to choose between the mss. and the scholia. The archetype and the text of the scholiast seem to have been very much alike ; indeed, we might conjecture that both were derived from a common original, exhibiting all the most serious corruptions which disfigure our mss. I am unable, for example, to ascribe any value to the note preserved in the Medicean on Nemean x. 74, a note on which Mommsen bases an emendation. (See note on that passage.) Although the text of Pindar, compared with that of his contemporary 1 i v INTR OD UCTION. Aeschylus, has been well preserved, there are many passages which obviously demand correction. In dealing with such passages my first principle has been that no conjecture is of the slightest critical value unless it explains the origin of the corruption, which it claims to heal. And a mere vague resemblance in the ductus litterarum of two words is not enough to show that one could have taken the place of the other. If we adhere strictly to this principle, there is some chance of setting textual criticism on a scientific basis ; but far the larger number of the ' emendations ' proposed every day in philological journals and new editions are condemned at once, when tried by this standard. In the Nemean Odes we find instances of most of the well-known causes of corruption. For example, in vn. 68 there is an instance of a false division of words ; a.v ipel has taken the place of dvepei. Similarity of adjacent syllables has led to errors in many places. Thus in iv. 91 av tis I0-17 became av tis r/, and was afterwards emended to av tis tvxq. But perhaps the most fertile source of corruption is the occurrence of strange words and unusual forms. That frit, restored by Mr Ellis in the Mostellaria, should have suffered corruption may be regarded as inevitable. Such a word as ropyos, occurring in a tragedian, was a trap for the ignorance of a late scribe. The forms cto'v, irdv, which Bergk has brilliantly restored in some passages of Pindar 1 , could not fail to become toV and toV. Sometimes rare words were explained by a marginal gloss, and in these cases the gloss often insinuated itself into the text. Thus in Nem. vi. 52 and Nem. x. 60 aVa was ousted by its explanation alxp-a at the expense of the metre. In Pyth. v. 31 we read vhan (Kao-TaXtas) where the metre rather demands- — or — ^ (whence vypa and Kpdvu have been proposed). It seems probable that {JSa-ri was a gloss on v8ei, a form found in Hesiod, which Pindar may well have used. In many cases the change of a letter transformed a rare into a familiar word, and of such ' emendations ' on the part of copyists there are, if I am right, three instances in the First Nemean (1. 45 xpovos for Xpofxos, 1. 48 /^c'Aos for 7re'Aos, 1. 66 Swo-eiv for ttojctcif). It is often impossible to know whether a corruption is due to the usurpation of a gloss or to a deliberate alteration; as in Nem. vn. 37, where, according to my view, 7rXayeVTes became 7rA.ay^evTes. In the case of Pindar, we are in a better position to deal with corruptions in the text than in the case of most ancient authors ; for he often assists us himself in restoring the genuine reading. I refer to the systems of verbal echoes and responsions which render us so much 1 Sec Nem. VII. 25. - The tribrach however is quite possibly right INTR OD UCTION. 1 v help in following his trains of thought. I may first direct attention to an instance in which a responsion confirms the reading of our mss. as against a reading found in Plutarch. In Nem. iv. 4, ovoe Oep/xov v8oip tooov ye p.a\9aKa Ttv\ti. Plutarch (de tranquillitate, 6) read rey£«. But in the corresponding line of the nth strophe we find Teu'x" in the same metrical position, epyp.aTwv fiaoiXevoiv loo8aip.ova Tevx £l - Instances in which this principle has guided me in restorations of the text will be found in Nem. iv. 68 (i£v(f>avav), vi. 50 ((pave), vm. 40, x. 41, &c. There is a remarkable case in the Tenth Pythian which will serve to illustrate the principle. We read there of the Hyperboreans (31 sqq.): Trap' ols 7tot€ Ilepcrevs iSaiaaro XayeVas 8wp.aT eoeXOwv, kXcitois ovwv eK.aTop.fias eiriToooais &ew, petpvTas' wi' QaXiais ep.ire8ov ev<f>ap.iais re p.d\iOT 'AttoXXwv ^aipet yeXa 0' opwv vfipiv opGtav KvwSaXcov. Moio-a 8' ovk airo8ap.el TpOTTOlS €7Tl <T<ptT£pOlCn ' TTaVTO. 81 X°P° L """apO^VCDV Xvpdv T€ fioal Kava\ai r avXwv Sovcovtcu* 8dcf>va T€ XP V(r€< J- K0 V as dva.8ijo-a.VTes eikairivd^oiOLV €v<j>povws. The difficulty in this passage is -rpoVois which yields no meaning (as Hergk says, plane alienum vocabulum). Now when we turn to the last system of the hymn, we find a parallel worked out between the festival of the Hyperboreans in honour of Apollo, and the festival which celebrated the success of the victor Hippocles at Apollo's Pythian games. In the first place there is a play on the name Hippocles : the 3rd line of the 4th strophe tov 'IiriroKXeav In kcu jaaA.Xov ovv aotoats echoes the 3rd line of the 2nd epode kXcitcis ovwv eKa.Top.fias. The glory of asses was a feature at the mythical feast; the glory of horses is an omen, at least, at the victor's feast. In both celebrations the presence of maidens is a feature : cf. 1. 59 veaiotv re irapOt'vouri p.e\i]pa. lvi INTRODUCTION. In 1. 64 the poet proceeds thus : iriiroSo. £evia Trpoaavi'i ©ajpaxos ocnrep ifidv ttolttvvwv X^P lv to'S' t^cufei/ apfJLa IIi€pC8wv rerpaopov <pi\e(DV cpiXeovT , aycov ayovTa irpo^povws. 67 TrupwvTL Se Kai \pvo-ds ev /?acravu> Trpiiru /cat voos op66s. There are four echoes here of the revels in the far north. IliepiSwi/ corresponds to Moio-a, 7rpo<£p6Vcos recalls cv<jip6vois, xpwos echoes xpvo-e'a, and 6p66<s explains the point of opOiav. The golden laurel, with which the Hyperboreans bound their hair and with which the victor has recently bound his, is an emblem, compared to the most precious of the metals; and the victor's horse-name, suggesting the opdia. vfipis KvuSdKwv, is an omen of voos o'pflo's. It is now an easy matter to restore the genuine word which was replaced by TpoVois. This cluster of four verbal responsions was originally a cluster of five. I have no doubt that Pindar wrote irpOTTOlS £7T(. (TCJi€T€pOL(rL and echoed it in lv /3ao-aVw irpfrrei (1. 67). Trpowos is formed from TrpeVw as TpoVos from TpeVa) ; the ablaut (to use the technical expression) has been preserved in #eo7rpo'7ros, OtoTrpoiriw, and in the gloss anpoTrov • a.TpoTrov, aVpe7T£s in Hesychius. We may render at their solemnities or at their rites. TrpeVetv 1 means 'to be due'; 7rpe7rdVTcjs = rite ; so that 7rpoVoi would mean ritus, 'rites'. I need not add that a strange word like TrpoVots was doomed to be corrupted ; and the most natural corruption was tpottols. This restoration in the Tenth Pythian suggests a discussion of a general question, connected with the art or science of textual criticism, which has assumed considerable importance within the last ten years. Some scholars do not hesitate to introduce into Greek texts words which are not to be found in the dictionary. Others condemn such a procedure as unjustifiable without qualification. It may occur to an impartial observer, who wishes to preserve the due mean between excessive caution and rashness, that there is probably some reason on both sides. The question, certainly, deserves to be fully argued out. Our texts of the Greek poets, as they stand, present us with a considerable number of rare words and aVa^ dprj/xiva. No one could 1 irpiiruv implies the idea of solemnity; x^ ots irpiirovaa, in robes of solemn black cf. Agamemnon, 30 ws 6 (ppvicrbs dyytXkwv (cp. Shakespeare's ' customary suit of Trpitrei., as the beacon solemnly or duly solemn black'). announces ; Chocphori \ \ (f>ape<xiv fxekay- INTRODUCTION. lvii fairly object to an editor making use of one of these to correct a corrupt passage. Let us go a step further. In the great body of lyric poetry and in the numerous tragedies which have perished, many words occurred which do not happen to occur in the extant remains of the contemporary literature. But all these words are not lost. Some have been preserved by the Alexandrine writers, especially by Lycophron ; others by the compilers of glossaries, like Hesychius. Lycophron is a great store- house of strange words, which he culled from older literature — from the dramatists, and from the lyric poets. We meet in the Alexandra many a word, which is found isolated in one passage in tragedy. A student of the Greek tragedies is thoroughly justified in regarding Lycophron's vocabulary as available for purposes of emendation. The use of the lexicons of Hesychius, Suidas, &c, takes us a step further still. These compilers preserve many words of whose existence we should otherwise be ignorant. Suppose a corrupt passage in which one of these words would restore perfect sense and satisfy the conditions of the critical problem, would it be reasonable to reject the restoration because it so happens that the word does not occur in our extant literature? There are many who would not scruple to restore in Euripides a word which our mss. have only once preserved in tragedy, and yet would hesitate to admit a word vouched for by Callimachus or Lycophron. There are others who would swallow Lycophron but strain at Hesychius. The reason for this distinction is that the Alexandrine writers are nearer in time to the older classical writers; whereas the glossaries are late and it cannot be proved, in the large majority of instances, that any given gloss actually occurred in an early Greek poet. The distinction is certainly valid, but it would be a false inference that would lead us to discard the assistance of the glossaries. It is a question of a degree of probability. Let us suppose two corrupt passages. Let us suppose that in one of these the demands of the sense are perfectly satisfied by the restoration of a word whose existence is vouched for by Hesychius ; and that the other can be perfectly healed, as far as the meaning is concerned, by the restoration of a word whose literary use is proved by its occurring in Callimachus or Lycophron. If we were told nothing more of the two cases, we should be justified in saying that the second restoration had a higher degree of probability than the first. But if we learned then that critical considerations founded on the indications of the mss. pointed with much more cogency to the Hesychian word than similar considerations, in the second case, pointed to the Alexandrine word, we should be compelled to acknow- lviii INTRODUCTION. ledge that the comparative probabilities were equalised or perhaps that the first emendation was even more convincing than the second. The next step is the restoration of a word, which is of irreproachable form, but does not happen to have been preserved in our extant literature, as transmitted to us through a period of twenty centuries. Many scholars demur to such conjectures without any reservation, and consider them in all cases unjustifiable. But these objectors will nevertheless admit that numerous words were used by Greek men of letters (especially by poets), which have not been preserved. Even as it is, there are many atra^ dprjfxiva, that is, rare words ; and it would be absurd to suppose that there were not many others. They will also have to admit that some of these words may have been used in passages which have become corrupted in the course of transmission. And this possibility forces itself seriously upon the attention, when we consider that unusual words were the words, of all others, most exposed to corruption, whether through conscious correction, unconscious mis- copying, or the intrusion of a gloss. Now it is important to draw a distinction between two kinds of strange words, (i) words whose existence at some time or other is presupposed by actually existent forms ; (2) words whose existence is not thus presupposed, but which, being formed on correct analogy, may have been in use. It is clear that these two classes do not stand on the same level. Let us take them in order. (1) Suppose two passages, a and b, which require correction. In a a strange word is introduced which harmonises with the context admirably and is palaeographically a sound emendation. This strange word is found in Hesychius. In b a strange word is also introduced, equally sound from a critical point of view, and equally suitable in meaning. This word is not found in Hesychius or elsewhere, but not only is it of unimpeachable formation but its existence is presupposed by cognate words in actual use. It is clear that ceteris paribus the emendation of a is more probable than the emendation of b. We know that both words existed ; but the occurrence of the first in the glossary of Hesychius certifies us that it was a word which probably was used in literature, whereas it might be urged that the second may have fallen out of use at such an ancient date that it was unknown in the age of the earliest Greek literature. Nevertheless it is obvious that cases are conceivable in which the immediate data would point so strongly to the restoration of a word of this kind that there could be little doubt as to its correctness. Perhaps an illustration from English literature will put this in a clearer light. Let us suppose that Tennyson's locksley Hall is INTRODUCTION. lix transmitted to distant posterity in two MSS. In one of these (A) the following line occurs : In the spring a livelier rainbow changes on the burnish'd dove, while in the other (B) there is an obvious corruption, In the spring a livelier is changes on the burnish'd dove. It is clear that the first reading, though it scans and is intelligible, does not account for the corruption in the second. Let us suppose that the critic has at his disposal only a comparatively small part of the entire body of English literature ; and let us further suppose that in that extant part the word iridescent happens to occur, but not iris. Iridescent conse- quently is recognised in his English lexicon ; and he has sufficient philological knowledge to know that iris is presupposed by iridescent. Would he not, then, be amply justified in reading In the spring a livelier iris changes on the burnish'd dove — ? The variants are thus completely accounted for. Rainbow was merely a gloss on iris ; while the corruption in B arose from the omission of one of two similar syllables e liveliriris. But we cannot expect many cases so clear as this. In most cases of this kind we must admit that the emendation would gain in probability if the word had more than an etymological certification. In other words, such emendations must be for the most part labelled ' possible ' and await accident to verify or condemn them. But at the same time they are thoroughly justifiable, and may often pass into the region of high probability, b becoming as probable as a under favourable circum- stances. As an example of a word, certified by etymology, I may refer to a passage in the Choephori, 61 sqq. pOTTTf 8' iTTUTKOirtL SiKCLV Ta^cta tois ju,ev iv <pdiu Ta 8' iv yuxTaix/Aia) ctkotov 64 p-tvei ~xpovi£,ovT a^r] fipvei tous 8 axparos e^et vv£. axq and j3pi€L cannot stand together in 1. 64 for the metre demands words equivalent in quantity to It seems clear that a^*? is a gloss on ra 8' and that fipvei is a corruption of a substantive in the dative case agreeing with pLeraix^io). I believe lx INTRODUCTION. that the word whose place has been usurped was pp^xi. fipv£ is presupposed by (3pvxto<;, virofipvxios, as surely as x@ tJiV is presupposed by xOovios, iTTixOovios. In fact, i>7ro/3pi>xios is simply inrd fSpv^i affected with an adjectival termination. The picture is a twilit sea between the coasts of darkness and light. The slight change of fipvxt to (ipvu was facilitated by the actual occurrence of (3pvei a few lines below. This conjecture can only lay claim to possibility. But if there had chanced to be an explanatory gloss, dXi, or /3uo-o-<3, or something of the kind, then it might fairly be regarded as highly probable. (2) The case is different when etymology does not demand the assumption of a lost word, but only acquiesces in a legitimate formation. Here it must be admitted that the word may not have existed, and if the only sign of its existence is an inference from a corrupt passage, the emendation which assumes it must be regarded as extremely doubtful, though no one can deny that it is possible. But it is conceivable that other considerations might intervene which might raise this possibility into a probability ; and such considerations would of course apply to (1) as well as to (2). There might be a confirmation of a strange word as cogent as a gloss in Suidas if not more cogent. I may illustrate this from a passage in the First Nemean. In 1. 48 we read €K o ap arAarov oeos T 7rXa^€ ywaucas, where the mss. vary between Se'os and /3c'Xos. In the note on this passage I have shown that neither of these variants can be right and I have ventured to restore irikos, a word of unexceptionable formation, whose existence is recognised by Hesychius. I need hardly say that it was the conditions of the problem, not a knowledge of the Hesychian gloss, that suggested this emendation. Now if I had not found this word in Hesychius or anywhere else, I should not have been able to consider the correction highly probable ; I should only have been entitled to regard it as possible. The circumstance that Theocritus uses the word 71-cAco/na in his description of the battle with the snakes might be adduced to bring the conjecture a degree nearer probability. But let us suppose, now, that in some other strophe of the ode we found a series of verbal echoes, answering to the passage under consideration, in accordance with Pindar's method, and let us suppose that among these echoes the word TreXup or TreXwpiov occurred ; in that case we should have a confirmation of the conjecture 77-t'A.os, rendering it not only quite as probable as if the word were found in Hesychius (as ex hypothesi it is not), but even more probable. An Hesychian gloss INTR OD UCTION. lxi proves the existence of a word, but not its use in a particular passage ; in the hypothetical case the use of ttcXos in the particular passage is indicated. — These are the principles on which I would defend the emendation 7rpo7roi9 in the Tenth Pythian. I have attempted to deal with this vexed question as generally as possible, but it is obvious that general conclusions will require modifica- tion in any particular instance. Special groups of hypothetical words, such as strange compounds (like Mr Tucker's Xivoarivzi in the Supplices of Aeschylus) or strange parts of verbs in ordinary use, demand special consideration ; and it is clear that different minds will always estimate differently the amount of evidence required to render probable a conjecture of the kind here discussed. En I N I KOI NEMEONIKAIZ. NEMEAN I. ODE IN HONOUR OF A VICTORY WON AT NEMEA BY THE HORSES OF CHROMIUS OF SYRACUSE. INTRODUCTION. The ideal of successful labour on a grand scale is continually kept before us in the poems of Pindar. The mythical type of this ideal was the son of a god — Heracles, the deliverer of the Greek world, who, having lived laborious days and gratified the lusts of the flesh, was in the end elevated to heaven, to crown a splendid life by a marriage with immortal Youth. Pindar cer- tainly clave unto Heracles. He often praises the qualities of his patrons by suggesting points of comparison with the hero of the twelve, and other, labours, whose Theban birth supplied a special ground of interest to a Theban poet ; and the legend that this son of Zeus instituted the Olympic games 1 rendered frequent mention of him in odes of victory a matter of course. For such a comparison with Heracles was selected a Sicilian noble, a friend of king Hiero and conspicuous at the Syracusan court. On the occasion of a victory won in a chariot race at Nemea, Chromius 2 employed 1 The tale of the early institution of these games by Heracles and by Iphitus was invented when in comparatively later days the Olympic festival had won a Panhellenic repute. In Homeric days the Olympic games, if they existed, must have been insignificant and local. The games described in the 23rd Book of the Iliad are quite unlike the Olympic, as Mr Mahaffy W> B. observed in his paper on the Olympic register in the Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. I. 2 He belonged to the tribe of the Hylleis. He is also celebrated in the Ninth 'Nemean', which Boeckh and Dissen are certainly right in assigning to a later date than the present Ode. As the epithet veoKTltrrav is applied to Aetna I 2 NEMEAN I. Pindar to write an epinician hymn, and invited the poet to his house at Syracuse, where an unusually rich hospitality was dispensed. Chromius had been always a fighter. He had played a prominent part in the vicissitudes which attended the rise and continuance of Gelon's power; he had fought bravely in battles by land and sea 1 . He was certainly one of those who had laboured on a distinguished scale, and might without absurdity be likened, in the exaggerating language of art, to Heracles. But the incident in the life of Heracles, which Pindar has chosen to portray at length, in this Nemean Ode, — the infant throttling the serpents, — seems a somewhat strange parable to speak to a Nemean victor, and it puzzled the curiosity of ancient readers. To attempt to resolve this enigma, we must analyse the hymn 2 . At Syracuse, in the place where the fountain of Ortygia reminds the visitor of that 'lovely' nymph and of her lover the river Alpheus and of Olympia overseas, the hymn first sets our thoughts, as in a divine retreat ; and then proceeds to comply with the usual formalities of an epinician song. The god, at whose games the victory was won, the kind and the place of the contest, the name of the victor, are indicated in the lofty, somewhat indirect language, which Pindar wields with a peculiar grace and never discards. This is the foundation of the building, secured with divine names 3 . Then reflecting that great contests are a grateful theme for poets, Pindar goes on to praise the victor's country, and tells how long ago Zeus promised to Persephone that he would exalt the cities of Sicily, and how he fulfilled this promise, and blessed the island with a nation of horsemen and warriors, and granted them the boast of winning not a few Olympic crowns. It is evident that this shower of grace (ayXata), which is flung over Sicily, is intended for Chromius, one of her typical children, a wooer of brazen war, and one whose horses had won a conspicuous, though not an Olympic, victory. And the reference to the 'golden leaves of Olympic olives' supplies us with a clue to the meaning of the whole hymn. As long as those golden leaves had never shone on his brow, Chromius had not won the highest attainable glory in his brilliant world, he was not quite the ideal Sicilian lord. Well, Pindar holds out to him the prospect of this glory, in the Ninth 'Nemean', and as Aetna was <r<ppayls. founded in 475, we can hardly assign a The acppayis has such a disproportion- later date to Nemean 1. than 472 B.C., ate length that one is forced to suspect in which year Nemean games were cele- the whole arrangement. An 6p.<pa\6s, brated. As Pindar probably went to extending from 1. 13 to 1. 20 in a poem Sicily in 473, an earlier date is also of 72 lines, is not an 6/jL<pa\6s in any excluded. legitimate sense. 1 Especially at Ilclorus; see Nemean :! Zeus is named Aetnean (1. 6), as in IX. and Introduction to that Ode. 01. VI. 96; but this does not give the 2 Mezger, applying the nomenclature of least support to the extraordinary notion the Terpandric nomos, divides as follows : of Wclcker that the poem is a glorifi- I — 7 &PX& > 8 — 12 KararpoTra; 13 — 20 cation of Aetna, that newly-founded city 6p.<pa\6s; 31 — 33 /xeTaKaTaTpoira.; 33 — 72 being compared to the infant Heracles. INTRODUCTION. 3 not directly, but, as we shall see hereafter, covertly. And this motive too, prompted the artist at the outset to place our thoughts in a spot where the reputed waters of the Alphcus should remind us of Olympia. We enter the hospitable home of Chromius, filled with strangers ; and the poet stands at the door of the great hall, 'singing a beautiful strain' — ecrrav 8' eV avAa'ais dvpats dvbpos (j)i\o£eii>ov KaXa /^eAn-o/xevoy. The house in Ortygia is accustomed to the faces of strangers ; and this note of Chromius' liberality surprises the poet into remarking that envy has been thwarted or crushed, and that arts or artifices have been foiled by the straightforwardness of nature. Chromius has good friends to support him against detractors, friends ready to whelm the smoke as with water; for smoke, insinuating and noxious, seemed to the Greeks a fitting symbol of envy. The connexion of ideas in this strophe, and the significance for Chromius of the persons mentioned— Pindar himself, the strangers (nX^ocWwz/), and the detractors— is not made clear to us (though doubtless Chromius and his friends readily apprehended it) until we read the passage in the light of a later portion of the hymn 1 . The last line of the strophe contrasts the arts of his enemies with the 'plainness and clearness' of Chromius, who opposes the virtue of nature, (pva, to the tricks of art. 'Arts vary; but it is meet, walking in straight paths, to oppose the in by the quality of nature? The opposition of art and genius is a favourite theme ; Pindar was no friend of rhetoric reduced to rules. And in the present passage, too, he is thinking of his own rivals, as well as of the adversaries of Chromius ; and he reveals this thought in the following antistrophos ; 26 irpacrcrei yap epyco p.ev adevos 27 /3ouAaI(ri Se <f>prjv iaaopavov npoibt'iv 28 avyyevts ois enercu. In these words (see note on 1. 26) Chromius (1. 26) and Pindar (27, 28) are designated, as endowed with two forms of (pva, respectively, practical and intellectual ; and it is noteworthy that the intellectual faculty is specialised as the power of foreseeing future events. We shall learn hereafter the signifi- cance of these words 2 . The circumstance that Chromius conducted his house at Syracuse with lavish expenditure, not hoarding his wealth, but using it with unwithdrawing hand for the joyance of life and the solace of his friends, seems to have given occasion to illwishers to say unkind things about him. At least Pindar here makes an emphatic apology for the uses to which 'the son of Agesidamus' put the gifts of fortune, and justifies the indulgence of oneself and one's friends in the pleasant things of life by a reflection on the vicissitudes incident to mortal frailty ; 'for to all alike come the hopes and fears which beset toiling men '. 1 See below, p. 5. 2 See below, p. 6. I — 2 4 NEMEAN I. 'Toiling men,' ttoXvttovwv dvhp&v — that is the key-note, here sounding loudly at the beginning of the epode. It closes the first part of the hymn which treats directly of Chromius, and introduces the second, somewhat longer, half, in which the tale of Heracles, the great toiler of legend, is told 1 . The lines which introduce the myth have two indications that it is directly applicable to Chromius. e'-yco 8' 'HpafcAeoj avTiyppai npocppovcos iv Kopv(f>at? dptrav peyaXais dp\aiov orpvvav \oyov, ' In the world of great towering excellencies, I am fain to cleave fast to Heracles, stirring an ancient story] hoiu &c. Two words here, Kopvcpcus and orpvvav, are echoes, recalling the 'towering' cities wherewith Zeus promised to enrich Sicily, (1. 15 KopvCpali 7ToKiwv dcpveais), and the 'stirring' of Pindar to sing the praises of Chromius, (1. 7 dppa 8" orpvvei Xpop,iov k.t.X.). The birth of Heracles is described in significant words; he came forth into a marvellous brilliant light, Oa-qTav is u'ly\av, this son of Zeus. These words remind us that Chromius was born in a land already brilliant, the gift of Zeus to Persephone, whereof it was said before crirelpi vvv dyXaiav Tiva vdcros (1. 1 3). The mission of the serpents by Here, their coming through an open gate to the bower of Alcmene, their approach to the children, and the strangling in the hands of Heracles, are set forth in a series of brief and vivid pictures. Then we see the women stricken with horror, and the mother leaping from her bed to protect her infants. Presently arrive Cadmean nobles in bronze armour, and Amphitryon himself, brandishing a naked sword, in deep distress, as the messengers had brought tidings that the serpents had slain the children. He stands at the door of his wife's chamber, in 'a notable passion of wonder,' seeing the proof of the miraculous strength of his reputed son and the tale of the messengers reversed. Then he sends for the seer Tiresias, who prophesies the future prowess and the apotheosis of the wonderful child. As to the import of this story 2 , Pindar supplies us with clues, and 1 In the scholia on 1. 33 various ancient theories as to the application of the myth are mentioned. Of these I need only call attention to that of Didymus, who supposes that as Heracles' first achieve- ment was an emblem <>f future exploits, so this Nemean victory of Chromius is designated by Pindar as the first of a long series to come — wpoixavTeierai 8ti kclI tQiv \oiirwv oreipavwv Tev^erai. 2 This is a suitable place to state Mezger's view of the Ode. 'Der Mythus von Herakles soil also zeigen, dass alle Menschen mit Miihen zu k'ampfen haben ...und wie man iiber diese Herr wird. Die Ausfiihrung schliesst sich eng an den Gedankengang des 6p.<pa\6s an.' In the 6p.<pa\6s there are three ideas: (1) the promise of Zeus to give Sicily a victorious people; (2) repulse of calumniators; (3) p.a.pvaaOa.1 (pvq.. To these correspond in the a<ppayls three pictures, in chiastic INTRODUCTION. 5 especially sets two unmistakable sign-posts, shewing the connexion between the first and second parts of the ode. The fifth line of the fourth strophe dyy€ka>v pr}criv 6io~av responds to the fifth line of the first strophe vfivos op/jLarai. 6(p.ev. This means that even as the immortals established the prowess of Heracles by reversing the tale of the messengers, so the hymn of victory establishes the prowess of Chromius by reversing (we may read between the lines) the dark prophecies of illwishers. Again the first line of the fourth strophe, ecrra 8e 6dp.(3ei 8vo-(popa>, responds to the first line of the second strophe, earav 8' in avXeiais dvpais, indicating that the part played by Pindar in the drama in Sicily corresponds to the part played by Amphitryon in the drama at Thebes 1 . Pindar was moved with concern for his friend Chromius, and with delight at his achievements, as Amphitryon was moved for his 'son' Heracles. And this gives a clue to the meaning of the second strophe, which puzzled us. Amphitryon, yet ignorant of the event, is sorely distressed : to yap oltelov nu^ei irav6' op.au' evBvs 8' dnr/pav Kpa8ia *a8os dp.(f>' dWorpiov. Now vve see the position of the strangers d\\o8aira>v, in the hall of Chromius. As strangers, they are external and indifferent to the weal or woe of Chromius, and thus are contrasted with Pindar himself, who, like Amphitryon, feels the fortunes of his friend as something olice'wv or pertaining to himself. That the dragons represent enemies who attempted to injure Chromius and were worsted by him, there can be no doubt ; else the myth would have no point. And the emphatic prominence given to the dual number of the beasts in 1. 44 8io~aaio-i 8oiovs av^eVcot' renders it probable that the foes crushed by Chromius were also a pair. Assuming the correctness of the reading which I have printed in the text, with some confidence, in 1. 46 dy\op.evois 8e xpo/nor, order; (a) the infant Heracles, answering prophesying the future victories and re- to (1), cf. vv. 25 and 43; (/>) Amphi- wards of Heracles (cf. v. 14 with v. 61); tryon, beholding his expectations re- this answers to the promise of Zeus, versed, cf. v. 19 lorav and v. 55 tara. ; ' This responsion was noticed by Mez- this corresponds to (2); and (<) Tiresias ger, see last note. 6 NEMEAN I. we have a special note of the application of the story to the personal history of the victor. That rivals of Pindar took part in disparaging Chromius is perhaps indicated by the words Tva\iyy\a>a(rov prjcriv ayyeka>v 6e<rav. The rare adjective TraMyyXcoa-a-ov may be an allusion to certain pedantic words or ■yXwo-o-at which those rivals affected ; just as rexvai in 1. 25 may be an allusion to their studied rules of art. And perhaps we should not be far astray in interpreting the two snakes as Simonides and his nephew Bacchylides. There is reason to suppose that about the year 474 some intrigue was carried on against Pindar by these two poets, and it may well have been that Chromius, zealously espousing the interests of his friend, foiled their schemes 1 . But Pindar is more to Chromius even than Amphitryon was to Heracles ; he is a true prophet as well as a friend, and thus it becomes necessary to supplement Amphitryon by the 'true prophet' Tiresias. And now we understand the reference to the prophetic gift in 11. 27, 28. The utterance of Tiresias enables us to see still further. He foretells that Heracles is destined to slay many workers of iniquity both on the dry land and on the ' monstrous deep ', and declares that he will give a draught of death for drink to those who walk in the ways of crooked envy ; he foretells moreover the battle with the giants on the plain of Phlegra. The language in this prophecy is clearly meant to be an answering echo to the words in which Chromius' victory over the envious was described. ' The man who walketh with crooked envy ' (64, 65) avv nXayim — «>p<p orei^oira characterises those cunning detractors, who are opposed 2 (1. 25) to 'the man who walketh in straight paths ', ev evddais o8o7s (TTeixovra. And as smoke is quenched by water, so the envious are borne down by a draught of death. And again as the Gods 'affront' the Giants, so the good friends of Chromius 'affront' his disparagers— this echo being metrically punctual : 25, cLvt'iov — beginning the last line of second strophe 68, avTia&vLv— beginning the last line of fourth antistrophos. 1 Prof. Jebb in his essay on Pindar is difficult to resist the impression that, (Journal of Hellenic Studies, m. p. 16.5) at this time, Pindar had been the object suggests such an allusion in the First of some hostile intrigue at Hiero's court, Pythian (474 B.C.). Referring to 1. 45 which he associated with the desire of ZXiro/jLai— d|liv<xaa^ , cLvtLous, and 1. 85 Simonides to advance the fortunes of a Kpta<rui> yap oiKTipp.od <p96vos he writes : young kinsman more distinguished by 'The tone of this and other passages is diligence than by originality', (to my mind) not that of a jealous man, 2 So Mezger, p. 106, but he does not but of one who is maintaining an atti- notice the responsion avrlov— avriafaaiv. tude of defence against calumny; and it INTRODUCTION. 7 Moreover the reference to Heracles' victories on 'the dryland' and 'on the sea' might remind Chromius of his own land and sea battles, not indeed expressly referred to in this hymn, but mentioned in another ode written by Pindar in his honour, the Ninth ' Nemean' : 1. 43, rroXXa ptv iv Koviq ^e'po-<», ra 8e yeirovi nowa. But the vision of Tiresias looks forward still further to the apotheosis of the hero and his marriage with Hebe; and the hymn ends with this vision of a state which we call bliss, and the Greeks called Garros 'dXftos. ' Moreover he declared that Heracles should win a meed passing rich for his great labours, even an everlasting rest and unbroken peace, in a fortunate habita- tion; and that having received Hebe, ever-fair, for a bedmate, and having held high nuptial feast, he would be well content with a holy abode in the home of Zeus.' Here, and again, as we shall see, in the Tenth 'Nemean', Pindar makes the marriage of Heracles and Hebe the type of supreme happiness ; and in both cases the supreme happiness typified is that which an Olympic victory confers. For this is the meaning of the prophecy 1 . As Tiresias foretells the winning of an Olympian bride by Heracles, so Pindar foretells the winning of an Olympic wreath by Chromius. Of this signification there are proofs. We find in 1. 70 (second line of fourth epode) aavx'i-av Kapdrcov peydXcov noivdv, corresponding to iv KopvCpalv dpcrdv peydXats, in 1. 34 (second line of second epode) 2 . In Pindar's view, the xopvcpm peydXai for men like Chromius were victories at Olympia ; and this is suggested by the occurrence of Kopvcpah in the lines on Sicily, whose people had often felt the touch of ' the golden Olympic olive leaves '. An artful reminiscence of the first lines of the ode establishes the truth of this interpretation. The note of rest, lightly struck in the suggested picture of Alpheus in the arms of the 'lovely' nymph Ortygia, apirvevpa crepvov 'AX(peoi> KkfLPav SvpciKoaaav 6dXos 'Oprvyia, 1 Mezger refers it to ' die schliessliche Aufnahme auf die Inseln der Seligen'. Leopold Schmidt thinks that a reference to a possible marriage of Chromius is intended, which might seem to be con- firmed by the circumstance that the gift of Sicily to Persephone, mentioned in an earlier part of the ode, was supposed to be els avaKaXvirrripia. Dissen finds the foretold 'rest' in a placida vita: 'Fruitur Chromius ut Hercules post labores ex- antlatos placida vita ludicrorum certa- minum summis coronis ornatus '. I submit that my interpretation alone explains satisfactorily the connexion of the opening and the closing lines of the ode. 2 Mezger notices this (p. iii). lie also observes that the hymn, beginning with apirvevpa aepvov closes with crepi>6i> dopov. 8 NEMEAN I. is reiterated in the full, sounding description of the rest of Heracles in heaven, in the arms of the 'lovely' Hebe — oKfilois (V doifiacri, Sf^d/ifvov Bakcpav H/3af anoiriv ical yap-ov Saicravra, nap At Kpoi/i'Sa tre/xi/ov aii/ijaau araOp-ov. Thus the rest of Heracles, recalling the repose of Alpheus, bears our thoughts to Olympia, where Chromius hoped to win a wreath of olive leaves, the highest honour in the Greek world of those days, and which Pindar often compares to gold. It is suggested that Chromius too, like Heracles, may perhaps set up an 'everlasting rest'. METRICAL ANALYSIS. Strophe. W. I — 5- " v — v - / — ^ \j w v — \j \j — A~>-'^ — \j \j — \j v-> v^ — w \y — A — w w— A (2l) w. 6 — 7" ~ <-»' ^ — <->>-/ — \^ \j '- ^1 \j — A • — v^ ^ <j — <*/ ^> — • I -v w v_< u— A (21) Thus the strophe falls into two fieyiOr) of equal length, each of which is made up of three smaller fieytdr], in mesodic symmetry : thus, 9—3—9 = 21 8-5-8 = 21. EPODE. v. 1. A. CD kj <-» \j <w> — ^> \j — • — \j — A (9) v. 2. B. a. -i-ww — v^^-w^ -w w-. (8)] v-3. ft?""' - , <2) (.a. — \j \j — \j kj — \j \j \j w — — (8) / V. 4. A'. — ^ w ^ w w - A (9) This is an example of the tripartite mesodos. Like the epode itself, the mesode of the epode is divided mesodically. As I accept the reading of the MSS. iv crx f P<? 1- 69, I have to deviate slightly from the arrangement of M. Schmidt (which practically coincides with that of Rossbach-Westphal and J. H. Schmidt) by making AA' consist of 9 instead of 8 feet. The rhythm of this ode is 'dactylo-epitritic'; the mood was Dorian. NEMEONIKAI A'. XPOMIftt AITNAIH* innois. "Afiirvevfxa crefjbvov 'AA,</>eot), icXeivav Xvpaicocraav Oakos ^Oprwyia, arp. a I. ajAirv€vna <r€(tvov 'AX<j>£oii] The choice of afxirvevixa is a Pindaric felicity. .The word expresses the mythical identity of the fountain Arethusa with a ' spout ' of the river Alpheus, and at the same time conveys the poetical application that Alpheus ' rested ' in Ortygia after the toil of his journey under seas. dvaTrvev/ia, which is not the same as dvairvoy, must mean, according to the analogy of words of like formation, 'that which is exhaled, ex- halation, breath respired ' ; the fountain in Ortygia, with which Ortygia is almost identified, is literally the breath exhaled by Alpheus. We may translate Breath of the holy rest of Alpheus. Perhaps ae/xvov suggested the adjective in Milton's Divine Alpheus, who by secret sluice Stole under seas to meet his Arethuse. The legend which connected Alpheus and Arethusa may be a younger form of the legend which connected Alpheus and Artemis. See Roscher's Lexikon der griechischen und romischen Mythologie, article Alpheios by H. W. Stoll. The huntress nymph Arethusa was loved by the hunter Alpheus, and to avoid his wooing she fled to Ortygia and became a spring. Alpheus, through a sort of sympathetic charm, was trans- formed into a river, which flowed beneath the sea and united its waters with the spring. Pausanias V. 7, 2. A somewhat different form is given to the myth in Ovid, Metam. V. 752 sqq., where Artemis is introduced as protecting her nymph Arethusa. Under the legendary connexion of Ortygia with Elis lies the fact that Eleans from the neighbourhood of Olympia took part in the colonization of Syracuse and brought with them the cult of Artemis Potamia, who was so widely woi-shipped in the Peloponnesus (in the neighbourhood of the river Al- pheus under the special name of Artemis 'A\0eia£a, ' A\<peiovaa or 'A\<peiwvia). 2. OaXos] There were five parts of Syracuse (Ortygia, Achradina, Neapolis, Epipolae, and Tyche) and 0d\os expresses the fact that Ortygia is one of them. But it expresses much more, and is not synony- mous with 2pvos, just as it is not synony- mous with pl£a. The notion of bloom is uppermost, and ' branch ' is conse- quently an inadequate rendering ; trans- late fair branch of glorious Syracuse. In the last lines of the ode Pindar will come back to the note which he strikes in the opening verses, peace and beauty after labour ; even as aenvbv araOixov (1. 72) recalls d^irvevixa crefivov, so 6a\epai> "Ilpav (1. 71) fair Hebe recalls 0d\os 'Oprvyla (1. 2). It is worth noticing that when the poet speaks of Libya (Pyth. ix. 8) as pifav direipov Tphav he adds the epithet do.W01.aav. 10 NEMEONIKAI A'. he/juviov 'ApTe/itSo?, AdXov Kaai<yv?]Ta, criOev aSveiDj'i vfivo<; opfxarat Oifxev 5 alvov deWoiroScov fieyav '(trrrcov, Ztjvos KiTvaiov yapW ap/xa 8' oTpvvet, Xpoplov Nep-e'o. 6' epyp,ao~iv vi/ca<f)6poi<; iyKcofiiov 3. Slpviov 'ApTcjiiSos] Couch of Ar- temis. In the second Pythian Ode (1. 7) Pindar uses the words Trorafiias ?5os 'A/>- rt/judos, habitation of Artemis queen of rivers, of Ortygia. Here he chooses 8ifi- vlov bed, to harmonize with the note of rest struck in the first line. Ortygia is a resting-place for Alpheus, for Artemis, — and for Chromius. It is usual to com- pare fi 615 where the nymphs are said to have their beds, euvai, in Sipylus. The worship of Artemis as a goddess of rivers, lakes, springs and marshes [iro- tcl/aIo., \i/j.i>aia, i\eia) was widely spread in the Peloponnese, especially in Arcadia ; she was a ' Naturgottin von ahnlichem, nur allgemeinerem Wesen als die Nym- phen der Berge, Fliisse und Bache ' (Article Artemis, in Roscher's Lexiko7i, p. 560). In Elis she was brought into relation with the river god Alpheus and called after his name. ' At Letrinoi where the Alpheios flows into the sea Artemis Alpheiaia had a temple, and the inhabitants related as cause of its building that Alpheios inflamed with love for Artemis, and unable to attain to his wishes by persuasion or entreaties, re- solved to resort to violence ; but Artemis smeared the faces of herself and her nymphs with mud at Letrinoi (where she celebrated with them a nocturnal feast) so that Alpheios retired unable to re- cognise her' (see Pausanias VI. 22, 5). ' According to another legend Alpheios pursued Artemis to the island of Ortygia, where she had a temple as Alpheiaia.' (II. W. Stoll, article Alpheios, in Ros- cher's Lcxikon, p. 257.) 4. Ad\ov Kao-i-yvrJTa] Sister of Delos, not literally, but spiritually, as sharing with Delos the favour of Artemis. o-€'96v] From thee, the second syllable -0ev having its full ablative force. bp- fiaadai. could hardly be constructed with the simple genitive. dSveirTJs] Used of persons ; e.g. r/5u- ^7retcu MoGdat, Hes. Th. 965 ; ISicTup •^5i'e7r^s, A 248 ; aSuewrj "Ofjirjpov, Pind. Nem. viii. 21 ; and of things personified, as here ; e.g. Olymp. X. 93 aSveir-f)^ re \vpa, Sophocles 0. T. 151 ddveirh (pari (of the oracle of Apollo). aSveTrrjs v/j.vos is the hymn that speaketh sweetly (with the special sense of speaking in verse ; iw-r) — verses). 5, 6. 0€|X€v k.t.X.] To render high praise to the storm- swift steeds, and to pleasure Aetnean Zeus. Both Zeus of Aetna (the city afterwards governed by Chromius) and the victorious steeds are honoured by the hymn. x°-P LV r a grattfnl service, is in apposition with alvov and is not to be confounded with its quasi- prepositional use in Pyth. in. 95 (Atos Xapw, by grace of Zens) and other places. Q&ixev means to set or establish ; but see below note on 1. 59. Aetnean Zeus is mentioned in Olymp. VI. 96. 7 . But the car of Chromius and Nemea impel me to harness a song of praise for deeds of victory. The exploits of Chromius are the car to which the song, as a steed, is yoked. In Pyth. X. 65 t<58' £jeu£ei> apfxa Hiepidwv rerpdopov, the metaphor is different ; the ode is compared to the car of the Muses. It is a characteristic usage of Pindar to apply to the work of the poet expressions appropriate to the ex- ploits which he is celebrating, tpynaaiv NEMEAN I. ii iceivov avv dvSpos Saifxoviaci aperals. avT. a (B ?pfxa<n) is stronger than Ipyois, and is, as Dissen remarks, ' sollemne apud Pinda- rum de certaminum labore'. vacacphpois has a literal signification ; Victory rides in the chariot. 8. dp\al 8« Pe'pXn.vTai 9«<3v] The difficulty, which has always been found in these words, is due to the blending of a metaphor with a somewhat uncommon construction. Pindar often conceived his hymns as works of visible art, plastic or architectural, statues or temples ; thus in Pyth. vii. 4 he speaks of laying the corner-stone of songs, Kp-qirtd' aoiddv j3a- Xiadai, and in the opening lines of Olymp. VI. he works out the metaphor of a palace with some elaboration. Here he only suggests the metaphor by the use of pipXrivrai. Why, it may be asked, did he abstain from writing Kprjnh 5£ fieflXr)- rai (as in Pyth. VII. 4 and IV. 138) and choose the weaker word apxa-i? The answer to this question involves the ex- planation of dpx a ' Oewv. apxo/J-ai is the technical word for the opening invocation of a hymn, and is regularly used with the genitive. Thus in I 97 eV crol fJ.tv Xrj^u oto 5' ap^oficu, and in Nem. V. 25 (of the Muses) Aids apx^/J-evai. Somewhat boldly (not how- ever more boldly than Attic prose writers use (pdflos and such words with an ac- cusative) Pindar has here transferred to dpX a ' the construction of dpxop-ai, and dpxai pe(i\T]i>Tai deQiv is equivalent to dpxo/J-evos 6eQi> pdXXofJLai Kprjirida docdas. Translate, First hymning the gods, and withal the heroic excellences of that wan (Chromius), I have laid a foundation for my song. It is impossible to give the sense and at the same time preserve the conciseness of the original, as we have no word that conveys to an English ear all that dpx'n or apxo/J-cu in connexion with a hymn suggested to a Greek ear. In translating Matthew Arnold's lines ' First hymn they the Father Of all things ; — and then The rest of immortals, The action of men' dpxofJLai would be the word to use. It should also be remembered that in the Terpandric nomos the word dpxd had a special sense ; it was the first chief division of the composition, as distin- guished from the dfupaXos and <T(ppayis. The gods with whose mention Pindar has ' begun ', in the first strophe are Aetnean Zeus, Artemis and the river deity Alpheus. He has united with their names the victory of Chromius, and this union of ' the action of men ' with the praise of the immortals might seem to require an explanation. Such an ex- planation is contained in the epithet 8ai(j.oviais, heroic, half divine; the dai- fioves being an intermediate class between gods and men, as is clearly stated for example in the Apology of Plato. Other explanations of this passage have been put forward, and even emen- dations have been proposed. Dissen translates ' initia autem horum factorum jacta sunt a diis una cum viri illius sin- gularibus virtutibus ', interpreting dpxal deuv as ' (initia) divina, a diis profecta '. We may confidently hold that the words could not admit this meaning. Mr Fen- nell's view almost coincides with mine in sense, but not exactly; he takes "the genitive dewv as ' Kara avvecLv ', dpxo-l ptfiXi]PTai. being regarded as equivalent to ' I have begun ' ". Dawes read 6e$, and Mingarelli proposed pepX-qvT' e/c 0ewf, both of which give an inferior sense to the reading of the mss. and are from a critical point of view highly improbable, as no reason for the assumed corruption is apparent. The note of a scholiast is worth quoting 12 NEMEONIKAI A'. >r C>' ' » ' TO e<rri o ev evTV^ia lKJ Travho%La<i d/cpov' fieydXcov 8' diOXo&v Motca fxefivdcrOai <f>i\ei. airelpe vvv arfXatav tlvcL vdaw, tclv 'OXv/attov 8ea-7r6ra<i Zeus eSo)K€v <£>€p<re(p6va, Karevevaev re Fot xaira^, dpiaTevovaav eincdpirov xdovo? in support of the explanation which I have adopted and which is practically that of von Leutsch and Mezger : apx a ' a ' T0V (yKOJ/J-iov. tovto 8e Xiyet Sid to dirb deov rrjs 'Apre/xlSos KarrjpxOai ware dpxds ra irpool/xia tt}s ip8rjs avrov Xiyeiv. 'e"do$ 8e Yliv8dpw deols dvdwreiv ra birwaovv rols dvdpwwois eKirovovfieva. I think however that Bewv may include Zeus, if not Alpheus, as well as Artemis. 10 — 12. In success is the attainment 7tnto perfect glory; and great contests the Muse delighteth to remember. Here ev- tux'« refers primarily to victory in games ; but as it generally bears a wider meaning and as dedXwv may bear a wider meaning, we need not, in translation, limit the words of Pindar to athletic contests ; they would be true, for example, of the labours of Heracles, iravSo^la is a Pindaric formation and may be compared to iravdaiaia, iravSrjfiia ; as ira.v8a.iaia. is a banquet at which nothing fails, irav8o£La is glory to which nothing is wanting (not world-wide glory). A similar coinage of Pindar is irayyXwaala (Olymp. II. 87). aKpov irav8o£las is the eminence of perfect praise, which is won by success celebrated in song. 13. (rireipc vvv] MSS. eyeipe vvv, Beck and Hermann restored aireipi vvv, which is palaeographically almost identical. Compare ereipe with cneipe. It is clear that airelpe was read by the scholiast who wrote fKirefiire rolvvv, w Movaa, Kal airelpe \ap.irp6Tt}Td tivcl t-q vrjaw tt} St- KeXlq.. The usual interpretation that Pindar calls upon the Muse to scatter (spargere) praises, <>r shed lustre on the island may be right. One might translate perhaps Fling then some thing of beauty over the island — remembering of course that vdaw is the dative of the interested person. The idea of spreading 'broad rumour' may be implied in airelpe, but it certainly is not prominent. Editors always com- pare rlv 6' d8veTT7)s re \i'ipa yXvKvs t av\6s dvairdaaei. xdpw {01. X. 94), but the reading there is very uncertain, as the MSS. vary between dvairdaaei, dvairrdaaei and dvairXdaaei. A better parallel is Nem. VIII. 39 p.o/j.<pdv 8' eiriaireipwv dXiTp<HS. A new suggestion as to the meaning of airelpe will be found in the Additional Note on p. 27 ; but see also note on 1. 18 below. d-yXatav tivcx] The indefinite pronoun is frequently used to express the writer's consciousness that his words are unusual or metaphorical, — that he is taking a liberty with language. Brightness is the idea dominant in dyXa'Ca, which re- minds us a little of Fame's 'glist'ring foil' in Lycidas. 'Song' or 'praise' or laus illustris is an inadequate translation. 14. <i>€po-€<j)6vq.] Zeus gave Acragas (Agrigentum) as an 'unveiling gift' (els to, dvaKaXvirTTipia) to Persephone, and hence that city is called by Pindar in the Twelfth Pythian Ode (1. 2) Qepae- <p6vas e8os. The donation was afterwards extended to the whole island. Pherse- phona, with double aspirate, is doubtless the original form of the name of the maiden of Enna, and attempts to deter- mine the etymology should start with it. Observe that ol is digammated in Pindar, cp. below 1. 16. KttTt'vtvo-ev Tt Fol xa^Tcus] And shook NEMEAN I. 13 ~i/ce\iav irieipav opOwa-etr icopv<pai<; ttoXiwv d(pveac<i' eir. a . 15 doTracre 8e Kpovicoi* TroXe/xov p,vaoTr)pd Fot ya\K£vrko<$ \abv i7nraixp,0v Oapua Brj teal , 0\vp,7rid8a)v (pvWois iXcuav [Xf)(6evTa. ttoWoov iirefiav tcaipov ov yjrevSei fiakaiv. his locks in token unto her that he would exalt Sicily to be the richest soil on the fruitful earth, with cities supreme in wealth. Compare A, 524 nerpaXfj Karavevcofiai. dpi(TT€uot<rav . . .iritipav] irieipav defines the quality in which Sicily excels. %^oi'6s depends on the comparative idea implied in dpiarevei. 15. Kopv<j>ais iroXiwv d<j>v«ats] KOpv- (pals and a<pveaU stand to each other in the same relation as dpiaTevoiaav and irieipav ; cities unmatched in wealth. This use of KopvQri, head, occurs below 1. 34 and in Olymp. I. 13 5peirui> Kopvcpas dperdv dirb iraadv : it may be illustrated by our word 'chief (chef, caput). In Olymp. XIII. in, the poet speaks of the cities made beautiful with wealth at the base of high- peaked Aetna, rai 6' uir' Airvas v\pi\6<pov KaWiirXouToi iroXies. But perhaps Kopvcpah (especially taken in connexion with 6p- Owaeiv) may be intended to suggest also the lofty situation of the Sicilian cities; so Mezger 'die Stadte Siciliens lagen grbsstentheils auf steilen Anhohen'. 16. Kpovitov] In Homer Kpovlwv, Kpoviovos but KpovTwos, KpovTwva; in Pindar Kpoviwv and Kpovluv, see Nem. ix. 19 and 28; cp. Tyrtaeus, ~Evi>o[iia 1, 1 (Bergk's numbering) avrbs yap Kpo- plwv KaWicrrecpdvov ir6ffis"Hpr)5. iroXt'(Aov p.vao-Ti]pa] Enamoured of war, war-wooing. In the Twelfth Py- thian (1. 24) the Many-headed Mood (iro\vKi<pa\os v6p.os) invented by Athene is called a glorious lover of games, evKXea Xaoaabwv fivatTrrjp' dyuvuv, and in the Second Isthmian (1. 5) we read of 'A<f>po- diras ev6pouov p.vd(TTeipav dSicrrav dirwpav. It is certain that fxvaarrjp and ixvaartipa are the same word as fivrjarrip a suitor, whether p.vdop.ai, /xvqcrTrip and p-vqarevu be originally connected with ixip-vqaKw, p.vr\p.i) Sec. or not. We can hardly hesitate to assume however that the Greek, whether rightly or wrongly, men- tally associated /xv-qcrrrip with p.vr\p.wv, especially in such a phrase as iroKip.ov pwaar-qp, and we might attempt to re- produce this association by rendering a people that turns to thoughts of bronze-clad war. Such a rendering will be still more appropriate in the passage quoted from the Second Isthmian: the sweet summer season which turns to thoughts of Love. \a\K€VTe'os] A Pindaric adjective, oc- curring also in Nem. XI. 35. Another Pindaric epithet (ridapoxappi-qs is applied in the Second Pythian to the steeds and warriors of Sicily. 17. i'lriraixp-ov] of horsemen, lit. light- ing on horseback. The cavalry of Sicily were famous. i7r7ratXi"°s is also, as far as we know, a word framed by Pindar. 8ap.tt Si] Kai...|u\6evTa] who full often too felt the touch of the golden leaves of Olympian olives, that is whose children often won victories at Olympia. Some MSS. have 6' d/j.a, but dafid is the best attested reading and is indubitably right. The old idea that 6ap.d might mean ' to- gether' as well as 'often' and was in fact a collateral form of dp.a, was exploded by Dr Ingram, Hermathena, vol. II. p. 217 — 227. 577 here has its regular em- phasizing force. For this use of /xixOivra (characteristically Pindaric) compare Nem. IV. ?i Kadfieioi viv dvdeci plyvvov, crowned him with flowers. 1 8. iroMuiv eirt'Pav Kaipov ou xJ/evSti (JaXwv] These words have caused con- 14 NEMEONIKAI A'. earav 8' eV avXeiacs Ovpats dvhpb<; (piXo^eivov tca\d /u,e\7r6fievo'i, evda fioi dpfioScov (XT p. /3'. 20 siderable difficulty to editors, who are divided as to the construction of Kaipov, some (notably Mr Fennell) taking it with j3a\wv, while others, including Dissen and Mezger, regard it as the object of eve^av. Dissen translates multarum rerum tctigi commode oblatam copiam noil loquutus mendacia; Mezger 'ich habe Gelegenheit zu vielem Lobe gefunden, ohne dass ich doch mit einem Liigenworte geschleudert hatte'; Mr Fennell on the other hand 'I have entered upon a copious theme, having aimed at moderation with a statement of simple truth' (inadvertently rendering Katpbv (3a\iov as if it were Kaipov /3a\uip). If it were not for the difficulties which have been discovered and discussed by the commentators, the sentence would appear clear and simple enough. We should instinctively take Katpbi' with iro\- \Qv and therefore with eirtftav, especially bearing in mind such passages as wv ZparaL Kaipov 5i5ovs (Pyth. I. 57), and ioiKora Kaipov 6\[$ov (Nem. VII. 58) ; iirij3rjvaL Kaipov to alight on an occasion would seem a natural expression (for €Trij3alvo}, alight on, with accusative see Liddell & Scott) ; and we should take ov ij/evdei (3a\div, casting no falsehoods, with- out introducing the idea that Pindar imagines himself shooting at a mark. This is the interpretation adopted by Dissen and Mezger, and it is the only one that gives pertinent sense. Translate : / have found meet matter for many praises without flinging one false -word. Pindar has touched on various dis- tinctions of Sicily; she was a gift of Zeus to Persephone, her soil is fertile, her cities are wealthy, her children are warriors, and Olympian victors. There is thus much matter for praise, and, he adds, all the praise is true. I confess that the words ov \pev5ei ftaXuv cast doubt on the somewhat bold explanation of awelpe (1. 13) offered in the Note on p. 27. On the whole I am disposed to think that Pindar bids his Muse fling gleaming words in praise of Sicily, and then, when she has glorified the island, assures his hearers that the praises which she has flung are not mere glittering falsehoods. 19. ?o-t<xv 8' €ir* avXtCais Gvpais] / stood at the door of the courtyard ; that is, I approached the vestibule ; compare Isthmian VI I. 2 irapa irpoOvpov iuv dve- yeipirw Kwpiov, also Pyth. III. 78 Kovpai Trap' ifibv wpbdvpov p.i\7rovTai. So Dissen 'accessi ad aulicas fores, ad vestibulum ChromiP, and Mezger 'ich trat an das Hofthor'. Harpocration sub voce explains av\eia Bvpa as t) curb ttjs bbov irpixsTrj dvpa 7-77$ o'lKias (Dissen). dvpai, a door is like TTiiXai, a gate. 20. KaXd (i€Xir6p.€V0s] In Pythian III. 78, Marpi rav Kovpai Trap' ep.bv irpoOv- pov p.i\Trovrai 6ap.a aep.vav Oeov, we have /xiKiropiai with an accusative of the burden of the song, like the active p.e\iru). And so here it is better to take \-a\ct as a direct accusative than as an adverb, — celebrating a fair theme in choral song. The genitive dvdpbs (piXo^eivov (that is, Chromius) de- pends on Ovpais. Bergk conjectures, but wisely does not read, Kkia. (r) KaXa gives excellent sense ; (2) were K\ea the true reading, it was too familiar a word to suffer corruption. 21. dp|j.68iov Shttvov] Properly ban- quet due, and so equivalent to generous banquet, compare the Homeric pievoeiKda SatYa. This use of dpp.68ios is illustrated by feW appio^ovra, generous entertainment, in Pythian iv. 129 ('epulas convenientes non parcas' Dissen). NEMEAN I. •5 8ei7rvov KeKoo-firjTdL, 0afjba 8' dWo&cnrwv ovk airetpaTOL 86/xot ivTL' \e\oyx e ^e fi€fJb(f)OfjLevo{,<; eV\oi)<? vBcop KaizvQ> (pepetu Mezger gives us the alternative of ' ein geziemendes ' or ' ein fertiges Mahl ', with- out deciding which is preferable. He suggests the latter rendering (which to me seems impossible) because a scholiast writes wpox^pos kclI appodios in elucida- tion of Ztolixov alvov in Olymp. VI. 18. But the fact that eroifws is (rightly) para- phrased in that passage by ' at hand and due' does not prove that dp/xodios, due, fitting, could be equivalent to 'fertig'. 22. 0a|xa 8' dXX.o8a.irwv] and often are his halls visited by out landers. In another ode, the Ninth Nemean, composed in honour of Chromius, the poet refers to his hospitality by mentioning that the door was too narrow to admit the multi- tude of guests, £ei'ewj> vevlKavrat dvpai (1. *)• Bergk, in order to connect this sentence more closely with the following words in lines 24, 25, has proposed 6d/xa 5' e%^o5o- ttwv (dd/jLa paroxyton for a,ua; but see above, note on 1. 17). Hartung proposed KeKoa/J-riTai d' dfxa 8'. 23. ovk direCpaTOi] Litotes. For ct7rei- pdros compare 01. XI. 18 firjd' awdparov naXQv ; in active sense, unadventitrons, Isth. in. 48 (iv. 30). (In Olymp. VI. 54, the MSS. vary between direipdry and direipavTip, the words being KiKpVTTTO yap crx^V i^arta r' iv direipaTip, where the metre requires that the pen- ultimate syllable of the verse should be short. Boeckh and Dissen take dirdparos as equivalent to direlpao-ros, untried, and so of a thicket, dense; compare 0a.vp.aTos, davnao-Tos. Bergk reads dveiplr^.) 24. XeXoyx* St |i6|«J>o|iivoiS k.t.X.] But he hath won good friends to quell as with water the smoke of envious cavillers. The following considerations are, it seems to me, decisive in favour of the meaning elicited by Hermann and Mat- thiae, whose interpretations differ only in a minor detail. (1) The impersonal con- struction of XiXoyxe which underlies other explanations is at least doubtful; the personal construction is regular and occurs in Pindar 01. I. 53 dicip8eia XiXoyxev dapuvd KaKayopos (though there the verb is used in a somewhat different sense). (2) Here especially the context seems to require the personal construction, as affording a closer and more natural con- nexion with the preceding sentences. The generous host has won by his hospitality good friends. (3) A remark of Plutarch {Frag, xxi 1 1. 2) that 'envy is compared by some to smoke' (tov tpOovov Zviot ry nairvu eiKd£ov<Tiv), whether he had this passage in mind or not, strongly confirms the opinion that Kawv^i here, occurring in close connexion with ixep.<pop.ivois, means the smoke of envy. This passage was adduced by Hermann in support of his explanation. (4) The collocation /j.e/j.<po- fiivois iaXovs v8u)p Kairvy strongly suggests that the iaXoi are pitched against the fiep.<f>6ixevoL as vowp against nawvos ; whence we infer (a) that io-Xovs is not governed by p.ep.<pop.evoi, (b) that /can-i/o's represents the quality or work of the detractors, not of the good. The general sense then is: Chromius has won for himself noble friends, who defend him against cavillers and quench their envy. In this sense Hermann and Matthiae interpreted the passage, but their analyses of the sentence are some- what different. Hermann, followed by Dissen, takes it thus : Nactus est (hospitii liberalitate) virosprobos adversus obtrecta- tores, ad aquam fumo obviam ferendam. Matthiae (Seebode's Archiv fiir Philo- logie, v. ii., fasc. 4, p. 681, quoted by Dissen) takes /xefupo/xivois, not with Xi- Xoyxev io-Xovs, but with dvriov (pipnv, the i6 NEMEONIKAI A'. avriov. rkyyai 8' erepiov erepai' XPV & * v £v6elai<i o&ols (rreiyovTa fjbdpvacrdai <pva. 2$ order being XAo7x c " ecXotfs, fiep.(f>ofj.ivois v5wp avriov (ptpeiv (wcnrep) KairvQ. Dissen objects to Matthiae's view, on the ground that the natural order of the words is neglected and that it is intolerable to have to supply the comparative conjunc- tion uxnrep. I am disposed to agree with Bergk that Matthiae comes nearer the truth than Hermann. That fj.ep.<po/j.tvot.s alone with \iKoyxP 1 could mean against cavillers, I cannot believe; the so-called dativus incommodi is sufficiently elastic, but it would not at its tensest meet a case like this. We have only to suppose the first three words standing in a clause by themselves, and we see that Hermann is wrong and that the case of p,en<pop.frois is really determined by the subsequent words avriov <p4ptiv. So far Matthiae is right, but he need not have introduced wuirep : Pindar is using a metaphor rather than a simile. Without metaphor he might have written Xe'Xoyxee eaXovs, /xep-cpo/xevcov (pdovcii avnafav. In the metaphor, vdwp avriov <pepeiv takes the place of dvridfciv and Kawvip of <pBbvt$; and the poet gains an elegant verbal antithesis by writing, instead of the genitive p.ep.<pop.ivwv , the dative ixep.(pop.4voi%, a strict dativus incom- modi ('their smoke for cavillers'). A totally different interpretation, which is at first sight attractive, has been sug- gested by von Leutsch and is accepted by Mezger. Observing that water poured on smoke increases it these scholars con- clude that vdwp Kcnrvui <ptpav avriov was a Greek proverb corresponding to our 'pouring oil on the fire', and translate thus : ' It is the lot of those who detract from the noble to carry water to quench smoke', that is to increase the glory which they would fain disparage. Strabo, ix. 443, Oerra\iav Xa%f t" AcvicaXiuvi is quoted to support \Aoyx e with the dative, but Ilerwerdcn both suspects the reading in Strabo, and rightly takes dvqp as the subject of Xe\oYx e {Pindarica, p. 24). Considerations already adduced tell a- gainst Mezger's view, and the only argu- ment in its favour falls to the ground through the simple reflection that though a small quantity of water poured on a smoking fire causes the vapour to spread about, a sufficiently large quantity will extinguish it. But Mezger may be judged almost out of his own mouth, and here we come to another argument which supports the explanation adopted by the present editor. According to the Pindaric usage, which Mezgerhas the credit of having discovered, avriov in 1. 25 corresponds to dvridgwcriv in 1. 68, both words occupying the same position in the same verse of strophe /3' and antistrophos 8' respectively. By this device Pindar indicates a connexion in thought between the two passages, and the connexion is patent. The good men oppose the cavillers as the gods and Heracles oppose the giants. This cir- cumstance confirms the view that the eVXot are the subject of avriov <pepuv. The next note will develop Pindar's meaning further. 25. T«'\vai, 8' cTtpwv A.-.T.X.] Arts are . divers ; but it is meet that a man should walk in straight paths, and use in strife his native vigour. For might of limb worketh {manifests itself) by action ; and wit — in those to whom it is given by nature to foresee the future — by counsels. The opposition of born talent, <pvd, to art and acquired learning is a favourite theme of Pindar. lie touches on it in the Second Olympian Ode, where he attacks Korax and Teisias ; 1. 86 aocpbs 6 TToWa. ddws <pv<j.' fiaOdvres d£ \dj3poi iray- yXucraia, n6pai<es uis, aKpavra yapverov Aios wpbs opvixa Oeiov, Wise is he who hath much knowledge through native toil ; but NEMEAN I. 17 irpaaaet yap epyq) fxev aOevos, /3ov\at<TL 8e (pp>)p iaaofxevov irpolhelv, (IVT. /3'. it is through study that they twain clamor- ously utter their lean notes, idly, like crows against the divine bird of Zeus. (Mr Verrall showed, from the dual yapi- erov combined with the Pindaric paro- nomasia K6pa.Kes, that Korax and Teisias the Sicilian rhetors are alluded to. For \df3poi, loud, see note on Nan. vin. 46.) Again in Olymp. ix. I. 100, we read, to 8e (pvq. Kp<xTi<TTOv airav' TroWol de 8i5a.KTa.7s avdptlnrwv dperais k\{os upovaav aptaOai. In the Second Pythian 1. 72 the ac- complishments of the ape, which amuse children, are contrasted with natural ability ; fiaduv KaXos toi iriOuv irapa. iraialv aid Ka\6s. 6 Se 'Va8dp.av8vs ev wt-n-payev OTi cppepQv ^\a%e Kapwov dfiujp.i]Tov, k.t.X. where the purpose of introducing Rha- damanthus, as I have pointed out {Hermathena, vol. VI. p. 185), is the suggestion that his name means padiws p.avddvwv. Pindar himself provides us with a means of elucidating to some extent the present passage by the hint (contained in dvrlov — dvTid^waiv) that we are to take part of the fourth antistrophos in con- nexion with it. And it requires no in- genuity to see that civ ir\aylip nbpy <TTei- Xovra (1. 64) him who walketh with crooked envy is opposed to (' findet semen Gegensatz in ' Mezger) (TTeixovTa iv ev- Oeiais 65o?s him who xvalketli in straight paths ; and the /c6pos of 1. 65 corresponds to the Kairv6s of 1. 24. Thus the thought is : the true and noble man, when he is assailed by envious cavillers, who, because they are envious, use crooked wiles (t^x- vai), will not deviate from the straight path but will oppose their adventitious arts by his own inborn strength. So it B. was that Heracles subdued those who walked with crooked envy, and aided the gods to overcome the envious giants. In the first instance the poet is aiming these shafts at enemies of Chromius ; but it would be quite in the manner of Pindar to intend a side-blow at his own rivals ; and this is suggested by t{x vm 5' zrtpwv fe'repat, see above, Introduction, p. 6. It is possible that Pindar's rivals, or literary foes, may have been actually among the detractors of Chromius. 26. irpdcr<rei] operates by, manifests itself in. 'ipyov is the adivos externalised, and Trpacraei means the process. For 7rpa(Tcru} = ago, 'function' Mr Fennell compares irpaacrovTcov p.e\ewi> in frag. 131, I. 4 (ed. Bergk). This verse refers to Chromius, whose deeds prove his native strength. 27. pov\ai<ri 8« <f>pvjv k.t.X.] These words, I believe (with Welcker), refer to the poet himself, not, as is generally assumed, to Chromius. In this ode Pindar is a prophet foretelling, under the cover of myth, a glorious career for Chromius and a fair close thereto. As Heracles in the myth corresponds to Chromius, Tiresias, who prophesies the greatness and final apotheosis of Heracles, corre- sponds to Pindar. And in the passage now under consideration Pindar indicates this by the words those to whom it is given to foresee the future. For eirerai in this sense — not quite the same as i-veaTL, but suggesting continuity in time— compare Isthm. III. 4 p.eyd\at 8' dperal dvaroh 'iivovTai. The general connexion of thought in II. 24 — 28 may be summed thus. We must oppose envy and artifice by straight- forwardness and native faculty, <pvd. In you, Chromius, this <pvd is crdevos, in me (pprjv, whereby I can foresee what is to be, and can meet the cavillers by prophesying your glorious future. i8 NEMEONIKAI A'. avyyeves ot<? eTrerat. ' A<y rjcnS a /xov wal, creo S' ap,(pl rpoirrp rcev re Kal rwv ^py]aie<i. $0 ovk epaubai tto\vv ev fieydpco ttXovtov KaraKpv^ai^ eyeiv, ct\X > eovTcov ev re rraOelv Kal ctKovcrat cpiXois e^apKecov. Koival yap €px 0VT> eX.7r/Se9 29, 33. But in the compass of thy character, son of Agesidamus, are powers of using {fortune' 's) various gifts. For dpcpi (somewhat like German bei) compare Olymp. XIII. 37 de\lw dp.<p' evl, in the compass of one sim's race ; Pyth. v. 119 5iW<ni'...e7r' 'tpyoiuiv a/uupi re /3oiAcus ix eLV i puissance for the achievement of deeds and in the scope of his counsels ; Nem. VI. 14 ovk ap.p.opos 0.^101 7rdXa, in the field of wrestling. to. Kal rd] this and that, is a favourite expression of Pindar and always means divers things ; according to the context, the divers things may all be good, or some may be good and others — Odrepa. Ob- serve the following passages. Olytnp. II. 53 6 fJ.av ttXovtos dperais 5e8ai5a\p.e'vos <pe"pei tu}v re Kal twv Kaipov, "wealth surely, if tricked out with fair qualities (of its possessor), giveth occasion (means) for divers achievements. Pyth. v. 55 6 Bdr- tov 5' eVerai TaAcuds 6\(3os Zp.irav rd Kal rd vipwv, irvpyos dVreos, But the ancient fortune of Battus" house abideth, notwithstanding, allotting various bless- ings, a tower of defence to the city. (For eVercu compare above, note on 1. 27.) Pyth. VII. 20 (pavri ye pav ovto) Kev dvdpl Trapp.ovlp.av 6&W01- aav €v5aip.oviav to. Kal rd <pe"peadai, Surely they say (ye italicises (pavri) that Happiness , when she thus abideth with a man always in the fairness of her youth, winneth divers things ; that is good and bad, the bad being <p66vos, mentioned in the previous line. [Dissen takes (ptpeadai here as equivalent to <pipetv (afferre, and so Mczger 'mil sich bringe ') ; wrongly; evbaip-ovla does not bring <p96vos in her train, but wins it (<piperai. in its regular middle sense).] Isthm. IV. 52 Zeus rd re Kal rd vtpei, Zeus distributes various lots (good and bad). With these passages in view I cannot hesitate to disagree with the majority of commentators, who made tuv Kal rHiv refer to the epyov and flovXai mentioned in the preceding verses. ' In utraque virtute uteris', Dissen; 'Rath und That', Mezger ; and even Welcker, who rightly refers (3ov\ah to Pindar, explains ' tu alteram habes, adevos, alteram experiris, [3ov\as '. But it is quite gratuitous to assign to rd Kal rd here a definite sense which the expression bears nowhere else ; and especially in the light of the verses quoted above from the Second Olympian ode. Chromius' character is such that he can use well the various gifts of fortune, wealth among the rest. The two follow- ing lines, I think, make this explanation certain. 31. ovk epau-cu, k.t.X. ] / love not to keep great store of treasure hidden in the palace, but of my abundance to make good cheer and win a good name, contenting my friends. From this defence of Chromius' lavish hospitality, we may with some probability conclude that one of the charges brought against him by the cavil- lers was prodigality. Observe that iradeiv and aKovaai are aorists : eC 7rd(Tx €LV would mean to indulge in continual high living. ev is carried on to aKovaai. 3*2. €ovtwv] Such expressions as to give of your abundance or x a /"f /^*' 7 ? TrapeovTuv are familiar ; eovruv ev iraOelv is the same construction in a passive form. Dissen compares Theognis 1. 1009 tuv avrov Kredvuiv ev waax^P-fv. The genitive is akin to the partitive gen.; if NEMEAN I. 19 TToXvirovoiv dvSpuw. eyw £>' 'Hpa/cXeo? dvTe^op.ac 7rpo<ppo- vcos, eV. /3 . iv Kopvcpai<i dperav pLeyd\ai<; dpycuov orpvvayv \6yov, <w<?, iirel crirXdy^yoiv vito puarepo^ aiir'uca darjrnv is alyXav irah A to? 35 (t)8lva (pevytov 8iSvp,(p avv tcaaiyvr/TM poXev, — <w<? ov XaOoov xpvaodpovov "Hpav KpoKwrov airdpyavov ey/care^a' crrp. y grammarians seek a name for it, they might call it the genitive of Capital. Koival -yap k.t.X.] For to all alike come the hopes and fears of toiling men ; none are exempted from the changes and chances of mortal life ; therefore make use of the wealth while it is still called to-day. Koivai, common (as in Hamlet., 'ay, madam, it is common'); compare New. VII. 30 KOivbv yap epx eTCt ' k ^m' 'Aida, to all alike comes the wave of Death's river. eXirides, hopes ana 7 fears, iXwis being neutral, either hope or fear ; translated into objective language it means changes and chances. woKvirovuv, toiling and suffering; compare raXaot /3poToi, comfortless mortals, Aristoph. Birds, 687, and 6t.£vpods fiporovs, N 569. 33 — 38. e-yw 8' k. t.X.] But I hold fain and fast by Heracles for matchless deeds of mighty prozvess, and stir a ii??ie- honoured tale, — how no sooner had the son of Zeus with his twin brother issued from his mother's womb forthright into the won- derful dazzling light, fresh from the birth- pang, than his swathing in the saffron bands -was known to Hera on her golden throne. orpijvw is used like kivu, — as if the tale lay quiet and Pindar disturbed its rest. 35. <rirXa"yx vwv viroi] from beneath the heart. A passage in the Sixth Olympian, telling of the birth of Iamus, is very nearly verbally identical : rjXdev 5' virb <nr\6.yxvwv vir' wdlvos r e paras "la/xos es <paos avrlKa (1. 43). Here avrtKa is taken by Dissen with iweL {quum primum, the very moment that) ; but Mr Fennell rightly observes that it ' indicates the normal process of the delivery', as in the Sixth Olympian. The point of atirUa is that the passage from the womb into the light is not graduated, but sudden, and this idea is further developed in the words darjrap a'iyXav. Oa-qrav for drir/rav, wondrous to look upon, suggests the first surprise of light dawning on a newborn infant's eyes ; and a£y\a.v is felicitously chosen to express the dazzle after the darkness of the womb. 36. Kao-iYvrJT<{>] Iphicles, son of Am- phitruo. 37. ws] So Boeckh for mss. u>s r. Some scholars have wished to change eirti in 1. 35, for it is clear that evei and u>s t' cannot stand together. [Hermann, for example, read tl>s dpa, Rauchenstein d$s 7rore, but these and other attempts to emend ws eirel set all principles of textual criticism at defiance.] The omis- sion of t is a simple and certain remedy ; a scribe observing ws following u>s in the same sentence and unconnected by a copula would be tempted to insert a re or a Kal. The second u>s is (as Mezger says) a repetition or resumption of the first us. The object of this resumption is to begin the tale proper in the new strophe. 38. KpoKWTov] saffron-dyed ; KpoKior6s is generally used as a substantive. The colour was worn by kings and heroes ; in 2 — 2 20 NEMEONIKAI A'. aXXa 6ewv /Sacr/Xea (nrepxdeiaa 6v/jLg> 7re/x7re Spri/covTas d<pap. 40 rol [iev olyOeicrdv irvXav e? BaXdfiov (ivftov evpvv eftav, reicvoicnv wVeta? <yv/idov<> ap,<pe\L,l;acr0ai /tie/xa&vre? - 6 8' op#oj/ yu-e^ dvreivev /cdpa, treiparo Be irpcorov p,dya<s, Biacralcn Boiovs avyevoav IA(ipi\raLS d(f)i>KTOi<; ^epalv eats o<f>ia<i' dy%op.evoi<; Be ^p6fio<i avr. 7 . 45 the Fourth Pythian, Jason flings off a saffron-coloured garment, KpoKoev et/xa (1. 232). fyKaTe'Pa] wa s placed and swathed in, stronger than ii/^a just as eyKaraStw is stronger than ivdiio. Verbs compounded with iyKCLTa- (such as iyKaTaXdwu), ey- Ka.Ta£evyi>v/j.i, iyKaTaTi0T)fxL, iyKaTCLKeifiai, Sec.) connote a firm insertion or a strict inclosure ; here eyKar(4^a) suggests the swathing. 39. d\Xd 9eo3v |3ao-iA.ea] But the queen of the gods, in hot wrath, straight- way sent serpents. I follow Heyne and Bergk in reading pacriXea for MSS. (3acrl\ei.o. ; compare tipea for lepeia and see Bergk's note. Boeckh's /3a<rtA^a would mean palace (j3aai\eia). airipxofJ.ai is used of hasty and violent anger; as a medical term airepxvbs connotes the violence of a fever or sickness. The scholiast explains by virep&ovcra. 42. 8a\d(j.ou] ddXa/xos and 6d\a/u.oi have the special sense of a woman's chamber or bower. fivxoi> 8a\d/xov = chamber far withdrawn, inner. T€Kvoio-iv uKtCas k. t.\.] There can hardly be any doubt that d/j,<pe\i^aa6ai refers to the coiling of the serpents round the bodies of the children ; cf. X 95 i\«rff6/j.evos irepl x f <-V of a serpent. The proper meaning of e\Ww is to coil, and the middle in active sense is quite right here as its object is part of the subject's body. The use of yvddovs, where we might expect a word denoting the whole body, is bold and graphic ; in the swift process of coiling, the jaws of the snakes and the darting tongues are the most prominent feature, — they seem all jaws. diKelas refers to the rapid motion of the head. Ravening, although as a transla- tion, it would be inexact, is the subjec- tive aspect of d)Kelas and is expressed by /j.efj.au)T€s. We may translate, Yearning to wind round the children their coils and darting jaws. Dissen's note is ' dicit avidas maxillas celeriter se moventium, appropinquan- tium bestiarum, ad partem corporis revo- cato epitheto, quod proprie toti corpori serpentium competit'. 43. 6p86v avT€tv«v] opdbv dvareiveiv — raise in an erect posture. This in itself was the mark of a prodigious infant. irpoiTov] for the first time. It was his first battle. 8icro-aio-i Soiovs k.t.X.] by seizing in the sure grasp of his hands twain the two serpents by their necks. d<pvKrois Bergk unnecessarily changes to dfiuKTuis. Notice the stress laid by Pindar on the dual number of the serpents by dicrcrcuai Swot's in the emphatic position at the beginning of the antistrophos (see next note). 46. d-yx°H l6 ' v0ls ^ XP^r 105 ! -^ r ^'O' were throttled, the breath cf life left their unutterable limbs in a gurgling hiss. Xp6vos is the reading of the MSS., which editors have (vainly 1 think) endeavoured NEMEAN J. 21 yjrv^d'i (iireTTvevaev /u.e\e(ov acfxtToiv. e/c o «p atXarov 7reA,09 to explain. 'Constrictis tempus vitam exstinxit', Dissen; 'indem sie gewiirgt wurden, blies die Zeit ihre Seelen aus den unsagbaren Gliedern = die lange Zeit des Win-gens raubte ihnen den Athem ', Mezger; 'the time made them breathe forth the life from their dread frames', Fennell. Von Leutsch says iuso/eus sane dicendi genus sed necessarium, and Mr Fennell admits that ' it is quite possible that there is some corruption but it is impossible to establish a correction '. Ilartung has adopted ayxbp-evoi 5e XP^V i/^Xas dwewvevaap, a reading which may, primo conspectu, be rejected as uncritical; Bergk suggests 5' drpop-os, which, we may safely say, would never have become corrupted to 5e xpbfos. The obvious objections to XP° V0 * are decisive. XP '*' 05 by itself can only mean a long time, and thus gives a sense discor- dant with the spirit of the narrative. As Bergk says, celeriter facinus patravit infaiis, his mighty grasp throttled them at once, and so it is represented in Theocritus' account of the prodigy, xxiv. 55. But even if we waive this, dweirvevae cannot admit an external agent (like Xpovos) as its subject. I have no hesitation in restoring XP°- fios, the conjecture of Schmidt. From a critical point of view it is a perfect emen- dation; for that the unfamiliar XP°P- 0S would have almost inevitably been ' cor- rected ' to the familiar and nearly identical Xpovos will be admitted by any one who has dealt at all with questions of textual criticism. It is moreover a fine addition to a realistic picture ; we hear the hissing death-rattle, in which, literally, the breath leaves the serpent's body. (Cp. Nem. X. 74, where Polydeukes finds the dying Castor dcrO/xari (ppicraovTa irvods.) The strangling grasp produces the XP'V 05 i' 1 the throat, and the xpo/ 10 *' as ' l were, 'expires' their souls. As XP<W* > s merely the audible sign of the departing breath and is not external to the organisms, the phrase XP°M 0S diriirvevae is not exposed to the objection which applies to xpbvos aTTeirvevae. For xpbp-os see Hesychius. But there is a further consideration that removes remaining doubts on the subject of xpoM°s- The idea of the ode is a comparison between the fulfilled career of Heracles and the unfulfilled career of Chromius, and it would be characteristic of Pindar's art to remind the hearer or reader of this by indirect allusion in the course of the narrative. A favourite mode of such allusion was paronomasia, and here the strange word Xpbp.os (which arrests the attention all the more because it is strange) im- mediately suggests ~S.pop.ios. This also explains the form of the phrase xP°P-°s dTrewvevo-ev; the circumstance that XP°P- 0S is the subject and as it were the agent makes the allusion to some exploit of Chromius more precise. What this ex- ploit was, to which Pindar compares the slaying of the serpents, we have no means of knowing; but the emphatic prominence given to the number of the serpents by 5iao-alo~i doiovs (see last note) suggests that two special enemies of Chromius are alluded to. See above, Introduction. Herwerden (Pindariea, p. 25) suggests X&vos (equivalent to aropa) for xpovos. 47. (xeXt'wv d<}>dTwv] This use of fie- Xewu is a reminiscence of Homeric phrases like dvpbs e^eirraTo in p.e\euv (Dissen). For dcpdTwv, vast, huge, compare Hero- dotus VII. 190 d<para xpVP- aTa > vast sums of money (like German 'kolossal'). 48. €K 8* ap' arXaTOV irtXos irXdle ■yvvaiKas] The better MSS. have drXarov dtos, while \\, X, V, Z and the libri of Moschopulos have |S<?\os. Many editors, 22 NEMEONIKAI A'. trXd^e yvvaitcas, oaat, rvyov ' ' AXicfirjvas dp^yotaac Xe^ef /cal <ydp avrd, iroacrlv a7re7r\o<; opovaaia dirb crrpoi^vd^, op,(t)<i dfivvev v ftp iv Kvwhakwv. 5° including Dissen and Fennell, adopt /3Aos on the intelligible ground that 5^os can be explained as an interpretation of the difficult /3Aos, whereas peXos cannot be accounted for if d4os were the word written by Pindar. This argument is conclusive against 5eos. They explain )3e\os as a pang of fear {repentinus animi motus), and support it by Homer's ws 5' 6t av udivovcrav fxu i^eXos 6£i) yvvaiKa, A 269 (compare also Homeric ax" |Se/3o- \7]/j.ipos). But this use of /3e'Xos o^v for the sharp physical pain of a woman in travail — almost a /SeXos of Artemis — does not in any way justify or explain the absolute use of jSeXos for fear. To me it seems incredible that Pindar would have used the word in this sense without some further definition of its meaning. I hold therefore, with Bergk, Hartung and others, that both fiiXos and dios are corrections, but their suggestions are certainly untenable. Neither Bergk's dirXarov x/>^ 05 (which assumes a double corruption), nor Hartung's /3Xd/3os nor even Rauchenstein's rdcpos stood in any peril of being changed ; and even if rdcpos might have been surmounted with the gloss o^os, it could never have produced /Je'Xos. In the reading /3Aos we have a valuable clue for discovering the lost original. /3A05 gives such poor sense that no scribe would have thought of introducing it into the text unless it were very similar in letters to the actual -word lie found, that word being itself so un- familiar that it puzzled him completely. In fact the only circumstance that could have determined anyone to read /3Aos was its likeness to an unintelligible original. This argument appears to me conclusive, and I have no hesitation in restoring 7rAos, a neuter noun related to ■rre'Xwp, as vdos (Hesiodic iioti) is related to voup. It may be that Hesychius had this very passage before him when he noted the gloss 7re\os ' fxeya, Tepa.CTi.ov. (His gloss on iriXwp is f^iya, inrepepves.) This rare word was not understood ; and while one scribe, who clung to the letter, altered it to the nearest word that sug- gested anything like sense (/3eXos), another who had a keener eye for the meaning boldly read dios. While wiXwp was con- fined in use to living organisms, ireXos (as is indicated by Hesychius' Tepdo~Tioi> and as the form of the word suggests) might be used of a strange or prodigious event ; hence Pindar uses it here. We may render; but the terrible prodigy struck with dismay the women who were helping Alcmena at her bedside. 50. ko.1 -yap avTol k.t.X.] All the mss. read wo<raiv (U ttoct'lv). Dissen's note is 'non temere adjecta voce tto<t- civ, sed oppositions causa ; consternatae feminae, ipsa vero etiam accurrit'; in other words iro<j<jiv is added to opovaaicra, in order to emphasize the motion of Alcmena ; cf. voacri Tpix u " Olymp. X. 65, where the footrace is opposed to the wrestling match. Cf. also Olymp. XIII. 72 dvd 5' ^7t<x\t' opOu: irodi. As Mr Fennell says, we may translate 'to her feet', though the dative is certainly instru- mental. Bergk reads iraicriv (to be taken with d/xwev) which Mezger accepts. Translate : For she too leaped to her feel where she lay, robeless, and was fain to help in repelling the felon monsters. Stephanus' 6fj.us for the mss. 6/j.Qs is arbitrary and Mezger is right in rejecting it. The choice of v(3pis to designate the attack of the beasts is notable, and indicates that Pindar is thinking of some triumph of Chromius won over human KvwdaXa. direirXos, it is perhaps NEMEAN I. 23 rayv 8e Ka8p,ei<ov dyol yaXiceois avv o7rXoL<i eSpapuov adpo- oi- «r- y- iv yepl 6° WfKpLrpvcov KoXeov <yup,v6v rtvdaooiv cpdcryavov Xtcer, o^elaa dvlaiac Tvireis. to -yap oi/ceiov TTie^ei irdvd oyLieoV evOv? 5' d'rrrjp.cov Kpahia /cd8o<; dp.<f> dXXoTpiov. eara 8e 6dp,/3ei Suacpopa) repirvS re pny^Oek. elSe yap eKvopnov Xrjfid T€ fcal hvvapav vlov' TraXlyyXcoaaov 8i ?oi dddvaroi (TTp. cV 55 unnecessary to observe, does not mean naked, but iv x^uvitj), or fxovoxlrwu. 51. \a\Keois <rvv ottXois] Here Pindar (in the 3rd epode) represents the countrymen of Heracles as wearing bronze arms, just as he represented the countrymen of Chromius (in the first epode 1. 16) as a people tto\£/j.ov p.i>a<TTrjpa Xa\icei>Teos. Hints like this serve the purpose of keeping the parallel in the reader's mind. e'8pa|xov] in arsis, as below 1. 69 xpovov; 01. VI. 103 TrovTo/xeddv, Pyth. III. 6 yviapKeos. Note the quantity of ddpboi. 52. iv ytpi] cf. Pylh. II. 8 iv x e P°"' idd/xaaae ttwXovs. Moschopulos is our authority for <pdayavoi> which is omitted by the MSS. 53. 6£etcus dviaion tv7T€is] A remi- niscence of T 125 tov 5' axos 6£i} rvxj/e. In Pindar the t of dvidpos is short, cf. 01. XII. 11 dfrapcus; that of aula is short here (as in Sappho and Theognis), but long (as always in Homer) in Pyth. IV. 154- to -yap oIksiov me'l^ti irdv9' 6|ia>s] For each alike is whelmed by his own trouble (the grief that comes home to him), but distress for a stranger's sorrow soon passelh away from the heart, iriigw, keep under, whelm, compare Eurip. Hippol. 637 triifci Taya0(l) to dvarvxis. 54. €v0vs 8' dinj|icov] The heart feels concern, but straightway — loses it ; the feeling is only a passing impression (rasch wieder vorubergehender Eindruck, Mez- g er )- dp.(j)l Kd8os] cf. Islhm. VI. 9 (Ov/xov ev<ppavas) dp.^ 'IdXaoc 'nnrop.r]Tiv. 55. i'o-Ta 8t Ga^et k.t.X.] lie stood oppressed with wonder and delight ; for he saw the strange spirit and power of his son, and the immortals had rendered the tidings of the messengers perverse. For the responsion of tcra. to 'iarav at the beginning of the 2nd strophe, see Introduction p. 5. (uxfois] touched with. The mental state of Amphitryon was 9dfi(3os wonder, and this wonder was at once painful and pleasurable. Dissen quotes 6Lkt($ avyKe- Kpa/xiv-qv, Soph. Aj. 896, and 5ei\aiq. GvyKiKpap.au dug., and translates affectus ; but I doubt whether the use of avyKepav- vvpii can throw much light on the use of /xiyvvfu. At the same time I have no doubt that he is right in taking it simply as affected, and not as in a state of mingled &C. Compare v 203 av5pas fj.Kryip.ivai KaKOTTjTi. /ecu aXyecri; Islhm. III. 5 ev\oyiacs dcrruv p.epux$ a <- > the general use of the word is to bring into contact with. 58. vlov] Intended by its position in the verse to correspond to ' Ayt](Xi5afj.ov 7rcu in the corresponding line of the second antistrophos, and thereby indi- cate that Chromius like Heracles is endowed with eKvop.iov Xt?/x<x kcu 5vvap.iv. •jraXtYyXcoo-crov] This word may be 24 NEMEONIKAI A'. dyyeXcov pfjcnv Oiaav. yeirova Brj /caXecrev Aio<? vyjrlarov trpo^x'nav e^oyov, 60 6p66fxavTiv Teipealav' 6 8e Vol (f>pd%e ical iravrl arpara), 7rotat? 6fii\.y']cr€L rvyai<i, termed a vox Pindarica. It occurs only here and in Isthmian V. 24 oi>8' Zutlv ovtu) (3apjiapos ovre iraXiyyXuaoos ttoXis, arts ov HtjX^os atet kX^os. Commentators have been in the habit of assigning different meanings to the word in these two passages ; ( 1 ) here in contrarium verterant j schol. ivavTW(p7]fxov, (2) Is thm. v. 24, speaking a foreign language ; schol. dXXoKOTos- As to the general sense they are of course right, but it is important to observe that iraXLyyXwaaos itself has the same connotation in both passages, the apparent difference being due to the con- text. TraXiyyXwcrcros means using wrong words, that is, words which do not agree with a certain standard. In the passage under consideration, the standard is the truth or the fact ; as it turned out, the speech of the messengers used words which did not agree with the fact. In the other passage, the standard is the Greek language. See App. A, note 1. Vol for Amphitryon. 59. Gicrav] rendered, defieu occupies a similar metrical position in 1. 5 ; and Pindar intended to intimate that his hymn renders praise to Chromius even as the gods gave glory to Heracles by rendering the tale of the messengers false. When we take this in connexion with the word iraXiyyXuacof, it would seem that Pindar hints at slanders circulated by Chromius' enemies, and that among these there may have been literary men, who affected the use of yXCoaaai, strange dialectic words. See Introduction, p. 6. 60. -ytCTova] Pausanias (ix. 16) men- tions that there was a so-called oIuivouko- iretov Teipealovin the region of the hlectra Gate of Thebes, and the same writer (ix. 11) also mentions that Amphitryon dwelled by the Klectra Gate. This explains yeirova. Near the same gate too was the Ismenion (aXadea /lavriuu OwKov, Pylh. XI. 6), of which Tiresias was probably the n&vrts (Dissen). $r\ KtiXea-ev] This reading is due to Bergk. The reading of the best mss. is 5' eKoXeaav ; that of B 2 DV and the Mos- chopuleans 5' eKKakeaav is clearly a cor- rection for the sake of the metre and probably has no independent authority. Most editors read with Triclinius 5' €kko.- Xe<rev. It is just possible that the plural form of the MSS. may be right and that Pindar may have represented the same persons who had brought the news to Amphitryon as having called forth Ti- resias. Aids vij/io-TOv k.t.X.] The eminent in- terpreter of Zeus most high, the true seer, Tiresias. 61. dpGdfiavTis] Formed by Pindar as the opposite of ipev56/xai>TLs. Compare aeixvop-avTis, a coinage of Sophocles, 0. T. 556. 6 8e Foi k.t.X.] 6 is Tiresias, ol is Amphitryon : but the subject of d/nXr/tret. is Heracles. Translate : And he declared to him and all his host, 'what fortunes shall attend the boy, and how many uncouth prowlers he shall have slain on the dry land, and how many on the sea. tvxo-is refers to the destiny of Heracles after all his labours have been accom- plished, as described in the last lines of the ode, and ktclvwv is aorist in reference to buiX-qaei. Mr Fennell explains ktolvwv as 'the participle of the gnomic aorist referring to sundry points of the time covered by the principle verb', and equates oacrovs ktclvuv with nai ttoXXovs NEMEAN J. oaaou<i fiev eV ykpaM /cravoov, oaaovs Be ttovtoj Or} pas di8pooLKa<;' Kal riva avv TrXayiat dvBpwv Kopw arel^ovTa rbv eydporaTov (pdcre vlv irwoeiv p,6pov. Kal yap orav deol iv ireBlw ^Xeypas TiyavTeaaiv payav 25 <\vt. 8'. 65 6,5. aiSpoSiKas] The best comment on this word is the Homeric line quoted l>y Dissen (t 215)3 avdpa. 01'Ve St/cas eS eidoTa ovTe Ocfxiaras. For Orjpas the same editor compares Archilochus, frag. 88 (ed. Bergk) vol 5e dyjpiwu v[3pis re Kal diKri /xeXei, but Pindar doubtless chose the word to. suggest that the exploit of the infant in slaying the KviLdaXa was typical of his future achievements. 64 — 66. Kai nva k.t.X.] And he said that lie would give many a one who walked with crooked envy a draught of direst doom to drink. With the reading of the MSS. ouatw this sentence has no construction. Most of the changes which have been proposed, beginning with Boeckh's fiopip, seem un- critical. The most ignorant scribe was so familiar with the fact that SiSw/xt takes a dative, that his tendency would have been to substitute a dative for an accusa- tive rather than to do the reverse. If Pindar wrote fiopy, or (as Kayser would have it) iva.vexQpoTa.Ty p-bpy, no reason can be assigned for the corruption. There can be no doubt, I think, that • the error lies in 8J)o~eii> and in Swaeiv only. In fact even if the mss. gave fiopy, I should feel confident that Pindar did not use such a weak expression as diSovai p.6pu>. The words in Olymp. II. 82 Y^vkvov re davaTU) iropev do not support it ; iropzv (connected as it is with Trnrpwo-Kio, TreTrpu- /Mai) is a very different word from 8ldup.i. I may illustrate what I mean by a similar case in English; to give death would be an intolerably bald expression for to slay, (except there were some special reason for representing death as a gift) and it could not be supported by such a phrase as to deal death. Another difference between the present passage and the verse in the Second Olympian is that 6d- vcltos may be personified, /xopos hardly. I conclude therefore that ow<reiv has taken the place of some unfamiliar word which it closely resembled, and I restore Trdiaeiv, Aeolic for iriaeLv, future of Twrlcr- ku, just as 7tw, Trui0L are Aeolic for irWi, drink! (Alcaeus, 54 A. B. ap. Bergk, P. L. G., X al P e Ka -l """ T&vde. oevpo avp.- ■modi), wuvo} for tt'ivu. Pindar uses the future 7ricrw in the 5th Isthmian, 1. 74, but this circumstance would not be an objection to his using 7rwerw here. In that passage Triaoj takes the double ac- cusative : viao] a<pe Ai'p/cas ayvbv iidiop. This description of Heracles' punish- ment of the envious corresponds to the lines in the second strophe concerning the envious foes of Chromius who are thwarted by him and his friends, as has been pointed out in the Introduction and in the notes on 11. 24 and 25. It may be added that vdwp <pipeiv there may perhaps be taken up by ivwatLv here. Bucketfuls of water quenched the Kairvos of the cavillers; Heracles quenches the Kopos of the crooked walkers by a draught of death. 66. viv] See Olymp. VI. 62; J'yth. iv. 36. 67. Kal vap k.t.X.] Aye, he told that when the gods on the plain of Phlegra stand against the giants in battle, their foes shall have their bright tresses mingled with Earth's dust under the potency of that hero's whizzing bolls. Heracles is represented as a knight-errant against 26 NEMEONIKAI A'. dpi tdtyoo iv ', fieXecov virb pnralai Kelvov §aihip,av <yaia irecpvp- creaOai Ko/xav eveirev' avrov fxav eu eipava tov airavra %povov ev crj(epa> davylav Kapbdrcov p-eydXcov troivdv Xayovr e^acperov eV. $'. 70 Kopos, and his championship of the gods against the giants is one instance ; hence teal yap. fxdxo-v avridfaffiv is equivalent to fia-xa-v dvrlov /mxecr^cu, to engage in a battle against. Dissen compares ttoWovs dywvas e^iwv, Soph. Track. 159, but the Pindaric expression is hardly so bold. Pindar uses irtravTidfrw in Pyth. vm. 11. Professor Jebb in his essay on Pindar (Journal of Hellenic Studies, III. 179) notes that "the Gigantomachia adorned the pediment of the Megarian 'Treasury' at Olympia ", as an instance of " how Pindar and the sculptors were working in the same field". ^Xe'-ypas] on the isthmus of Pallene. 68. pnraio-i] ptwal is used by Pindar of winds and waters Pyth. ix. 48, KvpA- tuv piirds dvepwv re Pyth. IV. 195; 6W 0.7X00. x@&v ttovtov re pnral <pepovcm> fr. 220, 3; of a lyre's waves of melody, reah pnrcucri (addressed to xP va ^ a ^opM'Ys) KaTacrxonevos Pyth. 1. 10. In poetical . value it answers very nearly to our influence, piiral acrrpuv (Sophocles, Elec- tra, 106) are the influences of the stars, suggesting at the same time the visible signs of the influence — the twinklings. And so in Pindar fr. 166 dv5poddp.avra 5' eVei $rjpes 5dei> piirav /xeXiadeos otvov, pnrd connotes the influence of the wine, visible as it were in its sparkling. If we had to render in Greek Shakspere's 'skyey influences' or Milton's 4 With sore of ladies, whose bright eyes Kain influence' piirai would be a suitable word to use. <J>cu8i|j.av ya.Ca Tre<J>\ipo-€o-0cu Kop.av] I believe that Me/.ger's novel interpretation of these words ' The earth shall have her bright hair soiled ' (es iaerde der Erde das gldnzende Haar besudelt sein) is highly improbable, for, if Pindar had meant to say that, he would have almost inevitably written 7ot'as...The familiar use of </w/>w with the dative as in 8aKpv<n e't/xar' t!<pv- pov (ft 162) renders a ' dativus commodi ' intolerably ambiguous. Moreover <pal8i.- fios, which, as far as we know, was al- ways applied to the bodies of gods or heroes, would hardly have been used to describe the plants and grass of the Earth, even though the foliage were conceived as her hair. It may be said that (pvpeiv yaiq is a strange expression for (pvpeiv Kovei (Eur. Hec. 496 /covet (pvpovaa /capo), but the choice of 70/0 is determined here by the context; the Giants are the sons of the Earth and when they fall their locks mingle with their mother's dust. {j>ai8i|jiav] This Homeric word is used of the bright visage of a god assuming human form in Pyth. IV. 28 (paioip.av irpoffoipiv. Tre<j>{ipcrecr0ai.] A perfect future which occurs only here. 69. tov diravTa \povov] dVas is not equivalent to irds. Both words connote all the parts conceived as one; but 7ras emphasises all the parts, dVas makes the unity prominent. Cp. Nem. IV. 83; VII. 56; vm. 20; v. 16. Xpovov ev crxepai] The second syllable of xp° vov i- s treated as long; compare iopap.ov above in 1. 51. ev ax € PV ex- presses a line without a break ; each moment of happy rest holds to another (e'xera<). Compare Nem. xi. 39; and Isthin. V. 22 eKaTopiredoi ev cx e PV [con- tinuous) niXevdoi. 70. [wyaXcov] This word takes us back, as Mezger has pointed out, to 1. 34 where the poet introduces the story of NEMEAN I. 27 o\f3iois iv hwfxacri, Se^dfievov Oakepav 'Hftav a/coinv icai ydfiov Salaai/ra, irdp At KpoviSa aep,vov alvrjcreiv aradfiov. Heracles. fMeyaXcus and /meyaXuv occur each in the second line of an epode and in the same foot. ('Dass aber der Dichter diese so wortreich gepriesene selige Ruhe in Causalzusammenhang mit der Be- wahrung der angebornen Tiichtigkeit in Miihe und Noth gesetzt wissen will, diirfte daraus vorgehen, dass er an den betreffen- r den Puncten v. 34 und 70 /t^as zweimal in die gleiche Stelle der Epode setzt ', Mezger, p. m.) For the significance of the artifice here see Introduction to this ode. '' iroivav] meed or recompense. Compare Pyth. 1. 59 KeXadfjaai ttolvciv {meed of praise) Tedpiirirwv. 71. OaXepdv] This word expresses the eternal youth and fairness of the immortals, an idea which is personified in the Grace Thaleia. Compare note on line 2. ■ydfjiov SatcravTa] a Homeric phrase ; see T 299. 72. AC] The MSS. give Au. I follow Heyne and Bergk in writing it as a monosyllable, to suit its metrical value. alvrjcreiv] For the meaning I may refer to the Introduction to this ode, p. 7. (TTa6(iov] The best MSS. have 5o/j.oi>, others have ydpov. It seems clear that neither reading can be right ; ydfiov was introduced from the preceding line, and 86/j.ov is hardly more than a repetition of dui/xacri. The choice lies between two readings : Pauw's vofxov and Bergk 's cttolO/xov. For vop-bv it may be urged that a scholiast seems to have read uo/jlov (tt\v diavepiecnv Tr\v irapa. deois etraavicreiv); but Bergk's proposal is strongly supported by Ist/im. vi. 45 deffwoTav id^Xovr' is ovpavov crad/jLovs eXdelv p.ed'' op-dyvpiv BeXXepcxpovTai' 7lT)V0S, and Olymp. XI. 92 6Vo»'...etj'At5o (XTad/xov dvrip iK-qrai. Moreover ae/j-ubv arad/xov is a felicitous suggestion of d/xTrfevixa ae/jLvof, the opening words of the ode. ADDITIONAL NOTE. Nemean i. 13. I am not sure that the usual interpre- tation of aireipe in this passage is true. 'Scatter' is a secondary sense of the verb, derived from the meaning 'sow' ; it is not the primary meaning from which 'sow' is derived. The original meaning, I believe, was ' to set in a certain order, range ' ; but in order to establish this, I must ask the reader to consider for a moment the Latin sero ' I sow '. It is generally sup- posed that this present form belongs to the same family as sevi, satum, semen, and etymologists attempt to explain it as a reduplicated present. If such, the re- duplication must be internal or 'broken'; for if it were regular, the word would necessarily be *siso, *siro, and *siro could not become sero, all the more as there already existed a sero of different meaning. A 'broken reduplication' in the present tense is an extremely doubtful assump- tion. I submit that sero ' I sow, plant ' is the same word as sero ' I twine' (ei'pw), the original meaning being arrange, set in a row ; seed is sown along furrows, as cords or flowers or leaves are plaited in a chain. Now when we compare <nreTpa, a coil or twisted cable, and airdprov, a rope, with awetpw, o-iraprbs, the idea suggests itself strongly that here too we 28 NEMEONIKAI A'. have the same development of meanings ; and the two cases mutually confirm each other. The original signification of crirelpu I suppose to have been ' to arrange or draw in a line ', and like sero it might be developed in the sense of sowing or in the sense of twining. It is perhaps hardly necessary to remark that Latin spira does not invalidate the connexion of o-n-etpa with awdpw, as spira is clearly borrowed. If these etymological considerations are correct, is it not possible that in airdpe, in this passage, we have the link between a-irdpu sow and aireipa coil? If so, we might render, Twine a bright wreath of song for the island &.c. Com- pare Nem. VII. 77 e'cpeiu <rTt<pai>ovs £\a- (ppbv k.t.X., a passage indeed which once suggested to me that the true reading here might be dpe. NEMEAN II. ODE IN HONOUR OF A VICTORY IN THE PANCRATION AT NEMEA WON BY TIMODEMUS OF AEGINA. INTRODUCTION. The second Nemean Ode 1 , composed to be sung in a procession, celebrated a victory in the pancration, won by Timodemus, the son of Timonous, an Athenian. The Timodemids were a family belonging to the deme of Acharnae ; but Timonous lived in Salamis, the island associated with Telamon and Ajax, and there Timodemus was reared. Athletic prowess was hereditary in this family, and there were many victories to boast of, including four Pythian, eight Isthmian, and seven Nemean crowns, besides successes passing number at the Athenian festival of Olympian Zeus. These victories might be taken as an indication that Timodemus, who had now gained his first great distinction in the really trying strain of the pancration contest, would win a Pythian and an Isthmian to set beside his Nemean wreath, thus walking in the way of his fore-fathers {waTjuav naff oS6i>). Pindar suggests this hereditary obligation, as we may call it, by making his prophecy of the future career of Timodemus respond, in part, to his commemoration of the past achievements of the Timodemids. Thus : 1. 9, 6dpa peu y la6fndBcou dpeneadai KaWiarov awrov iv UvdiOMrl re vikciv 1. 19, napa p.(U v^np(8ovri liapvaaa reaaapas f'£ dcdXwv viicas eKoputjav. And the very name of the family, borne also by the victor himself, might be regarded as an omen of honourable distinction ; this omen moreover, ripd, being discoverable in the father's name, Timonous, as well as in Timodemus. 1 There is no indication of the date. ayopav of 1. 5 as a proof that both poems Boeckh's connexion of this ode with frag. were composed soon after the battle of 75 (a dithyramb) is a mere guess ; and Plataea, when the Athenians restored even if the connexion had some foundation their city, we could hardly take wai>5<xi5a\6v r £\>k\€ 30 NEMEAN II. This thought, — that Timodemus' success is what might be looked for from a Timodemid and a son of Timonous, — is expressed indirectly by a mythical parallel. // is meet that the Mountaineer (Orion) should rise at no long distance from the Mountain Maids, the Peleiads. ■v JO > t ecTTi o eoiKos opeiav ye TLe\eia8a>v fj.r) rrfkodev 'Qapitov' dvcladai. The fitness of the proximity of the constellations depends on the mountain- name of Orion and the mountain-associations — whereof indeed little information has survived — of the Pleiads, here conceived as Dove-maidens. Prior commentators had perceived the play upon words, but Mezger first apprehended its significance in the context of the Ode. Timodemus follows as naturally in the wake of the Timodemids, as the mountain-hunter follows the mountain Doves. But a question still occurs, and Mezger has not answered it. There was surely some special fitness in this comparison, some motive for it ; why is Timodemus compared to Orion, or rather, should we ask, to a star ? The solution of this question lies, I think, in the circumstance that Timodemids had already won seven victories at Nemea : fVra 8' iv Nf/zea. This number suggested to Pindar the conceit of the seven Pleiads, followed by Orion, a kindred constellation, to symbolize the group of seven Nemean victories, followed by the kindred achievement of Timodemus ; and this conceit has been worked out with the utmost adroitness. It must be observed that there is a double force in the word aveio-dai 1 (for avavfiadai), which, besides its usual meaning to rise, of a heavenly body, could signify to return. Thus it might suggest the return of Timodemus from the scene of his victory, as well as the ascent of Orion ; and this is confirmed by a-vv evKki'i voa-Tco, in 1. 24, v6(ttos being connected in Pindar's mind with veladai. And moreover the Pleiads, who were daughters of Atlas, might seem not unsuitable emblems of a flock of pancratiasts, men of ' Atlantean shoulders ' ; inasmuch as endurance was the prime virtue of such athletes, and endurance was the proverbial quality of Atlas, supposed to be signified by his name. Remembering that Alcyone was one of the seven daughters, we find an allusion of this kind in the words co Tifj,o8i]fie, (re 8' a'X((fl TrayKpariov rXa dvfios de£ei. It should be observed that ne£ei pleads for such an allusion; for the subject of the verb in this sense of increasing or glorifying, should be not a quality, but a person. The expression is explained, if we apprehend a suggestion that Alcyone, daughter of Atlas, — Might, daughter of Endu- rance, in abstract language — exerts a 'stellar virtue' on Timodemus, or, at least, that her faculty consents with his. 1 Sec note on 1. n. INTR OD UCTION. 3 « An education in Salamis too might be interpreted as a fortunate augury for a pancratiast. Boxing and wrestling are the games which partake of the nature of war, and 'Salamis, certainly, is able to rear a warrior', such as Ajax for example, whose weighty strength was felt by Hector at Troy. 'Praise Zeus and withal the glorious return of Timodcmus? These words at the end of the hymn, which begins and ends with Zeus, are a brief abstract of its theme,— the distinguished nostos or Coming Home of the victor from Nemea, where he was brought into a certain connexion with the highest of the gods. He came home to Salamis ; but he also rose to a new home in a firmament named of honour, to move among a starry train. METRICAL ANALYSIS. Strophe. vv. 1—3. A, \j\j — ^j — A — • — ^-"~> — v./ — <-> I — c; — v-»^ — C7 — \j — v-<w — • — A (10) vv. 4, 5 . Thus each strophe falls into two parts of an equal number of beats, provided we recognise that the end of the fourth line is a tetrapody, not a tripody — thus : -Krai 7rpc5 I tov Ne/xe | at • | ov A | and that, in the same way, the last two syllables of the 3rd and corresponding lines are equivalent to two feet. The rhythm is logaoedic. NEMEONIKAI B'. TIMOAHMll* AeHNAIHj nArKPATIA^THi. "OOevirep /ecu 'Ofxrjpihai arp. a. penrrcuv eirkwv tclttoXK! doiSol (ipyovTCLi, Ato? i/c TrpootfXLOv' Kal 'IK avrjp Kcuafiokav lepoov dycovcov vifcct(f)opia<i BeSe/crat irpwTov Ne/ieatou i. o0€vir€p k.t.X] Even as Homerid minstrels most often begin their linked verses ivit/i a prelude in honour of Zeus; so likewise hath this man laid the first foundation for a tale of achievements in the sacred games, by receiving a crozvn in the song-fan? d grove of Nemean Zeus. In this strophe, without any detriment to the lucidity of his thought, Pindar has gracefully mixed two constructions. The Homerids mostly begin their epopees by hymning Zeus ; with Zeus, similarly, this young man begins his career of victory. This comparison might have been ex- pressed either oOev — (Atds being the ante- cedent of oOev) apxovTai, Atds ev dXcrei /cat 65' dvr\p k.t.X. or ixxnrep — dpxovTai Aids e/c irpootfilou, (oiirco) /cat o<5' dvr/p k.t.X. Pin- dar begins with oOev and then goes on as if he had written wo-n-ep, this change being necessitated by the words Aids e/c TTpooi/j-lov, which supply odev with an antecedent inapplicable to the second clause. Mr Tyrrell maybe right in suggesting that 'O/jLTjpidai here simply means poets (successors of the Poet) and not specially the Homerid school of Chios. For pawTuv eVeW cf. Hesiod (frag. 227) ev ArjXqj tot€ irpQiTov iyw Kai "Opnjpos doiSol fi£Xirop.ev ev veapo?s vjjlvois pdxpavTes doidrjv Qdifiov ' AttoXXcovo. xp VIT dopov ov reVe ArjTU}. 2. TO/rrdXX'] Schol. fret ovk del diro Aids tJpxovto, dXXd /cat a7rd ^ilovauiv. 3. apxovTcu] compare note on Nem. I. 8, above. dvi]p] note the quantity, as in cWpes. 4. KaraPoXav] See above Nem. 1. 1. 8, note. The scholiast compares Calli- machus fr. 196, 'Apffivb-qs, c3 $e?ve, yd/nov KaTa^dXXo/x' deideiv. It may be that Ka.Ta.poXd was a technical term for the proem of an ode or nomc. Uptov] mss. lepdv. I am not sure that editors have been right in restoring UpQiv, though it was the reading of the scholiast ; the cause of the corruption is not ex- NEMEAN II. iv 7ro\vvfivy')T(p Ato? aXaei. 33 5 arp. /3'. o(f)e[\ei 8' eVi, trarplav eltrep /cad' bhov viv ev6virofX7r6<i alwv rats fxeydXais SeScorce Koa\xov AOavais, dafid fiev ^AcrQixidhwv hpeireaOai kciWuttov cicotov iv Tlvdlouri re vikciv plained. I am almost inclined to read lepdv (with naTa(3o\dv). Timodemus' victory is compared to a proem in honour of Zeus, and thus its religious side is rendered prominent, it is iepa. viKa4>opias] a career of success. 8e'8eKTai irpaJTov] has begun by winning. Compare Pyth. I. 8o v/mvov rbv ibi^avr'' d/i(f> dpera, and ibid, too ariQavov v\j/i.cr- tov SiSfKTcu, Olynip. II. 48 'OXv/xTria /xiv yap avTos yepas &5e/c7 VI. 27 aretpd- vovs d^avro. Commentators generally take oedeKTai here in the sense of winning a victory as we say, but all the examples cited from Pindar fail to prove this use. 5^x°M a ' can only be employed of receiving the rewards of victory (whether crowns or poems), and so here the idea of Ka.To.$o\hv viKaipopias is (not the first of a series of victories, but) the first of a series of victory-odes. The meaning of Kara/3o\d, and the choice of the adjective 7ro\ vvixvtjtu in 1. 5, confirm this view. 5. ■jroX.vv[j,vi]Ta>] A Pindaric word equivalent to iro\vv/xvos, theme of many hymns. 6. 6(j>6i\ei 8' '{t\. k.t.X.] // needs must be that the son of Timonoos shall cull yet the bloom and breath, most fair, of Isth- mian glories and Pythian victories, since time wafting him straight along the way which his fathers went hath given him as an ornament to great Athens. It is meet that the rising of the Mountain hunter should not be far from the Mountain Peleiads. d<fxi\€i] Impersonal ; it is due. Schol. ' Aplarapxos ovk eirl tov dvbpbs rb '0</>«Xei aXX' eirt tov TrpaytMarbs (pijcrtv, u>s dv ris eiTToi • 6<pei\6fj.€voi> 8' 2ti (OTIV. B. iraTpCav] That is, of the Timodemi- dae. 8. cuiov] aldv is not synonymous with p.o?pa and it is a mistake to render it fate (fatum Dissen), although the ideas are intimately connected. It is the time of life. The Greeks connected it with dyfii, and here this connexion is prominent, for evdwofiTrbs implies a breeze. The cogency (6(pd\ei) depends partly on this etymo- logy. See Appendix A, note i. Compare Isthm. in. 18 alwv Oe Kv\iv8o/j.evais d/xepats aXX' aXXor' i^dWa^ev, the wind of time causeth divers changes to the rolling days (of life's sea). 9. 'Io-8p.ia8a>v] agrees with vmav. 8p€7T£o-0cu d'wrov] ctwTos, a favourite word of Pindar, which he uses in many ways ; but in all the passages, where it occurs, it preserves its proper force, some- what obscured by the hackneyed trans- lation ' flower '. dwros means the fine nap of a cloth, which might be described as bloom; and this explains the usurpa- tion of the floral metaphor. The follow- ing passages will elucidate the force of dwTos, but I must also refer to Appendix A, notes 2 and 3. Isth. I. 51 evayo- pyjdels (the victor) tcepdos v\J/l<ttov blxeTai, TroXiaTav Kal ^evwv yKwcraas durov, the fine praise breathed from the tongues of citizens and strangers. Isth. VI. 18 dfivdfioves 5e fiporoi 6 ti [xt] acxplas dwrov dtcpov KXvrdis tirtwv poals e^iKrjrai frytv, whatsoever unlinked with sounding streams of verses attains not to the height 34 NEMEONIKAI B'. 1 ijxovoov Traio . eari o eoitcos IO opeiav ye TIe\ecd8cov arp. y of exquisite poetry, passeth out of the minds of men. Here and in some other cases exquisite is perhaps the fittest rendering of this gloss of perfection. For example in Isth. vi 1. 18 XPV 8' — Alyiva Xapircov dwrov rrpovifxeiv, it is meet that Art {the Graees) should pay Aegina an exquisite tribute. Again in Pyth. X. 51 eyKcofxluv yap dcoros vfivuv eV aXXor' dXkov aire p.i\io~aa duvei \byov (here flower would be ludicrously incon- gruous), the fine art of hymns of praise darteth like a bee, from tale to tale (but see App. A, note 2). And in 01. I. 14, dyXail'srai 5e /cat fiovaiKas iv aairw, we may render he courts grace too in exqui- site kinds of music. If we had to translate into Greek Shakspere's "culling the principal of all the deer" {Henry VI., Part 11. Act 3, sc. 1, 1. 4), or ' the flower of the flock ', duros would be the very word ; cf. vaurdv duros Pyth. iv. 188, and see Nem. VIII. 9. Or again acuros would be suitable for rendering Tennyson's "the roof and crown of things": compare 01. II. 8 where Theron is called euuvufxwv iraripwv duirov, the qualities of his ancestor, as it were, achieving their ultimate and crown- ing bloom in him. The phrase ' plumage of fire ', by which Flaubert suggests an ideal prose style, might be done into Greek by Trvpbs duros. Pindar calls the finest bloom which the flower of life reveals fwas duros [Isth. IV. 12; cf. Pyth. IV. 131 dpawLov lepbv ei'iuas duirov). Now we are in a position to see the exact meaning of such phrases as v/xvov dKa/xavroir65wv duirov lttttuiv (01. III. 4), x (l puv duirov iwlvixov (01. vim. 75), the highest excel- lence which feet (or hands) can realise (cf. 01. v. 1). duirov oTttpdvwv in Isth. v. 4 might be rendered crown of crowns. In the present passage HpiircaOai determines the meaning bloom. But see App. A, note 2. ro. Ti(iov6ou iraiS'] A misapprehen- sion of the impersonal construction of 6<pei\u led to the insertion of a full stop after vikolv (1. 9) and the connexion of Ti/jlopoov 7rcu6" with the following sentence (with the reading opeiav re). 11. opeiav] The home of the Pleiad sisters, daughters of Atlas and Pleione, was Mt Cyllene in Arcadia. Fleeing from the pursuit of Orion they were changed into doves and finally became a constellation. The ancient interpreters found con- siderable difficulty in explaining opetdv, as will be seen from the following extracts from the scholia. ?7 ruiv opeiuiv inciSr/ 6 "ArXas 6 ruv IlXeidScoi' irarr/p bfiuivv/uia 'ioxw oprj ' 7) on opOL etffl rod dp.7jT0V ?) Xirbrepov rwv 6pi2v teal ruv rbiruiv iv oh eiaiv 01 aaripes. ol oi ovrui' Kadb IieXeidSas auras tine Kai opelas ' ai yap Trepiarepal ftpeial elaiv ■ e'iuide 5£ 6 Hivdapos reus 0fj.u1vvp.iaLS inava- TtaveaQai 'idn lohp. Hvioi 8i, did to iwl rrjs ovpds rod Tavpov KelaOai, Kara lepeaiv rod v Xiyeadai K.r.X. r) dirb rrjs Ki'XX^?;? iv 77 irpacfnjaav. Crates wrote Oepetav He\eid8wv, but (as a scholiast observes) they rise in winter as well as in summer. From one of the scholia we learn that Simonides called the Pleiad Maia oupela; two lines are given, one imperfectly, McudSos ovpdas i\iKo(3\e<pdpov KvWrjvris tv bpecci Beuiv KrjpvKa rix' 'Epfxyjv. • (Tzetzes read i\iKoj3\e<pdpoio yivedXov, in his note on Lycophron, 219.) The names of the Pleiads are given in the following lines, whose authorship is uncertain (some ascribing them to Ile- siod, fr. 10 /', ed. Flach) : NEMEAN IT. 35 fjit) jrfKodev 'Q.apiwv dvetaOac. koX finv a 2aA.a/u'<? <ye Opeyjfai fora [xaxarav Swaros. ev Tpota fiev "Etcrcop Aiavros aKovaeV u> Ti/jb6Sr)fi€, ere bT d\fcd Trfvy^rrf r ep6e<r<ra /cat 'HX^Krpij kvclvoj- 7TIS 'A\kv6i>t] re Kai 'AcrrepoTri] oirj re KeXai- v£) ~Naia re ko.1 ~Siepbirrj, rds yeivaro (paioi- fj.os "ArXas. The name Trivy^rr/ combined with the fact that they were the daughters of Atlas seems enough to explain the epithet dpeiav. ye] The particle shows that the stress of the argument rests on opeidv ; because they are mountain nymphs, opetai, the hunter of the mountain 'ftaplwv moves near them. For this force of 76 compare Eurip. Bacchae, 926 r) rr\v ' kya\jr\<i eard- vai, p.7]Tp6s y efJ-rjs (seeing that she is my mother). So in Isth. v. 4 Pauw's resto- ration riv 7' for riv is certainly right. 12. dveierGcu] This is the reading of B, B, D ; and in a scholium on Nein. 1. 3, where the line is quoted, B, Brfsw have wapiwv aveiadai. The other MSS. have 'Qapiuva vetffdai, which is explained in the scholium by vopeveadai. Editors before Bergk adopted veladai, but Bergk showed that dvelodai is for dvaveiaOai, oriri ; compare K 192 ou5' otttj t^Xios (paecrififipoTos ela virb youav ovd' #71-77 dvvelrai. It is obvious that it is much more likely that the difficult aveladcu should have become vetaOai than that the easier velcdai should have been altered to dvelodai, and therefore I cannot hesitate to accept the reading of B, B, D. It has been pointed out in the Introduction that the verb has a secondary import, in regard to Timodemus, who is compared to Orion. 13. iced jidv d £aXa|j.is ye] Aye and Salamis is potent to rear a fighting man. I have attempted, by rendering is potent instead of is able, to arrest the attention in somewhat the same way as Pindar does by Swaro^ for feminine dvvard. 14. "Ekt«p A'iavTos aKOvo-tv] At Troy Hector heard Ajax like a rushing wind. Aias, like aiihv in 1. 8, is conceived as a wind (dveixuif drd\avTos deWy). Schol. rjtxOero rrj ireipa, uis kclI "O/xr/pos [A 532]' rol Se ir\rjyfjs d'i'ovres, dvr\ too a'urdbfxevoi. foine be 6 UivSapoi rb vap' AiavTOS prjdev Trp6s"E\\rii>as virovevorjKe'vai eiprjadai 7rpos "E/cTopa - (prfol yap [H 19S] eirei ovo' ifie vrjl'dd y' ovrws £\Trop.ai. ev "ZaXapiivi yevicdai re rpa- <pi/j.ev re. el fXT] dpa. ris rrj ireipa fj.efj.a9r/Keuai viroorrjaerai rov "E/cropa, ws iwirridelus r\ 1,a\afj.U ^x eL """pos rr\v ruiv rjpwiov yeveaiv. Editors have failed in their attempts to explain aKovaev. The meaning supposed to be required is expressed in the scholium ffadero rri ireipa 'learned by experience', but such a sense cannot possibly be elicited from aKOvaev, which would rather mean the reverse ('knew by hearing only'). The Homeric irXriyrjs diovres proves no- thing for aKovw, nor will it avail to adduce vwaKove'/j.ev airya?s deXiov, Olyvip. III. 24, to show that a/cotfw could mean to feel tin- might of. Nor will the wind bear the interpretation which Mezger proposes as an alternative : he hearkened to him, that is, listened for his battle-cry, in order to bring succour to the point of danger. But when we apprehend that Ai'as by virtue of his name is conceived as a blast (dr/fxi), we see that aKovcre bears its ordi- nary meaning heard (of a sound). Pindar chose the word in order to bring out the play on Ai'as. I lis object was to suggest a connexion between the Timodemids and Aeacids. Though I believe the text to be sound, I suggest as possible "Ekto>p Ai'ac-ros eKovaev • eKovaey being an aorist from Kof- (ko<!u) like e\ovca from \of- (\ouui). The form 36 NEMEONIKAI B'. 7rayKpaTL0v T\d0vp,o<; defjei. 'A^apvai Be 7ra\aL(f)aT0v evdvopes' ocrcra S' d/x^> deOXois, TifioSrjfjLiSai e^o^d)TaTOL TrpoXeyovrat. irapd fiev v^iixihovn Tlapvacrw reacrapa^ e/c6/u,ij;av' dWd K.Opiv6lCi)P V7T0 (f)(OT00V 15 <rrp. 8'. ef dedXtov viica<; 20 iv iaXov ITeXo7ro? irTV-)(al<; arp. e . 6/ctco aT€<pdvoi<; e/xi^dev rjStj' eirrd 8' eV Neyaea, rd £' oikoi p,daaov dpi6p,ov, Ato9 dycovc. top, a> troXlrai, Kfopbd^are TipoB/]p.(o crvv ev/cXei voaTW iKb-que occurs in Callimachus frag. 53. That /cow was used not only in the sense of vow but also in the sense of aladdvo/xac is proved by glosses of Hesychius : kow' aiaddvofiai, Koet' aladdveTai, eKO/xeV 180- jxev, evpofiev, rjado/JLeda. (Compare k(o)wV eldws, eKoddrf e-nevor)drj, ecpwpddi], and eKodiJ.es ' r/Koi'0-a/j.ev, eirvdbixeda.) Bergk reads eTrdl'ir' and points out that it was probably the reading of the scholiast. Hecker proposed eyevaar'. 15. T\a0v(Aos] Staunch Might in the pancration maketh thee great, Timode nuts. rXdOvfios expresses the endurance necessary for the feats of the pancration. I have explained in the Introduction the probable significance of this sentence. A comparison of the passages in which d^w, aii£w, av^dvui occur in Pindar shows that dX/cd at di^ei would be an awkward expression, if dX/cd did not imply some personal influence. I therefore conclude that dX/cd alludes to Alcyone, the Pleiad, and that Tkddvfxos, as it were 'rXddv/xos, suggests "ArXct?. 16. 'Axapvai] I.ongof yoreis Achar- nae famous for brave men. Pindar uses the adjective eudvwp of places ; in the Homeric poems it is applied to wine and to arms. In 01. I. 24 we read of the colony of Lydian Pelops blessed with a fine race of men (eV evdvopi HeXorros dirotidq.) ; in 01. VI. 80 Arcadia is called evdvopa ; in Nem. X. 36 the Argives are evdvopa \abv. 17. 80-0-a] But in all that apper- tained unto games the TimoJemids are preferred for highest excellence. 18. irpoXe'YOVTai] Compare N 689 'Adrjvalwv Trpo\e\ty/j.evoi, quoted by the scholiast. Prae caeteris notninantur, Dissen ; TrpoKftcpivrat, schol. 19. vx|/ijj.£'8ovti] By the lordly height of Parnassus. The adjective is gene- rally applied to Zeus, as by Hesiod, Theog. 529. 20. Kopiv8Cwv] The judges of the Isthmian games. 21. €v...irmxeus] In dells of Pel- ops. Compare Isthm. III. 11 ev fida- o-aio-LV 'lad/Aou, il>. VII. 63 "lad/xiov dv vdiros. Bergk's proposal irvXais is un- fortunate. TTTVxeus is a touch of local colouring, like viptfie'dovTi Tlapvao-Q>. 23. eirrd] And with seven crowns at Nemea. tcI 8' olkoi| But their achievements at home, at the games of Zeus, are beyond the compass of number. Him (Zeus), citizens, Timodemus biddeth you NEMEAN II a8fyu.eA.6t 8' e^ap^ere <f)a>va. 37 25 hymn, and withal his own glorious home- coming. Begin the sweet vocal music. oikol] at Athens. The festival of Zeus, at which the Timodemids won so many victories, was the Athenian Olympia (so schol., Boeckh, Dissen &c). Mezger thinks that these games must have been Diasia at either Salamis or Acharnae, of which we have no record. Reference to the Olympia he thinks is impossible, "weil es sich dann nicht erklaren liesse, warum sich die Timodemiden von den iibrigen athenischen Festspielen fern gehalten haben sollten ". But Tindar's silence does not prove that Timodemids did not win prizes at other less important Athenian games. Observe too that ra 5' oikoi in 23 responds to /j.eyd\ais ' A9dvais in 8. 24. tov] There can be no question that the MSS. reading is right and that tov is Zeus. The honour of Zeus and the praise of Timodemus' victory are to be the joint subject of the hymn. As in Nemean I. 8, 9, we have OeQv Keivov avv dvdpos dperah, so here we have tov...<jvv evK\i'C voo-tw. Tip-odr]^ is the dative of the person interested. For /cw/xafw with accusative, compare Nem. x. 34. The a form of the aorist occurs in Nem. XI. 28 KU/J.d<rais, IX. 1 Kw/mdaofitv . So Pindar uses also ko/jli^clls and ko/xktov, ivapfxo^ai and apixoaav, &c. He has eSo/CTjo-ev (Pyt/i. VI. 40) as well as ZSol-a. Bergk punctuates at dpid/xov, and joins Aids dywvi with the following words, referring it to the recent victory at Nemea ; instead of tov he reads t65\ that is, To5e iyKibfiiov. 25. d8up.€X.€i] Compare Isthm. VI. 20 Acw/txai"' eweiTev ddv/j.e\e1 avv v/xvip. For e^apx^Te compare 2 51 G^ns 5' e^ijpxe yooio, Hesiod, Scut. Her. 205, e^pxov doi5i}s. o72155 NEMEAN III. ODE IN HONOUR OF A VICTORY IN THE PANCRATION WON AT NEMEA BY ARISTOCLIDES OF AEGINA. INTRODUCTION. The modern theory of the hereditary transmission of qualities, which in this century is being worked out in so many directions, would have found a warm advocate in Pindar. For it is clear that this doctrine might be perverted by an upholder of aristocracies and monarchies in support of his political prejudices. And Pindar in his sympathies was thoroughly aristo- cratic, belonging himself to a distinguished family and associated in friend- ship with men of high position and with families of ancient name. He believed in the derivation of excellences, physical and moral, from the ancient heroes, to whom such families traced their descent ; and he disdained the doctrine that excellences might be acquired. People of low position are outside his world ; and those whose natural faculties do not reach a certain high level, he regards as doomed, in spite of all teaching, to abide for ever 'in the dark'. The world of men is divided, for him, into eagles and daws. This principle dominated his mind, when he composed a hymn on a victory in the pancration at Nemea 1 , won by an Aeginetan, Aristoclides, son of Aristophanes, whose remarkable achievements — at Megara and Epidaurus as well as at Nemea — in that trying contest beseemed the comeliness of his strong limbs. His name Aristoclides, too, might strike his friends as a fair augury, to Pindar at least suggesting that the man was under the special patronage of Clio, the Muse whose name is of glory ; and, with this thought, he associates her intimately with his hymn. Aristoclides had already reached the years of later manhood, and might seem to his contemporaries one of those few men who at every age realise an appropriate excellence. The hymn opens with a picture of young men standing in Aegina on the banks of the Asopus stream, on the anniversary of the Nemean festival, ready to lift up their voices and waiting only for the arrival of the Muse; for it appears that Pindar had been tardy in executing the commission of Aristoclides 2 . Victory thirsts for a draught of song ; and in the latter end of the ode we shall sec how Pindar describes the ingredients of the potion, 1 As to the date of this ode we only independence. know that it must have been composed a Compare fiaiofievoi, 1. ?, and ofiirep hefore 457 B.C., when Aegina lost her 1. 80. FNTRODUCTIOX. 39 'with many murmurs mix'd', which he offers to the lips of the victor. But here, with a characteristic change of metaphor (suggested by an etymology), he proceeds 1 : 'song, a most propitious minister of crowns and brave deeds, — whereof do thou, O Muse, minister abundance, drawing from the store of my craft '. This is the prelude ; and now, under the auspices of Zeus, the hymn begins; a hymn in praise of one who is fair like a statue, and touched with the grace of art, — really recalling, perhaps, as he stood in the agora of Aegina, a statue of Onatas. And the exploits of Aristoclides are like unto his comely form, equally worthy of the time-honoured agora, associated with the Myrmidons of Achilles. For through the favour of Clio, whose virtue as it were passed into his name, Aristoclides behaved with dauntless hardihood at Nemea, and the blows which wounded him are salved by the hymn of triumph. And thus in marine metaphor, — addressed to the ears of the seafaring Aeginetans, — ' the son of Aristophanes ' has embarked in pinnaces of splendid prowess ; but with the Greek instinct to moderation, the poet straightway marks the limit of the triumphant voyage by the pillars of Heracles, figuring probably the goal of an Olympic victory. Here the first system of the Ode ends, and the next two systems are occupied with the mythical tales which Pindar has chosen to illustrate his theme. In the fourth and last system we return to Aristoclides and Aegina. Having named the pillars of Heracles, the poet is moved to speak of the voyage of discovery made by that hero in the far west, where he reached the end of possible navigations, and reached it alone. And here, having fully expressed what he would say, Pindar feigns to check himself, and to recall his imagination from its wanderings far at sea; for there are examples, awaiting it, at Aegina itself, Aeacid heroes, who can as punctually illustrate the truth which he wishes to convey. To speak of older men, for instance, Peleus— he who cut the supereminent spear — captured Iolcus alone, fiovos avev crrpaTias, and by hard wrestling captured Thetis. There was Telamon too, who, with Iolaus, slew Laomedon, and went against the Amazons, the fear that killeth never dulling the edge of his spirit. And the lesson that is conveyed by these examples, — Heracles, Peleus and Telamon— is now, at the end of the second metrical system, clearly stated- : ( A man who hath the birthright of nobility prevaileth greatly ; but he whose knowledge is a lesson learned is a man in darkness, whose thought is 1 See notson 1. 9. Mezger divides the triple division. hymn thus : , 2 In these words Mezger finds the dpxa (1 — 25); KaraTpoird (26 — 32); Grundgedanke of the hymn ; p. 391 . The dfxepaXos (32 — 64); /j.€Ta.Ka.Ta.T/)cnra (65 — mark, he says, of taught excellence is vovs 67) ; crcppayU (68 — 84). dreX^s (v. 42), that of innate excellence This practically corresponds to my is ri\os e'e ireipq. (v. 70). 4 o NEMEAN III. as a veering gale, and who never cometh to port with unerring course, but with ineffectual mind tasteth a thousand excellences? (Tvyyevd 8e tis ev8otjta peya fipidti' bs 8e dibciKT i'xei yj/e^rjubs dvrjp aXXor aXXa nveav ovtvot arpacfi Karefta tvo8l, fj.vpt.cii/ 8' dptrav dreXd v6a> yeverai. In these lines 'the dark man' who never comes to port is contrasted with Heracles, in echoing words : for of Heracles it was said 1. 25. 6na Tr6p.Tvip.ov Karffiaive vocttov reXos. It is meant moreover that Aristoclides is worthy of comparison with each of these mythical ensamples ; and this meaning is conveyed by Pindar's system of echoes. The superiorities of the victor, noted in 1. 20, dvopeais VTreprdrats eVe'^a, are echoed in the superlative beasts subdued by Heracles, proving his own superlative qualities, 8dpaae 8e 6r)pas — vnepoxovs (1. 24), and again in the superlative spear which Peleus cut on Mount Pelion (1. 33) v n e p aXX o v alxpav rapcov. The comparison between Aristoclides and Telamon is exhibited by the application of Trepiadevrjs to the pancration in 1. 16, echoed in evpvadevijs 1 as the epithet of Telamon in 1. 36. We now come to the third system, in which the life of Achilles is sketched, both in childhood and in manhood. We see him, a child of six years, in the cave of Chiron, dealing death to lions and boars with a small javelin and dragging the bodies, too heavy for him yet, to the feet of the Centaur ; and again we see him by virtue of his fleet feet overtaking and slaying stags without aid of hounds or snares, and in the background Artemis and Pallas Athene standing, amazed. He was nourished in all things fitting his condition by Chiron, that trainer of divine young men, who had brought up Jason and Asclepius, and who compassed the marriage of Peleus with the nymph of the bright well-head. And this training prepared him for fighting with the Lycians and Dardanians at Troy, where his great achievement was to slay Memnon, the son of Morning, and cousin of the inspired Helenus. Pindar leaves us in no doubt that he is comparing Aristoclides to Achilles. Chiron, who is a master in the healing art, bears, it is suggested, the same relation to Achilles, as the poet, who heals by his song, bears to Aristoclides. 'Chiron of deep thoughts' [iadvpfJTa Xcipw is said to have taught Asclepius the art of dispensing remedies with gentle hands-, cpappaKtov' 8i8(ii;e paXciKoxeipa vopov. 1 Both these adjectives arc unusual. logy of Xeipiov. - paXaKoxeipa suggests the etymo- :i (pa.pp.-a.K01> : <ptp<nv duos; see note. INTRO D UCTION. 4 ' Now these words are intended to recall the curious description of the pancratiast's victory (11. 15, &c.) ayopav — ou/c— iplave — pa\ax6iU — KaparcoSeatv 8e nXayav cikos vytrjpbv %v ye (iadvniba Ne/ita to khWivikop (fripeiv 1 . The deep soil of Ncmca, 'the dispenser', provides a remedy, like the deep mind of Chiron, but Chiron himself rather corresponds to the poet 2 as is indicated by fiaOvpfjra, which recalls prjrios dpas dno of 1. 9. Other intentions of Pindar in this story of Achilles will be elucidated by the fourth system, to which we may now pass. By the 'far shining star' of the Aeacidae, fixed at Troy by their achievements there, especially by this victory of Achilles over Memnon, we are lit back, as it were, to the young men singing at Aegina and the proper theme of the hymn. The fourth system is parallel to the first : 1. IO. af)xe 8' ovpava — Kpiovn — 1. 65. ZeC— dywf tov vpvos tfiakev. vpvov. 1. 5. veaviai aiQiv "ma paiopevoi. 1. 66. otti veutv. 1. 12. {ypvov — ), x a P LevTa & e|« 1- 66. vpvos—cTrix*»l>iov x<w a TTovov xvpas ayaXpa. KcXaoecov. 1. 7. dedXoviKia Se pdXio-r doi8av 1. 67. j3od 8e vixacpopcp o-vv'ApiaTo- duXei. xXei'Sa irpf'irei. I. 3. iKeo Awpi'Sa vaaov h'iyivav. 1.68. bs rdvoe vaaov. I.13. x°>P as nyaXfia. 1. 69. dyXaalai peplpvais. Moreover the thirst of 1. 6 is assuaged in the honeyed draught of II. 76 sqq., peXi in 77 echoing peXiyapvcov in 1. 4, and nop doiSipov echoing aotSdi/ of 1. 7. All these echoes mark, as it were audibly, a train of thought returning to the places from which it set out. Aristoclides is said to have wedded the island of Aegina to Renown, and the Theorion or sacred college of Apollo to a society of bright Ambitions. The remarkable words are : bs rdvde vaaov evKXe'i irpoaidr/Ke Xoyco 69 m\ aepvov dyXaalai pepipvais Ylvdiov Qedptov^. Now dyXaalai ptplpvais responds to dyXaoxpavov, the epithet of Thetis, in the corresponding line of the 2nd antistrophos ; of Chiron it is said, 56 vvpobevae 8' avris dyXaoKpavov N^pe'or Ovyarpa. Aristoclides is said to marry Aegina to tvKXefjs \6yos, and the college of Theori to a company of dyXaal Mepi/iwu, just as Chiron married Thetis dy\a6K P avos to Peleus. What is the meaning of this ? How is it that the 1 0e>etc too is echoed in yovov (f>ipra- - This comparison was noticed by Lud- tov (as it were, most -dunning) in 1. 57. wig. See Appendix A, note 3. 3 See note on this passage. 42 NEMEAN III. victor, who has already been compared both to Peleus and to Achilles, is now compared to Chiron? The puzzle is solved in the following lines. Pindar proceeds to set forth that each of the three ages of man, child- hood, early manhood, and elder age, has a proper excellence of its own ; and besides these there is another excellence, not confined to a particular time of life, namely wisdom. Thus there are four excellences or 'virtues' in mortal life. The childhood of Achilles exhibited the first, and his manhood the second. Of advanced age Peleus was the example, as is pointed out by a responsion 1 , 1. 32. TraXaiaio-i 8' iv dpeTa'is. 1. "J?,. * v 7TciKaiT€pOl(Tl... Teaaapas a p eras. It has already been observed that Aristoclides is compared to all these heroes ; the implication being that he inherited the aperd appropriate to each age. For his perfection, it only remains that he should have the fourth excellence, wisdom. Now it is manifest that this excellence would be well illustrated by padvufjra Xelpav ; and therefore, by comparing Aristoclides to Chiron, Pindar would imply that he possessed wisdom. This is the solution of the problem. But in regard to these virtues it must be observed that the fourth, which bids man do wisely that which he does, may be possessed at any age. And Pindar takes care to indicate that all the heroes, whom he has celebrated in the hymn, were endowed with this faculty of thought. Of Heracles it is said kciI yav (ppabaaae (1. 26). The wisdom of Peleus is alluded to by the responsion already mentioned. Telamon is praised because ov8e vlv irore (pofios av8p08ap.au enavaev aKpav cf)peva>v. And of Achilles it is related that in his childhood Chiron nourished him iv dppevoiai TTaai dvpov av^wv 1 , and of his resolve to slay Memnon the curious expression is used iv <f>pao~\ TratjaiTo. The words of 1. 75 (ppovelv 8' iviirei to TrapK.eip.evov elucidate all these phrases 3 . Finally the poet turns to Aristoclides 4 , and solemnly offers him, to assuage 1 This responsion is noticed by Mezger. of the hymn were gained respectively in ' 2 On the significance of this passage I youth, manhood and advanced age. I must refer the reader to Appendix A, have already mentioned that Mezger note 3, where he will find a discussion places the GrundgcJanke in the passage of other details, connected with the about innate and acquired excellence, argument of the hymn. The truth is that both thoughts have :i I may observe that Dissen found been worked out in the poem, the apeTa. the Grundgedanke of the poem in the ofArisloclidesbeingthclinkbetweenthem. passage on the four virtues. " Fons 4 Mezger sees in x<upe (1. 76) "eine explicationis est in eo loco, ubi de aetati- Xuriickwcisung auf y£ya9e v. 33, womit bus vitae dicitur." He thinks that the der Mythus begonnen wurde ". Aristo- three victories mentioned in the last line elides is to be glad like l'eleus. INTR OD UCTION. 4 3 the thirst mentioned at the beginning of the hymn, a draught of song, with honey and white milk for ingredients, — as the Muses accepted only wineless libations — and crowned with foam, presented 'in the breathings of Aeolian flutes', as cups. The hymn concludes with a pointed comparison of Aristoclides to the Aeacids, and especially to Achilles. Just as the eagle, aleros, is the emblem of the Aeacids, Akiki'Scm, so Clio's favour is indicated in the name Aristoclides. The eagle is described seizing a hare in these words tXafiev afya, rrjXode peTapaiopevos, 8a(poiv6v aypav nocrlv. The choice of language shows that Achilles is primarily intended 1 ; 8a<f>oivbp aypav recalls XeovT(o~o-iv dyporepois errpacraev q>6vov (46) and TTocrlv recalls noaa-l yap Kpareo-Ke (1. 52) the traditional quality of Achilles. And Aristoclides too, if not an eagle, has a quality etymologically resembling the eagle's power of 'grasping' prey (eXaftev); for he has dedXocpopov Xfjpa, which suggests Xfjp.p.a 2 . And he too, like the Aeacids, has a star (1. 84, 8e8opKev (pao$. I. 64, dpape (peyyos 3 ). And the prey of Aristoclides is indicated ; for perap-aiop-fvos, used of the eagle, echoes aeSev una ftatofievoi said of the young men in the first strophe. It was upon the song of victory that he swooped. The whole composition is a hymn of the perfect man, who has realised duly the excellences appropriate to the three periods of life, — childhood, manhood, and later manhood. Old age is not mentioned, for the Greeks regarded it as hardly a part of life in the true sense of the word. The perfect man will also realise a fourth quality, not confined to any age, — (ppovelv to TrapK.iLp.fvov. These virtues are illustrated by (i) Achilles as a child, (2) the same hero as a man, and Heracles, (3) Peleus and Telamon, (4) Chiron. The perfect man, who always attains his end by his own faculty, without extraneous aid, is also the man of light, opposed to the ineffectual man, who is called a 'dark' one. And there is a certain atmosphere of light, consciously, about the whole poem ; we feel that we are in the bright Greek world, which extends to the pillars of Heracles, dividing it from darkness. ayaXpa (1. 13), dyXaoKpavov (1. 56), dyXaalcn (1. 69), are notes suggesting the gracious presence of Aglaia ; rrjXavyis apape qbeyyos (1. 64), 8e8op<(v cpdo? (1. 84), Sia0aiVrai (1. 71), even the name of the victor's father 'Ap«rro0 .wq 9, determine the bright atmosphere, of which Clio is the presiding deity. And as in all Pindar's works there are many striking phrases and suggested pictures in this poem — for instance, the young men waiting at the river, the balm of Nemea, Heracles alone in the far west sounding 1 In these lines there is a secondary 1. 83, and to Appendix A, note 3. allusion to the poet himself. See note. 3 This comparison is noticed by 2 In support of this explanation I must Mezger. refer to the note on the significant p.iv in 44 NEMEAN III. the shallows, the child Achilles with his short spear at the entrance of Chiron's cave, the lowflying daws, the draught of song ministered in the breathings of Aeolian flutes, the constellations of glory. METRICAL ANALYSIS. Strophe. A. VV. I, 2. — -i-ww-w-w-ww u-A-w-w-wd5v-w-Sw^A (15) vv. 3, 4. ^> w — w w — w — — w ww w — w — w A (15) B. 1>. C. — . — w — w — w WL/ w — w w — A \7 ) vv.6,7. ---w-<-w-ww^--w-w-ww-w :-w-ww (12) v. 8. — ww — w — w — w — w — — A v.7J Here the strophe falls into two unequal parts of which the second has a mesodic structure (compare the strophes of the Tenth Nemean Ode). Observe that the first two syllables of the 8th line belong rhythmically to the 7 th. It is worthy of remark that r Ueo, in 1. 3, seems to have led Schmidt into the mistake of making the<second fieyedos begin with — - - w w. Epode. A. VV. 1,2. ^ — wv , — w — ww — C — w w (J$ w— w — wwww — ww — w — w -w— A (17) vv. 3, 4. — s_, — ww— • — w — ww - w w — w — w — ww— w — ww— •— w — w — WW (I 7J B. 1} w C — WW — w — WW — WW — W — • — W -- A (o) A structure of this kind is called by Hephaestion an eVwStKoi/. The iir^SiKa, writes Schmidt, "sind so gebaut, dass den zwei gleichen /xfye'^ ein dri'ttes entweder nachfolgt, oder vorangeht, oder als Centrum eingewebt wird". He proceeds "die erste Art ist hochst wahrscheinlich die alteste, da es nahe genug lag, die einzelnen Systeme, ebenso wie die umfangreichere mpiKonj], auch wieder gleichsam in zwei Stollen und einen Abgcsang zu theilen ". It is clear that the strophes of the present ode might be also included under the head of epodics. The rhythm of this hymn is logaoedic, and the mood was Aeolian, as wc learn from I. 79. NEMEONIKAI V. APIZTOKAEIAHt AITINHTH* nArKPATIASTHi. 'H iroTVia M.olaa, fxarep dfierepa, \laao/j,ai, rav irdXv^evav ev (epofi7)via NefiedBt itceo AcoplSa vdaov Klytvav. vhaTi yap fxkvovT itr 'Acr&)7ri&) /u,€\iyapvo)v retcToves <TTp. a . i. co iroTVia Moi<ra] O Muse august, mother of us, come, I beseech thee, on the holy moon of Nemea to the Dorian island of Aegina which harbours many strangers. The Muse invoked is Clio, mentioned by name in line 83. Poets are her spiritual children. The scholiast suggests the relation of Odysseus to Athene, *■ 783: firjTTjp us '05i/<T7}i' irapLaTCLTai -^5' eVa- priyei. 1. •iroXvijtvav] Pindar sometimes adopts a feminine termination in the case of compound adjectives ; as dOavdra Pyth. III. 100, aKivt]Tav 01. IX. 33, irap- povip.av Pyth. VII. 20, and cp. Nem. V. 9. The MSS. have noXv^eiuav, but the resto- ration of iroXv^vav (with Moschopulos) is necessary for the metre. The kindness of the Aeginetans to strangers was famous. In the 8th Olym- pian, 1. 26, the island is called wavro- Bcnrotaiv ^ifois kIovol 8atp.ovlav, a divine pillar for strangers of all lands, and in the 5th Nemean, 1. 8, <pl\av £tvuv dpovpav. €v UpojirivCa N«|x«d8i] The anniversary of the Nemean festival, lepop-qvia is, as Hesychius explains it, simply e'oprdcri/xos Tjpipa festal day, and does not imply that the moon was new or at the full. 3. vSan -yap k.t. X.] For by the waters of Asopits are waiting young men, smiths of honeyed hymns, eagerly seeking for thy voice. Although there is no evidence beyond this passage, it would seem that there was a stream named Asopus near the city Aegina (as well as the Asopus in Boeotia and the Asopus near Phlius). In legend Asopus was the father of the nymphs Thebe and Aegina. 4. iievovr'] That is, p.tvovTi = p.ivovai. p-eXryapvcov t€ktov€S kcoiawv] Here the singers (xopevrai) are called artificers of the hymns. In another place (Pyth. III. 113) the metaphor is used of the poet : K7]!; iirluiV Kf\0.8ew(bv, TiKTOVd Old ffocpol dpp,o<rav, yivw<jKopei>, from the sounding verses wrought by skilful joiners. The writer of the essay on Pindar's Odes of Victory in the Quarterly Review of Jan. 1886 observes in regard to this phrase (p. 171); "Even the ex- pression 'poet -builders', though it does not seem unnatural to us who are familiar 4 6 NEMEONIKAI F koo/mdv veaviai, aedev oira fxaiofievoi. Btyfrfj Se 7rpdyo<i ak\o p,ev ciWov' ae&koviicia he fidXtcrT doiBav cpikel, GT€(j)dvo)v dperdv re Se^ccordrav otraSov. t«? dfydoviav oira^e /xt/rios a fids airo' dp-%6 8\ ovpavov 7ro\vv€(f)e\a icpeovri dvyarep, avT. a . 10 with Milton's 'build the lofty rhyme', must have been a significant expression when it was used by Pindar ; since we find it parodied by Aristophanes and Cratinus ". See Aristophanes, Equites 530 T^KTOves einra\dp.wv vfxvuv and Cratinus, EiV. 3. It is to be observed that fj.e\i- ■yapvs is not used as an epithet of persons but only of utterance. Pindar uses it always of hymns; 01. XI. 4 and Pyth. III. 64 /xe\iydpves vfivot; in Homer it qualifies 6\f/, fj. 187. 5. fj.cu6|ievoi] Pindar has chosen this word to allude to the circumstance that the hymn was delayed beyond its due time. ixa.iop.ai, I seek, is used by Pindar (1) without a case, 01. I. 46, (2) with accusative, as here and Pyth. XI. 51 Sward /xato/xeeos, (3) with infinitive, 01. VIII. 5 /J.aio/j.ii'uv \afie~iv. But there is ultimately little difference between the three cases; in (:) an accusative is under- stood, and in (3) the infinitive is gram- matically the object. 6. 8u|/t] 8e] Divers are the thirsts of divers exploits ; but victory in the games is chiefly fain of song, ministress most auspicious of crowns and valiant deeds. Dissen translates di\prj desiderat, but it is a mistake to render the original, which is far stronger than wodel or iiridv/xei, by a weaker equivalent. Compare Pyth. ix. 103 i/Jii 5' un> rts doiddv dl\j/av axeibficvov irpaao-ei XP^ 0S a^Tty iydpai. The rare word Trpdyos differs from tpyov only in dignity and solemnity, tpyov is a deed ; wpuyos is an exploit. 7. deGXoviKCa] This word occurs only here. 8. o-TJcfxxvcov dperdv t«] In sense this is a hendiadys, but there is no reason to translate it as such. Joined with oiraobv the adjective b~ei~iwTdTav is felicitous ; it suggests that song, the companion, walks on the right of victory. aedXoviida. and doedd are abstractions; diraddv suggests a concrete picture, and de^iwrdrav helps to define it. 9. toLs d<f>0oviav] Thereof minister an ungrudging measure from the store of my craft. Tas = doi5as; the request is addressed to the Muse. In the preceding verse Song was called the companion of victory; in this verse song is regarded rather as a measurable thing than as a person, and the Muse is asked to send abundance thereof to accompany the vic- tory of Aristoclides. With consummate skill the poet connects the second meta- phor with the first by choosing the word o-n-dfa, which literally meant send along with (as an 07ra56y), as in £ 310 dp.' r)yep.6v' icrdXbv oiracTCTov, but acquired the more general sense of bestow. With /xtjtios d/xds dwo compare Nem. IV. 8. In Homer a.p.6% means our but in Pindar my; see Isth. V. 45, Pyth. iv. 27 and n 1. 41. 10. apX £ 8* ovpavov k.t.X. ] Begin a true hymn in honour of the king of the cloudy welkin, his daughter thou; and I will impart it to their blending voices and commit it to the lyre. Dissen's explanation of 1. 10 is certainly correct, praei vero cacli regi praeclarum hymnum, fllia {—filia Jovis). Bergk introduces into the text of his fourth edition Ovpai'ot, 7roAi>j'e</>Aa Kplovri Ov- yarep, Urania, daughter of the king NEMEAN III. 47 hvKi^iov vp,vov' iyw Se /ceivoov re vcv 6dpoi<; \vpa t€ Kotvdaofiai. yapUvra & e£ei trovov %u>pa<z dyriXfia, Mvpp,i86ve<; Iva irporepoi ojKTjaap, wv 7ra\ai(f)aTov dyopdv enwrapped in clouds, but the Muse ad- dressed is Clio, not Urania, and all the MSS. have Tro\vve<pt\a (genitive). The scholium 6 fj.ev 'Apiarapxos Qvpavou dvyar^pa tV Movvav otdeKrai shows, as Mommsen pointed out, that Aristarchus read Ovpavcp iro\w>e<p(Xqi Kpeovri. Ovyarep, which would support Bergk's construc- tion. 11. 86ki(iov] ein echtes Lied, Mezger; approved. Compare Aeschylus, Persae, 547 Acd7iL> 5£ fj.6pov tQiv oixop-tvuv aipw ookiixus TroXvTrevdrj. 86ki/jlos would be the word for translating patent into Greek. oapois] Used of choral song (cf. iraiouv ddpoHji, J'yih. i. 98). vlv (restored by Mommsen for pup) is vp.vov. 12. Koivd<ro|iai] For the sense com- pare Pylh. VIII. 29 dva.Qip.tv {commit) iraaav p-aKpayopiav Xvpa re Kal cpdeypLari fxakOaKu, and Horace, Odes iv. 9. 1 1 vi- vuntque commissi calores Aeoliae fuiibus puellae. The poet acts as a -n po<p7}T7\% or interpreter of the Muse to the musicians. In Pytli. iv. 115 Pindar uses the active aorist of kolv6w in the same construction, vvktl Koivdaavres bbbv, to Night (and to none other) having imparted the secret of their journey. XapfcvTO, 8' Q(i irovov] Its gracious work will be a bright jewel to deck the land inhere in former days dwelled the Myrmidons, v/xvos is the nominative to ?£ei, and if any change were necessary I should prefer Rauchenstein's ££eis (sc. Mo?<ra) to Mr Fennell's e£ecu (sc. Moicra), of which, as of other 'causal Middles', I confess that I feel rather shy. But it seems unnecessary to deviate from the mss. ; the semi-personification of the Hymn is thoroughly Pindaric (compare Nem.l. 5). The interpretation of Dissen is as untenable as those of Boeckfa and Malthiae. (1) Boeckh making x^pa-s dyaXpa mean the chorus took it for the subject of eijei : " pulcrum elegantemque laborem habebit chorus ". (2) Matthiae also took x^P as dyaXfxa for the subject but explained it as the ode. (3) Dissen and Hermann understood Zeus as the subject of e£« and took x a P LiVTBL as P re_ dicate : " lubens autem accipiet hoc carmen Iuppiter utpote ornamentum terrae ". XapUis trbvos is a work inspired by the Graces, and the closely following ayaXpa suggests Aglaia. (See Appendix B.) tt6vos does not mean toil here, rather work of the hands, as though the song in honour of Aegina were a statue, and this comparison is further hinted at in the word dyaXp.a, which is specially used of images (in Nem. x. 67 it means the headstone of a tomb). 13. Mvp(ii86v€s] In a fragment of Ilesiod it is related that Zeus supplied Aeacus with a people by transforming ants, p.vppL7]Kcs, into men, who were thence called ~M\<pp.i56ves. They were the oldest inhabitants of Aegina. 14. cryopriv] In conformity with the metre of the corresponding lines of the other strophes we expect here a word of spondaic instead of anapaestic scansion. (Hence Rauchenstein has proposed dXudv and Kayser 'ibpav.) But in the fourth lines of the epodes of this ode we also find a variation between — and ~ w ; hence it seems gratuitous to suppose that there is a corruption, especially as the word gives most excellent sense. Aristoclides brought no soil of shame on the Place of Assembly called after the Myrmidons; and in the fourth strophe (1. 69) it is said that he glorified the Theorion, which was 4 8 NEMEONIKAI I". ovk iXcy^eeocriv 'AptcrTO/cXe/Sa? reav 1 5 ifiiave tear alcrav iv irepto-Oevel fxaka^Oel^ 7rayfcpaTiov aroXw' Ka/iaTcoSecov 8e ifkayav eV. a. a/cos vytrjpov ev fiaOvrrehiw Ne/xea to kciSXlvikov cpepei. probably situated close to the agora (cf. Mezger, p. 386). It is clear, I think, that dyopd means here, primarily, the place of assembly (not conventum as Dissen takes it), suggesting of course the fame and traditions of the Myrmidons inseparably associated with the place. 15. ovk eXe-y^e'co-cnv k.t.X.] Translate: whose time-honoured agora Aristoclides, by virtue of thee, O Clio, stained not with soils of shame through soft succumbing in the stalwart array of the pancration. That Aristoclides is possessed of the valour that wins renown (/cX^os) his very name {'Apicrro- xXeiSas) is a sign, and for the same reason he is the favourite of Clio (KXeici, who sings to, kXco. dvSpuiv). This idea is expressed by reav kolt aTaav, under thy auspices — a stronger phrase than aov x&P lv - For a ^°' a means omen (compare the adjective ai'crtos), and here suggests that the name Aristoclides is ominous. In a passage in the Ninth Olympian Ode (1. 42) the word, I think, has a similar significance: iV aloXo(3p6vra Aids ataa Uvppa AevKtzXicov re Hapvacrov Kara- fidvre 86/XOV id€VTO TTpUTOV K.T.X. wlicre under the auspices of Dens (Zeus), who wieldeih the forked fame, Pyrrha (suggesting itvp] and Deu-calion &c. Here aXcra. calls attention to an omen latent in the names Deucalion and Pyrrha. — With ovk iXeyx^eo-criv ep.ia.ve Dissen com- pares Solon (frag. 32, Pergk) pudvas Kal KaTaio-xbva? kXIos. Compare \f/ev5e<n kcl- ra/Mdvais (Pyth. IV. 100) and Qe6yvi)rov ov KO.reXe'yxei-s {Pyth. VIII. 36). For redv Bergk reads idv after a scholium. rf>. irepicrGtvei] This Pindaric adjec- tive occurs only here and in frag. 131, 1. 2, where it is used of Death : Kal oGpux p.ev trdvrcov ewerai davdry irepiffOevei, and the body of each follo-weth stalwart Death. It conveys the idea of the immense strength required for the pancration. otoXqj sug- gests a comparison with real warfare, as Dissen has noticed, comparing Pyth. XI. 50 WvQdi re yvpivov eiri ffrddiov Karafidvres TJXey^av 'EXXavida arpandv utKvraTi. Mezger translates Allkampfsgang (cf. IVaffengang). 17. Ka(j.aTw8tu<v 8e irXa-yav] But he hath a healthful balm for weary bloius and bruises, even the hymn of victory which the deep dale of Nemea doled to him. The thought that victory and the songs which celebrate victor)' are a physic for pain often recurs in Pindar; compare e.g. the opening lines of the Fourth Nemean, and Nemean vni. 49. For Kaparworis cf. Hesiod, Op. et D. ^82 Oepeos Ka/xardideot Copy, and Pindar, frag. 218 /ca/xorcioees p,ipLlxvat.. 18. ev PaSinreSi'a) Nefiea] Most MSS. have ev j3advire5iai, two (X and Z prima matin) have ev j3advire5oj, the Moscho- puleans have tv ye fiadvirtbu. I think Bergk is rash in adopting the latter. fiadinre'dtos {'with low-lying plain) is an isolated compound of iredlov, and Pindar coined it in order to arrest the attention and emphasize his covert meaning. Ne- mea is a dispenser (vip.w) of balm and her vale is deep, even as the mind of Chiron the healer is deep (see below 1. $_?, [3advp.7JTa and 1. 55 vo/xov). to KaXXiviKov (f)6p«i] he has won the song of triumph ; he is greeted in song as to KaXXtviKe, conquering hero. In Olymp. IX. 2 we have kuXXLvikos 6 rptrrXoos Ke- xXa5t6s (the hymn swelling with thrice- resounding shout of triumph), where vfivos NEMEAN ITT. 49 el 8' icov KaXos epScop r ioiKora fMopcpa dvopeais vtreprdrai^ eVe/3a irals 'Apto-Tocpavew;, ovkcti irpoato 20 dftdrav aXa kiovwv virep 'Hpa/cXeo? irepdv evpapes, y]pa)<i #eo9 «9 edr)/ce vavrtXtas e'cr%aTa<? arp. /3'. is understood ; cf. Pyth. v. 106 rb KaWt- vikov fit\os. <pe"peip is used for winning as well as (pipeudai ; see Isthm. VI. 21. But here a/cos </>^ei is intended to suggest an etymology of <papp.-a.Kov, see below 1. 55. The present tense implies that the conse- quences of the victory are not yet over. Bergk, after a scholium, reads (pipeiv (To win at A'emea is balm). But a view of the whole context supports the MSS. reading ; it seems most natural that after the negative assertion ovk i/xiave, the particle 6Y should introduce a corre- sponding positive assertion. 19. si 8' €wv k.t.X.] But if the son of Aristophanes, being comely and doing deeds like unto his comeliness, embarked in the loftiest achievements of manhood's excellence, then it is not an easy thing to traverse further the pathless sea beyond the pillars of Heracles which the hero-god set as witnesses of the limits of his famed seafaring. For the association of beauty with beautiful deeds compare Olymp. ix. 94 wpalos ewf Kal ku.\6s KaWiara re pe'ijcus, Isthm. VI. 22 cde'vei r ^KirayXos idelv re p.op<pdeis, oryet t aperav ovk aXa\iov <pvas, Olymp. VIII. 19 tjv 6" eoopav ko\o% Zpyy t oil Kara eWos e\iyxw. It is not neces- sary to interpret avopeacs laudes with Dissen ; it simply means manly deeds, which imply manly qualities. enefia in- troduces the metaphor of the seafarer; compare einfialveiv vavol Thucyd. VII. 70. In Nem. XI. 44 p.eyaXai>oplais ep.fiaivop.ev, we embark in great deeds of valour, a similar metaphor is used of the poet. Aristoclides' noble qualities are the ship in which he sails and reaches the pillars of Heracles; the fact that he reaches them, though not expressly stated, is implied in the next clause, and is assured by the excellence of the ship (virepTa.Ta.is). 20. ovk€ti wpoirto k.t.X.] The pillars of Heracles were a prominent feature in Pindar's view of the world. In Olymp. in. 43 it is said of Theron that by his deeds of prowess he toucheth without leaving home (airrerat oiKoQev) the pillars of Heracles, to iropao) 5' Igti (robots (LfSoiTov Ka<TO(pois, but that which is beyond may not be traced by wise or witless; compare Isthm. III. 30 avopiais 5' e<rx<i- TCLiaiv oiKodev o~Ta\aicriv a.TtTOvft' Hpa- KXeiais, almost verbally the same. In both these cases the force of oiKodev is to qualify a somewhat strong metaphor. See also Nem. IV. 69 Taoeipuv to 7rpos £b<pov ob ireparbv. In the present case the poet makes the metaphor an intro- duction to a short statement of the services of Heracles the Deliverer. The declension of 'HpaxXojs in Pindar is -tot, -el and -rji, -ia -ees. The ante- penult is long in 12 passages, short in 10, and twice doubtful. 22. vavriXCas kX-utoLs] Pindar uses vavriXia in the plural, also of Heracles' sea-voyaging, in Isthm. III. 75 : 8s OvXvpvbvb' £/3a yaias re waaas /ecu fiaOvKprjpvov woXids dXds e^evpwv divap vavTiXiaio~i T€ iropdpbv apepuxrais, who went to Olympus, having discovered the beetling ledge of the whole earth and of the white sea, and having tamed the deep by his seafaring (irop6p.bs is the sea from the aspect of navigators). The reading of the best mss. kXvtcLs is certainly right (al. k\vtcls) ; vavrtXias kXvt&s balances iaxdras Klovas. 4 5o NEMEONIKAI f. liaprvpas K\vTa<i' hajiaae he 6r)pa<i iv ireXayel virepo^ovi, ihiq t epevvaae revayecov pod<}, OltCt TTOfATTlflOV KClT€/3aiV€ voarov reXos, teal yav (ppcihaaae. 0vp,e, rcva irpb<; dWoharrav 25 23. 8d|xa<re 8« k.t.X.] He subdued monstrozis beasts on the ocean and by him- self searched out the streams and the shallozus, as far as where he zvas landing at the goal that speedeth homezuard, and he made land known. All the mss. have weXdyei, except B which has ?re\d- yea'i. I follow Bergk in reading rreXdyei (there is a similar error, drpeKei for arpeKfr, in 1. 41 below). Von Leutsch suggests that these words may be a reminiscence of words of Stesichorus, who first narrated the fable. 24. The MSS. have vzrepbxos I5ia(a) r epevvaae. The scholia mention another reading Sid t' epevvaae, whence Boeckh deduced dia r' e^epevvaae. With Momm- sen and Mezger I believe we should retain ISla, on his own account, without the aid of others ; this was a significant characteristic of Heracles' achievements, and that Pindar wished to insist on it in this ode is clear from the emphatic prominence given to the fact that Peleus was single-handed when he captured Iolcos, p.bvos dvev arparias, 1. 34. M. Schmidt proposed azriSlas ( = p.aicpd$) and Bergk d'idvds (caliginosa, cf. 7r?;X6s aiSvbs in Hesychius). T€va"ye<ov] The schol.: bivypoi ical rrapa- TTOTdpnoi 6<pp6es fjToi Traparerap.e'vq xal vwepix°vaa 777 odaa, is hardly correct. revdy-q are, as Dissen says, ' irrjKuiSri zreXdyr), vada\ and Mr Fennell aptly quotes Pliny's remark about the straits of Gades, frequentes taeniae candicantis vadi carinas tcntant (Hist. Nat. III. 1). Heracles discovered the channels (pods) intersecting the tracts of shallow water. With tpevvaae (Lat. scrutari) compare p. 259 iropovs dXds i^epeelvwv. 25. otra k.t.X.] This clause defines the place up to which Heracles explored the shallows. He was landing (note the im- perfect, which is relative to epevvaae not to Pindar) at the goal which causeth return — beyond which none sail — that is the Straits of Gades. The meaning of the passage has been obscured by not attending to the tense of Kara^aivu and by taking voarov as meaning Heracles' own return. As no causal adjective is formed from voaros, voarov Tr6p.-mp.ov is used instead. Mezger compares 1r6p.miJ.os <piXcov, Eur. Med. 848. Dissen wrongly takes voarov with tAos (meta reditus). Karafialveiv = devenire ad porttim, com- pare Hem. iv. 38. 26. <j>pd8ao-o-e] Coordinate with epev- vaae, not with Karej3aive. This verb, formed from <ppa5d, is perhaps a coinage of the Pindaric mint. It is generally rendered 'made the land known' (terram indicavit, machte kund das Land), almost equivalent to 'ieppaae. But just as yvu- ptfw means to discover (as well as to make known), so (ppabafa may mean to discover by (ppaS-rj, that is, by conjecture or divina- tion; he discovered the land which he had divined. For (ppadrj compare 01. XII. 9 rQv 8e p,eXXovTcov rertxpXwvrai (ppadal, Aeschylus Eum. 245 p.7jvvrypos dcpOiyKTov (ppadats. 9v(jl€, riva. /c.t.A.] Soul, to what pro- montory of outlanders dost thou make my ship's course to veer? The expression reminds us of Dante's la navicella del mio ingegno. dXXobairos means of a strange land, as rip.e8air6s means of our land. irapapeijiop.ai, pass by (in Pyth. II. 50 irapap-elperai SeX<piva, outstrips the dolphin in speed) is here used in a causal sense; but observe the limitation, ep.bv irXoov is not really distinct from dvfios the subject of wapapelpeai, it is merely 9v/jl6s in another aspect ; and thus ip-bv NEMEAN III. 51 anpav ep,ov ttXoov irapap,et^eat ; Ala/CM ae <papl yivei re Moiaav <f>epeiv. eirerai Se Xoyw 8itca<; aayros, icrXos alvetv ovft dXkorpiwv epwres dvSpl <pepeiv Kpecrcrove<i. olicodev fidreve. iroTi(f)opov 8e Koapov eX,a/3e9 dm. /3'. 30 tt\6ov TrapaneijSeai is virtually equivalent to Trapa/j.eifieai in its usual sense. The preposition has the shade of meaning often expressed in Latin by de; deflectere. 28. AlaKw k.t.X.] / charge thee, con- vey the Muse for Aeacus and his race; my tale is wafted on its errand to praise noble men by a blast of Justice. Desires of foreign things are not the better burden for a man ; search at home. These lines of transition from the myth of Heracles to the exploits of the Aeginetan heroes are often misunderstood. Pindar recalls the ship of his soul from Gades, reminding her that 'Aeacus and his race' have chartered her to carry the Muse (Clio) ; then he adds that in returning to Aegina he is adopting the best method of praising the victor, even by cele- brating the bravery of the race of Aeacus. The deprecation of dWorplwv tpwres applies primarily to the poet him- self (aWoTpioju taking up dWodairdu of 1. 26), secondarily to the victor (cf. below 1. 40). In line 28 ^ajiC has what the Germans call a pregnant sense, / charge thee (cp. Tennyson's 'Memory, I charge thee, rise'). 29. i:ir€TCH %\ Xo-ya) k.t.X.] Of the two interpretations of this line which have been put forward, the most usually ac- cepted is otiose and irrelevant, the other is unlikely. (1) Adest autem verbo meo iustitiae summum decus, bonorum in praedicatione positum (Dissen) ; or, as Mr Fennell (taking \6ytp differently) translates, 'The flower of justice concurs with the maxim "praise the noble'". Whether Pindar would under any cir- cumstances have termed such a maxim 'the gloss of justice', I may be permitted to express a doubt, but in this context it is at best irrelevant, having no connexion with what precedes or with what follows. For if it is not irrelevant, it stultifies the point of Pindar's argument. He cuts short his eulogy of Heracles that he may celebrate the praises of Peleus and Achilles: why? Because it is the essence of justice to praise the noble. Therefore, according to this interpretation, Pindar either wrote a line that had no point, or suggested the proposition that Heracles was not noble. Neither the procedure nor the doctrine are Pindaric. (2) Von Leutsch and Mezger to avoid these con- sequences take eo-Aos, not as a Doric accusative, but as a nominative agree- ing with aw-ros, and make alveiv depend on the adjective: 'adjuncta autem meo verbo justitia egregia ad laudandum est, i.e. summo jure Aeacum nunc laudo'. But iaXbs alvelv as a qualification of 5kas acoros is intolerably weak,— it would not be too much to call it bathos. (5t/cas) awros is the best; it is, certainly, un- necessary to add that the best is good to praise. i<r\bs would be in any case a strange adjective with oiwros. For my own view of the passage see Appendix A, note 3. 30. <}>€p€iv] The metaphor of the ship ceased in 1. 29, but the sound of the last word in 1. 28 is echoed in verse 30. With Kpiacoves understand epwrwv olKetuv, words which it was needless to express, as dWorpluv, being a correlative word, implies oiicetwv and the implication is rendered quite clear by oiKodev in 1. 31. 31. iroT£<j>opov 8c] iruritpopos (irpba- 4—2 52 NEMEONIKAI P. jXvkv tl yapvepev. iraXaialart S' iv operate yeyaOe IT^A-ei)? dvafj, virepaXkov al^pudv rap,a>v' b? /cat ?i(i)\kov el\e puovos dvev arparid^, Kal irovTiav %ert,v Karepbap-^ev ey/covrjTL. AaopbeBovra 8' evpvadevrj^ 35 <popo$), meet, but here with a more literal shade of meaning, determined by (pipuv in the preceding line, — good to cany. A similar reference to the etymological sig- nification of irp6<T<popos will be found in Nem. vin. 48 (see note). K6a/j.os is argu- ment or material for praise. We may en- deavour to bring out the force of irorlfpopos somewhat thus : Thou (Pindar still ad- dresses his soul) hast taken a fair burden of praise, to sing withal some sweet strain. For y\v\di ti yapvi/xev compare p.e\iyap6wv kw/xcjv in 1. 4. The whole sentence is illustrated by some verses in the Eleventh (Tenth) Olympian ode ladi vvv ' Apx^crpdrov 7rcu, Teas, ' Ay rja 18 a /u.e, irvyfxaxlcis 'iuexev Kocrfiov iirl (rrecpdvuj xpiWas eXcu'as adufxeXij /ceXaS^crw (11. 11 — 14). Know now, O Agesidamus, that for thy boxing I will sing a sweet resounding song to be a jewel in thy crown of golden olive leaves. For £Xa,p6$ of the MSS., Bergk after a scholium reads fXaxes. But iXaxes gives inferior sense. e'Xa/3es is appropriate after tx&reue. Search out (like a hound on the traces of prey) matter for praise at home. But thou hast caught &c. 32. iraXaiato-L 8' ev dpeTats k.t.X.] Endued 7vith the excellences of older men, the lord Peleus had joy therein, zvhen he cut a spearshaft surpassing great ; it was he who took Iolcos all alone, without a host, and who clutched fast Thetis of the sea by dint of toil and strife, iv does not depend on yiya.de, but means in posses- sion of, the words iv waXaicus dptrah qualifying the subject, iv in Pindar is elastic, and perhaps some may prefer to take it here as meaning in the sphere of, to deal with. waXatah refers to Peleus' advanced age, not to his antiquity; see below 1. 73 (note). 33. x)TT€paXXov al\[idv] inripaXXos, towering above others, overtopping, match- less, is a Pindaric coinage. Its motive is partly to be found in the preceding dWorpluv ; the spear of Aeginetan Peleus surpasses all others. So too the beasts which Heracles subdued were viripoxot (1. 24). See Introduction to this ode. Of this spear which Peleus cut him on Mt. Pelion we read in II 143: Y[y)Xid8a /j.eXi7]v rr\v irarpl <piXu v6pe Xe/pwy HrjXiov e/c Kopvcprjs, (pbvov ip.p.eva.1 Tjpwecr- criv. 34. FiwXkov] This name appears to have had the digamma, FiwXubv (so Christ). The capture of Iolcos was an act of vengeance on Acastus, of whose relations with Peleus we shall hear something in the Fourth and Fifth Nemean hymns. Pindar calls special attention to the circumstance that Peleus' exploit was accomplished singlehanded (see above note on 1. 24). 35. KaT«|Aapi|/€v] For the wooing of Thetis see Nemean IV. 62 sqq. Karafidp- 7ttw is to overtake or catch something that is running away or trying to elude the grasp. iyKov-qrl is a Pindaric forma- tion from iyKoviw. As this verb doubtless suggested k6vis to Pindar's mind, the idea of iyKovrjTi may have a shade of Dissen's non sine pulvere, but Mezger is right in translating it hastig. The rapid and sudden transformation of Thetis demanded exceeding haste in the efforts of Peleus. The novelty of the adverb renders it more telling. 36. €vpv<r9evTJs] This adjective is applied in Nem. V. 4 to Pytheas, con- queror in the pancration, and so here it NEMEAN III. 53 TeXa/xcov \6\a Trapaa-Tara^ iwv 'iirepaev' /cat 7tot€ yjxKKOTO^ov ' Afia^oixov [act aktcdv eV. /3'. eirero ?ot' ovSe viv irore <po/3o<i dvSpoSdfAais hTravaev aKp^dv (frpevwv. crvyyevel 8e ris evho^ia p,eya ftpiOei' 40 05 06 OiociKT £X eL > Y €< PV V0 ^ avrjp aWor aWa irvewv 01 ttot drpeicei suggests that in massive strength Telamon re'sembled Aristoclides, the victor ev rre- purO evei wayKpariov <tt6\w (above 1. 16). In the first line of the 5th Pythian ode, evpvedevris is applied to ttXovtos ; but it is to be observed that ttXovtos is personified and compared to a squire (en^rav 1. 4), just as here Telamon is a squire of Iolaos. In Isthm. 11. 17 we have evpvo-6evi)s 'AirdXXwv, in 01. xn. 2, if our text is right, 'Ifxipav evpvo-9evi\ and in 01. IV. 12 <pa.os eupvadev^uv aperav (of a victor in a chariot race). In Homer the adjective is applied to Poseidon. 37. 'IdXa] The enterprise against Trojan Laomedon was undertaken by Heracles, Iolaos and Telamon; but in this reference Pindar purposely avoids mentioning Heracles' name, which might have seemed to overshadow the fame of the hero of Aegina ; moreover he had already done honour to Heracles and had abruptly turned from the seductive theme. It was Heracles and not Telamon who slew Laomedon, hence ^irepae, which does not imply the individual act of slaughter, but means wrought the ruin of, abolished Laomedon and his city. Trapao-TaTTjs means comrade or squire (properly, com- rade on the flank, distinguished from eirio-Tarris, man in the rear, and Trpoo-nxT-^s, man in the front rank). In Ncm. iv. 25 Telamon is mentioned as Heracles' com- panion on this expedition ; likewise in 1st hni. v. 27 sqq. 38. KaC ttot€ k.t.X.] And once he followed him (Iolaos) in quest of the mighty Amazons with brazen bows. x a ^~ koto£os does not occur elsewhere. Dissen compares Xijpa to^ovXkov, Aeschylus, Persae 55. 39. ouSe viv k.t.X.] Nor did fear that masterelh men ever dull the flashing edge of his spirit. The literal meaning of clk/xt) is edge as in %vpov a.Kp.7), i;t<povs clk/xtj &c. ; hence keenness of mind or spirit. In Isth. VII. 41 evaXlyKiou o~TepoTrcuo~i anpav ttoSQv, the idea is that of a glancing edge : render 'like unto lightning-flashes in the splen- dour and speed of his feet' (cp. aiyXa irodQv, 01. XIII. 36). The quantity of the first syllable of a.Kp.6. is common in Pindar (here - as in Isth. vii. 41; - in Pyth. iv. 64; 01. n. 63; - Isth. in. 69). This casting away of the reproach of fear from Telamon completes the com- parison with Aristoclides, from whom the reproach 0ip.0Xa.Kia. is repelled in 11. i t ^, 16. 40. cruyyevei 8« k.t.X.] See Intro- duction, p. 39. evdoi;la is nobility or valour, but Pindar probably intended to suggest thoughts instinctively brave. In (3pidu the comparative idea, latent in all words denoting weight, is strongly marked: compare Sophocles, Ajax, 130 p.rjd'' 8yK0v dpy p^Sev^ ei twos ttX4ov 77 x ei P l j3pi'0ets 77 p.aKpov ttXovtov fiddu, and (governing an accusative) Nem. VIII. 18 Kivvpav Zj3pio-e ttXovt^. In this passage it is a question of x e 'P' ftpideiv -. in the boxing and wrestling the hand of Aristoclides was (physically) heavy on his adversaries. For the Pindaric doctrine in these lines, see Ncm. 1. 25. 41. <J/e<j>r|v6s] Bergk was rash in alter- 54 NEMEONIKAI I". Kare/3a ttoSi, fivpiav 8' dperav arekel vow yeverai. %avdo<; 8" 'A^t\ei)? ra fiev /xevtov <i>i\vpa<; ev $6/jL0ls, crrp. y . 7rai<i icov aOvpe /xeydXa ?epya, X e P <Ti @ a H't>va ^pa^vcriSapov cikovtcl ttclWcov caov avep.oi<; 45 p>aya Xeovreaaiv dypoTepoa eirpacraev <povov, Kcnrpow; t evaipe, acop,aTa Se irapa KpovuSav ing the MSS. reading to \pe<peivos on the analogy of opeivds dXyeivus (paeivos &c. These adjectives correspond to Spos (dative 6pei), dXyos, (pdos &c. , whereas ipe(pr]v6s is to be connected not with \l*{<pos but with \pt<pas, and finds an exact parallel in ceXrjvrj : creXas. This man, whose soul, unillumined by native light, is fickle and unsuccessful, is compared to a mariner sailing under a dark welkin, yielding to the impulse of varying blasts and never coming safe to shore by sheer dint of strong and skilful steering. While ttoSL means the foot of the wanderer it perhaps suggests the sheet of the ship. Pindar chooses his language so as to bring out unmistakably the con- trast between the ineffectual plodder and an inspired hero like Heracles, ov Ka.Te(3a contrasts with Kari(3atve and dreXel with t^Xos in 1. 25. 43. to, |iev |a«'vwv] These words ac- cording to Boeckh and Dissen opposita stmt versibus 59 et sqq., ubi de Troiano bello et iuvenili s. virili Achillis aetate agitur ; 11011 potnit seqiti to. 5£ quit m multa interiecla totaque orationis forma mittata sit. I believe however that Mezger is right in taking 5<: in verse 49 as the responsive to fiiv of verse 43. When he was a boy of six years old he shot the beasts without leaving the cave of Chiron (p.tvuiv ev 86/j.ols) ; afterwards he hunted abroad and pursued the stags. •tuXvpas] Chiron was the offspring of Philyra and Cronos. 44. otGvpe |i£-yd\a F^p-ya] wrought mighty deeds in sport. 8a|iivdJ For Oa/xd, as though a neuter plural of da/uuvos; cp. 01. I. 53 aKipdeia XeXoyxev da/xiva KaKayopos, full often hath loss befallen evil-speakers. 45. (3pa\vo-i8apov] Full often bran- dishing in his hands a small-headed javelin, swift as winds, he would, in battle zvith them, deal bloody death unto savage lions. The smallness of the jave- lin, suitable to the little boy, is accentua- ted by a new word /3paxv<rifiapos, just as the size of Peleus' mighty lance was described by the novel compound virip- aXXos. The MSS. have Teov t dvip.oi<nv ev fidxq-. The causes of the double mistake are clear; the omission of the half-stop after ^pya in 1. 44 led to the insertion of r' (in disregard of the metre), and ev crept in from the margin (ev /J-dxa a gloss on fidxa). Moschopulos' i'ca r' dvepLouTiv is from a critical point of view unlikely; the corruption of taa to tcrov is not easily explained, and (era dvtfxois seems to require some additional adjective, par- ticiple or explanatory word, to express running with windlike speed. But when we consider the context we see that this reading is simply impossible. Achilles is represented as abiding in the house of Philyra; we must imagine him standing in the mouth of the cave and shooting the beasts who prowl thereby. Running is thus excluded. At a later age he became a swift runner and his speed is mentioned below 1. 52 in an express clause. I have therefore followed the reading of E. Schmid and Bergk. The arrow, though shot l>y the child, flew with matchless swiftness. 47. crwfuiTa Si k.t.X.] All Mss. have NEMEAN III. 55 Kevravpov ncrdixaivoiv etco/ju^ev, k^errjs Toirpwrov, oXov 8' eireur av y^povov tov tOapbfieov "Aprepls re icai QpaaeV 'Addva 50 KT61V0VT i\dcf)ov<; civev kvvwv SoXlcov 8" kpicewv' Troacrl yap tcpdrecTKe. Xeyopevov 8e tovto irporepwv eVo? e'^cw ' /3a0Vfif)Ta Xetpcov rpdcpe Xidivw dvT. <y' . dcrdp-alvovra, and most awfj-ara ; D how- ever gives adi/xaTL, B and B ffcofxdria. Most editors have abandoned the reading of Triclinius crwfj.ari — dadp-aivovn and accept aibfiara — dadp-aivovra, which has apparently preponderant authority. An old paraphrase however points in a differ- ent direction : rip 5e avrov crJjfxari ivepyuv 6 ' AxiXAei^s &a8/xa.T0s irXrjprjs . . . Or/pas icpbpei. From this explanation Rauchenstein in- ferred the reading dadp.alvwv eK6/j.ifcv, which is accepted by Mezger. (The para- phrast read aw/MaTi — dadfxaivwv.) It seems to me that Rauchenstein's reading recommends itself both on textual grounds and on the score of the meaning. (1) Starting with aw/j.ara dadp.aivwv we can explain the genesis of the text of the MSS. and the variant of the paraphrast. On the one hand <nbp.ara contaminated dadfj.aii>wi> (perhaps owing to the notion that it was unfit that Achilles should be represented panting). On the other hand, some scribe, having scruples about refer- ring cwp-ara to the beasts and expecting the phrase crQp-a dadp.aLvwi', altered crw/iara to <TU)p.a.Ti. (2) There is little point in representing the beasts haled by Achilles as not yet dead (dcrd/xaivovra); whereas the picture gains a new touch by daOp.al- vwv. The little boy pants from the exer- tion of dragging the carcases to Chiron. In the same way Pindar has laid stress on the toil undergone by Peleus in capturing Thetis by the word iyKovrjri, and on the labours of Aristoclides in the pancration by the word Kap.aTw5twi> (1. 17). n 49. 6\ov 8' ^irtiT] 8e corresponds to fjitv in verse 43, with which i^rrjs tq- irpwTov is to be connected. He abode in the cave when he was six years old or thereabouts ; afterwards he used to slay beasts as before, but as a hunter on the mountains (this is implied in 11. 51, 52). 50. tov k.t.X. ] On whom Artemis and bold Athene gazed with amazement, as he slew stags without hounds or cunning nets; for he surpassed them in speed of feet. 7r65as w/a>s was the Homeric addi- tion of Achilles. Here too, as in the exploits of Heracles and Peleus, Pindar lays stress on the circumstance that Achilles hunted alone, without aid of dogs or nets. 52. Xe-y6|A€vov St'/c.T.X.] The transition is somewhat abrupt in expression but not in thought. The connexion is : Achilles was educated by Chiron, the celebrated trainer of heroes, who taught Jason and Asclepius and assisted at the bridal of Peleus, Achilles' father. Instead of say- ing this directly Pindar begins almost as if he were passing to a new subject, but comes back to Achilles in 1. 57. \e76- ixevov is predicate : I tell a story often told by former poets. Trporipoiv depends on eVos. 53. Pa0v|iTJTa] Deep-counselling; this vox Pindarica (as already observed, note on 1. 18) has a significance for the com- prehension of the poem. Chiron (' he with the hands') was skilled in applying balsams with gentle hands (1. 55), whereby he could alleviate the wounds of the young heroes under his care. Even so the vic- tory at Nemea and the accompanying hymn of Pindar can alleviate the wounds 56 NEMEONIKAI T, 'Iacroi/' evhov rejei, kcu eiretrev AaKXairtov, rov (papfxaKWV BtSa^e fAaXa/coxeipa vofxov' vvp,(p€vcre S' duns ayXaoKpavov N?;/3eoi? Ovyarpa, yovov re ?oi (peprarov drlraWev ev dpp,evoio~i rzdvra Qvpubv av%a>V 55 of Aristoclides. The words pa.dvp.fjra and vbfxov are chosen to recall fSaOvireMu? Ne/tt^a 1. 18; padvp.rjra also recalls /actios dp.5.s dvo in 1. 9; and <pa.pn&KWv suggests &kos (pipei 1. 18. Dccp-crafty Chiron reared Jason in his house of rock, and thereafter Asclepius, to whom he taught the ministry of medicines with gentle hands. 54. ?vSov rtyti] Compare Nem, VII. 44 tvfiov d\o~ei, but Ivdov BaXdcraas 01. VII. 62, 'tv§ov 'QXvfnrov Pyth. XI. 64. 55. |xaXaKox€ipa] A Pindaric com- pound, intended to call attention to the meaning of the Centaur's name Xeipuv. The gentle hand of the physician is mentioned in Pyth. IV. 271 XPV P-aXaKav X^pa TrpoafldWoi'Ta rpwp.av eXxeos dfupnro- \fiv. The same MSS. which gave cwp.ari and awp.aTLa in 1. 47, give here vop.6v, which does not afford a correct sense. vopios is the act or art of administering (vefj.00, dispense). 56. vv(j.<j>€v<r€ k.t.X.] But on another day he compassed the marriage of the queen of well-heads, the bright daughter of Nereus. vvp.<pevat uuptias conciliavit (of Thetis with Peleus). The marriage was celebrated on Mt. Pelion in Chiron's cave. Three mss. V (pr. man.) X and Z (pr. man.) give dyXaoKapvov; the others are divided between dyXaoKoXwou and dyXaoKapirov. The latter is accepted by most editors, but variously explained, (1) bright-wristed (cp. Milton's 'pearled wrists' of the Nereids, in Comus), (2) giver of bright fruits, (3) frugibus iu- signem or fruges alentem ; (4) Mr Tyrrell regards dyXaoKaprros as the Homeric word [oucr-] dpiarordKeia reset, and ren- ders blest in the fruit of her womb. 1 1 is to be observed that the three mss. which combine in reading dyXaoKapvov are generally more trustworthy than the others ; in v. 39 for example of this hymn they give dnp.dv whereas the rest have dX/caV, and in v. 38, they preserve x a ^ K °- to^ov (rell. xo-Xkoto^u). Accordingly, in order to determine the true reading, we must start with dyXao xapvov, which at once suggests dykaonpavov (actually written by a ' second hand ' in D), an epithet appropriate to the sea-goddess. But its peculiar felicity lies in the circum- stance that -Kpavov, besides meaning foun- tain-head, suggests also napavov (Kap-qvov), the head of Thetis, conceived personally. This explains the reading dyXabxapvov. dyXaondpavov, written in the margin, found its way into the text and became dyXaoxapvov metri gratia. I confess that I was a little sorry to abandon dyXaoKoX- ttov bright-bosomed, which perhaps sug- gested Mr Swinburne's line 'bright bosom shortening into sighs '. 57. -yovov ts foi k.t.X.] And nourished for her a son most brave, in fitting exercises exalting all his spirit for a voyage. app.eva would be a suitable word to ren- der in Greek 'knightly exercises'; but, conversely, it is better to avoid a transla- tion which suggests the medieval world. Cp. Theognis, 695 ov 5vva/j.ai croi, 6vp.e, ivapatrx^v dp/xeva wdvra' rirXadt. ' tQv Se koXuw ovtl aii p.ovvos ipas. Both ap/xeva and (peprarov have a special significance in this passage, for which see Appendix A, note 3. atil-ui> means training to greatness, or rather to its fullest development. NEMEAN IF/. 57 6(f>pa 0a\aa-aiaL<; dvefioov pttratai TTepufydels eir. 7 . viro Tpotav SopUrvTroi' dXaXdv Avklwv re irpoapevoi Kal ^pwywv 60 AapSdvcov re, Kal eyxecrcpopois eTrifii^ai<i AWioireara-i %€ipa<;, iv (ppaal ird^aid\ oirw; <r<f)icn p,r) Koipavos OTTHJW irdXiv olicaK dveyfri6<i %ap,evr)<; 'FiXivoio M.ep,vcov pboXot. 59. o^tpa k.t.X.] To the end thai sped by potent sea-blasts to Troy he should beneath its walls abide the spear- clashing onslaught and battte-ivhoop 0/ Lycians and Phrygians and Darda- uians, and having fought hand to hand with the Ethiop spearmen should fix in his soul a firm purpose that their chieftain, inspiring Memnon, cousin of Helenas, should never return again to his home. OaXdcotai. dvip.tov piiral were an appro- priate escort for the son of a queen of the sea (for piircus see above note on i. 68). 1171-0 Tpotav depends on irepupdeti. 60. SopiKTvrrov] Only found here and Nem. vii. 10. The battle cry resounds amid the clash of hurtling spears. 61. eTn-nftjcus x € ^P as ] For Pindar's various uses of eTnp.lyvvp.1 compare Nem. IX. 31 dyXataio-iv iwi/xi^ai Xaov, Pyth. II. 32 at/ma eirip.i^e dvarois. For this particular use compare Pyth. IV. 212 KoXxoicric (Slav p.l^av (and Xen. Cyr. II. i, 11 LTvp.p.iyvvvai x e ^P as )- eYX€<r<j>6pois] Pindaric compound, equivalent to Homeric eyxevra-Xos. 62. iv <j>pa<rl irdj-aiB'] A strong ex- pression with which commentators com- pare Pyth. VIII. 9 oiroTav tis Kapdla kotov eveXdcrr}, after X 102 kotov ivdero Ovp,<£. Nearer parallels may be found in Latin. Dissen quotes Tacitus, Ann. XV. 5 Vo- logesi veins et penitus infixum erat arma Romana vitandi, and Virgil, Aen. IV. 15 si mihi non animo fixum immotumque sederet, ne cui &c. Schol. (1) tva epirrj^at T0.S X e ?P aS T0 ? S XWio^L KO.I KadtKOlTO T7]S i/'DXijs avTwv 5td tov woXepuv, (2) i) iirl rGiv ai)Tov (ppevwv tov 'Ax'XX^cos oV/cWoe tov \6yov 'iv ' eavTov rds x f 'p<*s irqi-airo, ireirrj- yvias Trapdax 01 Ta ' s <PP e(T ' LV > "' a & 5iavor]9ri reus (ppealv inrrjpeTridfj 5ta twv x eL P& v - eviore yap tTTL6vp.ovp.iv ti KaTopOuiaai Kal daQevovp.tv avTO iroiyjaai p.rj vir-qpeTovp-evoi reus xcp "'"- ° be 'Axt-XXevs erpd(p-n iV owep dv Biavo-qOri dvvrjOrj 5ta tQv xcpw" . tear e py do ao 6 '01. According to both these explanations x^'pas is taken with wn^aiTo, not with eirip-i^ais (it is unnecessary to suppose with Schmidt that the scholiasts read eVi^T^cus). There is also another scholium (3) irXayius XoylaaiTO Kal Kplvoi ' dvrl tov els Tripas dyoi, where Abel sug- gests the insertion of p.?? before irXayiws, but it seems clear that we should read jrayiws. Bergk objecting to the phrase 7rd£cu0' ottws hi) reads 7rd£cu ddrros, assuming 0a7ros to be a Pindaric form of the Homeric rd<pos, and to bear here the sense of fear (cf. Hesychius ddwav <po[3ov). I retain the reading of the mss., but I do not feel certain that it is what Pindar wrote. Some further remarks on the matter I reserve for Appendix A, note 4. cr(plai is Dative of the persons interested. 63. dve\|nos] Priam the father of Helenus and Tithonus the father of Memnon were brothers. Two questions arise here: (1) Why is Helenus singled out as the cousin of Memnon? (2) Why is Memnon called fapei^s? If we could assume that Pindar regarded Memnon as endowed with the gift of prophecy, both questions would be answered at once, for £ap.€vrjs is an adjective applied to inspired seers, to Chiron for example (Pyth. IX. 38) and Medea (Pyth. iv. 10). But there is no authority for attributing such quali- ties to Memnon. The true answer is given by a right view of the word i'ap.evrjs. 58 NEMEONIKAI I"'. rrjXawyes apape (peyyos AlcuciSdv avrodev. Zev, rebv <ydp al/xa, aeo S' dywv, tov vfivos efiaXev ottI vecov eiri^wpiov yjippa /ceXaSeoov. /3od Se vLfca(f)6p(p avv ' ApiaTOicXelSa irpetret, 0? rdvSe vdaov evicXet 7rpoae0r]K€ \6<yco kcli crepuvov dyXaalcri p,epipvai<i (TTp. S' 65 In Neni. iv. 13 (see note) it is an epithet of the Sun, fa/xevei aeXiui, by the genial sun, and in the same way it is applied here to the son of the Morning (Ncm. VI. 52 (paepvds vibv 'Aoos). In fact I'afxtvris connotes the quality of inspiration and may be used either of the inspirer or of the inspired (compare English genial with German genial). Memnon is conceived as having, by virtue of his mother, a touch of supernatural elemental influence, and he is called the cousin of Helenus, because Helenus the prophet would be specially susceptible to such influences. So too, in the passage in the Fourth Nemean already referred to, the poet or musician Timocritus is described as warmed by the inspiring sun. 64. TT)\airy€S apape k.t.X.] Hereby the Aeacidae have a star in the firma- ment, shining afar. TrjXavyrjs is used of the sun and the moon in the Homeric hymns. In Pyth. III. 75 we have acrepos ovpaviov Tr/XavyicTTtpov <pao% ; in Pyth. II. 6 Hiero crowns Ortygia T-rjXavy£<nv are- (pai'Ois. (Compare also Olymp. VI. 4.) (piyyos is more solemn than tpaos ; it is a divine or heavenly light, here of a star, avrodev goes with apape, which is equiva- lent to i]pT7)Tai, but see Appendix A, note 3. Pindar seems to conceive that when Achilles killed the son of Morning he spoiled him of his light. 65. Ztv, t«6v -yap a!p.a] Soothly, /.ens, they are thy blood ; and thine is the contest which provoked these shafts of song, by the voices of young men singing the gracious ioy of this land. The force of yap is / call on Zeus because ; Zeus was the father of Aeacus. For the comparison of the hymn to an archer, compare 01. II. 89 eVexe vvv (tkowi^ t6%ov, 0176 6vfi4, rlva fiaXXofiev £k fj.aX0aKas avre <ppei>bs ei'/cXe'as oiarovs levres; We are also reminded of Tennyson's ' A random arrow from the brain'. 66. €Trixwpi.ov \dpp.a] This expression recalls x a P^ evTa tovov x^pas ayaX/xa in 1. 12. x°-Pf xa is a cause of joy ; com- pare 01. II. 19 eaXQu yap virb x a PI J -o- T03V Trrj/j-a OvaaKei (also ib. 99), 01. X. 22 airovov 5' eXafiov xdpyua wavpoL Tives, Isthm. IV. 54 naXXiviKov xdp/ita. 01. vn. 44. Pyth. viii. 64 to ntv fieyiarov Todi x a PV-'*- T < J} v CjTraaas. 67. <rvv — Trpeim] For av/j.Trp£trei, apparently formed by Pindar, cvtxirpe- wrjs, fitting, occurs twice in Aeschylus. Pod a lotid strain. 68. 8s TavS* k.t.X.] who wedded this island to glorious praise and the holy Theorion of the Pythian god to bright ambitions. For this sense of irpoaTid-qm compare Herodotus VI. 126 "EXXrivwu aTravTwv e^evp<l>v rbv apicrrov tovtlj yvvaiKa Trpoad&vat. {zitcrtheilen, Stein). For its application here Dissen com- pares Pyth. IX. 72 evOaXel o-vvi/xi^e rvxa ■rrbXiv (where the adjective evOaXrjs is ap- propriate to the metaphor) and Isthm. in. 3 evXoyiaLS ixtpuxQa-i. Notice that ewcXeU' is here brought into proximity to ' ApLjTOKXei da. 69. cryXaaicri fxtpip.vai.sl This is usu- ally taken as an instrumental Dative; but it seems more natural to connect it with Qeapiov as evKXi'i Xbyy is connected with uacrov. This is confirmed by the con- sideration that dyXaaia by its position NEMEAN III. WvQiov %edpiov. iv Be irelpa TeX.o? hta^aiverat,, wv Tt<? i^o^wrepo^ yevrjrat, iv Traial veotcri irals, iv avSpdaiv dvr/p, rplrov iv TraXairipoicn, pepos eKaarov olov exopev ftporeov eOvos. iXa 8e fca\ riacrapa<i dperas 6 dvards aloov, (f>povelv 8' iveirei ro Traptceipevov, 59 70 avr. 7$ in the verse corresponds to dyXaoKpavov in line 56 ; and thus Pindar indicates that the marriage of Peleus and bright Thetis is a type. Aegina is wedded to evKXerjs Xoyos, not to emXeia ; and in the same way the sexual distinction is main- tained in the metaphor by linking the college of the Theori of Apollo, — a male and plural conception — to a company of bright Ambitions. For /ueplpLvats com- pare 01. I. 106 debs fxrjderai realai /J-epi/J.- vaicnv. 70. ©edpiov] The building in which a permanent college of Theori lived (or met and dined). Mantinea, Troezen, Thasos and other places as well as Aegina had such permanent staffs of religious delegates. It is clear that Aristoclides was a member of the Aeginetan Thearion. Pausanias (11. 31, 6) mentions Thearios as a Dorian name of Apollo. ev 8£ iretpa a-.t.X.] But trial {of strength or skill) rcvealeth the perfection of those poivers in which one may be the winner of excellence, as a boy among young boys, as a man among men, or, lastly, as an elder, according to the three stages of our mortal life, irelpa is the test of competition ; ev -Kelpy., in the lists ; compare A/em. IX. 28 ireipav dydvopa. The force of dia<paiverai is that trial discloses; the cloud of uncertainty is removed thereby and the perfection (as a fact indisputable) shines through, &p is neuter, equivalent to toijtwv ev ols ; Mez- ger's view that it is masculine depending on e&xuTepos ('inder Probe aber zeigt sich die Vollendung, vor wem namlich einer hervorragt, ob als Knabe unter Knaben u.s.w.') affords both a loose con- struction and a loose signification. 72. «v ircucrl k.t.X.] The three ages of man were illustrated in this hymn, boyhood and manhood by Achilles as boy and man, advanced age by Peleus. Note that instead of iraXaios or something equivalent Pindar says rplrov, thus pre- paring for reccrapas in 1. 74. Some editors (after some mss.) take (itpos with rplrov : I have followed other MSS. in placing the comma after ■rra.Xaire'poio-i. The construction is toiovtos (in apposition with ris) olov fiipos eKaarov (eo-riv 6) ix°- ixev T)p.eh pporeov fdvos. Boyhood, early manhood and late manhood are the fiipy of life. 74. eXa 8* kcu k.t.X.] But life drives a team of four excellences, for it biddeth man be wise in that zvhich he jindeth to do; and these excellences are his. Each age has its own excellence, and there is further an excellence common to all alike, judgment, (ppovelv rb ira.pKelp.evov (for rrapKelfievos compare 01. xiii. 73). The metaphor in eXq., I think, is from driving, not from plant- ing ; so Isthm. IV. 38 e\a ne569ev. Mr Fennell, who translates 'forms a series of, seems to take it from planting. The same editor is certainly mistaken in assuming four divisions of life. Compare Mezger, p. 390, who follows Hermann. dptTds placed emphatically in the same position of the verse as dperais in 32 indicates that Peleus is a type of one age. 75. 6 OvaTos aicovl B and B have 6 Ovaros euiv, D, V, X and Z 6 p-aKpos aluiv. 6o NEMEONIKAI f. twv ovk dtreari. %«tpe, (/hAo?. eyw ToSe rot 7re/jL7T(i) iA6fxi<yiievov fj,e\i Xev/ca) ariiv yaXa/CTi, Kipva^eva 8' eepa d/jicpeTrec, irofjJ doi8i/xov AloXfjaiv ev irvoaicnv avXwv, 6-dre irep. eaTt 8' aierds (o/cix; iv iroTavols, eV. 3'. 8o It is clear (as Mr Tyrrell has pointed out to me) that p-aKpos was introduced by some one who thought that the fourth virtue corresponded to a fourth age, attained only by those who lived long. 76. twv ovk aireo-n] Mezger (after Christ) unnecessarily reads awevai, a con- jecture of Bergk. The rhythm of these words recalls strongly kcu yav <ppd8aacre of 1. 26. As Heracles reached the ulti- mate land, so Aristoclides has reached or will reach the perfection of life in all its stages. Xaipe^Xos' k.t.X.] Rejoice, my friend! Lo, I send you, though at late hour, this honey mixed with white milk, fringed with the froth of blending, a draught of song conveyed in the breathings of Aeolian flutes. It is a draught to still Aristoclides' thirst, compare di^py 1. 6. x a <P e ' s an appropriate accompaniment of the cup of song, — drink, hail! Compare Pyth. II. 67 X al P e ' T d8e fxev ...fj.e\os...TT€fj.ireTa.i, also Isthin. 1. 32. It is a congratula- tory formula for offering a gift. For /*Ai compare above 1. 4 ; also Olymp. XI. 98 IjAXitl irbXiv Karappexw, steeping the city in honey; and frag. 152 fxeXuxaoTtvKTUv KrjpLwi' ifj-a yXvKepwrepos 6p.<pa, my inspired voice sweeter than honey or the honey- comb. Dissen has an excellent note on this pas- sage, which I translate. "The Theban poet finely says : ' I send you a sweet Boeotian draught for your banquet'. For Boeotia was rich in milk and honey, whereas Aegina was a barren island ; moreover the reeds of Lake Copais were celebrated ; and by ' Aeolian blasts of llutcs' (i.e. the Aeolian harmony, to which the hymn was set) Pindar here, as in other places, signifies Boeotian notes and Boeotian flutes, the Boeotians being Aeolians ". Pindar indicates this intention in his own way: 'I6Xa in 1. 37 corre- sponds to AloXriffiv in 1. 79. Aeginetan Telamon was comrade of Theban Iolaus ; a Theban (Aeolian) song is a meet guerdon for an Aeginetan victor. For the mixture of milk and honey von Leutsch cites Aelian N. A. 7 a/xeX- yovai yap (Ivdol) irepiyXvuicrov ydXa /ecu ov dtovrai dva/xi^ai clvtu) fitXi, oirep oZv dpGiuiv "EXXtjfes — it was a Hellenic cus- tom. The blended foam means the froth that comes from blending ('aufgemischter Schaum ', Mezger). For the whole pas- sage compare the opening lines of the Seventh Olympian Ode. 79. tr6^' aoi8i(j.ov] The adjective explains the metaphor, a favourite mode of expression in Pindar. For example Nem. VIII. 15 /jurpav Kapaxa-da ireTroiKiX- fievav, 46 Xafipov XWov ~Moiaaiov. Isth. VI. 19 kXvtclis iirewp poaiuLv. SO. €<TTW 8' aUTOS K.T.X. ] Swift among the fowls of the air is the eagle, which, swooping from afar, seizeth sud- denly the tawny prey with his talons; but the cawing daws fly low. These words, like many others in Pindar, are charged with a twofold meaning ; they refer apparently to the victor and covertly to the poet, — to the Aeginetan as well as to the Theban eagle. (For Pindar's association of the eagle with the Aeacidae, see Nem. vi. 47.) By choosing the words 8ac}>oi.vov a-ypav Pindar recalls to the mind his description of Achilles in 1. 46 Xeopreavip cvypempens twpaaav NEMEAN III. 6\ 09 eXafiev al\jra, t)]\60€ fierafiaio/xevo^, Sacfjoivov aypai> ttoctlv' Kpayerai 8e koXoioI raTreiva ve\xovrai. riv <ye fiev, evdpovov KAeoi)? edeXoixras, deOXocpopov Xri/j.aro'i eve/cev Ne/xea? ^YLtrihavpoOev t airo kcu lAeyapwv BeSopfcev cpdos. <J)6vov, and Achilles in this ode is the chief representative of the Aeacids. The addition irocrlv too seems chosen for the purpose of recalling iroaai yap KpareaKe ; swiftness, the traditional quality of Achil- les, is made the prominent quality of the eagle. But there is a covert reference in the words too; Pindar is the eagle and his rivals are the daws. The strange word Kpa-yeTcu, invented by the poet, is not, I think, without significance ; it strongly suggests 'icpayas ('Anpayas), — daws of Acragas, and this is confirmed by the fact that on coins of Acragas eagles are represented seizing a hare (such a coin is reproduced in Mr Fennell's edi- tion). We are thus led to conclude that Pindar referred to some Sicilian rivals, associated with the city of Agrigentum. It is worth noting that Aeschylus uses aKpay-qs (also dira^ eip.) of the ypvires, clearly meaning eagles : Prom. 803 6£v- arofiovs 7i7)vbs aKpayels nvvas. The connexion of this sentence with the immediately foregoing words 6\j/i wep is thus brought out by Dissen : ' Sero quidem mittitur carmen, at a poeta, qui, ubi rem aggreditur, earn tractat eximie'. It is not due to chance that p-era- fj.ai6p.evoi occurs here in the proximity of 'the draught', and that in the begin- ning of the ode /xaio fxevoi immediately preceded the 'thirst'. 81. |X€Ta(iai6fj.£vos] Occurs only here; search after, go in quest of. 82. ve(xovTai] dwell, move and feed in low places. vip-eaBai is used of sphere or range, cf. Thucydides, 11. 62, 2 i<p' oaov re vvv v^peaOe as far as you range, "J2, 1 riavxi&i' dyere vepapevoi to. vpirepa avrQv confining yourselves to the sphere of your own affairs. 83. tiv -ye (i«v k.t.X.] p.iv invariably implies a 5^ somewhere, and it would not be safe to follow Mr Fennell in regarding ye p.iv as an equivalent of ye p.r\v. Pindar has designedly suppressed the second member of the antithesis, but has taken care, by his allegorical expression of the same thought in the preceding lines, to leave no doubt what it is. To thee, Aristoclides, the light of glory hath shone ; to others (the dark ones of line 41, the low-flying daws of line 82) no such light hath come. We may translate: To thee certainly, by favour of fair- throned Clio, and for the sake of thy prize- winning valour, a star hath gleamed from Netnea and from Epidaurus and from Megara. As Achilles won a constella- tion of glory by slaying Memnon (1. 64), so Aristoclides wins such a light by his victories in the games. See Appendix A, note 3 for the force of ded\o<p6pov \i]pa. For Se'SopKtv compare 01. I. 94 to 8e K\e"os Tq\66ev MSopKe, the eye of glory shone from afar. €i58povov suggests the representation of the Muse in sculp- ture. NEMEAN IV. ODE IN HONOUR OF A VICTORY IN THE BOYS' PANCRATION AT NEMEA WON BY TIMASARCHUS OF AEGINA. INTRODUCTION. The idea of the fourth Nemean hymn is the sorcery of song, revealing itself in two ways. Song has the faculty of healing and comforting, for it can command the presence of good-cheer or Mirth, who by the Greeks, or as Milton says 'in heaven', was named Euphrosyne ; and she is 'the best physician of labours past.' But besides having this gracious faculty, song can confer upon the hero of great exploits a really kingly lot and secure for his fame a longer life than his deeds, unsung, could inherit. These thoughts are cunningly worked out in a double ' eulogy ' (1. 5) of the Aeacids and the Theandrids of Aegina. For the boy Timasarchus, who had won a victory in wrestling at Nemea 1 , belonged to the Theandrid clan ; and Pindar pays this clan the high honour of comparing their deeds to the distinctions of mythical Aeacid heroes. The hymn, intended to be sung in procession and consisting of twelve strophes, naturally falls into three parts. The first three and the last three stanzas are concerned with the praises of the victor and his kinsfolk ; the six middle stanzas are occupied with the Aeacids. This arrangement is agree- ably symmetrical ; the beginning and the end are of equal length, and the centre is devoted to the myth 2 . The first strophe, which may be regarded as a prelude, sets forth the magic power of songs, ' daughters of the Muses,' in evoking the Grace Euphrosyne ; and compares their comforting quality to the effect of warm water in mollifying weary limbs. Moreover words, provided they be really graceful,— 1 For the date of the ode we have The point on which I would join issue only the minor limit 457 B.C., the year with Mezger is the assignment of 25—32 of the reduction of Aegina by Athens. to the dpxd- The transition to the mythi- 2 Mezger divides thus : irpooi/miov, cal world takes place at the end of the r _8; d PX d, 9—32; KHTOLTpoTva., 33—44; third strophe. Mezger rightly says "die 6/x(pa\6s, 45—68; ixeraKaTarpoird, 69— Ode preist die Macht des Gesanges." 72; vcppayls, 73—96. I cannot see that Dissen took an incomplete view when much is gained by this arrangement, he found the chief idea in the comparison which would admit of further subdivision. of the Aeacids and Theandrids. INTRODUCTION. 63 drawn out of the depths of thought ' in a gracious hour of inspiration ' avv XapiToav Ti>\a — live longer than deeds. These remarkable lines we shall do well to bear in mind, for fragments of their language are echoed here and there in other parts of the hymn. It will be observed that Pindar places his poem, as it were, under the care of the Graces, especially Euphrosyne ; and allusions may be found to the other two sisters in dykabv 1. 20— suggesting Aglaia presiding over games held near Amphitryon's tomb — and OaXrjae aeXlvois 1. 88, implying the presence of Thalia. The next two strophes are devoted to Timasarchus and his victories, won at Nemea, Athens and Thebes ; and a reference is made to his father Timocritus, who was skilled in playing the harp. The visit to Thebes naturally introduces Heracles, in whose honour the games there were celebrated ; and Heracles provides the poet with a convenient step to pass to the praises of the Aeacidae, as he and Telamon had been comrades in an expedition against Troy 1 . Of Telamon three exploits are mentioned, the sack of Troy, the conquest of the Meropes of Cos, and the slaying of the giant Alcyoneus. This mighty man of Phlegrae, before he fell by the hands of Telamon, had captured twelve chariots, killing the twenty-four heroes, charioteers and fighting men, who were in them. And at this no one, who knows by experience what fighting is, will be amazed ; for ' give and take ' is the use of battle. Here Pindar feigns to check himself. If he told the tale of the Aeacids at length he would exceed the limits of the projected Ode and the time at his disposal. He feels indeed a spell laid on his soul by the festival of the new moon, — a moon-spell, as it were, — compelling him to touch on the theme. But he must resist the temptation of telling a long story. The principle that one should sow with the hand and not with the full sack — said to have been inculcated by Corinna — had certainly taken root in Pindar's mind and he expresses it here in some curious lines 2 , directed against contemporary poets, who censuring his manner of weaving odes on a warp of myth, used to fill their own compositions with wisdom, expressed abstractly. After this digression, the lyre is bidden to ' weave ' a song, pleasing to Aegina ; and an enumeration of great Aeacids follows : Teucer king in Cyprus, Ajax in Salamis, Achilles ruling over 'Bright Island' (Leuke) at the mouth of the Danube, Thetis governing Phthia, Neoptolemus reigning over the sloping hills of Epirus, finally Peleus, and of him more is said than of the others. The capture of Iolcos, the plot of Hippolyta, the ambush which Acastus laid, and the assistance given by Chiron the centaur, are briefly touched on. Then the marriage with Thetis, who changed herself into fire 1 The transition is managed with a debs as idr\Ke k.t.X. relative (I. 25) £i)e y wore Tpu'tav k.t.X. - See note on these difficult lines Exactly in the same way Pindar passes to (36 sqq.), whose true meaning was first the myth in the Third Nemean, also at discerned by Mezger. the beginning of a strophe : 1. 22 rjpws 64 NEMEAN IV. and savage beasts to elude his embraces, is described, and we see the kings of heaven receiving Peleus among them, and ' weaving ' for him and his race gifts of sovranty. The marriage of Peleus, like the marriage of Heracles, is an emblem of the highest limit of mortal ambition ; we have reached as it were Gades, and have no cause to go further westward. ' The tale of the sons of Aeacus in its completeness it is not in my compass to narrate.' Two points may be noted here in regard to the foregoing legends, (i) Pindar, as a composer of hymns of victory, and thereby a helper of victors, is compared to Chiron aiding Peleus against the ambush of Acastus. For the expression in 1. 61 kcli to fiopaifiov Aiodev it enpap-evov eK(pepev is clearly an echo of ffxol 6° onoiav aperciv e'StoKe norpos aval- — xpovos TTfirpap-evav riKecrei (1. 44) (Zeus corresponds to Potmos). (2) The gift of song, such as Pindar gives to the victor, is compared to the gift of sovranty which the gods gave to Peleus and his descendants. This is brought out by the use of the word t£v(paiv<0 in the corresponding line of strophes 6 and 9 : 45 (tjvcpatve yXvKtla Kai toS' avriKa (poppiyt- (peXos) 68 8upa Kai Kparos etjv(j)avav es yevos avra. It is to be observed too that Thetis herself is an emblem of this sovranty, Kparos 1 . In 1. 50 it is said Gens Se Kparel $6Lq, and she changes herself into nvp nayKpares (1. 62). The further significance of the catalogue of the Aeacid heroes will be explained by an examination of the third part of the Ode. The distinctions of the Theandrids, consisting chiefly of an Olympic, an Isthmian and a Nemean victory, are celebrated. Besides Timasarchus, his mother's brother Callicles, now dead, is specially mentioned ; also his grandfather Euphanes, a poet ; and Melesias, the gymnastic trainer of Aegina, receives a word of praise. By a system of quaint echoes, a parallel is instituted between the excellences of the Theandrids and the sovranties of the Aeacids ; and this comparison is quite in place, subordinate to the main idea of the hymn, that song has the power of conferring a sort of sovranty 2 . (1) The rule of Teucer in Cyprus 47 ev6a TevKpos atrdpx* 1 is answered by 78 Tipdo-apxc. 1 "Nicht ohne Absicht wird darum - Cf. Mezger p. 397 "es ist in My- auch Thetis, die in Phthia herrscht (v. 50), thus von lauter Konigen die Rede " &c. ; eine der hochthronenden Nereiden (v. 65) and "ein solches Konigsloos ist dem genannt mid die Gotter selbst als 'K6- Timasarchus zugefallen, da er von einem nige des Himmels und Meeres' (v. 67) Dichter besungen wird.' bezeichnet." (Mezger.) INTRODUCTION. 65 (2) To the sway of Ajax in Salamis 48 Alias ^a\aplv i'xet. narpaav responds 77 ndrpav iv dicovop,ep. (3) Achilles' white island in the Euxine is compared to the white sepulchral stele in honour of Callicles : 49 eV 8' Ev(-eiva> 7reXdyei (patvvdv 'AxiXcv? vdaov, Leuke being the name of this island : 8l ardXav Oefiev Hapiov Xidov XtvKorepav. (4) To the sovereignty of Thetis in Phthia 50 Qeris 8e Kparti ®6La there was probably an echo in 1. 90, which has suffered corruption. Perhaps the original was dei(T(Tai (fid ip.evois. (5) The 'eminent' hills, which characterised Neoptolemus' dominions in the west 52 /3ovi3orai rodi npaves e^o^fH KaraKavrai are echoed in the deeds ' most eminent ' of 1. 92 ZXneTai tis (Kacrros e ijoxuTara (^aaOiu, the emphatic word occupying the same position in corresponding lines. (6) Of Peleus it is written 54 Hahiov Se nap 7ro8l Xarpiuv 'laaXicov 7roXe/j.t'a x € P l irpo(TTpa7r(>>v UrjXfvs Trapthaxev Alp.6ve(raiv. The application of the capture of Iolcus to the Theandrids is really subtle. The reader is struck by two points, (a) the curious expression Xarplav napihvKtv and (b) the use of Ai/xoi/es for the Thessalians. These two peculi- arities give us the clue. In the 10th strophe we meet another curious expression Trdrpav iv aK.ovop.ev, 78 Tipacrapxe, reciv emviKioio-iv doi8a'is TTpowoXov ep.p.evai. We see at once that both these unusual phrases are chosen for the purpose of corresponding. Iolcus is subject unto the Haemones (we might render, to bring out the point) and the clan of Timasarchus is a subject for epinician hymns. And it is with this in view that the poet writes Alp.6vfo-aiv 'the Cunning,' to suggest 'the cunning daughters of the Muses' (1. 2 at 8e o-ocpa\ Moio-av Ovyarpft doidai). Timasarchus is thus compared to Peleus. It might be said that it was somewhat incongruous to draw a comparison between the numerous glories of the Aeacids and the somewhat meagre list of achievements which the kinsfolk of Timasarchus could produce ; and it is interesting to observe how Pindar alludes to this criticism and meets it. He implies that the Olympic victory of Callicles was an exploit which rendered B. 5 66 NEMEAN IV. further proofs of excellence almost superfluous. This is the thought that underlies 82 o xpvcros i^opevos avy as e'8ei£;ev cnraaas, gold being the emblem of an Olympic crown, and dnao-as echoing anopa yap \oyov Aicikov 72 irai8a>v tov cinavTa p.01 8ieX6eiv whereby it is meant that a family which can boast of an Olympic victory is worthy of comparison even with the Aeacids. In the last lines of the hymn, there is another allusion to the criticisms which rival poets made on Pindar. Adopting, in compliment to the trainer Melesias, expressions of the wrestling school, he describes himself as 94 anakaMTTOs cv Xoyw (Xntiv paXaKa fiev (ppoveav tcrXols rpaxvt 8e iraXiyKorois e(pe8pos. Here e\neiv alludes to "vyyi 8" ZXicopai rjTop (1. 35) — the 'drawing' which he resisted; and the meaning of Xo'y» is mythical tale (as in 11. 31 and 71), wherein he might claim preeminence. The naXlyKOToi of 96 are the 8d'ioi of 38. But for the full import of these lines I must refer to my discussion in Appendix A, note 5. In the catalogue of the Aeacids Neoptolemus is specially significant. Pindar is fond of likening the mimic battles of wrestlers and boxers to real war, and in Neoptolemus, whose name meant ' young warrior,' he might find a prototype of Timasarchus, the boy-wrestler. And Pindar indicates the significance of Neoptolemus in his own way, by the use of a striking expression. 'The i'vy£ veoprjvla,' he suggests, 'naturally draws me to the 'lovios irapos and the realm of Neo7rroXf/io?.' 1. 35 luyyi 8 e^Kopai fjTop veoprjvia Biyipev responds to 1. 51 <$dia' Neo nTi')Xep.os $' 'Andpa) 8ianpv(rla. And the second element of Neoptolemus is also significant. The fiovjBoTai TTpa>ves are subject unto him, even as the fiovfiiWas Alcyoneus was made subject unto Telamon. Kparel expresses the sovereignty of Neoptolemus (1. 50) ; Kparains is the epithet of Telamon. The warrior Telamon subdues 1. 27 kui tov piyav n oXe p iaTav (KnayKov 'AXki>oj/?} and the name of Neoptolemus echoes this note of war in the same foot of the same line of strophe 7 : 1. 51 ^6 la' Neo7TToXe p.os 8' 'A7relpq> bumpvaia. Having seen the relations subsisting between the myth and the concluding portion of the hymn, we may observe how here, as in the Third Nemean, the last part is resonant with words answering to phrases in the 'beginning.' In the first line of the 10th strophe the adjective dfgiyvlav, coined by Pindar, reminds us of yv'ia in the 1st strophe, where song is said to be an emollient of the limbs. INTR OD UCTION. 67 Again in the 1st line of the nth strophe there is a punctual responsion to di\Ltv in the 1st line of the 2nd strophe : 1. g to poi Qipsv KpoviSa re At kcu Neptq, 1. 8l (TTCiXau Bipev Ilaplov Xldov XfVKOTepav. The hymn which Pindar 'sets up' is to be at once a Kcipos for Timasarchus, and a funeral stele for his dead kinsfolk. Moreover the comforting power of song, praised in the 1st stanza, is explained in the nth, by its glorifying power : it can make a man equal in fortune to kings, rfil^ei in 1. 84 sets a seal on rcii^ti in 1. 4'. 1. 4 ov8e deppbv v8a>p Toaov ye p.a\oai<d Tfi'^fi, 1. 84 epypdrcof ftao-iKevaiv lo~o8aipova Tevxei. And epypdrw in this line echoes the expression in 1. 6 pr/p-o. 8' epypciTWV xpovuoTepov ftiorevei, prjpa being accurately answered in 1. 94 prjpara Tr\eKooi> 2 . Again yXayo-aav evpe'rw KeXadfinv (an adjective found only here) in 1. 86, recalls VIOV K(\('l8r](T( KClWU'lKOV (1. l6). METRICAL ANALYSIS. 7/7; 1 — 2. ci w — o — w w — w — ■ — w w — W — w — w w — (9) 1)1/, •J A I) — ~ w — w w — • — w — w — w w — A — w — w w — w — w — ww (13/ 1>U. C 6. b — w — w — ww — w — w w — w — A — w — w — w w — w — ww ('3/ W. 7 8. (I ww w — ww — w - w w — w — w — • — [J (9) It is to be observed that each strophe ends with an apparently acatalectic verse and begins with an anacrusis. Hence M. Schmidt deduced that the scansion was continuous, the anacrusis belonging to the last syllable of the preceding line, and the penultimate syllable of that line being a pnKpd rpio-7-ipos. For instance to, the first word of the second strophe, rhythmically appertains to fiaBelus, which precedes : thus fiaBeias. to = w I L_ I -w. By this means Schmidt has shewn that the first two and the last two verses in each strophe produce measures (peyedrj) equal in length (27 zeilij^) ; and the first strophe for example is symmetrically divided at the emphatic word Tfi'^fi. Thus here we have an interesting example of the continuation of the rhythm beyond the end of the verse. " Da diese aber auch an der Stelle stattfindet, wo die beiden gleichen peye6-q sich beriihren, kann nicht der mindeste Zvveifel mehr zuriickbleiben dass grade dadurch die Einheitlichkeit des Systems gefestigt werden sollte." The rhythm of this ode is logaoedic. We learn from line 45 that the mood was Lydian. In the 8th Book of the Politics Aristotle remarks that the Lydian mood was suitable for boys' voices. Its character was plaintive, and perhaps Pindar's choice of it for this hymn was determined by the refer- ence to Timocritus, the dead father of Timasarchus. In the Eighth Nemean we shall find Lydian harmony combined with ' dactylo-epitritic ' rhythm. 1 This responsion was noted by Mezger. 2 This responsion also was noted by Mezger. 5—2 NEMEONIKAI A'. TIMA2APXH/ AITINHTH* IIAIAI IIAAAlSTHt. "Apt(TTO? evtypocrvva ttovcov Ke/cpifxevayv larpos' at Be crocfial Moto-av dvyarpes doi&al 6e\%av viv aTrrofxevai. ovBe Oepfiov vBcop to gov <ye [ia\6aK(i rev^ei, ryvta, roaaoi' evXoyla <f>6pp,i<yyi avvaopos. prj/xa S' epy/jbdrtov y^povidrepov ftiOTevei, arp. a i. api<TTOS k. t.X.] Gladness is the best physician of accomplished toils ; and song's the artful daughters of the Muses can charm her forth by their touch. Eu- (ppoavva. combines the ideas of gladness of heart and good cheer. KEKpip.evu>v is explained by the scholiast as Kptaiv \a(36i'Tuii>, ovvTeKeadivruv (peractontm, Dissen, iiberstanden, Mezger). The labours no longer await judgment. In Ncm. vi. i the participle is used in a different sense. 3. 6«\£av viv] Mezger has rightly explained : ' die Lieder zaubern ihn (den Frohsinn) hervor ', comparing for this use of 8iXyu, Anthol. Gr. ix. 544 roicnv 6£X- yu avr]ve/j.iriv. [The same explanation will be found in Liddell and Scott.] It seems probable that Aristarchus took the words thus, and that the scholiast mis- understood him as assigning the more usual meaning of soothe to 6{X£ai>. The view of the scholiast is that viv refers to 7r<5j'oi>5. 4. ov8£ 6epp.6v k.t.\.] Nor doth warm water so softly soothe the limbs as doth speech of praise, linked with the lyre. Some editors read rly^ei after Plutarch (de Tranqnill. c. 6), but the mss. are right, as is proved by the recurrence of revxet in the same foot of the same line of the nth strophe. rei>x el /J-aX9a.Ka — mol- lia reddit, mollify, comfort. For toctov — To<r<rov compare Callimachus, Hymn to Apollo, 94 ov5t noXei t<5<t' '{veifxev ocplX- ffifia rbaaa. Kvp-qpr). Homer 'links' the lyre with the banquet, 6. 99 rj danl avvrjOpds ecrn OaXeirj. avvrjopos (schol. KOLvuvodaa) means linked, juncta (as the Graces in art), not 'wedded' (as Holmes translates). Pindar would not have mar- ried two feminine conceptions. Compare Horace's verba loquor socianda chordis. 6. prifia 8' epYfAa-rwv /c.t.X.] But a word hath longer span of life than deeds, — what 'word soever the tongue should draw forth from the soul's depths in the gracious hour of inspiration. After 8 ti t<e we should expect the subjunctive and Bergk reads i^Xy. But the optative seems to express the event as more con- tingent, and thus, as Dissen says, is more modest (modeslior oplativus in re quae non sine Gratia rum ope fit). NEMEAN IV. 69 b ti tee aiiv XapiTcov Tv^a yXuxraa <ppevd<; i^eXoi fiadeia*;. to fioi Oefiev KpoviSa re At ical Ne/iea Ttfiaadp^ov Te iruXa v/jbvov TrpoKoopuov eir}' SegcuTO 8' Ala/ctSdv 7)ii7rvp<yov e'So9, Sifca ^evapKei kolvov (peyyos. el S' hri %ap,evei Tip,6tcpt,T0<; cleXuo cros iraTTjp iOiCkireTo, ttolkiXov Ktdapt^cou 0dp,a Ke TwSe p,e\et, ickiOeis arp. /3'. IO 15 8. 4>ptvos PaGcias] This expression recalls Pindar's adjectives ^aOv/xrjra and Pa66doi;os (Pyth. I. 66), also Aeschylus' ftaOetav aXoxa Sia <ppevos Ka.pirovfJ.evos (S. c. T. 578). In 01. 11. 54 Wealth is characterized as (Hadelav virexw iJ-epi.fJ.vai> dyporepav. The metaphor here is a deep- delved storehouse of'song, to which the tongue has the key. Compare also Noil. III. 9 /xrjTios a/xas airo. 9. t6 poi k.t.X.] Such a word may it be mine to set up, in honour of Zeus son of Cronos and of Nemea and of the wrest' ling match of Timasarchus, as prelude and frontage of a hymn, defiev suggests the setting up and dedicating of a work of architecture or sculpture (cf. below 1. 81); the irpoKUfj.i.ov is related to the kQ/j.os or hymn, as the wpovaos to the vaos. vfxvov TrpoKihfXLov is equivalent to ku/jlov irpooi/JLLov. For the association of Zeus and the victor in the proem compare Nem. 1. 8. 12. T)ti7rvpYov] Embattled towers were a feature of the city of Aegina. It was so strongly fortified that it held out against the Athenians for nine months. See Midler, Aeginet. p. 146. In Homer evvvpyos is an epithet of Troy. 12. 8iKa jjevapKt'C k.t.X.] With justice that besteadeth strangers, lighting all the world. For Aegina's hospitality, cp. Nem. in. 2. ^evapKrjs, protecting foreign- ers, is only found here. Hartung reads ^evapKel', referring to the father of Aristomenes mentioned in the Eighth Pythian ode. koivov 4>e'"yyos] The scholia are in doubt whether this phrase refers to Aegi- na or to the hymn : eari fxev ko.1 ttjv A'lyivav axovcrai, 'e'en 5e Kai to troLrjp.a, to kolvov cpeyyos yivofxevov 01) yap ea ev dcpavel to, Hpya dXXa (pwri^ei kolvws. Hartung approves of the second explana- tion, but I think wrongly. 13. tl 8' €Ti k.t.X.] But if thy father Timocritus were still warmed by the genial sun artfully sweeping the lyre, he "would have ofte>i, supported by this strain, cele- brated his triumphant son, for having sent home a wreath of crowns from the games of Cleouae and from rich Athens of auspicious name, and because at seven- gated Thebes beside the bright tomb of Amphitryon the Cadmcans, full fain for Aegina's sake, crowned him with flowers. For i'ap.evec inspiring (Pergk ja/ueeTjs, Lehrs faOepe?) see note on Nem. III. 63. Timocritus was a kitharistes, not a kitha- rodos. 15. t<S8€ jxeXeu kXi9€is] Leaning against this strain, as against a pillar or support. The words and the music mutually support each other. Compare k'iovi KeK\ifj.ev7}, f 307. Ttpde is almost equivalent to Toupde, compare t6 above 1. 9, and perhaps refers partly to the Lydian harmony. Timocritus would have played in Lydian mood. See below, 1. 45 Ai'5<a crvv dpfxovla p.e\os. 70 NEMEONIKAI A'. vlov neXahricre koWlvlkov KXewvalov r air dywvos opfiov tnetydvwv ire[Jb^\ravTa Kal Xiirapdv evwvvfiwv d.TT ^XOavdv, %r)(3at<i r iv e7rTtnrv\oL<i, ovve/c iV/x(f)LTpva>vos dyXaov irapd tv/j,{3ov KaSfielol vlv ovk ae/eofTe? dvOeart filyvvov, arp. 7 . 20 16. vlov] A curious but intelligible corruption has here crept into the MSS. , vfxvov KeXddrjae KaXXiviKov. The scribe associated v/jlvov with koWlvikov (coming after KeXddrjo-e) and thought that abs irarrip excluded vlov. But vlov is absolutely required both by the construc- tion and by the third personal pronoun vlv in I. 21. In 1. 16 the transition from second to third person is an elegance, in I. 2 1 it would be harsh. The restoration of vlov is due to Bergk and was also proposed by Hartung who observed that Kal d.7r6 07j/3wi' eVe/xi/'as avrip crrecpavov in one scholium points to a personal subject to wep^avra. Mr Fennell proposes 7rcu5' dyKeXadrjae, on the ground that the words of the scholiast dvev<pr)prjae Kal dvefidXero presuppose some qualification of /ceXd- Sijcre. It seems to me that a copyist who had this reading before him would never have written vixvov KeXdorjffe. Mezger accepts ire/j.\f/avT05, the reading of some mss. in 1. 1 8, and takes it as dependent on v/xvov. Mommsen proposed KeXddr} (for e/ceXd5ei) ere. 1 7. KXewvcuov] ' Uicit KXewvcuov dyu>- va Nemea, quum Cleonaei diu praesides essent horum ludorum ', Dissen. Compare KXcwvaluv -rrpbs dvopCiv, Nem. x. 42. opixoi of flowers are mentioned in 01. II. 74. 18. Xnrapdv] So Isthm. II. 20 ra.1% Xiirapacs iv 'AOdvais, Aristoph. Acharnians 639 el di rts vp.ds vTodonrcuo'a's Xnrapds KaXiaeuv 'AOrjvas, evpero wdv dv 6id rds Xiwapds, dtj/vojv Tipj]v wepidipas. kj. Orjpais t* tv k.t.X.] Dissen is certainly mistaken in taking iv 9^/iais re with arefidveov. re coordinates ovveica. /xiyvvov with irepypavra. The scholiasts say that these games were the 'IoXdua (and Pausanias notices a gymnasium and stadium 'of Iolaus', ix. 23, 1), but quote Didymus to the effect that, though the gymnasium was called 'loXdeiov the games were 'Hpa^Xeia. 20. Tvifj.pov] The tomb of Amphitryon was near the Proetid gate, where was the stadion in which the games at the festivals of Heracles and Iolaus were celebrated. See Pausanias ix. 23. 22. Al-yivas eKcm] A strong affirma- tion of the friendship of Aegina and Thebes. 4>i\otcri "yap k. t.X.] For as a friend unto friends having come to the happy hall of Heracles he surveyed their hospit- able city. It is to be noticed that eXOujv goes, not with darv, but with 7rpos avXdv. <plXoL<jL is dative of the persons interested and goes closely with darv. The reading of the MSS. Kareopanev should (with Mommsen) be preserved. For Karadep- KOfiai cf. 5 16 aiirovs rjiXtos KaradepKerai. It is clear that the Aula of Heracles was on high ground. ( 1 ) Triclinius read KariSpapev which Dissen renders subiit ( = /carc'di>), Mezger 'er lief durch die Stadt hinab'. Mr Fen- nell thinks the 'metaphor is from navi- gation', ran into port; but it would hardly be felicitous to use such a phrase of one coming to an inland city. (2) A scholiast read darv /car' edpeueev as ap- pears from his note, Kal to ev^evov darv KaraXapuJv rd? Orjjias, -fidwrjOi] (car' ei'X'/" dedaavQai ttjv tov 'IlpaKXeovs avXrjv. He NEMEAN IV. 71 Aiy lva<i e/cciTt. (plXoiac yap (p^Xo? eXdwv %eviov dcrrv fcareSpatcev 'HpctfcXeos oXftiav irpos avXdv. %vv m 7roTe 'Ypotav Kparaio<i TeXapbcov Tropdijae teal Me;007ra<? Kai tou pueyav iroXepnardv etcirayXov 'AX/cvovf/, ov Terpaopias ye irplv Svco&e/ca Trerpo) 7jpo)d<i t e7rep,/3e/3aooTa<; Imrohapbov^ eXev ol<i Tocroi'9. d'rreipop J d'^a<i eoov ice cpaveir) Xoyov o pbij o~vviel<;' eVel petpvra to teal iraOelv eoacev. rd fiaicpd £' e^eveiretv epv/cei fxe re^yuos" (TTp. h' . 25 30 arp. also read 6Xj3ios (kolt' evxw) ; see Pergk's note on the line. (3) Bergk proposes Karidpacrev, in the sense of KartfiaXev 'overthrew his opponent in wrestling', tdpa being a technical phrase in wrestling (Theophr. Char. 27 tt\v edpav arp^tpeiv, Theocr. xxiv. 109 edpoarporpoi avdpes). But the mere fact that he is obliged to read wap' avXdv for irpbs avXdv in 1. 24 is decisive against this proposal. 24. 'Hpa.KX.tos avXdv] This is gene- rally supposed to be the Heracleion men- tioned by Pausanias (ix. 11) as standing just outside the Eleclra gate. 25. ijvvwK.r.X.] With whom doughty Telamon once on a time destroyed Troy and the Meropes, and the mighty warrior, fell Alcyone ns, yet not ere he had subdued twelve chariots by hurling rocks and twice as many steed-taming heroes who drave therein. The Meropes inhabited the island of Cos. Of Heracles in Cos, we read in Homer 3 255 Kai p.tv eVeira K6we5' ef> vaioptvriv air eveiK as. The battle of Alcyoneus and Heracles took place at Phlegrae. These three expedi- tions of Heracles are mentioned together in the Fifth Isthmian Ode (31 sqq.) : efXe 8i Ylepyapiav weepvev 5£ gov Ktivtp Mep67rwe tQuea Kai tov fiovfibrav otipe'i 'Lvov QXiypaioiv tvpwv 'AXkuovtj tTfieripas ov (peiaaTO Xepfflv f3apv<p96yyoio pevpds 'IIpa/cXfT/s. The form ftfv does not occur elsewhere in Pindar, except in composition. 30. 8ls too-ovs] In each chariot there was a charioteer and a irapaifiaTris. In 1. 29 the quantity of the second syllable of rjptoas is not determined, a long or a short being equally admissible. But in four places in Pindar the w is short : Pyth. I. $$, in. 7, iv. 58 and frag. 133. dir€ipo|Aax.as k.t.X.] Battle- skilless would lie show himself to be, whoso under- standeth not my tale ; for it is not strange that he who doth a deed should suffer. The tale will be understood by the Theandridae who are not aireipop.axo.i- but irdpav ?x 0(/T "i see l mc ?6> and especially by Timasarchus, who had really earned his victory. Schol. ws yap 'HpaKXys err: p.ei> rrjs apxys (XdTrero, vcrrepov Be eviKTjatv, OVT03 Kai 6 dOXr/Tris. wcrre eiKOS eipai avrbv TreTTTWKtvai 77 aXXo tl tolovtov i>Trop.tivai. 32. pe'tovra Tra0€iv] This is the prin- ciple of reciprocity ; whereas Aeschylus' celebrated dpaaavn naddv is the law of retribution. Compare Sophocles, fr. 210, quoted by the scholiast ; tov dpievrd ivov tl Kai iradeiv 6<peiXeTai. 33. Ta p.a.Kpd 8' /c.r.X.] From telling 72 NEMEONIKAI A'. copai t iireiyofievai" I'vyyt 8' eXKOfiai fjrop veofirjVLa Otyefjueu. efiira, Kelrrep e%ei j3adela Trovrid^ aXfxa fAeaaov, avriTeiv eTnftovXiq' a<p68pa ho^ofxev hatoiv VTreprepoi iv (pdec Kara/3a[veLV' cpOovepa 8' aUo? dvrjp (3Xe7ra>v yvoo/xav nevedv a/cora) /cvXlvSei 35 40 the long tale to the end the rule of my art withholdeth me, and the onivard pressing hours. et;ei>{ireii>, to relate completely. A passage in the First Isthmian throws light on this sentence; 1. 60 iravra 5' ii-enrelv... acpaiptirai fipaxu p.erpov exwv vpvos. The structure of the Ode depends on fixed principles ; the time allotted to this ode is fixed; and thus it is impossible to give more than a certain space to each subject. For reOpos compare 01. vn. 88 ripa pkv vfAvov redpbv 'OXvpirioviKav, and Isth. V. 10 riOfxtov poi <pap.l aa<pearaTov. Here probably Pindar intended that redpos should recall dipev of 1. 9. For epvueiv with infinitive compare Euripides, Heracl. 691 fJ.rj rot p.' epvKe 5pai> Tra.peaKevaap.i- vov. 35. ivyyi k- t -^-] But I am drawn on by a new-moon-charm to touch thereon (that is, upon the tale of the Aeacidae). The context clearly shews that Dissen was right in not taking veopyjvia as the object of diyipev (a possible construction suggested by j)avxia 6t.yep.ev in Pyth. IV. 296). But I think he is hardly right in taking it as a temporal dative. — vovprp>ia (sc. iqpepa) is merely the feminine of the adjective vovp.rp'ios which occurs in Lucian (vovpLTivioi dproi, Lexiphancs 6). There is no reason why vovpr\via should not qualify 11/771. tuy!; is properly a moon-charm, 'Iw being the moon-goddess at Argus; and the choice of the word here is suggested by veop.-qula. «\ko|j.cu i* the vox propria for the attractive working of a magic charm; SO in Theocritus Phar- makeutria, tvyl;, e'Ajce tv ttjvov ipbv wori bGipa tqv avopa. 36. £|Aira k.t.X.] Albeit the deep sea brine hold thee up to the waist, yet strain against the conspiring waves. Surely reaching land in the full light of day ive shall seem superior to our foes ; while another man, with the (blind) eyes of envy, in a dark space whirleth a fruitless sato that falleth to the ground. The metaphor is that of a man struggling with the sea ; and in compliment to the victo- rious Tra\ai(TTr]s the struggle is represented as a wrestling match (cf. plaaov e?x" : Aristoph. Acharu. 571 eyu yap 'ixopon peaos). — I have adopted Donaldson's Ki'i- ■JTtp (accepted by Bergk) for Kalwep which demands the participle. (iaOela a\pa, suggesting (ppevbs (3adeias of 1. 8, points the meaning of the passage. The idea is : I adhere to my principle of making myths the centres of my epinician hymns; and I shall certainly bear the palm, provided the very depth of my imagination does not seduce me into exceeding the due limits. Perhaps Pin- dar was thinking of the advice which Corinna is said to have given him in his youth. 38. €V 4>a€i Ka.Ta.pcuv«iv] Not like 'the dark man' of Nem. in. 41 who ou ttot' a.TpeKi"C Karejia irooi. To ev 0det is opposed UKdrtp in 1. 40. 40. 7voj(j.av] Moral reflexions, maxims, saws, as opposed to \670s (cf. 1. 31) and pvdos. KvXlvSei iactat ' tosses about', sug- gesting that the yvwpai are trile as well as empty. x a M a ' Treroiaav ( — rreaovaav), aorist because it is a momentary act, opp. to KvKlvoei. NEMEAN IV. 73 yayucCi irerolaav. efiol 8' biroiav aperav eSw/ce 7ruTfjio<; aval;, eu FoiS' otl %p6vo<; epircov tts.it pwpukvav reXiaei. egvcpaive, yXvKela, Kal roS^ avrUa, <p6pp,Ly%, AvSlcl <tvv dp\xovia fxeXos 7recpi\r)p,6vov Olvoova re Kal Ki>7rp(p, ev0a TeO/c/309 dirdp^et 6 TekafMcovuiSas' drdp At a? 1<aXap,lv e^et irarpioav' h S' Fiu^elvco TreXdyet (paevvdv 'A^tAeu? vdaov' ©en? Be /cparel arp. 45 arp. £'. 50 41. tp.ol 8' oiroiav] But "whatsoever excellence lord Destiny gave me, the course of time will, / am well assured, bring to its allotted perfection. The excellence meant by Pindar is the art of weaving legends into his Epinician Odes. For woTfxos dual;, compare Nem. V. 40 and Pyth. III. 86 Xayerav yap tol rvpavvov SepKETai (j 1 6 fxeyas ttot/jlos. 43. ir€irpa)|A€vav] Proleptic with reXi- tret. Compare below 1. 61. 44. «£v<}>chv€ /c.t.X.] Sweet lyre, tueave out forthright on warp of Lydian harmony the woof of this lay also, beloved by Oenone and Cyprus. Compare Pyth. IV. 275 r\v 5e tovtojv ei;V(paivovTa.i x^-l HTes - KaL to'5', is this song also, in spite of cavillers. Some translate and that too immediately, but such a sense is pointless here. 46. Olvcova t€ Kal Kvirpio] Oenone is the old name of Aegina, and Pindar seems to have chosen it here in order to suggest, by the collocation with Kv-irpcj}, wine and love (olvos and Kvwpis), symbols of Euphro- syne. The song of the Theban is beloved by Aegina (irt(j)i\rip.lvov), as the Aegine- tan lay was beloved by Thebes (<f>i\oi<n <l>i\os, 1. 22). a7rdpx.€i.] (1) In later writers dirdpxw means to lead off a dance, and Mezger attempts unsuccessfully to introduce this meaning here. He translates ' er eroff- net den Reigen — der im Folgenden auf- gefiihrten Konige aus dem Aeakiden- geschlecht '. As there is no special reason for beginning with Teucer, there is little point in such a statement ; moreover (especially coming after ZvOa) the word would require some explanatory addition. (2) Mr Fennell suggests that "the word may here mean ' receive dwapxai ' i.e. offerings made to the dead hero-founder of the Aeakid colony in Cyprus", arguing that a.Tvapxop-a.1 (offer firstfruits) is a ' causal middle '. The supposition that airdpxu could mean receive an dirapxv seems to me extremely hazardous. (3) The most simple and satisfactory explan- ation is that diro has the same force as in airoiKeu, dirodT]p.ew etc. diroiKtl means he lives at a distance; dirdpxei- means he reigns at a distance (in the new Salamis), and contrasts with ?x €l ^oiTpcpav in 1. 48. So Dissen, Teucer procul a patria rcguat. Some emendations have been proposed : Bergk dirdpnei ( — dirripKei secessit, cf. Hesychius, d-rrrjpKev ' dwe5rjfnp<ev), Pauw e7rdpx e '> Rauchenstein dwoiKei. 15 D have the lemma inrdpx^- The scholiast inter- prets by T)yep.oi>evei. 40. <j>c«vvdv vacrov] Pence (While island, now Snake island), at the mouth of the Ister, where there was a temple of Achilles probably founded by Aeginetan sailors. A scholium explains the name of the island — 5i<x to wXrjdos twu ivi>eo<x- (TevovTWv opvcwv ijroi epwSiuw ■ (pavracriav yap Totavr-qv rols nXiovai wapex €l - 50. ©ens] The cult of Thetis was widely spread in Thessaly, and as the 74 NEMEONIKAI A'. fyOla' Neo7TToXe/xo? 8' ' Aireipw Siajrpvaui, /SovftoTca t60l Trpooves e^o^oi KardiceLVTcu AcoScovaOev dpyofxevoi 7rpo? loviov iropov. HaXlov 8e irap irohl Xcnpiav y \aoo\Kov iTo\efxiq %c/n irpocrTparrwv Wifkevs TrapehwKev Xlfxoveacnv, hdliapTos 'l7T7ro\vTa<; 'AtcdaTov BoXlcus 55 crrp. rj wife of the Aeginetan hero Peleus she has a place in this enumeration. One scholium mentions a Qerideiov or Thetis- temple at Phthia ; another quotes Phere- cydes : eireira UrfKevs VX €T0 ets ^9iav K<xl Qinv iirl tCjv Ittttuiv tovtwv ayuv oiKel ev 3?apad\(p K<xl eV Qerideio: o KaXeirai dtro tt}s Q£tlOos Trokews. 51. NtoirTo\«|xos 8' k. r.X.] But Nco- ptolemus rules over the long tract of Epirus where high lawns of pasturage recline, shelving even from DoJona as far as the Ionian strait, diairpvcnos is a Homeric word, occurring in P 748 irpCcv iredioio diaTTpvirios t€tvxt]klos, while the adverb diawpvcnov is used of piercing sound. Mr Fennell is right in connecting it with diawpo (Aeolic *5ia7rpu) and in explaining it to mean 'right through'. Here it is used of a line of hills, just as in the Homeric passage it is used of one hill. 52. €^ox,oi] prominentes, above the lower lands. So in Homer, r 227 e£oxos 'Apyeiwv...Ke(pa\r)i', of height. KaraKeLV- tcu [reclinant, cubant) lie down, of sloping hills, opposed to steeper hills which stand up (e.g. opdoirovs irdyos Soph. Antigone, 98^). Horace's Ustieae cubant is recurs to the mind. fiovpor-qs is a Pindaric word ; in Isthm. V. 32 the giant Alcyoneus is called rbv jBovftorav. Schol. jiovTp6<f>os ■yap r\ ']lneipos. 54. IItt\£ou 8e k.t.X.] The domin- ation of the Minyae in Thessaly was suc- ceeded liy the rule of the Tliessalians, and this change was connected in legend with Peleus l eleus quarrelled ith Acastus the last king of the Minyae and sacked his town Iolcus. The cause of the hostility was the love and vengeance of Hippolyta, Acastus' queen, who played the same part towards Peleus that Sthe- noboea played towards Bellerophon, whose story may be read in the sixth Book of the Iliad. See Nem. v. 26 sqq. The reading of the MSS. Xarpdav is both untranslatable and unmetrical (a molossus instead of a cretic), and I have not hesitated to adopt Schmid's XaTpiav. (So in 01. XIII. 68, iinreiop should be corrected to 'linnov.) Xdrpios is a Pin- daric adjective, occurring 01. X. 28 \aTpioi>.,./At.(r96v, the hire of a servant. Here it is to be taken with irapiduKev, handed over to serve, \arpeia being a wellknown word and Xdrpios very rare, the corruption was most natural. 55. TToXefJua \tpl Trpoo-Tpairaiv] Hav- ing turned tozvards it, but with hostile (not suppliant or entreating) hand, wpocr- Tpeiru is regularly used of turning to- wards in prayer. Bergk after Heyne reads TrpoTpairuiv, having impelled, which is weak. 56. Alp.6v€<ro-i.v] Tliessalians. Hae- monia was a name of Thessaly. 58. T«xvai.a-i XP 1 l <r ^( 1£vo s] The uses of XpwdaL, to experience (cited by Dissen), with tvxVi SuarvxicLis, dvenrpayiats, avfj.- (popais &c. do not support such a use of Xpyvd/jLevos, the reading of the MSS., in this passage. All these datives describe a state of the person experiencing, not the objective cause of an experience. NEMEAN IV. 75 to, Aai8a\ov 8e fia^alpa (frvreve Fot Odvarov i/c \6^ov Tleklao ircus' akakice 8e Xelpcov, Kal to fxopaifjiov Aiodev TreTrpwfievov eicfyepev' 60 Mingarelli and Matthiae proposed or accepted a conjecture mentioned by Tri- clinius, xwa^" * > an d Bergk has adopt- ed in his text an ingenious conjecture of his own t^ccus xapacrcrd/xecos, bearing the same meaning as x w(r ^f J - evo? (x a P ao ~ m <rd / iiei'os = x a P a X^ s > angry with). But the reading of the MSS. is not necessarily wrong because the explanation of Dissen will not hold. xPW^ aL with such a dative as Texvaunv naturally means (not tc experience involuntarily but) to make use of or to deal with. Peleus dealt with the sly arts of Hippolyta and used them for his own purpose. They led to his sacking Iolcus ; that was the use he made of them. Cf. schol. x°^ w ^ e ' s Ta 's yevqOei- aais e'£ 'AkcLcttov yvvaiKos boXiais rex"ais Kal Ta.VTO.LS eis wopOrjO'iv rr)s 'IloXkov atria, Xpricra.iJ.evos on eTrefiovXeuOrj. 59. AcuSdXov p.a.)(aipa] A sword forged by Daedalus or Hephaestus for Peleus and stolen by Acastus. Bergk has successfully defended AatddXov the reading of the MSS., which had been abandoned by Boeckh and most editors in favour of daid&Xto, a conjecture of Didymus. Bergk has shewn that Dae- dalus was a name of Hephaestus by a passage in the Hercules Furens (1. 469) : eh 5e£tde oe crp> dXe^rjrripiov £uXov KaOiei AatddXov, \(/evdr) duaiv and by a vase- picture in Millin's Gall. Myth. xin. 48. That Hephaestus stithied a sword, p.d- Xcupa, for Peleus is proved by a fragment of Hesiod quoted by the scholiast on this passage and numbered frag. 85 in Gbttling's edition of Hesiod: rjde 5£ oi Kara. 6vp.bv dpiori) cpaivero povXr) avrbv pev crx^odai, Kpvxf/ai 5' dSoK-qra (idxaipav KaXrjv, r\v oi ^rev£e TreptKXvrbs ' ApcpL- •yvfjeis' us rrjv pLacrrevuv olos Kara, ]lr)Xiov aiirv out/-' virb ls.evravpoi.cnv dpecrKipoicn 5a- peirj. Moreover Zenobius the paroemiographer states expressly (v. 20) pep.vrjrai raijrrjs [/xaxaipas] 'AvaKpeojv Kal llivdapos ev Xe- /xeoviKais ' (pacrl 8e avrrjv vtto ]l<paiarov yevopivyjv bwpov n^Xei cnocppocrvvris eveKa Tropd OeCiv bodrjvai. He is speaking of the proverb p.(ya <ppovel pdXXov rj HrfXevs ewl rrj fiaxaipq.. <}>vt€V6 is equivalent to prepared, tried to cause; so in /3 165 roicroeo-qt, <pbvov Kal Kr)pa cpvrevei irdvrecrcnv. £k \bxov means by an ambush of Centaurs, as the passage cited from Hesiod indicates. Pindar was an ardent student of Hesiod (cp. Nem. VII. 88) and there is nothing in his words that renders it necessary to suppose that he deviated from the Hesiodic story. Acastus, the son of Pelias, having stolen the weapon of Peleus hid it on Mount Pelion, and suborned the Centaurs to lie in wait for the hero when he was searching for his sword. Chiron protected Peleus from the danger. We need not suppose that Acastus himself took part in the ambuscade. 61. Kal to |idpo-i(JLOV k.t.X.] And he (Chiron) was carrying out to its destined end the fate decreed by Zeus. This is the interpretation of Dissen and most scholars, and, I believe, it is right. Both the view of Mezger that Peleus is the subject of ^Kfpepev, and that of Mr Fennel] that the verb is intransitive (as in Soph. 0. C. 1424) and rbp.bpcnp.ov its subject, seem to render the line almost otiose. There is little point in the statement (in this con- text) that Aibs ireXeiero fiovXr), and such a remark is not in Pindar's manner ; but there is point in saying that Chiron took part in determining Peleus' destinies. Compare Nem. III. 56 vvp<pevcre k.t.X. 7 6 NEMEONIKAI A'. irvp 8e Trwy/cpaTes Opaavp^a^dvcov re XeovTwv OVV%a<i O^VTUTOVi UfCfJUlV T€ Seivordroov (rydcais oBovrayu eyafxev v-yjnOpovcov p,iav NrjpetSwv, el8ev S' evKvicXov eSpav, t«9 ovpavov (3a(Ti\r}e<; ttovtov t i<f)e%6p,evoL hoopa /ecu Kparos i£v<pavav iyyeves avrw. o-Tp. '. 65 This interpretation is confirmed by the echo of 1. 44, see Introduction, p. 64. 62. irvp 8€ k.t.X.] Thetis changed herself into various forms to escape from the embraces of Peleus, but the counsels of Chiron enabled the hero to overcome the fire, the lion, the dragon and other shapes which she assumed. — dpa.o-vp.a- Xa-vuv is Hermann's emendation of dpa- avuaxa-v. Heracles is called dpacvixd- Xavos, wily-daring in 01. VI. 67. In this passage the word felicitously suggests that the lion was a p.axo.vd of the Nereid. 65. d,K|Adv re k.t.X.] Observe the singular aK/xdv, for which we might have expected d/c^ds, points. The teeth are conceived as forming a knife or saw, and d/c/xdc is the sharp edge of the row. The singular also serves to indicate that Peleus had to do with only one lion. We may render : Having defeated masterful fire and the claws full sharp of wily-daring lions and a gleaming row of teeth most fell he married one of the high-throned Nereids, ffxd-fa has two meanings, (1) medical, to open a vein, lance, (2) to drop, let fall. In Pyth. X. 60 KLOwav axdcov is drop the oar, let the oar rest, as in Xen. Cyr. III. 5 ox^ ilv T h v ovpdv is to drop the tail. Cp. Euripides Phoenissae 454 axo-^ov ot ouvbv 6p.p.a ko.1 Ovfxou wvods, and, in middle, Aristophanes Clouds 107 (Txao'd/xevos t\\v 'unriKrji', where it might be rendered in English slang by cut. In the present passage the word means to set <i/ rest or foil', and I have a suspicion that crxa£w was a vox propria in wrestling for foiling the devices of an antagonist and causing him to abandon them. The English defeat, in its proper sense, seems an adequate rendering. 65. iuj/t8pdvwv] A Pindaric com- pound. Isth. V. 16 v^ilOpovov KAwflco. 66. £vkvk\ov £8pav] A circle of fair seats. Pindar probably conceived the seats as joined together ('una sedes in qua divisi singulis diis loci ', Dissen). In Pyth. in. 93 sqq. we read how the gods feasted at the marriages of Peleus and Cadmus, and how those heroes saw the royal sons of Cronus on golden seats and received wedding gifts Kai Kpdvov waidas (3a<ji\i]a.s loop xP vcr ^ aLS & tdpais edva re de^avTo. 67. Tas — €<j>€£6p.€voi] Bergk illustrates the genitive (Homer uses the dative) with etp^o/xai from Apollonius Rhodius, Ar- gon. III. 1000 d\\' i] p.ei> Kai vtjos... ((pe^ofievr) wdrp-qv \Lwe and Sophocles Philoctetes 1123 /cat irov 7ro\tas irdvrov 0ivbs ifprjuevos (where divbs is generally taken with 7roi>). 68. 8upa Kai Kpdros /c.t.X.] wove, as their gifts, a web of sovereignty to devolve upon his race. The reading of the MSS. e^t<pavav can be racked into a certain sense, but is by no means satisfactory. It must be explained as a strong zeugma 'set forth their gifts and dcclai-ed the might that would be upon his race' (or monstrarunt ei poientiam ad posteros du- raluratri). But iK(paiveiv 5wpa is a doubt- ful expression, to which I have been unable to find a parallel. I believe that ii;u<pa.i>ai> is what Pindar wrote ; the gods are represented as weaving out or plan- NEMEAN IV. Yahelpcov to 777309 £°4 >ov °^ TrepaTov. mrorpeTre avTis evpcoirdv trorl yepaov evrea vaos' airopa <yap \6yov Alatcov iralhcov rbv airavra p,oc $ie\0elv. (deavSpiSatcri 8' de^iyvloov deOXcov icdpvi; erol/j,o<i efiav Ov\vp,7ria re Kal 'Icr^yu,ot Nep,ea re avvdefievos, ev6a treipav e^ovre^ oi/cahe KXvTOKapireov 77 70 arp. 1 . 75 ning the gifts which they would shower upon Peleus and his race. It may be pointed out that in Theocritus VII. 8 2<f>a.ivov has usurped the place of vcpaivov in the mss. A strong confirmation of i$v<f>avav is the fact that Qixpcuve occurs in the corresponding line of the sixth strophe. The Theandridae are compared to the Aeacidae, and Timasarchus to Peleus. Even as the gods weave a web of sovereignty as their wedding gift to Peleus, so the lyre is bidden by Pindar to weave a web of song and glory as a gift for Timasarchus, see Ititroduction, p. 64. dwpa Kal Kpdros is virtually a hendiadys. vipalvoj (like (pvretju>) is so constantly used in a figurative sense that it almost ceases to be a figure. In Pyth. IV. 141 we have a close parallel to e£u- (patveiv Kparos : — &W ifit XPV Ka ' <rL..v<paiveiP \onrbv okfiov. In Callimachus' Hymn to Apollo, 1. 56 we read defiel\ia <£o?/3os (xpalvei, and Plato even uses the word with olKodofMij/xara (Critias, 116 b). The MSS. give is (or els), 7epeds (or yeveds), clvtu) (or avrQi). Boeckh read is yeve&v ol, Dissen adopted is yivos curry. The scholiast read €yy€ves, restored by Rittershuis and accepted by Bergk who writes: 'Librorum lectio orta est ex inter- pretamento is Yepe&s, i.e. posteris Pelei\e\ iK yeveds, i. e. a principio ei destination '. The word occurs in Nem. x. 51. 69. TaSeCpcov k.t.X.] From Gadira to gloom-ward thou s/ialt not pass : turn back again the gear of the ship to the broad continent, to. Yabeipa, Gades, Y-tfieipa in Herodotus IV. 8. 'cbcpos for dvcris, "west, is Homeric. The poet having touched on the supreme height of Peleus' bliss can go no further; he has reached the Pillars of Heracles. 70. €vpwTrdv x.€ptrov] Europe (evpu- Tros = €vp'us). tvrea vads, remos et vela navis, Dissen ; compare Ol. VII. 12 iray.- (pwvoicrl t iv ivreuiv av\Qv. 71. d'-iropa] It is impossible, I have no passage. The plural suggests the abundance of the theme. Cp. 01. 1. 52 ifxol 8' &Tropa yaarpifiapyov fxaKapwv riv' dwell', I have scruples. 72. tov airavra] The full legend of the Aeacidae (viewed as a whole). See above Nem. I. 69, and below 1. 83. 73. 0€av8pi8a«ri k.t.X.] For the The- andridae I came, true to my compact, a ready herald of their lusty contests at Olympia and at the Isthmus and at Nemea, -where entering the lists they re- turn not homeward uncrowned -with fruit- age of glory. The adjective de^lyvios, making the limbs -wax lusty, was probably formed by Pindar for this passage. 75. o-vv8e'p.£vos] Having made a com- pact; so in Pyth. XI. 4r, he says, address- ing the Muse, el fiicrdov ye (or /xicrOoicra, MSS. fiiadui) avvidev Trapix eiV <puvdv vwdp- yvpov. 76. KXvTOKapireov] Another Pindaric adjective : -whose fruit is glory. For ireipav ^x 0VTei ' sustaining the trial, com- pare above 1. 30. 78 NEMEONIKAI A'. ov veovT dvev arecpdvwv, irc'npav tV aKovo/xev, Ti/xdaap^e, reap iirtviKLOiaiv doiSai*; TTpOTTOiXoV €/J,fl6Vai. €i 8£ TOl fjbcnptp fi en KaXXi/cXet tceXeveis (TTciXav 6ep,ev Uaptov \l6ov XevKorepav. 6 xpvabs eyjrofievo? av<yds eSei^ev dirdaa<i, vpvos 8e tcop dyadcov epjp,drcov (BaaiXevaiv laoSatfxova rev^ei cpwra' tceivos dp,(ft 'A^epovrc vaierdwv epidv yXwaaav evperco Ke\a8?JTiv, ^OpaoTpialva 80 crrp. la. 85 77. iraTpav k.t.X.] Where we hear, Timasarchus, thai thy clan is a minister unto songs of victory; that is the Thean- dridae win victories, supply choruses and pay poets for their celebration. For wp6iro\os compare Olynip. XIII. 54 'Apyoi Kal wpowoXois, the Argo and her emu. Pindar's motive in using the curious ex- pression has been pointed out in the Introduction p. 65. 79. €l 8e TOi k.t.X.] But if then biddest me yet set up to thy mother's brother Callicles a slab -whiter than Parian stone, know that gold hi the hands of the refiner is wont to reveal the full radiance of its beams, and a hymn in praise of brave deeds maketh a man equal to kings in fortune. For the meaning, and the al- lusion to the Olympic victory of 1. 75, I may refer the reader to the Introduction, p. 66. [AaTpw] According to the scholiast, Callicles was the brother of the victor's mother and Euphanes her father, /idrpws itself is ambiguous as it may mean either avus or avunculus malcmus. It would seem that the family of Timasarchus' mother as well as that of his father be- longed to the Theandrid clan. 81. o-Td\av] a sepulchral stele. For Olfxev compare above 1. 9. (The line is imitated by Horace 1. 19 Pario marmorc purius.) liy the choice of XevKorlpav Pindar would compare the glory of Calli- cles to the bright island, Lcuce, of Achilles (in v. 49). 82. o xpvo-ds] Gold here is symbolical of 'the golden olive leaves' of Olympic crowns (cp. Netn. 1. 17). So in Pyth. x. 67 it is symbolical of the 'golden laurel'; see above, Introduction, p. 66. The refiner is the poet. 83. dirdo-as] Not all (7rd<ras), but in their perfection. See above, Nem. I. 69. 84. t«vx«i] corresponding to rtvxei in line 4. The hymn is both a healer and kingmaker, epy/xdruv recalls ipy/j-druv in 1. 6. laobaiixwv means here 'equal in fortune', not 'equal to the dai/xoves' (as in Aeschylus, Persae, 633). 85. Keivos k.t.X.] Let him (Callicles) divelling on the shores of Acheron detect my tongue resoiinding clear where he won the bloom of Corinthian parsley at the contest of the deep-thundering Trident- wielder. KeXaorJTis is found only here. For j3apvKTV7ros as an epithet of Poseidon, see Hesiod, Theogony, 818; Olymp. 1. 72 (3apvKTVTrov evrpicuvav. 'OpaoTplaiva is a Pindaric name of Poseidon, cf. 01. VIII. 48, Pyth. II. 12 opaoTpiaivav debv. Pindar promises to celebrate Callicles in an Isthmian Ode, and it is a gratuitous change on the part of Bergk to read eW*' for iV iv. 88. 6d\T|0-e] The bloom of the Isth- mian chaplet was figurative, not literal; the parsley was withered. Cf. schol. NEMEAN IV. 79 IV ev d<ycovi fiapv/CTinrov ddXrjae Kopivdiois aeXiVOi^' top Ev(f)avr)<i edekwv ^epaibs irpoTrnTcop, •j*o <to<; detaerat, irai. aXkoiai S' aXuces aXkoC rd 8" avros dv ti? arp. tft'. 90 Lay, Isth. II. 15 rots ovv rd "IffOfua dyuvifa- ixivois ai\ivop ^-qpbv 6 aricpapos, vypbp be Toh to. N^ea. 89. tov Ev^avqs k.t.X.] The corrup- tion of 1. 90, in which the three mss. on which we depend for the last -28 verses of this ode (B, B, D) agree, renders the meaning of this passage extremely un- certain. Not one of the emendations proposed is really satisfactory, as they do not account for the corruption in our text. Hermann proposed 6 <rbs &ei<j£v irore, irai, but why should Heiatv wore have ever become ddaerail Boeckh read similarly abs duaiv wore irai, Hartung deiat ixoi irore, irai, Rauchenstein crbs deiaep rbre, irai, Mommsen deiaerai, irai, b crbs. Bergk proposed tGiv YiiHpavrj's (6i\wv yepcubs irpoir&Twp b crbs 7' e7rdie irai quas victorias libenter Euphanes anim- advert it, which, besides being improbable from a critical point of view, gives a weak sense. It appears to me that the unmetrical reading in 1. 90 must be due to the in- trusion of a gloss into the text. There is no reason to question the genuineness of deiVerat, which must have been the first word of the verse. If the word or words succeeding detVerat had acciden- tally fallen out and 6 abs, irai a gloss on irpoir&Twp stood in the margin, the gloss would have almost certainly crept into the text. I propose, therefore, to deal with the line as if we found deicreTcu -~ / - in the mss. Pindar is comparing the Theandridac to the Aeacid kings. He has indicated in 1. Si (see note) that Callicles corre- sponds to Achilles; further in 1. 92 (see note) he uses words which recall Neopto- lemus. But in the list of the Aeacidae Thetis is mentioned between Achilles and Neoptolemus (1. .so) ; and we are therefore led to suppose that Pindar, in speaking of Euphanes, used words which recalled Thetis. So little is said of the goddess (Bins Se Kparei <Z>6la) that the problem is narrowed. I conjecture that Pindar wrote ddaerai (pOip.t.vois, of whom Euphanes, his old grandfather, will be full fain to sing to the dead. Euphanes represents the Theandrids among the <p8ip.epoi, as Thetis the Aeacids at Phthia. 91. aXXoio-L 8' aXiKts aXXoi] Men of each generation have their own comrades. Perhaps Pindar was thinking of the pro- verb ^Xt| rfKiKO. rtpirei, but dXuces here has a wider sense than usual and means not coevals, but contemporaries; e.g. Euphanes and Callicles. rd 8' avTos k.t.X.] Each man imagines that the deeds whereof he himself has knmvledge are the loftiest argument for a tale. The mss. have &v tls tvxv- Mingarelli's reading Avra is adopted by Bergk. To this may be objected: (1) the corruption is not accounted for, (?) we expect dp, (3) cLvtcl tux^p requires the genitive (as in JtVem. VI. 27). Her- mann's dp tls ibr) cannot be entertained as there is no reason why toy should have been corrupted. My reading la% (subjunctive of ioap.i ; Pindar uses iaap.i, icrdpep and taavri, pres. part.) accounts for the corruption. Owing to the simi- larity of adjacent syllables ANTICICHI became antichi, dv tls y, and the un- 8o NEMEONIKAI A'. eXireral ns e«:acrTO<? e^o^TaTa fyaaOai. olov alveoov K€ MeKrjaiav epiBa o-rpecpoi, prjfjLcna TrXiicwv, anraXaHTTOS iv \07co eXiceiv, fxakaica /lev (ppovecov eVXot?, rpw)(p<i he irdXtyKoroi'; e(f)e8po<;. 95 n meaning 77 was changed to tvxv to make sense. — <j)do-0ai depends on eloxwrara. It is usually taken with HKTrerai at the expense of the sense. Pindar is paying a graceful compliment to the victor. ' Eu- phanes thought Callicles preeminent; I consider the deeds of Timasarchus ei;oxuTa.Ta.' 92. l^oxwTaTa] This word responds to Hfrxot in 1. 52. See Introduction, p. 65. 92. olov k.t.X.] 'What an adversary in speech were he who learned a lesson from Melesiasl How he would wrestle with sinuous words, and resistless with- stand constraint in the trial of story, — a gentle dealer to the noble, but a sovereign wrestler rough to naughty foes ! ' For an explanation and defence of this rendering see Appendix A, note 5. The trainer Melesias is mentioned in Nem. vi. 66 and Olymp. vm. 54. arpocpT] meant a wrestling-trick, 'twist'; iraoas arpcxpas <sTpi<peffdai, Plato, Re- public, 405 C. For VKkelv compare Hesiod, Scut. Her. 302 epAxovro w6£ re Kal e\Kri86v. 95. eVXots] The short quantity of the first syllable of eaXoTs in this passage is to be noted; cf. Pyth. III. 66 and 01. 11. 9. 96. 2(}>£8pos] Properly lying in wait, posted in reserve; and then technically of the odd man in wrestling pairs. See below, vi. 63. Cp. Aeschylus, Choeph. 866 TOtavde TraXrjv /xovos wu 2<pe5pos Stcrcroh /xeXXei deios 'Op^orijs axf/eiu. NEMEAN V. ODE IN HONOUR OF A VICTORY AT NEMEA IN THE BOYS' PANCRATION WON BY PYTHEAS OF AEGINA. INTRODUCTION. In hymns composed for Aeginetan victors one remarks that Pindar generally introduces images and metaphors taken from sailing or swimming, or here and there finds a place for a nautical term, evidently remembering that his ode will be sung in the city of a seafaring people and wishing to give it a certain savour of the sea. Now the Fifth Nemean Ode 1 is more thoroughly 'sea-saturate,' has more of the marine taste, than any other of the series of Aeginetan hymns, — sounding almost as if it had been actually composed on the beach of Aegina, in view of her harbour and ships, — a true song of the sea. And it is certainly possible that Pindar, enjoying the hospitality of Lampon, a citizen who was noted for his kindness to strangers and father of the strong boy whose victory in the pancration was the occasion of the ode, may have written it, or at least been inspired, there. It is built upon the legend of the temptation of Peleus by the comely and delicate Hippolyta and his subsequent marriage with Thetis. For Pindar this marriage, more than a mere marriage, meant the type of highest happiness (oX/3oy), in whatever that happiness may consist ; Thetis is a true ' wish- 1 Of the three odes {Nemean v., at the Isthmus and specially desired that Isthmian IV., Isthmian v.) in honour of his defeat should be referred to — a view the sons of Lampon, Isthmian IV. was worth mentioning as a curiosity. Mezger written latest, and a passage in it shews finds the leading idea in 1. 40 that it was composed not long after the irorixos St Kplvei ovyyevT}* Zpyuv wepi battle of Salamis. Nemean v. is the iravTwu earliest of the three. — the value of noble descent. lie divides As to the interpretation of the ode, the hymn thus : oipxa r— 6; Kararpowa 7, Dissen thinks the murder of Phocus is 8; 6fj.<pa\6s 9 — 37; neraKaTaTpoira. 38— mentioned in v. 10 to warn the son of 40; acppayts 41 — 54- Lampon against quarrelling, and that This arrangement spoils the symmetry the myth of IY-leus is told as an edify- of the ode, by forcing the mythical ing example of chastity. Mommsen, as prayer of the Aeacids into the same usual, seeks political motives and loses division as the myth of Peleus. himself in conjectures. L. Schmidt For the family of Lampon see Appen- assumes that Euthymenes was defeated dix A, note (i. B. 6 82 NEMEAN V. maiden,' wnnschmadchcn, as her name is actually said to mean, and the wooing and winning of her by Peleus is an image of any high, divine success attained by effort. The ode falls naturally into three divisions corresponding to its three metrical systems. And each part offers us duly one moment of the thought which is worked out. (i) In the first system we have the prayer of the Aeacids for the people of Aegina. (3) In the third system the victories of Aeginetans indicate that the wish had been answered. (2) In the second system, it is shewn, by the allegorical myth of Peleus, why Aegina has been thus signalised by divine favour. That such is the framework of the ode may easily be proved. The glory reflected by Aeginetan victories in the public games on Aegina herself is strongly emphasised in the third system. Euthymenes' successes are 'for Aegina' (AfyiVa 1. 41) and 'glorify' the Aeacids (1. 42); and the poet rejoices rf OTt eaXolcri pdpuarat nept nacra ttoXis- And that this is to be regarded as a fulfilment of the prayer of the Aeacids, is significantly conveyed by the use of a striking expression in the third system which echoes an equally striking expression in the first system. Of Peleus, Telamon and Phocus praying at the altar of Zeus, it is said, 1. 1 1, TTirvav t els aide pa \elpas apa. Euthymenes in 1. 42 is described as Ninas eV dyKcovecra-i rrirvav 1 . The two verbs (iTiTvrjpi and ttltpco) are in sense distinct, but Pindar clearly connected them, and there is a certain kinship in their meanings. It is next to be shewn that the story of Peleus symbolizes, in brief, and explains, the history of Aegina. Peleus won Thetis because he respected Zeus Xenios ; this is the essence of the tale. And so, it is to be inferred, Aegina won the accomplishment of her wishes by her unremitting exercise of hospitality. Several hints leave us in no doubt that this is the argument. (1) Immediately before the tale of the prayer Aegina is called cpiXav i~kv<£>v apovpav. (2) narepos 'EWaviov (to whom the Aeacids pray) 1. 10 is echoed in irarpos ^eivlov (1. 33) whom Peleus respected. (3) ' They prayed ' is expressed by the unusual, archaic word d((T(ravTo (1. 10) which is rendered very prominent by its metrical position ; for not only is its first syllable a tctrascmos (measuring four times) but it is preceded by a pause equivalent to a tetrascmos: thus 7- A 6(a(T- A avro. A 1 The emphasis <>f ttItvuv is increased See below, p. 94. by its allusive associations with 7r/>77<os. INTRODUCTION. 83 (See Metrical Analysis p. 88.) Pindar has adopted this means to express that as the ' wz'^-maid ' 6/tis was won by Peleus, so the wishes of the Aeacids for Aegina were fulfilled. But the allegory of Peleus, if it applies generally to Aegina, may be on this occasion taken to themselves especially by the kindred of Lampon, a man noted for his hospitality 1 , and whose name (in 1. 4) receives a metrical emphasis similar to that of deaaavro. And thus Euthymenes, uncle of the young victor Pytheas and himself an unusually distinguished champion, is said to have been made happy by the embraces of the goddess Victory and caressed by hymns of praise, even as Peleus was blessed by the guerdon of the sea-goddess and glorified by Apollo and the Muses. And the fact that one of Euthymenes' successes was achieved on the Isthmus yields a welcome opportunity to accentuate the sea-motive by introducing the king of the ocean himself, and also enables the poet to manage a natural but skilful transition from myth to ' modern ' history. But why, one asks, is Euthymenes the prominent figure? why does the myth bear on him. when the ode is expressly written for Pytheas his nephew ? It is an instance of the dexterity of Pindar's art. Pytheas is only a boy, not yet of nubile age, and the infelicity of comparing his victory to a sexual union is avoided by making Euthymenes a sort of intermediate reflector. The artist indicates in his own way that Pytheas will be even as Euthymenes ; and therefore he may expect in future years, like Euthymenes, to win his 'sea- bride,' irovTiav auiiTiv, too, perhaps even in the shape of a victory gained also at the Isthmus. This is the central thought. Both Pytheas and Euthymenes, his mother's brother, have shed glory on Aegina and the Aeacid name. The elder champion may be said to have attained to the prize and pride of life, figured in the wooing of the great Aeacid Peleus ; and the younger, a pancratiast like his uncle, may hope to achieve the same ideal. Let us now see how this thought is worked out in detail. The stately odes which Pindar is fond of likening to the works of architects or of sculptors have one advantage certainly over statues, in the mere fact that they can travel easily by land and sea. They are dyaKfiara,— a word which, meaning any gracious things that shed glory or yield delight by their beauty, came to have the special sense of carven images, the ornaments of a temple or agora ; but they are not limited to motionless existence on a base, like that statue for example of Themistius the victor's grandfather, which Pindar may have himself seen in the portal of the temple of Acacus, crowned with a garland of grass and flowers, as he describes it in the closing verses. With this comparison and distinction of the two arts the prelude opens, naturally leading up to the transmission of the present song, proud of its power of motion, to distant lands, that the victor's fame may be diffused throughout the whole Greek world. And with his peculiar skill in causing vivid pictures to rise up out of a word or two, Pindar makes us fancy 1 See Istk. v. 70. 6—2 84 NEAIEAN V. that he has literally issued from the workshop of some sculptor in Aegina— we think of the famous Onatas who perhaps actually wrought a statue for this same son of Lampon — and is going down to the wharf to embark his song in ships, large argosies and smaller craft about to hoist their sails, bound for distant cities. I dwell on this proem because it determines what may be called the imaginary background of the ode. The 'sweet song' is shipped for foreign parts ; the sea spreads out before us ; and we are learning what the message is, the literal burden or freight. The sea spreads out before us from the beginning to the end of the piece, and the circumstance that this background is implied, not expressed, illustrates a notable difference between ancient and modern art. The ancient poets, presupposing in their hearers and readers a swifter and more active imagination, did less to assist it ; they were more reserved; and this artistic ironia is especially characteristic of Pindar. A modern poet, were he writing anything similar, would probably describe the sea in express words and pause in his progress to make his reader hear the wreathed horn of Triton or see Proteus rising from the wave. But Pindar does not think it necessary to do that. Those who have really eyes and ears for his words will hear and see the Greek ocean rolling and sounding before them ; and it will soon become transfigured, not through any extraneous description, but in the natural progress of the work, by the presence of mermaidens and ocean- kings. The message of the 'sweet song' is that Lampon's son Pytheas has been proclaimed victor at Nemea in the pancration contest which required superiority in both boxing and wrestling. Pytheas is a strong-bodied boy not yet adolescent, and there is an allusion to the joy which his mother will soon have in her son's puberty, when his cheeks display, like a physical sign of summer heat, soft down compared to the plumage of a grape, and suggesting even some Dionysiac association of the voluptuousness of nature. The pride of parents in their offspring's puberty is a pagan feature, which had not disappeared in the days of St Augustine. Pytheas' victory is one more distinction for Aegina, the city so good to strangers — ' foreign faces ' in her streets and harbour may have been some- times noticeable — , and to the Aeacidae, whose descent is from Cronos and Zeus and the golden daughters of Nereus. Thus, at the beginning of the hymn, the usual formality of making mention of Zeus is informally complied with, and at the same time the waters begin to change under the golden wand into a mythical sea where wonders may occur. Pclcus and Telamon and Phocus were the original Aeacids. The mother of Pelcus and Telamon was Endais the daughter of Chiron, the centaur; Phocus was born of the nymph Psamathea, 'the sand-maiden,' on the sea- beach, eVi prjyu'ivi irovTov. These three sons of Aeacus stood by the altar of Zeus Hellanios in Aegina, and raising their hands to the firmament prayed for the glory of their island and her wealth in men and ships. They prayed together ; but .1 misfortune led to the banishment of Pclcus and Telamon INTRODUCTION. 85 from iheir home. This event, of which Pindar speaks with dark shy reticence, was the death of Phocus, whom, in a fit of jealousy because he was their father's favourite, his half-brothers slew. Can we profitably or fitly apply the moral standards of ordinary men to the deeds of half-divine heroes ? Pindar perhaps asked himself, and in the full spirit of hero-worship ' he prefers silence, suspension of judgment (as if the question were a supernatural mystery), leaning rather to interpretation in favour of the heroes. At this delicate question the poet, with conscious abruptness, pulls himself up, remarking on the advantages of silence which is often the fairest speech, true ev^pla. And having checked himself as at some impassable obstacle he prepares for a new start, likening himself to a leaper who has nimble knees and can leap far, if his theme be happiness (oX/3os), or prowess in games or war,— and then, recalling his imagination as it were from an excursion into the gymnasium back to the scene really before him, likens himself to an eagle which can shoot across the ocean, iripav tt6vtoio. The eagle had a peculiar fascination for Pindar, so that references to it are quite a note of his poetry, the most striking passage being that in which the bird of Zeus is described as sitting on the God's sceptre, lulled to sleep by the charm of golden Phorminx, his supple, almost fluid (vypov) back trembling a little and somewhat voluptuously, to the influences which agitate the air. The idea that the eagle is sensible to the concord of pleasant sounds was in Pindar's mind here too, for having compared his own spirit of song to the power of the bird to fly over seas, he goes on to describe the quire of the muses singing on Mount Pelion at the marriage of Peleus and Thetis, and Apollo himself, as Musagetes or Muse-leader, sweeping the seven strings of the lyre with his golden plectrum. And thus the connexion of thought is really close between lines 21 and 22 ; there is not, as at first might appear, a break and then a fresh start. Phorminx has an attraction for the eagle, which therefore shoots forth to Mount Pelion to hear her— for the instrument is half personified— answering to Apollo's touch : this is the graceful figure. The treatment of the lyre (whose seven strings are called seven tongues) as thou<di she were alive, and her vibration the actual pulse of an organism, may be compared to the personification of the violin by modern writers . But there is more than this behind ; the eagle flying to Pelion has other feathers for the poet's shafts. As we shall see in the Sixth Nemean Ode, Pindar regarded the eagle as a special omen of the house of the Aeacidae, partly on account of the connexion of both with Zeus, partly for the sake of the resemblance of alerts and Ataxo?. So here too the eagles, to which Pindar compares himself, are the Aeacidae ; just as his metaphor of the leaper has reference to a leap of Euthymenes, as we shall see hereafter. Odes are sung on Mount Pelion for the eagles'-, that is for the Aeacidae, 1 For example in Mr Eric Mackay's irpbfypwv 51 Kelvois. Letters of a Violinist. According to Schmidt's analysis of the 2 See note, 1. 22 metre, irp6<ppu)v is rendered very promi- 86 NEMEAN V. chiefly for Peleus ; — and this thought is important for the understanding of the application of the myth. The nome sung by the Muses began, according to the rules of such compositions, with the praise of Zeus, then told the story of Peleus and Thetis, and how Peleus was tempted by Hippolyta to dishonour the bed of his host Acastus 1 . Hippolyta is described by a word which the Greeks often used of oriental luxuriousness or soft-living, afipa, which here almost means ' sensual ' ; she was like one of those ' comely and delicate women ' spoken of in oriental scriptures. Peleus rejected her bold straight words, so direct that they were really abashing, not from any idea of abstract right and wrong, but because Acastus was his host, and he ' feared the wrath of father Zeus who protecteth the host and guest.' Then Zeus, in recognition of his piety, promised him that he should wed one of the princesses of the sea. This episode of Peleus' temptation is introduced, like every episode in Pindar, with a purpose. It is a typical instance, not of chastity— far from it — } but of reverence for Zeus Xenios, for the rights and duties of guest and host ; and this reverence receives a conspicuous reward. Even so Aegina herself, as Pindar never wearies of telling, was a faithful votary of Zeus Xenios, (p[\a gevav apovpa (1. 8) ; her children, and among the rest conspicuously Lampon, the victor's father, were kind to strangers. And Pindar implies that the great successes gained by Aeginetans — in this instance by- Lampon's kindred,— at the Hellenic festivals are a divine reward for their hospitable manners. Zeus plans that Peleus shall wed a sea-maiden {irovriav), one of Nereus' daughters, called golden before and now described as spinning with golden distaffs; and he secures the consent of Poseidon. With these words we become conscious of the sea again ; we prepare to leave Mount Pelion ; we see Poseidon driving from Aegae to Corinth ; and the peals of Apollo's lyre pass suddenly into the sounds of the flutes which greet the coming of the sea-king to his Isthmian games. And now comes the application of the myth : — the kindred of Lampon may be compared to that greater Aeginetan family, the Aeacids, the eagles, who fly beyond the sea. As Peleus won the goddess Thetis, so Euthymenes enjoyed the embraces of the goddess Victory ; and this exploit resembled its model also in having taken place beyond the sea and under the auspices of Poseidon. And moreover, in celebration of his victory, Euthymenes was caressed by hymns as by something tangible ((-^/ava-ns), even as the eagle Peleus heard the nomes of Apollo and the Muses on Pelion. Euthymenes was a pancratiast, like Pytheas, but it seems highly probable that he won an Isthmian victory in jumping, as Pindar would hardly have chosen the n< nt in recital. So in 1. 46, ~Siaov t\ ' Hippolyta persuaded her husband; referring to the Pythian games at Megara, -ndou-ia aKolraf. This is afterwards lias a like prominence. The implication echoed, for the sake of pointing a con- seems to he thai ;i i Apollo shewed him- trast, in 11. 36, 37 Trpdj-eiv ukoitlv — lloirei- self favourable to the Aeacids, so he was odwva ntiaais. kind to Euthymenes. INTR OD UCTION. 87 metaphor of the leaper and used technical terms (see above), if it had not borne specially on the matter in hand. An unfortunate corruption in the manuscripts renders the exact expression uncertain, but it seems likely 1 that Euthymenes was represented 'darting' or 'leaping' to meet Victory. Successes at Nemea, at Aegina and at Megara had also fallen to the lot of Euthymenes, and Pindar indicates them as if they were successes in love. Nemea, the nymph, was true to him (cipape, 'clave to him') ; and the month Delphinios, in which the Aeginetan and Megaric victories were gained, is spoken of as a comely youth whom Apollo once loved and who now be- stowed his favours upon the champion of Aegina. Moreover Megara is called 'the hill of Nisus with fair arms or hollows,' evayKrjs, a coinage of Pindar, suggesting the hollow of the arm and recalling the phrase of a few lines before, Ni'/ca? iv dyKwveao-i. l>y these victories Euthymenes has shed glory on his race, which, as Aeginetan, is closely connected with the race of Peleus (1. 43). Even so Pytheas by his recent victory was said, at the beginning of the hymn, to have done honour to the Aeacids. And thus Pytheas is compared to Euthymenes who was compared to Peleus 2 . And in this 43rd line we are brought back for a moment, as by a sudden flash of association, but with design on the part of the poet, to the sculptor's workshop from which he issued at the beginning of the poem. The word ayaAXei, 'brightens with glory,' recalls the dyaXpara, 'bright or glorious things,' which the sculptor makes and the poet makes too ; and the words occur in almost the same parts of metrically corresponding verses. Pindar has wrought an dya\p.a for Euthymenes no less than for Pytheas. The naming of Apollo here, in connexion with Euthymenes' victories at Aegina and Megara, is also notable, and the idea seems to be that, as Apollo patronised Peleus, so he is favouring Euthymenes. A reference to the Athenian Menander, who trained Pytheas for the contest in which he won 'a sweet meed for his toils,' leads up to a sort of exodion in praise of Themistius, the father of Euthymenes and Pytheas' mother. The poet reminds us of the background — the sea and the ships; he bids the Muse hoist the sails to the sailyard, using a technical phrase of navigation. Themistius in his day had won two prizes, for boxing and in the pancration, at Epidaurus, and his statue stood in the portal of the temple of Aeacus, crowned with chaplets of flowers and grass, under the auspices of the fair-haired Charites. Without some mention of (or, at least, allusion to) the Charites or beings of kindred nature an ode of victory would perhaps have seemed ungraceful. This hymn, of whose thought I have sketched the framework and tried to suggest the spirit, is full of pictures and expressions, which lay hold of the imagination and dwell in the memory, although they are marked by 1 See note 1. 43. and par powoXiv 1. S; and also by the " This comparison is further indicated circumstance that 1. 43 is addressed to by adivei yvlwv dpacret 1. 39 compared Pytheas. with evpvudevqs 1. 4; by parpws 1. 43 88 NEMEAN V. the temperance or irony of the severest Greek art. The statuary ; the sea- faring language beloved of Aeginetans ; the grace of adolescence ; the golden Nereids, — that note of gold sounding again in the god's golden plectrum and in the golden distaffs of the nymphs ; the heroes praying by the altar ; the ' Sand-maid ' in travail by the sea-beach ; Apollo Citharoedus leading the heavenly quire ; Poseidon who cometh from Aegae ; the festive companies at Corinth , the statue of Themistius, with garlands of grass and flowers — these among other impressions and pictures come to us successively in the bright sea air. METRICAL ANALYSIS. Strophe. V. I . CI. — • — w — w — w — • — w w v/u — wy - w — A ( 1 4/* 7/7/. 2 — A. 0. — w w — w w — — — w w — w w — w — w — — — w w w — 71%). 5?t>- & • — w ww — ww — f\ — • — w w — — — w — w (l4)- The strophe is of mesodic structure, the formula being 14 : 8 . 6 . 8 : 14 and thus the mesodus itself is mesodic. To carry through this structure Schmidt has to assume that the first syllable of the fourth line of each strophe (in other words of the third part of the mesodus) is a paKpa rerpa- a-rjfxos (I — 1) preceded by a pause or \eip.p.a of equivalent length 1 . This pause would have the effect of accentuating strongly the first words of these lines, namely Aap.7ra)vos, decrcravTo, 7rpo<ppa>v Be, Treicrauj, 7roTp,os Be, NiVou r', and, as such an accentuation really assists the comprehension of the hymn, I am strongly disposed to concur in Schmidt's analysis. Epode. - v_/ w — v-/v-/ — v^ — \*/ -^w-w-w^- (17). vv. 3, 4. a'. ' 1 ' 1 / 1 / . /,_\ — WW — w w — • — ■ — w — w — w I — w ww — ■ — ww — ww — w — w — A (I7/- W. 5, U. U. — • — WW — ww w — A — w — ww — ww — WW ^-w ('4) - The structure is epodic, the epodos (/>) being itself perhaps mesodic. Thus : a. 8 + 9 a. 8 + 9 b. 6.2.6 The rhythm of this ode is dactylo-epitritic. 1 Schmidt says 'cine Triseme der cine not trisemoi', a trochee in this rhythm triseme Pause voranging'. This seems to being equivalent (by tovi)) to four metri- be an inadvertence. The feet of a dac- cal units (w), or in musical notation tylo-epitritic composition are tetrasemoi four quavers. NEMEONIKAI E'. flYBEAi AITINHTHf nAIAI IIArKPATIASTHt. Ovk dv8piai>T07ro(,6<i elft, Scrr eXivvaovra ?epyd^ea6ai dyaXfiar eV avrds /3adfMi8o<i crrp. a. earaor' dX)C eVt irdcras 6\rcd$o<; ev t d/carco, yXutceV doiha, arelx air Alyivas, BiayyeWour , on Aa/u.7ro)f09 uld<i Uvdeas evpvadevrjs vlktj Neyu-etotf irayKparlov aricfaavov, 5 OV7TCO yevvai (paivcov ripetvav fiarep' olvdvdas oiroopav, i. ovk dvSpiavTOiroios €l|A' K.T.X.] I am not a maker of statues that I should frame images to stand in repose on the self -base. In Isthm. II. 45 he uses the same expression of his hymns, trrd tol ovk e\Lfvaovras avrovs eipyaad/xav. eXivvw is used of rest on a holiday. eir' avrds] More usually e7ri ras arrets. But self and the same (der selbe) are one notion; self-same is merely a superlative of same. There are some examples of this use in Homer, see M 225, * 480, 107, k 263, 7r 138. We may reproduce the unusual omission of the article by imitating Shakspere's 'self-metal' &c. j3ad/jiis occurs in Pyth. V. o, aKpdv drrb (3a.6fj.idwv (steps). 2. d\X' eirl 7rdo-as k.t.X.] But, O sweet song, hie thee from Aegina on every argosy and in every skiff, spreading the tidings that Lamport's son, Pytheas of massive strength, is winner at the Nemean games of the crown in the paneration, though his mother seeth not yet upon his cheeks the tender summer-ripeness of the grape-down. For evpvo-Oevrjs compare above III. 36. I have retained vikjj, the reading of the MSS., which editors generally alter to vLkt] (impft. from uiktj/xi) after Ileyne. But, as Bergk remarks, the poet quotes the herald, — repetit poeta praeconis vocem. For viKav ' to win ' with accusative compare Nem. X. 48 x a ^ K0V ■ • -ovre . . . iv'iKauav. 6. "ytwo-i] So the MSS. ; Hermann unnecessarily yeuvi. The word includes the chin as well as the cheeks. Bergk is right in taking ^arep' as the dative case. It is possible that Pindar might have said 'the summer-season, tender mother of the grape-down', but he would have hardly made it the object of (palvuv yivvcri. A youth displays the grape-down of puberty, not the mother of the grape- down, on his cheeks. The mother's interest in the adolescence of her child is a graceful touch. Bergk compares Pyth. VIII. 85 ovoe ixo\6vtwv Trap fxarep 1 d/j.<pi yi\ws ykvKus wpaev x°-P lv - For oivdvQas owilipa compare Euripides, Phoe- uissae, 1 160 dpn oiuwwbv ytvvv. 90 NEMEONIKAI E'. etc he Kpuvuv ical Zijvds '//pwas alxwras; (purevdevTas ical diro Xpvaeav NijpijlScov °vt. a . AiatciBas eyepapev [xarpoTroklv re, <pi\av ^evcav apovpaV rdv rror evavhpov re ical vavcriicKvrav Oeaaavro Trap fiwfxov rraripos 'EWaviov IO ordvres, TTLTvav r efc aWepa %e?pa<? ap,a 'E^cWSo? dplyvcores viol teal fiia <bwicov icpeovros, 6 ra? 6eov, ov ^ap.ddeia Titer iirl pnyypTivi rrovrov. alheofxai /meya Venrelv ev SUa re /jlt} iceicivhvvevpLevov, €7T. a . 7. «k 8e Kpovov k.t.X.] And that (oti) he glorified the 'warrior heroes sprung from Zeus and Cronos and from Nereus 1 golden daughters, even the Aea- cidae, and the mother city, land that loveth strangers. Aeacus, the son of Zeus and Aegina, married (1) Endais, daughter of Chiron, and begat by her Telamon and Peleus, (2) Psamathea, the Nereid, whose son was Phocus. Telamon and Peleus were connected with Cronos both on the mother's and on the father's side as Chiron was Cronos' son. 8. <f>CXav jje'vwv k.t.X.] For this praise (which here has a special bearing on the thought of the hymn, see Introd. p. 82, 86) compare above IV. 12. For <pi\os with genitive compare Pyth. III. ■; vbov avdpQv (pi\of. /xaTpotroXiv means, I think, more than TnxTpida, home, and refers to the fact that Aegina's descendants, the Aea- cids, ruled in other lands (Telamon and Ajax in Salamis etc.), which might therefore be regarded as in a certain sense affiliated in the island. o. rdv ttot' k.t.X.] For whose excel- lence in men and fame in ships they once on a time offered vo~vs, standing at the altar of father Hellanius, and together spread their hands to heaven, even the notable sons of Endais, and the mighty lord Phocus. For this construction of diccavTO Dissen compares Pyth. VIII. 72 Oeuiv ottlv d(p0iTov alrlw, for the undying care of the gods I pray. The present of eOeaod/jL-qv has not survived ; the participle Oeoadixevos is found in Ilesiod and Archi- lochus, and the adjective dirodeoTos in p 296. Fick has conjectured that Gem, IVunsehmadchen (as well as irodiw) is akin, and I have pointed out in the Introduction that Pindar connected them. Observe that vavaiKXiirdv is treated as two separate words and takes a feminine termination. In the mss. it is written vavol kXvt&v. 10. 'EXXavioxi] 'Myrmidones quum in Aeginam venissent condiderunt ibi Jovis Hellenii fanum, patrii sibi numinis, cuius religiones secum adduxerant '. Dissen. 12. dpiYvwT€s] An equivalent of the Homeric dpiyvwros, only found here. For Endais and Phocus, see above, note on line 7. Endais was also called Me^e- S v ts, schol. //. * 185 (Bergk). 1$. 6 -rds 6«ov] the sou of the goddess, he whom Psamathea (sand-maiden) bore on the beach of the sea. ewl p-rp/fxivi (OaXdooTis) is Homeric. 14. al8t'o[xai k.t.X.] / shrink from telling of a great venture, perchance uu- rightly made, in what wise they left the glorious island and what fortune drave them from Ocnoue. The inauspicious event alluded to is the death of Phocus, the favourite son of Aeacus. His brothers Peleus and Telamon slew him through jealousy, and were in consequence obliged NEMEAN V. 91 7TC0<i 8>) \llTOV €VK\€Cl VUCTOV, Kdl Tt9 avhp(l<i aX/Cl/jLOVi I 5 SctLficov air Olvcovas eAaaev. ardaofiat. ov rot airacra Kcphiwv (paivoicra irpbcrwirov dXdOet arpeKi)^' ical to acyav TroWd/cis earl aocpcorarov (ivOpcoirfp vomeral. el 6' o\/3ov i] xeipwv j3iav i) (TtSapcrav iiraivriaac iroXepiov SeSoKijrai, fxa/cpd fiot cnp. f3' . avroOev dXfiaO' virocrKaTrrot tcs' e'^eo yovdroov ekafypov opp,dv. 20 to leave Aegina. See Pausanias, II. 29, 7. The reserved language of Pindar concerning the deeds of heroes is charac- teristic. When Dissen interprets /j.eya asfacinns malum el andax, he misses the point. The poet calls the act great; he does not qualify it as bad. Kenivbvvev- ixivov suggests the hazard of the deed, not its moral quality, and the sole ethical criticism, fxr] b> Ska, is ventured upon in the most mild and tentative form — 'peradventure, not justly', — for this is the force of /xtj. 16. o"Ta<rojj.ai. k.t.X.] / will halt, Soothly, it is better that unbending truth should not sheiu her visage in all its ful- ness (aTraaa), and to hold his peace is oftentimes man's wisest zvay. Similarly in Olymp. I. 52 Pindar breaks off when he touches on a legend that shews the gods in a doubtful light : d^icrrajuat ' dnipSeia MKoyxev Oa/uva. KCLKayopos, I stand apart ; loss ever and anon hath overtaken evil speakers, ov Kepdiwv means is not so good as silence; compare 01. IX. 103 avev 5e Oeov aecnyafi^vov ov aKaiorepov XPW 'iK-a.crov. We might have expected ov KepSaXiou ; but the comparative is used because speech is compared with silence. This usage forms a sort of intermediate link between the ordinary use of the comparative and such forms as de^irepos, i)7]\vrepos. 18. vomeral] for a man to consider ; = ao<p<l>Ta.Tov vor)fji.a. 19. xapiov Piav] Eminently a quality of pancratiasts. o-iSaplrav ttoXc/j-ov, mailed war (distinguished from the war of games). ao. aX|xa0' viroa-KaTTTCH tis] Pindar compares himself to a leaper who can leap far, if his theme be bright fortune or mighty exploits in the arena or on the battlefield. He wishes therefore that a long strip of ground should be prepared for his leap, his starting-point or parrip being the death of Phocus {avTodev) -. fodite magna m saliendi arenam (Dissen). The ground dug for the long jump was called to. eo-Ka.fj.fj.tva, and vnip ra icrKa/j.- fieva TTfdav became a proverb. The distances of individual leaps were marked by small trenches called (369poi or o~Ka/x- fiara. aXfj-ara fiaKpa, a place for long leaps, is an expression like at opviOes, bird-market, ol ireao-oi, the place for play- ing ireao-oi. In early Greek the com- pound vTroo-KaTTTU) occurs only here, and commentators have not explained the force of the preposition. The ground dug up might be regarded in relation to the leaper when actually in the act of leaping; or viro- might be on the analogy of inroTvwTw ; but it seems to me that Pindar, though comparing himself to a leaper, is already, in anticipation, con- ceiving himself as an eagle aloft, and that inroaKaTTTOi 'dig beneath me' is due to this anticipation — a suggestion, in fact, of the second metaphor. <i\ia "yovaTtov e\a<j>pov oppav] / have the power of light springing in my knees ; bpuri means power of motion. Note the masculine termination of t\a<pp6v. 92 NEMEONIKAI E' Kal irepap irdvroio tvuXXovt ateroi. irpo^pwv 8e Kal neivoLS aei$ iv UaXup MoLcrdv 6 fcdWiaTO'i X°P^' i ' ez; ^ fJ>e<rai,<; (j>6pfju<yy ' \7r0XXcov eTrrdyXwcrcrov ^pvaeep irXaKTpw Smokwv uyetTO iravroiwv vopaav. al Se TrpooTiarov p,ev vp,vi]crav Ato? apyhpievai aepbvdv %6tlv avr. p . 25 Il?;A,ea 6\ ft$9 re vlv d(3pd Kpi]6eU 'liriroXina 86\w irehdaat ijOeXe %vvava Ma<yvyJT(ov gkottov ireiaaca ciKoirav ttoikiXols fiovXev/jiacuv, y\rev<jrav Be irotrirov crvveira^e Xoyov, 2 1 . Kal ire'pav k.t. X.] Eagles poise their flight even beyond the oeean. irdWovTai smooths the transition from the leaper to the eagle, as it might apply to either. 22. irp6(f>pG)v St k.t.X.] Bui for them too on Pelion the quire most fair of the Muses graciously sang, and in their midst Apollo, sweeping the seven-tongued Lyre with his golden quill, led the chant of divers strains. The imperfect tenses deide and hydro present the picture of Apollo Musagetes and his quire.— Keivois, strictly referring to aieroTs, shows that the Aeacids (1. 8) are symbolized; see Introduction, p. 85. — It seems probable that both here and in Nem. 1. 33 irpofppuv was intended to con- vey the idea of foreknowledge, as well as that of goodwill. Such a suggestion was peculiarly appropriate in the case of Apollo. [I observe that Mr Verrall notes a similar intention in Trpo<pp6i>us, Again. 183.] 24. SiujKiov] Apollo with his plectron chases and agitates Phorminx, as the wind chases and speeds a ship. Seven- tongued Phorminx is almost personified.. vop.wv means vo^uiv KiOapipOLKuv, nomes. 25. Atos dpx.6p.tvcuj See note on I. 8; also II. 3. 26. «s t« viv k.t.X.] And how delicate Hippolyta, Crelheus' daughter, was fain to bind him by guile, having won to her plan the chief of the Magnetes, her husband, by artful counsels. ireiaa.io~a ^vvava. is equivalent to weiaaaa ware koivwvov elvou, having persuaded to be her partner in the plot (so also Mr Fennell). %vvav (S^vvduv): |wos; compare vedv: veos, p-eyiarav : p.£yujTos. Bergk, taking ^vvdva to mean husband, alters aKoLrav in the next line to "Akclo-tqi', in order to avoid the re- dundancy ; but the mere fact that ' A/caorou occurs in 1. 30 is decisive against his reading. It is characteristic of Pindar not to repeat proper names, unless they be very important, and even then seldom. Kp^is] Hippolyta (also called Hip- podamia) was daughter of Cretheus, sister of Pelias and Aeson (Jason's father). Many cities of the Magnetes were subject to Acastus, lord of Iolcus. 29. crvv€ira£e] She framed (like a joiner). The variant in D oweVXe^e, read by Triclinius, seems due to a mis- understanding of the text. av/J.wrjyvvvai is a most appropriate word, ttoitjtos, invented, manufactured, not genuine. It is interesting to observe the force of \|/€vo-to.v, for which another poet might have written \f/ev5ij. xj/evcrrav (lying, not false) invests the \6yos with a certain independence, gives it a material existence apart from the speaker, as if it were a material frame existing independently of its artificer. The \6yos, when constructed, lies on its own account. NRMRAN V. &5<? dpa vv/x(f)€La<i iirelpa Kelvos ev Xetcrpois ' Ak/kttov err. 93 3o 0- €vvu<i' to 8' ivavrlov ecrtcev' iroWd <ydp vtv iravrl Ovfiw irapcpafieva Xtrdvevev. tov Be opyav kvl^ov alnreivol \6yof evdvs S' (iTravdvaro vvfMpav, ^eivcov Trarpos 'ylikov Selaai<;- 6 & e(f>pda$7] Karkvevcrkv T€ Foi opcnvecprjs e% ovpavov Zei)? aOavcvTwv fiaaiXevs, coar ev Tayei 35 irovTiav ypv<ra\aK<ZTa>v rtvd Nrjpetomv Trpa^eiv ukoitlv, <yap,(3pov HoaeiSdwva weto-ais, 09 AlyaSev ttotl kXcitup Oafid viaaeTac 'Xadpuov AcoptaV crrp. y . 30. dpa] apa (apa) has its frequent force of introducing an untrue allegation: saying forsooth that he attempted to lie ivith Acastus' bride, and board his bed. vvfupdas suggests the youth of Ilippo- lyta. 31. to 8' tvavrCov k.t.X.] The fact was far other; for she besought him much and often with all her soul, beguil- ing him. But his mood was stung by her sheer words, and forthright he repelled the bride, fearing the wrath of the Father who protects hosts and gi/ests. evavriov, he did not tempt her, but she tempted him. XiTavevev, the imperfect of repeated attempts. 32. tov 8J opydv k.t.X.] The reading of the mss. involves the assumption of fopyav, which is supported to some extent by the adjective d6pyr]Tos. As this as- sumption is possible I have not ventured to depart from the codices. None of the proposed readings is probable; Boeckh tov ixh, Rauchenstein tov 5' dp', Bergk tov 5' vw' (Pindar elsewhere uses vttokvI^w of love's sting), M. Schmidt tov 5£ Kbp^av (Aeolic for xapdiav). — Zkvi^ov might be rendered nettled. alimvoC] sheer (as it were with no slope to soften the approach), unreserved. The word suggests that the proposal of Hippolyta was made with a shameless directness. Compare atirvs SXedpos Tennyson speaks of ' the downward slope of death', aiirvs SXeOpos is death without the downward slope. 33. jjeivfoxi iraTpos] Zei)s £^pioj. Re- spect for this god is characteristic of an Aeginetan hero; cf. 1. 8. 34. 6 8' e(f>pd<r8T) /v-.r.X.] But Zeus, king of immortals, the cloud-awakencr, considered it and vouchsafed unto him from heaven in token that he would speedily compass for him, to be his bride, a sea- maiden, one of Nereus' daughters with the golden distaff's, and persuade thereto Poseidon their sister's spouse, wlio often proceedeth from Aegae to the famous Dorian Isthmus. 6po~ive<pi)s ( = ve(peXrjyep^Ta) does not occur elsewhere, ware is regular after verbs of promising. 36. TrovrCav] So mss. Heyne's irov- Tiav is adopted by most editors, as it seems to me unnecessarily. In the case of two nouns and two adjectives Pindar is usually even-handed. Peleus is to have a sea-bride and she is to be one of the Nereids. The adjective xp vcr1 l^°-Ka.Tos is applied in the Iliad to Artemis. In Nan. vi. 62 it is used of Leto; in 01. vi. 104 of Amphitrite. Here the epithet recalls xp Vffe & v Nr/pT/idW of 1. 7 to mind. ■yauppbv means that Poseidon was the husband of Amphitrite. 37. Al-ydGev] From Aegae in Achaia. 94 NEMEONIKAI E'. evOa iiiv €V(f>pove<; IXat avv KaXa/xoio (3oa Oeov hetcovrai, ical aOevei yvlcov epitpvTL Opacrel. 7roT/io? 8e Kpivei o-vyyevrjS epycov irepl nrdvTwv. rv 8' Alyivq Oeov, RvOvpeves, N/'/ca? iv ayKOoveaai ttltvcov ttolk'lXwv e'-v/raucra? vfxvcov, 40 Perhaps Pindar represents the sea-god proceeding from Aegae to Corinth in order to suggest that he also favours the almost homonymous Aegina, which was doubtless associated in the poet's mind with Aegaats and Aegaeon, names of Poseidon, and with the Aegean sea. Here addressing Poseidon in Iliad 9 203 says oi 5^ tol eh "EtK'iK-qv re Kal Alyds 5Qp' avayovcu iroWd re Kal x a P UVTa - 38. 6v0a (aiv k.t.X.] piv followed by Oeov is illustrated by two Homeric pas- sages referred to by Dissen : a 194 5tj yap flip 'icftavT 1 eirL§ri/xiov elvai, <rbv ■warip', and f 48 77 fuv fyeipev TSavainaav einreirXov . Bergk reads Zvda p.dV because a para- phrast has oirov 5tj p.d\i(TTa, but that pd\' would have been altered to ptv is im- probable. The presence of fuv serves to make deov more emphatic than if it stood alone ; we are reminded that the yapppos (relation by marriage) of Aeginetan Peleus is a god. — Render, where merry routs receive him, the god, to the sound of the pipe-call, and vie boldly in hardihood of limbs. Poseidon is supposed to arrive at Corinth on the first day of the Isthmian games and to be met by festive companies of young men. 40. iroTjiOs o-vyyerrjs] The fortune or destiny that is born with a man (not vis ingenita as Dissen renders), avyyiv-qs is almost equivalent to hereditary. For iroT/xos compare Ncm. VI. 5 and iv. 42. Pindar associated it etymologically with TTfTfiv, ttiVtw; the fall of fortune ; and this association clearly determined his choice of language in the following sentence : But at Aegina, Enthymenes, where thy fall was in the arms of the goddess Victory, thou wcrt caressed by artful hymns and at the Isthmus thou didst shoot forth to greet her. The emphasis laid on trorpos by the pause which precedes it and the metrical value of its first syllable (assuming Schmidt's metrical analysis to be cor- rect), supports my view that a paro- nomasia is intended. See above, p. 82. 4 1 . Oeov] Rightly restored by Schmidt for deas the reading of the MSS. Pindar uses d debs, see above 1. 13 6 tSs deov. Beds is due to a marginal explanation of some one who wished to indicate that 9eov was to be taken with Nt'/cas. 42. Nfoas] Victory is the goddess won by Euthymenes (and Tytheas) as Thetis was won by Peleus. yf/avu is not elsewhere used by Pindar of winning the meeds of victory (like plyvvadai), and here it must have some special force. In Olynip. VI. 35 the word is used of Evadne's first taste of love, y\viceias irp&rov tyavo-' 'A<ppodiras. We may, I think, infer that ij/avw was specially used by poets of the touches of amorous en- counters and that here it serves to bring out Pindar's parallel between the prizes won by Peleus and by Euthymenes. It is to be observed that Pyth. IX. 130 should not be adduced to shew that Pindar used ypavw with the dative. The words are 6s dv TrpQros doptliv apcpl poi \{/avo-eie tre'TrXois. dpupL makes all the difference. In the same ode however we find }j/e68ei diyetv (1. 46) just as in Pyth. iv. 296 d<ri'X'P Oiytpev, and in Pyth. X. 28 dyka'iais dirropeaOa. NEMEAN V. 95 ]ad/xol t ai^as dvra. kclI vvv reus fxnrpco^ dyaXXet Ke'ivov 6/u,6a7ropov edvos, Tlvdea. uvt. <y' . 43. 'Io-8|xoi t' a'i£as avTa] No line in Pindar has experienced rougher usage at the hands of commentators than this. They have all without exception condemned as corrupt and altered in various ways the middle and latter por- tions of the verse, which however furnish a perfectly intelligible sense; and they have, almost without exception, allowed the first words Tyroi /utra't^avTa, which are unintelligible and evidently unsound, to remain. The reading of the MSS. (B, B, D) is 7]toi /jLeTai^avra Kal vvv rebs fidrpcos dyaXKei Kelvov dfxoawopov 'idvos Hv- 6£as. Mezger was the first to see where the corruption really lies and to detect that the scholiasts had a different reading before them. In the scholium on 37 we find T&iOvfi£vr)s 6s e'iu/c?7<ree"I<r#iua, and in that on 38 tlra eiroicrei dia. tl tov 'IcO/jlov €fivy}irdri. It is clear from this that a victory gained by Euthymenes at Isthmus was mentioned, and this is just what the description of the Isthmian festival would lead us to expect or even predict. Mez- ger tentatively restores 'ladfxdl r' e-rrel v'ikt)s, which is infelicitous and evidently improbable ; it is weak, and Pindar would not have used viK-qs after Ni/tas in the foregoing line, tjtol clearly has come from a gloss ; but /xerai^avTa could hardly come from /xer' Atytvav as Mezger sug- gests, and the supposed gloss itself ("um den isthmischen Sieg als den spateren zu bezeichnen") is an extremely unlikely one. The reading which I adopt assumes that the three first letters of the line ic8 were through some accident lost or ob- literated ; that from moit<m5acant<\ was elicited /xera^as dvra (some Tri- clinian mss. have p.eTai^as) ; and that this was ' emended ' to /ueral^avra for the sake of the metre, which was completed by the prefixion of a convenient tjtoi from the margin. ai'£as shot forth, is appropriate to a victor in a foot race, or in a long jump. The lea per shoots like a bird ^ 861. We may assume that Euthymenes was victor in leaping, for thus the metaphor used by the poet above 11. 19, 20 wins an appropriateness which it would otherwise lack. This circumstance I regard as a confirmation of the reading in the text. Kal vvv T€os (iaTpws k.t.X.] That Euthymenes was the maternal uncle of Pytheas is stated by Pindar himself in 1st h»i. v. 62: apavro yap vikcis airb ir ay k par iov rpeTs air' ladpLov rds 5' dw' evcpvWov 62 a7\aot ira?5is re Kal [idrpcos. It is therefore clear that reds must be addressed to Pytheas and that rii<0^a? is a mistake for IlvOta, the vocative. This conjecture of Mingarelli is confirmed by a scholium which mentions ITi'^as as a variant : KaTaWrjXorepov o£ tviot. ypd<pov(rt Tlvd^as IV 7} firjTpus Tlvdeas. The correc- tion is further confirmed by the following lines which evidently apply to Euthy- menes, not to Pytheas. That Euthymenes won a victory at Nemea is proved by the plural r&s 5' in Isthm. v. 61, just quoted. Kal vvv 'on the present occasion'; the victory at Corinth is a thing of the past (&pav<ras), that of Nemea is recent. K€ivov is generally misinterpreted. It refers to Peleus; compare Keivois 1. 22 and kcIvos 1. 30. [I observe that Tycho Mommsen also refers Keivov to Peleus, though otherwise his interpretation di- verges.] Just as in 11. 7, 8 Pytheas was said to glorify (yepaipeiv) the Aeacidac, so Euthymenes is here said to adorn (dyaWeiv) the Aeginetans. The render- ings of Dissen and of Mr Fennell give an impossible sense to I'tfyoy. 9 6 NEMEONIKAI E'. a Ne/xea p,ev dpapev fiefc r eVt^w pio$, ov (f)i\r]a AttoWwv' aXiicas §' iXOovras oIkol t etcpdrei 45 Nt'crou T iv evay/cel \6<pa>. yaipw 8, ore ea\olcn pjapva-rai irepi irdcra tto\is. tadi, yXvKeidv tol MevdvSpov avv rv^a /xo^Ocov dp,oi/3av eiravpeo. %pr) & air 'Adavdv tgktov dd\r)Tai<riv efifiev. el Be Qefilariov i'/eet*?, war delBeiv, /xrjKeTC plyef BlBoi eir. 7 . 50 We may render 11. 43 — 47 thus: Also 7icna thy mother s brother, Pythcas, sheds radiance on the race of that herds kin. Nemea stood fast by him and the month of his country (Delphinios) which (Delphian) Apollo loves. But at home and on the fair-gladed hill of Nisus he conquered the comers of his own age. I rejoice that the whole city joins in the conflict for noble prizes. d"ya\\ei] Adorns, with the further im- plication that he furnishes material for a statue of song. The word answers to ayd'Sfj-ar' which occurs in the first verse of the first strophe, and occupies nearly the same position in the line. 44. d'pdpev] Nemea 7oas true to him. All commentators wrongly interpret fa- voured him, which would be ijpdpe. Mr Tyrrell was the first to point out their error and to assign to dpdpev the full meaning of the perfect, which was re- cognised by the scholiast : irpoo-rjpfj.ocrTa.1 aiir<j} wpbs t6 vixdv dei. The expression iv diravri Kpdrei Kepavvbv dpapora. in 01. xi. 91 is to be similarly explained, the thunderbolt which clave to him, or stood him in good stead. (Cp. Isthm. II. 19.) The phrase in the present passage suggests the fidelity of a bride. Dissen compares Nip.ed t' ovk dvn^oel (01. XIII. 34) Nemea countervaileth not, but this is not quite the same. The p.els (p-rjv) Imxwpios is the Aeginetan month Delphinios which was probably also a Megarian month; in it, through Apollo's favour, Euthymenes conquered al the Aeginetan Hydrophoria or Delphinia and al I lie Megarian Pythia. The Delphinia are referred to in Pyth. viii. 66. <pi\y)ff' is wont to love when it comes round ; this seems to be the force of the aorist. 45. dXixas eXGovTas] His coevals who had come. Pueros Aeginetas, ad cerfamen qui venerant, Dissen; but Mez- ger is right in not limiting dXtKes to Aeginetans. Euthymenes conquered the same pancratiast competitors (hailing from all parts of Greece) both at Aegina and at Megara. eKpdrei 7oas the victor over. 46. evcryicei] A Pindaric formation, not occurring elsewhere; for its signifi- cance see Introduction, p. 87. 48. MevdvSpov crtiv Tvixq.] Compare avv Xapirwv rvxq., IV. 7. Menander was a famous Athenian trainer in gymnastic. For the introductory tadi compare 'taOi, Ke\adrjcru}, 01. X. 1 1 . The meaning is : / say unto thee, Sweet is the meed that by Menander 's aid thou hast won from thy labours. The genitive /lloxOwv depends on both eiravpeo and dp.oi(3dv. eiraupeo, second aorist. In Pyth. in. 36 we find the aorist active, yetrovwv ttoXXoI irravpov. 40. xp-q 8" k.t.X.] Meet it is that athletes should have their fashioner from Athens; a manifest paronomasia on 'A0a- vai and dOXr/rat. 50. el 8e 0tp.Ccrn.ov I'kc-is k.t.X.] Pin- dar now addresses himself; Put if thou art come with the thought of singing Themislios, be cold no more for the task ; be generous with thy voice, spread sails to the topmost yard, and proclaim that as a boxer and in the pancration he zuas vie- NEMEAN V. 97 (poovdv, avti 8 laria reivov Trpos ^vyov Kap-yaaiov, TTV/crav re vtv /cal Trayfcparuti (pdey^at e\eiv ^VjTriSavpw hnrXoav vikwvt dperdv, irpoBvpoLcriv 8 Ala/cov dvdewv iroidevra (pepetv a-recpavw/xara avv ^avOaZs ^Ldpicrcnv. torious at Epidaurus and ivon a double glory, and that by favour of the fair- haired Graces he (his statue) wears grassy flcnver-chaplcts in the portal of Aeacus' fane. Themistios is said to be the father of Euthymenes and therefore the maternal grandfather of Pytheas. He is mentioned in hthm. V. 65. The phrase fx-qKiri ptyei arrests the attention. Be reserved 110 longer implies that there were reasons for reserve in reference to somebody else. This suspicion is strengthened by two circumstances; (1) the ode, formally in honour of Pytheas, is far more a pane- gyric on Euthymenes, who is compared to the hero of the myth; and (2) in line 14 sqq. a theme is introduced, to be set aside as deserving of silence. We can see that there is something between the lines, but we cannot trace the letters. 81801] Hermann for 8idov. It hardly means utter \ rather lend, devote. 51. l<rrCa] The phrase is chosen as suitable to the name Ge^-to-nos which Pindar, for the occasion, derives from Oe/xovv [aria (cf. Tr\r)<ri<TTios) to set the sails in motion. Kapxr)<uov is the masthead, and £vybv Kapxacriov the sailyard, called so from its resemblance to a yoke at the end of the pole in a car. 52. 'EiriSavpo)] At Epidaurus were held games in honour of Asclepius. Cf. Nem. in. 84. 5nr\6av, namely in boxing and in the pancration. aperdv, fee of excellence. 53. dv0€a>v iroidcvTa. crT£({>avio|J.aTa] A dictio insolcns with which Bergk com- pares 01. VII. 80 /u.tjXwi' Kviaaeaaa -jro/xird. The garlands were woven of grass and flowers. It is to be observed that iroLdevra is scanned as a trisyllable : Hermann reads troLavra. Xdpio-o-iv ; this dative was restored by Schmid for MSS. Xdpitriv. xdpLai : xdpioci : x a P l - Te<TcrL '•'• togl : -rrocr- <xl : irodeaai. B. NEMEAN VI. ODE IN HONOUR OF A VICTORY AT NEMEA IN THE BOYS' WRESTLING CONTEST WON BY ALCIMIDAS OF AEGINA. INTRODUCTION. The young victor celebrated in this hymn belonged to the Aeginetan family of the Bassidae, whose members had won many crowns, at the great Hellenic games, for wrestling and boxing. But a curious feature marked these successes; they were gained in alternate generations. Thus the victor's father Theon had achieved no personal distinctions, while Theon's uncle, Praxidamas, had been a renowned wrestler ; the father of Praxidamas was even as Theon, and perhaps, a generation further back, a certain Agesimachus may have performed some deed of glory. This coincidence, as we should call it, set Pindar a-thinking and gave him an idea for his Ode 1 . He reflected that in a peculiarity which might at first sight seem a sign of weakness, the Bassids really resembled the great first Mother herself. The fields of the Earth must sometimes lie fallow that they may gather strength and yield an abundant increase. Thus the Bassids imitate the Earth ; nay, it would even seem that the nature or essence of Earth, the common mother of gods and men, had passed in unusual measure, by some special favour, into the seed of this family. And this similitude to Earth, this partaking in her nature, may be considered the auspice of the house, and is the key to its marvellous successes. Such is the thought, which Pindar works out with a curious subtlety, playing upon the names epa and ala. If the last Ode was a Song of the Sea, this Ode is a Song of the Earth. The first strophe of the Ode, is one of the most solemn passages in Pindar. Both gods and men derive their origin from one source, the Earth; and there is consequently a resemblance between them, notwithstanding the vast distance which separates the certainties of divine existence from the impotence and ignorance of human life. The Greek gods were not like the 1 Mezger describes the ode as "ein rpoird 29, 30; 6pcpa\6s 31 — 53; juercua- volltonender Lobgesang auf die Unver- rarpowd 53 — 57; atppayls 57 — 66. wiistlichkeit der im Menschen wohnenden According to my view the natural di- zur hochsten Entfaltung drlingenden Na- visions of the matter correspond to the turkraft"; and he divides it thus: three metrical systems. npooi/xiov 1—7; dpxd 8— 28; Kara- INTR OD UCTTON. 99 Semitic God, alone, unbegotten, uncreated ; they were far above man, but they were not infinitely above him ; and thus the Greek religion was a sphere for beauty rather than for sublimity. When we read that God made man in his own image, the thought strikes us as sublime ; for while on the one hand the omnipotence of God, compared with our own nothingness, annihilates, on the other hand the idea of our resemblance to the Infinite elevates ; and the simultaneous occurrence of these two feelings is the note of sublimity. But the Greek gods are not infinite. We admire them, we worship them, we may fear them; but, after all, we and they are sprung from a common mother. They are the favoured children, who have the sure abode ; we wander, outcasts, in a land of uncer- tainty and chance. I dwell on this, because the passage before us is sometimes called sublime, and sublime in the modern sense seems hardly a correct description. It is lofty (A«'|ts ity>?M) ; it is written in the grand style ; but the thought can scarcely be said to contain the element of sublimity. The brazen firmament, which stands sure, is contrasted with the ignorance of men touching the way by which their destiny shall lead them, from day to night and from night to day ; man's life, subject to changes and chances, is really ' nought' compared with the life of the gods. But the main thought is that men and gods have a common mother ; we are all the sons and daughters of Earth. These reflections may produce a solemn mood of mind; we may feel a certain dejection at the contrast, or a certain satisfaction in the resemblance ; but the atmosphere is too calm and temperate for the pains and pleasures of sublimity. It is worth noticing, as a literary curiosity, that, while Pindar here contrasts the certainty of the brazen heaven with the blindness and ignorance of men, Mr Swinburne, in lines which suggest this passage of Pindar, at least in a verbal echo, ascribes to iron heaven the qualities of witlessness and deafness : — 4 Shall the iron hollow of doubtful heaven 'That knows not itself whether night-time or day be ' Reverberate sounds of a foolish prayer?' 1 The fact that men are the children of Earth is illustrated by the family of Alcimidas the victor ; the Bassids, like the fields, alternately rest and work ; the nature of the universal mother is peculiarly manifested in them. And this special connexion with Earth has been a good auspice for the successes won by the active generations. The boy Alcimidas has even now come from Nemea, a triumphant wrestler in those ' lovely ' games, iparu>v dedXmv, of Zeus ; — ' lovely,' but does not that signify ' EartA-ly,' related to epn, earth ? and does not this omen explain the victory of the really Earth-born Alcimidas? Yes, his relation to Earth is the omen or bird which he has followed like a hunter, even as Praxidamas 2 , his great uncle, before him. This Praxidamas was the first Aeginetan who won an olive crown on the 1 The Triumph of Time. statue was erected; Pausanias VI. 18, 5. - The first victor to whom an athlete- 7—2 100 NEMEAN VI. « banks of the Alpheus. And Pindar chooses an unusual word for the chaplet of olive : he calls it epvta, shoots, suggesting that here too there is a mysterious connexion with i'pa. Praxidamas also won five victories at Corinth and three at Nemea ; his brothers too were distinguished in athletics ; and thus on their father Soclides, who had achieved nothing himself, the fame of the sons was reflected. In boxing, as well as in wrestling, the Bassid family was unusually distinguished, and Pindar ventures to say that no family had won so many boxing-matches on the Isthmus. It is a bold affirmation ; and he bids the Muse direct upon the Bassidae a glorious or glorifying breeze of verses, song being the true gale to waft the noble exploits of dead heroes across the sea of time. The Bassidae were an ancient race with a fair record of brave deeds, an abundant theme for poets. Or, as Pindar puts it, reminding us again of the Bassid omen, they offer a rich soil to those tillers who work in the service of the Pierides, the Ladies of Fruitful-land 1 . The successes of Callias and Creontidas — Bassids, though probably not very nearly related to Alcimidas — may be taken as examples. In the Pythian games, by the sanctuary of Apollo, Callias won in boxing ; the gods themselves protected him ; he found favour with Apollo and Artemis, the children of Leto. And here again the omen of Earth is true to the Bassid ; the two gods are called cpvea Aarovs, suggesting a connexion with the Earth (epa), which inclines them favourably to Callias. As for Creontidas, he had won victories at Corinth and at Nemea, and in both cases his honours were due to the mysterious distinction of his family. Not the Corinthians, nor yet Poseidon, are said to have honoured him at the Isthmian games, but the Isthmus itself, that 'unwearying bridge,' which suggests so strongly Earth's solid steadfast endurance. And at Nemea a like omen prospered him. Nemea lies under the mountains of Phlius, dark shady 'old-world' moun- tains, in which one might expect to come on curious traces of primeval Earth-worship. Such are the suggestions of the word dyvyiois — 8acrKiois <frkiovvTos vtt ayvyiois 'optcriv, — and 8a<TKiois, with deep shades, contains the Earth-omen of Da or Damater (Demeter). No hymn in honour of an Aeginetan, in honour even of a Bassid, would have been complete without some mention of the great Aeacid family, of which Aegina was so proud. The Aeacids may be considered a mythical prototype of the Bassids ; they are both ancient families 2 , they have both shed great glory on the island 3 , they have both given ample arguments to poets 4 . And like the Bassids, the Aeacids have an omen 5 , — a bird literally, — the eagle of their name, which flies over land and sea (i . But they have yet another auspice ; their name Alanibai is connected not only with aUros, but 1 Ui€pta = irleipa. 4 Cf. 11. 29, 31 — 32, with 44, 45. 2 Cf. 11. 30 and 52. See note on 1. 44 6 Cf. alaav 1. 13, alaav 1. 46. for the parallel phrases. '' I. 47 Trirarat 5' — ovv/i' avrGiv. 3 Cf. ewcXea 1. 28, with ivkKIol 1. 45. INTRODUCTION. 101 with ala, Earth, and thus, in a quite peculiar sense, they are the prototypes of the Bassidae 1 . Achilles' 2 victory at Troy over Memnon, the son of shining Morning, was achieved under this Earth-auspice; for he descended on the ground from his chariot and made the conflict heavy* (as though the weight of Earth were on his side) for the Ethiopians. Ancient poets have rung changes on the deeds of the Aeacidae, and Pindar conceives himself as following in their track along a spacious highroad, with a burden of his own. He is fain to bear on his back a double load ot earth, even the Earth-auspices of the Bassids and the Aeacids. 'But f with willing back, in quest of a double load, hied me as a messenger, proclaiming this twenty-fifth victory, won by Alcimidas for his race renowned.' The Greek participle, which I have rendered 'in quest of,' nedeTrwv, was applied in the first part of the Ode to Alcimidas pursuing his omen ; and Pindar has taken care to set the word in the same position in correspond- ing lines 4 . 1. 13. TTcils evaywvios, os ravrav jj.edeira>v Aiodev aicrav, 1. 56. Ovfiov. ckovti 8' eyw vcora fiedenav 8i8v)J.ov axdos- This artifice explains the allusion of 8l8vfiov a'x#«r. It is worth observing how Pindar turns aside, just before this fifty-seventh verse, to introduce a naval metaphor, to suit an Aeginetan audience. 'That wave which rolls by the rudder of the vessel from time to time, doth more than others, they say, shake a man's spirit.' The poet would say that he has a more lively interest in the Bassidae, now living, than in the Aeacids ; he is not an epic bard. The ode concludes with a mention of the circumstance that Alcimidas and Polytimidas (his brother perhaps) would have obtained crowns at Olympia, had they not been unlucky in drawing lots, and with a tribute of praise to the trainer Melesias who for suppleness of body is compared to a dolphin cleaving the water. From this examination it results that the poem falls into three parts, corresponding to its three metrical systems. (1) At the very threshold Pindar gives us the key to the meaning of the whole ode, and the rest of the first system is occupied with Alcimidas and the 'modern' Bassids. (2) The second system is devoted to Bassids of more ancient date. (3) The third system tells of the Aeacids and especially Achilles ; and then returns to Alcimidas and his contemporaries. The thread connecting the three parts 1 This explains AtWScus in 1. 17:— indicates this by (pave corresponding to Kdfos (Praxidamas) yap 'OXv/mttiovikos Tre^avr' in 1. 14. iuv ALaicldais 3 Perhaps this is over-subtle; but it is tpvea Trpwros troenjev air' 'A\<peou. supported by axOos in 1. 56. The curious He won Upvea for the Ai'ct/a5cu (as it phrase fiapv ve?Kos (pave (or 5eT£e) requires were earth-flowers for the earth-sons). some explanation. 2 Achilles is the prototype of Alcimidas 4 Mezger, of course, observed this re- (as the Aeacids are of the Bassids) ; and, sponsion, but did not discern its full according to my reading of 1. 50, Pindar significance. 102 NEMEAN VI is the idea of the power of Earth, the common mother of gods and men, revealing itself in favoured human races. In the human stock of the Bassids, as well as in the Aeacids who were of divine origin, the authentic earth- qualities come out ; and Pindar suggests that his song, in which both these families are praised, bears two loads of earth, symbolizing the two great races, gods and men, who are sprung from Gaia. METRICAL ANALYSIS. Strophe. vv. 1,2. a. u i-.-.-y-^y-w-.oiu-A \j — w w — w — * — w — w — W W ' -A j (16). VV. 3, 4. d '. w<_; w — WW — • WW w — ww — ww — ww— A A ww — WW — WW Ww w w — A (l Oj- VV. 5 — 7' b. /^ w w — • — ww — ww— A |— ww — ww ww — • I \j{j w — w — w — • ww — w w — ww — w — w — A (,2 OJ. The structure is epodic, and the formula a. 8 . 8. a. 8 . 8. Epode. A. VV. I, 2. a. —ww '- w w — w w — • (j$ w — A I — w w WW w — w I (il). vv. 3, 4. Cl\ — ww — ww — WW ww— A |— ww — ww — ww — w I (II). B. VV. 5 7. b. — ww -ww— ww — ww — w — w — w I (9). VV. 8, 9. />'. — ww — w -ww — ww — ww — A (9). The rhythm of this ode is logaoedic. NEMEONIKAI r\ AAKIMIAH* AITINHTHf TJAIAI IIAAAlSTHt ''Ey dvSpwv, €V 6ewv yevos' i/c /ua? Se irvko\xGV fxarpos dfKporepoi' Steipyet Be irdcra KeKpi/xeva Svva/jbCi, <w? to jxev ov&ev, 6 Se ^«X«eo9 dacpaXes alev e'809 arp. a 1. ?v — «'v] Editors are divided as to whether these words mean iv dvdpwv ical Qt&v yivos or Iv dvdpwv, erepov OeCiv ytvos. I have no hesitation in adopting the former explanation. It is on the ultimate, primal unity that Pindar wishes to insist; he admits the vast differences, but he accentuates the likeness. As to the Greek words, one may indeed con- cede that they might possibly bear the other meaning and that the second 'iv might exclude, not repeat the first, but I submit that they do not naturally bear such a sense, which would almost necessi- tate iv 5t dewv yivos. The opposition is one which demands p.iv — 5£; jj.Iv may be left out, but both particles can hardly be dispensed with. Moreover the following irviojAev, in the first person plural, seems to imply the association, not the distinc- tion, of the two kinds of beings in the foregoing clause. dfifarepoi = we men, and the gods, who are classed with us as of a common race. 2. fwvrpos] Earth, Gaia, the mother of Iapetos who was the father .of Pro- metheus. Earth was born after Chaos according to Hesiod's Thcogony (116) aurap iwetra ~yaV eupvaTepvos tt&vtwv e'5os atr^aX^s atel ddavdroiv oi' ?x ov<XL xdpyj vupoevTos 'OXl'/JLTTOV K.T.X. 8ul'py€l k.t. X.] Sidpyei, separates, keeps apart, as it were places a wall betwixt (eine Scheidewand, as Mezger says), is equivalent to an active of the intransitive 5ia<pipw. Suvap-is K€Kpi(ie'va is a distinct potver, or power in which they differ, and wdaa means in every particular case. KeKpt/xtvyv yeveyv, an expression used by Hesiod (Scut. Her. 65) in distinguishing Iphicles from Heracles, is a good paral- lel, quoted by all the editors. Schol. r\ d/jt.eTd(3\r]Tos 7) 17 kex^P^^vt^. In Netn. iv. 1 we met this participle in a different sense. 3. ws to |«'v k.t.X.] Whereas (or in that, explanatory) the one is nought, while (for the other) the brazen heaven abides as a perpetual sure abode ; a reminiscence of Hesiod {Theog. 12S) who tells how Earth brought forth starry Heaven 8(pp' eiTj /xaicdpeacri deois edos dacpaXes alei. A passage in the Sixth Isthmian Ode (1. 42 sqq.), although its connexion is different, has some points of similarity which render it worth quoting. dvdanoixev yap 6/xcDs a7ra^res - daipiuiv 5' ciiiros" rd fxanpd 5' ei tis irawTalvu fipaxvs i^iKiaOai x«X/co7re5oi' dewv tdpav. Here too is the contrast of mortals and their defective powers (ftpaxvs) with the guds and the brazen floor of heaven. 104 NEMEONIKAI r'. ixkvei ovpavos. dXkd tl Trpoafpipo/xev epuirav r\ fieyav voov rjroi, (pvo~iv ddavdrois, tcaiTrep e^a^ieplav ov/c elSores ov8e fxerd vvktcls 4. a\Xd ti k.t.X.] But albeit we (mortals) have some likeness either in great mind or at least in our nature to the immortals, although we know not what rule or measure, day by day nor in the night seasons, our master destiny has drawn that we should run thereby. irpo<x(f>ip€iv, to be like, is the conjugate of SicMpepeiv (implied in didpyei), and although this intransitive sense is not common, no difficulty need be made. Dissen refers to Frag. 43 (aptid Athen. XII. 513 c) w t£kvov ttovtIov Orjpbs irtTpalov XP WT ' P-dXiara voov irpo<T<pepLov wacrais Tro\ieo~aiv oplXei,, where however voov may be the object of Trpoo-<pepwv. <pvcnv is not the bodily, as opposed to the mental nature ; it is rather, as Mezger explains, the whole nature or Wesen of man. <£wns dvdpdbirov is equi- valent to ' the animal man ', man from an anthropological point of view. It must be admitted however that <pli<nv 'tiapMveLav IXaxev {Isthm. in. 68) sup- ports the interpretation 'body', tjtoi 'or at least', because the assumption of similitude in <p6<rt,s is less bold than a comparison of intellect. 6. \i.na. vvktcis] Perhaps in midnight hours, just as p.ed' 7)p,ipav means at noon. More probably however it simply means in the night-watches, cf. /xeOrjp.(pLv6s, diurnus. Hartung strangely wishes to introduce wxLo-v for the sake of coor- dination with icpafxepiav. 7. d(A(j.e tto'tjios k.t.X.] The mss. have ttSt/xos avriv' 2ypa\j/e. Against Triclinius' obvious correction dvriv' there arc three objections: (1) it is too obvious; (2) the sense demands riva not dvriva ; (3) the inetic requires that the second foot of the line should he — or ~~- or ---. Various emendations have been proposed. Hermann's otav tlv' was accepted by Boeckh; Ahrens proposed alaav riv'. Hartung reads ovdt vvx^av ti's dp.p.1 ttot- /xos ivtypa\pe. But none of these pro- posals is in the least satisfactory. The reading which I have printed in the text satisfies the conditions of the problem. &N&5 in uncials is very like an<\n, and if one of the similar syllables fell out &NTIN (dvrtv') would be left. (For ttot- fxos liva^, peculiarly suitable in this con- text, see Nem. iv. 43.) It is somewhat difficult to determine what words were read here by the writers of two old scholia which have come down : (1) KaLtrep ovk eldores ei're ev ripepa, ei're iv vvktI TroTpLos ^ypaxf/e ttjv tlp.app.ivr\v ijpuv Kal tov 66.va.T0v. This seems to point to a lection ei' tiv'. (2) Kairot. pi] yiyvwaKov- res PV Te ra 7rpos riqv 7}pepav p-qre t& did vvktos eaopeva p.7]5e et ns [D, but oaris B] i]/j.ds p.6pos KaTdKenpiKev eis ckottov riva Kal crddp.r\v dpapelv. The reading of D might point to dv tiv' of the mss. ; as for octis, Dissen thinks that the scholiast found a gap in his text, and filled it by this pronoun. ttotI (TTd6(xav] The point is not that we are ignorant of our goal (which is death), but that we know not the course of our lives, which may alter from day to day and from night to night ; — we know not what a day may bring forth. We must not then follow editors who force arddp-a (which in Pindar always means measure, rule or norm) into the meaning of goal (so the schol. interpret by Odva- tov) ; and we may ask them, what, if o~TaOp.a means goal, is the sense of €<pap.e- piav and perd vunras ? Is there a new goal every day and every night ? and if not, why should the ultimate goal be called t<pap.cpiav? o-rdOpa is the line by which NEMEAN VI. a/xfMe 7roT/tto9 ava% tiv eypa-^re Spa/xelv irorl aradfiav. T€Kfia[pei Kai vvv 'AX/ci/ilSa? to avyyeve<i IBelv (iJX L K d'P7TO(p6poi<; apovpaiaiv. air (l/j,ei(3ofji€vaL To/ca /jl€v wv ftiov dvSpdaiv eiri)eTavbv e'/c nrehiaiv e&oaav, ro/ca 8' avT dvcnravo-apLevai adevov e/j,apyjrav. r/Xde tol Ne/tcea? e£ eparciov dedXcov 105 uvt. a IO destiny determines the course of our life, but we have to run without seeing the line, and therefore know not from day to night and from night to day where our course will lie. An exactly similar ex- pression, in point of the Greek, occurs in Pyth. VI. 45 Qpaav[3ov\os naTpuav pA- Xtcrra 7rp6s aTa.9p.av e(3a, he walked by the line that his father had drawn, followed in his tracks. Mezger translates, 'obwohl wir weder den Verlauf des heutigen Tages kennen, noch auch wissen, nach welcher Richt- schnur nach Verfluss der Nacht zu laufen das Schicksal uns vorgezeichnet hat ', that is, we know neither the course of to- day nor that of to-morrow. He is right in his interpretation of ttotI cna.Qjx.av, but I cannot agree with his view of p.€Ta VVKTaS. cypa\pe appe 5pap.eiv, prescribed that we should run, a single act of destiny at our birth. Mommsen and Bergk rightly hold that the scholia do not necessarily imply a reading tLp-pu, inferred by Kayser, Har- tung and others. 8. T€K|Acu'p€i k.t.X.] The active of TeKp.aipop.ai (to judge by signs) is rare; it occurs in 01. VI. 73 Tetcp-alpei XPV^ 'iKao-Tov, and means 'to give a token or sign'. No?o too Alcimidas sets as a token thereof his natural quality, for in aspect it resembles fruitful fields which, alter- nating, now yield of their soil an abun- dant crop unto men, and anon take rest and gather strength. Hartung's reading 'AXKip-ida (genitive) for MSS. 'AXKtpldas is unnecessary; to crvyyeves is the object of T€Kp.aLpci. The scholiasts read the nominative, 6 'A\Kip.iSas, fir/ai, aacpis ■woid T€Kpt.i]piova9aL r}p.ds, and drfkol oe Kai cracpes ttoui to eavrov crvyyevh 6 'AX/a- p.i5r]s. ct7X' i s used like an adjective, = dyxi- eoiKos (cf. Homeric ayx<-o~Ta iu>Kei), and takes the infinitive of definition, ideiv. dyxov is used with the dative of nearness in space Nem. ix. 39. 9. dpoupcuo-iv] Mezger has the credit of having been the first to observe the point of this comparison. The alterna- tions in the productiveness of the fields are a manifestation of the nature of Earth, the common mother of men and gods (line 2) ; and thus a peculiarity derived from that common mother can- not be regarded as a misfortune. 10. Ptov «Trn€Tavov] Hesiod, Op. 31 UlTlVl pLT] [3i0S ZvdoV €TT7]€Tavbs KaTO.- tceiTCU wpalos rbv yaia <pepci, Arjp.r)Tepos o.ktt}v. In a scholion it is explained by tol irpbs Tbv fiiov daif/iKr} Kai w\ovo~ia. 11. ?p.ap»J/av] The idea seems to be overtake and lay hold of, clutch back, as if the adevos were trying to escape. 12. tj\0€ toi k.t.X.] He came from the lovely games of Nemea, a boy com- petitor, 'who, in pursuit of this bird from Zeus, hath now proved fortunate in the wrestling bout, as a hunter moving in the footsteps of Praxidamas, the brother of his father's sire. This passage has never been really explained by commentators. Two ques- tions arise; (1) what is the meaning of ravrav p-ediiruv Aiodev aiaav? (2) what is the force of comparing Alcimidas to a hunter? io6 NEMEONIKAI 7rat? evayatvws, o<? ravrav fieOeirwv Atodev aiaav vvv irecpavr ovk afMfiopos d/xcpi ircika Kwayeras, 'i^vecrcv iv Hpa£i&dp,avTO<; eov iroSa vificov 7rarpo7r('irupo<i 6fiai,/u,iov. icelvos yap 'O\vp,7ri6vi/co<; ewv AlaiciSais epvea 7rp&)TO<> eroaaev air 'AXfpeou, eir. a 15 Dissen observed that the hunting meta- phor begins with peO^iriov (which we find with Z\a(pov in 01. III. 31). The game accordingly is Tavrav aurav, which Dissen renders 'hanc fortunam, victoriam ludi- cram', Mezger 'diesem (der Kampfspiele) Loose'. It has been already pointed out (on in. 16) that in Pindar af<ra does not always mean lot or share, but also omen, anspicium ; and the present case is an instance. Omens were so closely associated with the most common form of omen, the bird-omen, that 6pi>t.s is constantly used of an omen in general; while, on the other hand, alaa is occa- sionally almost equivalent to bird (see below, line 47). Thus, as suggesting a bird, it is peculiarly appropriate with fxedtirwv. But what is ' this omen ' ? Tavrav shews that it has been already mentioned. When we reflect that the whole point of the foregoing lines is a resemblance of the nature inherent in Alcimidas to the nature of the earth, and when at the same time we observe the unusual epithet applied to aidXwv, we detect the bird which plays hide-and-seek, like many other birds in Pindar. The temperament of earth (Zpa) in Alcimidas is an omen that the Nemean games will prove really lovely and pleasant (e pa ret) to him; and this auspice is from Zeus, as the god of those games. The further significance of these words will be seen in 1. 45 sqq. 14. ci|jf(>L[ see on Nem. I. 29. TtttyavT'' is for iri<j>ai>Tai, not for Trtfyavro. The elision of -cu is common in Pindar: cf. 01. XII. 6 KvXbdovT eXirides, Pyth. XI. 53 /ui/U.0o/*' altrav. 15. 1'xv€o-lv] Cp. Pythian, X. 12 e/x- fiifiaKev t'x 1 ' 60 '"' Tro-Tpos 'OXvfMnoviKa. 16. 6|iai|uov] This word is generally taken as an emphatic epithet of irarpo- Traropos. If Praxidamas was Alcimidas' grandfather, it is hard to see how any intention of stress could justify such a superfluous addition as 'of the same blood'. Bergk's ingenious theory cer- tainly gives force to the word, but cannot be considered in the least probable. He supposes that Theon, who was named Alcimidas' father in the list of the Ne- mean victors, was his father by adoption; hence Alcimidas had two paternal grand- fathers (1) the father of Theon, (2) Praxidamas. Thus Praxidamas is called bp.aip.tos to distinguish him from Theon's father. The only ground for this theory rests on the circumstance that Theon is called Kprjs, a Cretan, in the aforesaid list (schol. ed. Abel p. 173). I believe, the scholia notwithstanding, that 6p.ai.p,lov is equivalent to 6paip.ov, brother, and that Praxidamas was the great-uncle, not the grandfather, of the victor. The genealogy was : Agesimachus Soclides (TraTpoTraTiop) I '1 heon Praxidamas Alkimidas 18. tpvta. k.t.X.] This line is defective in the mss., the word between irpwros and d7r' having accidentally dropped out. NEMEAN VI. Kal TrevTUKis 'laOp.ol are(pav(oadp,evo<i, Ne/jiea 8e rpfc, eiravcre XdQav X(0/c\el8a, o? VTrepTaTO? ' A7 tjcrip.d'^cp vlecov yeueTO. eirec Fot rpel? aeOXocpopot 7rpo? aicpov dpera<; rjXOov, oi're irovwv iyevaavTO. crvv Oeov he rvya erepov ov riva fol/cov direcpdvaro irvy puayja, trXeovoiv rapiav crrecpdvcou p>v%q} 'EWaSo? dirdcra^. 107 20 cnp. /3'. 25 Ilartung proposed idpixj/ar', Bergk frei- kci>; Mr Fennell reads indpKea'. Why any of these words should have dis- appeared, is not explained. I read Zroaoev because its omission from the text is intelligible on the principle of parablepsia. In uncials the line was written epNe&npoTOceToceN&TT&AcbeoY It is clear how easily one TOCe might have been accidentally omitted and the unmeaning 6N which survived would have been discarded. For this rare aorist see Pylh.lll. 27 roacrais, IV. 25 iirirocro'e, X. 33 iiriToacrais. The word Zpvta may well strike one as curious for the corona oleagina, but it is chosen with the special purpose of sug- gesting 'ipa, the Earth (like eparuv above 1. 12, and Zpvcai below I. 36); connexion with the Earth is the favourable omen for the Bassids. 2i. viMpTdTos] Generally interpreted eldest (so schol.); but (1) this use is hardly possible without the addition of some word like yeveq. (cf. A 786 yeverj inriprepos), and (2) ewei, which follows in 1. 22, has no point unless inripraros means best. Pindar says that Soclides, who was personally the least distin- guished, became through his three sons' victories the most distinguished of the sons of Agesimachus. This interpreta- tion gives the most natural meaning to virepTdTos, secures for yivero its full force and explains iirel. [After this note was written I discovered that Boeckh had proposed this explanation.] I follow Bergk in accepting SwaAet'dp, handed down in two Byzantine MSS., for 2,uK\eloa, which is inadmissible be- fore 8s. 22. eirti Foi] B has preserved the right reading ot (foi) = avrf, Agesi- machus. The other mss. have iirel ol (nom. plur.). Dissen illustrates wpbs anpov dperds rjXOov by Isthin. III. 50 trpiv riXos d.Kpov [Kiadai. For irbvwv eyeuaavro compare Pytk. X. 7 yeverai yap didXwv. 23. crvv 0eov k.t.X.] But by divine grace (or concurrence) no other house hath been ordained by the art of boxing to husband her more crowns, won at the city on the Bay of Greece. irvy/jLaxia is per- sonified ; the victories and crowns are hers; and the victorious families are the ra/jLiai. Thus the appointment is made in her own interest, and this is expressed by the middle direcpdvaro. 25. (xu)(u 'EWdSos dirdo-as] Corinth. dirdaas has its strict force, — Greece en- tire; the bay of Corinth is conceived as Panhellenic. A modern writer might express the idea by using a capital letter. The koXitos Kpi<raTos (as it was called in the 5th century B.C.) might be well named the Bay of Greece; the expression could not be applied to the sinus Ar- golicus or the sinus Pagasaicus. fivxbs is the corner or head of the gulf. Aes- chylus calls the Propontis nv\lav lipo- irovriSa, and Homer's iuTL woXis 'Fj(pi'prj fMi'XV 'Apyeos lirwo- fioroio (Z 152) is familiar. io8 NEMEONIKAI <r'. 'eXirofxaL /xeya Venrd'V ctkottov av Tervyjfiv &t (Itto to%ov iels' evOvv iiri tovtov, dye, Motcra, ovpov iirecov ev/cXea' ol-^ofjbivcov yap avepcov doihai /ecu \6yoi rd /ca\d atyiv epy etcofjucrav, BacralSaLaiv a r ov (nravi^ec' 7ra\a[(paT0<; yeved, dvr. j3 '. 30 26. £\iro|icu] / hope that, having spoken a great word, I may hit the mark therewith, as one shooting from a bow. The great word is the boast of the two preceding lines, which Pindar now pro- ceeds to justify by recording triumphs of the Bassid family in the remoter past. — B has faro. ffKoiroO Terv\eiv, D dvra (tkoitov Tvxeiu, and a scholiast observes evioi ypa<povaiv dv rervxecv. Mingarelli's (TKoirov dvra rvxew is generally accepted ; but if it were the original reading, no motive can be assigned for the transposi- tion in the MSS. I hold that Pindar wrote av rervx^v, which some MSS. pre- served intact, while others (from which those extant are descended) suffered a corruption owing to a wrong division of words — av re Tvxelv. A very natural correction was dvra, and if this were written above the line or in the margin it might easily be inserted by a copyist. B presents a contamination of both read- ings. — For construction of av Tervxetv, cf. Soph. Phil. 629. 27. £v8vv' €iri tovtov k.t.X.] The transition here is marked by an abrupt change of metaphor. Come, O Muse, send straight upon this house a fair wind 0/ verses, laden with glory. Elsewhere Pindar has ovpov vp.vwv aii^ys {Pyth. IV. 3). The mss. have evdtjv, but Schmidt's cor- rection is certain, for (1) a long syllable is demanded by the metre, (2) aye ovpov is at least an unlikely expression. In 1. 28 the Mss. have etkXta - Trapoixop-lvwv, a syllable more than the corresponding lines in the other strophes. The simplest remedy is to omit Trap, which may have come in from a gloss ; so Bergk, who also suggests <■ I'/oXf?' • diroixop-tvuiv. According to the scholia tovtov refers to OKOTTOV. 28. olxojie'vwv k.t.X.] For of its heroes dead and gone songs and tales conveyed the noble deeds, whereof the Bassidae have no scant store. doiSal kcu Xoyoi, Pauw's correction for aoidoi /ecu \6yioi, is adopted by Bergk. The reading of the mss. requires the scansion of \6yioi as a dissyllable, which seems extremely doubtful. The best ar- gument for retaining \6yioi. is the circum- stance that it occurs in the first line of the third strophe; but this argument is not really cogent. Pindar's system of responsions does not require the recur- rence of exactly the same word ; a cognate word, similar in form and sense, is suffi- ciently significant. Dissen takes lnopao-av to mean fove- runt, sen'arunt. But the metaphor is clearly preserved ; songs are the breezes which waft the Bassid ships. Ko/xifa in the sense waft is too familiar to need illustration. 30. ira\ai(j)aTOS k.t.X.] Phey are an ancient family, who lade their ship with their own praises, and can furnish the tillers of the Pierides with many a hymn in honour of ennobling exploits. For vav<XTo\elv with the accusative, cf. Euri- pides, Orestes 741 nai odfiapTa ttjv Ka- kIo~tt]v vavo , To\Qv (\r}\vdev ; it is more usual in the intransitive sense of sailing. Poets are called the ploughmen of the Muses (cf. Nem. X. 26 MoLaaiaiv 28uk' apoaai, Pyth. VI. 1, 2 'Afipodiras dpovpav r] Xapircov avawo\i£ofj.ev), because the family of Alcimidas has been compared in 1. 9 to a tilled field (see Introduction). In choosing IlupLdwv Pindar had a NEMEAN VI 109 thia vav(TTo\iovT€<i itriKcopua, UieplStov apoTats BvvaTol TTcipeyeiv tto\vv vpbvov dyepo'r^cov ipyfidrcov eveicev. kcl\ yap iv dyaOea %eipa<; IpbavTL SeOels TIvOcovi fcparrjcrev arro ravrwi alp,a irdrpas ^pvaaXaKc'nov irore KaXktas aScov epveai AaTovs, irapct KacrraKia re XapiT&H' eairepios 6/jL(i8a> (p\eyeu' 7rovTov re yecpvp* d/cdp,avro<; ev dp,rptKTc6vcov 35 eV. /9'. thought of its connexion with irUipa. In Homer dyipwxos is only used of persons ; Pindar applies it to noble deeds, cf. 01. X. 79 dyepux 01 ' viKai, and to wealth, Pyth. I. 50 ttXoutov GTe<pdvufA dyepcoxov. 33. Kal -yap a-.t.X.] For once on a time Callias, who had the blood of this clan in his veins, at the divine Pytho, his hands bound tvith a strap, won a victory, having found favour with the scions of Lcto of the golden distaff. ravTas is emphatic and corresponds to Tavrav in the corresponding verse of the first anti- strophe; the omen of the Bassidae (al- luded to in dporais) is not to be forgotten. The collocation of al/xa Trdrpas (for al/xa in apposition to Callias, Dissen com- pares oirtpfx dno KaWidvaKTOS 01. VII. 83) is designed to recall iraTpondTopos 6fAa.ifj.iov of 1. 16. The exploits of the ancient members of the house are com- pared with the modern achievements recorded in the first part of the ode. — The victory of Callias was for boxing; schol. Ta ttvktiko, (FKEvrf fiera xf'pas Xa/3u>e. The old MSS. have ifj-avrwdels, but Triclinius read Ifidvn. 8e8t£s, which is accepted by all modern editors. The caestus of the Greeks seems to have consisted in a strap rolled round the hand. 36. 2pv€tri] 'ipvos is used similarly by Sophocles, Oed. Col. 1108 w (piXrar' tpv-q. Apollo and Artemis, who presided together at the Pythian games are called in Nem. ix. 5 TivQGivos aiweipas 6^0/cXapots (TroTTTais. They are here called the 'ipvrf of Leto, to suggest a connexion with fya, the Earth, — the Bassid omen. See Intro- duction, and above 1. 18. 37. 6(jlci8u) <J>\e , y€v] And at eventide by the waters of Cast alia he grew radiant to the dinning music of the Graces. The victor is saluted by the loud comus-song of young men in the evening and t lie- Graces are conceived to wrap him in a blaze of light. So in the Fifth Pythian the poet addresses the victor Alexibiades, 'the Graces, with lovely tresses, make thee bright' ci 5' rfvKOfxoi cpXiyovri Xdpi- res. 6/j.dduj is a curious word to denote the comus, as 8/j.ados suggests an un- musical din (cf. Isthm. VII. 25 x lx ^ K€0V o-Tovoivra ofiaSou). (pXlyev, splendebat is intransitive here as in 01. II. 79 &i>d(fj.a 5£ Xpvcrov (pXeyet. (which Sir Francis Doyle renders by flowers of fire). Else- where in Pindar (except frag. 26) it has a transitive sense. So the Graces are said to illuminate a victor, Pyth. v. 45 est 5' TfVKOfj.01 cpXiyovTL Xaptres. See Nem. X. 1. 38. ttovtov t£ k.t.X.] And the sea- bridge of unwearying strength honoured Kreontidas in Poseidon's sacred precincts, at the three-yearly festival which tin- neighbouring peoples keep with the blood of bulls. The significance of ytQvp' 1 dKdfiavTos has been explained in the Introduction. As to dfi(f>iKTi6vwv Dissen notes : constat quidem praesides Isthtni- orum Coriuthios fuisse, cum Coriuthiis vero aliae complures civiiates vide a mythico tempore ad hos ludos celebrandos conjunctae fucrunt, quae etiam postea no NEMEONIKAI r. Tavpo(f>6p(p TpteriiplSi, KpeovriSav rlfiaae TloaeiSdviov av refievo^' fiordva re viv ir66' a Xeovros vuconn 7]p€(f)€ 8a(Tfclot,<i QXiovvTO*; V7T wyvylois opecnv. irXarelai, iravroOev Xoyioiaiv evrl irp6ao8ot 40 (TTp. 7 Beiopias mittebant, ut Athenienscs. Ac- cording to modern mode of speech the Isthmian was a biennial feast. It is worth noticing that the Isthmian and Nemean victories of Kreontidas are mentioned in the same verses of the second Epode, as the victories of Praxi- damas gained at the same places in the first Epode. Cf. 1. 19 with 1. 40, and 1. 20 with 1. 42. The Olympian victory of 11. 17, 18 was the preeminent distinc- tion of Praxidamas ; the Pythian victory (33 — 37) of Kallias corresponds. 39. KpcovrCSav] Creontidas is the proper name of an individual, not (as the scholiast says) a description of Callias ('son of Creon'). Bergk observes that the name Creontidas is on a scarabreus discovered at Aegina. Rauchenstein con- jectured KpeovTidav of the Corinthians. 41. PoTava k.t.X.] And once on a time the herb of the lion covered his brow, when he was victorious beneath the deep shades t of the old-world mountains of Phlius. In Isthm. in. 11 Nemea is described Kol\a X^octos ^aOvaripv^ vanq.. Bergk wishes to introduce iroa. in 1. 41 for 7r60' a, but this is quite uncalled for. d porava \Iovtos is the parsley, which woven in a garland formed a sort of roof for the victor's head. 42. vikuvt' T|'p€<j>€ Souj-kCois] This verse presents an interesting critical pro- blem. The Mss. have vikcloolvt tpe\pe Saaxlois. Triclinius read 2pe\p' &<tkIols, and this led to Schmidt's reading viko.- aavr* ?pf</>' aa/doii. On the other hand Hermann, followed by Bergk, seeks the error not in Saasiots but in the first word of the line and reads vikwvt' ijpe<pe 5a- (tkiois. We have already met the imper- fect and present tenses used of the victor, vlkS. he is the conqueror, evlKa he was the conqueror, so that vlkwvtcl (impft. part.) would be quite in Pindar's manner here ; further it was liable to be interpreted in the margin by an aorist participle, if not 'emended'. It might be observed in support of daffKiois that it occurs as an epithet of opt] in Euripides, Bacchae, 218 ; and that, had dcrdou been the word of Pindar, it was hardly likely to become ScmtkLois. But what decides me in favour of Hermann's restoration is the circum- stance that Pindar alludes throughout to verbal connexions between the Earth and the places where the Bassidae, her true children, win their laurels or parsley, and the mss. reading 8a-cna'ois presents us with an allusion to Aa, A1716, Ai7/r>?T7?p. The choice of the word ibyvyiots in the next line (see Introduction) emphasises the point by taking us back to the days of ancient Earth worship. Bergk reads ihyvyioC, and proposes <b\vylois (dark). 44. ir\a.T€icu k.t. X.] Broad on all sides are the approaches for tellers of tales to adorn this island clad with glory. Compare Isthm. III. 19 'iari fxoi deQv 'iKari fwpia iravrq. KiXevdos. Here he says, the ways are broad; in a similar sense in Isth. 11. 33 he writes, the way is not sleep (ovdt wpoaavrqs). Dissen com- pares a line of Bacchylides, el de \t~yei tis dXXws, trXarua xtXevdos. Observe that the lines in strophe and ant. 7 in praise of the Aeacidae are NEMEAN VI. vo.gov evtckea TavSe Kocp-elv' eVei a<f)iv Ata/ctoat eiropov egoxov alaav dperd<; aTroSeiKvv/xevoi p,eyd\a<i. Trerarac S' iirl re ydiva Kal Bid 6a\daaa<; T7]\606V OVVpJ CIVTWV' KCLl C<? A.l6loTTa<i Me/jbvovo<; ovk dirovoaTi]aavTO<; etraXTO' fiapv oe acpiv vel/cos 'A^iXei)? (pave ^afxd^e /ca/3a? «</>' dpfidrwv, 1 1 1 45 50 l\. 46 a/)frds p.e- ydXas. I. 4* ei'icX^a. 1. 45 AlaKldai. 1. 46 (cT0£f) ^7TO- pov i^oxov al- aav. 1. 52 ira\aio- repoi. parallel in thought and phrase to strophe and ant. /3 in praise of the Bassidae I. 29 d.9t5al nal Xo- 1. 44 Xoylotcriv. yoL. II. 29, 30 ret na\a. ...§pya...a t' ov crvavl^ei. 1. 28 evicXed. 1. 30 Baacrioaiaiv. 1. 32 wapexeiv 7ro ' Kins vfxvov (Ilie- plduv dporais). 1. 30 Tra\al<paTos yeved. 45. Iiref o"4>iv k-.t.X.] /w- /c them {the bards, \6yiot) the Aeacidae brought a pre- eminent auspice by giving proof of great excellences; yea, it flies afar, their name, over land and across the sea, and it 1,'inged its way to the bourne of the Ethiopians ■when Memnon returned not. The ataa of the Aeacidae is the eagle, as we have seen in the Fifth Ode; and their eagle- name flies over land and sea. This con- sideration establishes owp.' in 1. 48, against Bergk's reading kX^os, for which he seeks to find support in a scholium. For the expression cf. Agamemnon 581, virep OaXdaaris Kal x^ovos iroTui/xtvois. For the death of Memnon see Nem. III. 63. 49. £iraX.To] So Schol. tovt^cttiv iwd\- 0i}, e/SXiyflr? for MSS. ettoKto (aorist of i(pd\\op.ai). Two considerations decide in favour of ^ttciXto, aorist of iraXXcu (twaX™ : TrdXXu : : dXro (Z-aXro) : aXXo- (xai): (1) the hrl in iirdXro has no force. (2) vdXXopai is the word used by Pindar for the rush of the eagle; Nem. V. 21 Kal Trtpav ttovtolo iraXXovr' alerol. ;o. v6iKos k.t.X.] This line, as it stands in the MSS., will neither give sense nor scan : veiKos tp-Trea 'Ax«XeiV x a Ma< Kaphas d(p' appdroiv (variants : ivrec\ 'Ax'XXetvs, Ka/3/3as). Countless emendations have been pro- posed, but not one of them is quite satisfactory. We have two clues, the metre and a scholium. (1) The metre required is (2) The scholium is: fiapelav Se Kal eira- xBri p.dxv ^ la (piXoveixiav avrofc eire'dei^ey (lege dTrt8ei£ei>, Bergk). The metre sug- gests that the verse began with ve'iKos 'AxiXevs, that a verb of trochaic quantity fell out after 'Ax'Xei/s, and that epirecx' was foisted in from the margin in the wrong place. The scholium indicates that the lost verb meant shewed; conse- quently Dissen and Bergk read ve'iKos 'Ax'Ws Se?£e. But Mr Fennell (with whose view of the passage I do not otherwise agree) appositely remarks that the scholiast's iir^dei^e is a reason for avoiding Se?£e. Here as elsewhere the art of Pindar himself enables us to correct errors in his text. (pave is the word required here, and (pave is rendered al- most certain by vvv Trt^avT* in the cor- responding line of the second antistrophos (1. 13). Findar thereby suggests a com- parison between Alcimidas and Achilles. As to the last words Dissen and most editors adopt x a M a ' Kara^ds. But as it is in the highest degree improbable that Kara/Ids should have been altered to /c<x|3/3a$, I have no hesitation in adopting 112 NEMEONIKAI <r'. <paevvd<; vlov evr evdpi^ev 'A009 aica avT. 7 . ey^eo? ^ciicotolo. Kal ravrav pev TraXatorepot 6Bov dpa^LTov evpov' eiropai Be Kal avros eywv fieXerav' to Be Trap 7roBl veto? eXiaaopevov aiel Kvpcvrwv Xeyerat iravrl pudXio-ra Bovelv 55 dvpuov. e/covTL 8' e<yd) vujtw peBercwv BiBup,ov «^#o? dyyeXos efiav irepinov eV el'/coai tovjo <yapvwv ev^o<; d<yo)va)v diro, toi)? eveiroiaiv iepov<i, eir. 7 . ' AXKipiBa to 7' eirapKecrev the reading of Hermann and Sclineidewin Xa/J.8,fe Ka(3as. Kajrerov in 01. VIII. 38, is an exact parallel to /ca/3as. 51. d.Ka ^Y\ 60S taKOTOio] With the point of his -wrathful spear. Compare Horace, Carm. I. 3, 36 iracunda ponere fulmina. The mss. have alxm, which does not suit the metre. Editors follow Schmid in reading a/c/tg, but it does not seem likely that a usual word like aK/xa should have been thus corrupted. I hold that at'xM? was a gloss on the rare aKa, which I restore also in Ne?n. x. 60. 52. Kal ravrav /c.t.X.] And this high- way the ancients discovered ; and I follow them, with a burden of my own. 656s d/xa£n-6s is one of the 'broad approaches' of 1. 45 ; and consists in praising the Aeacidae by narrating the deeds of Achilles at Troy (ravrav). ira\aiorepoi means, not more ancient but, ancient as opposed to its correlative ve&repot.. The ancients sang of the Aeacidae; I, a modern, sing of the Bassidae, who are also an ancient race (1. 32). jxeXtTav is the cura carminis or theme. Dissen's non sine studio, suggesting subjective care or zeal, is hardly to the point; rather ipse quoque havens quod mediter. Compare the use of yuAw in Homer : 'Apyoj iraai fxtXovcra p 70, avOpunroiai /uAw, 1 20. 54. to 8J imp iro8C /c.t.X.] But the wave which at each moment rolls close to the rudder of the vessel, according to the saw, most deeply shakes the spirit. A proverbial sea-metaphor is introduced but without disturbing the metaphor of the highway, which is continued in 1. 57. Dissen and others take ttovs here to mean keel; its regular nautical meaning sheet being inappropriate. In the scholia it is explained as rudder: ttovs p£v veibs to TT7]8a\iov, and this ex- planation, I believe, is correct. This passage and Odyssey /c 32 (alel yap iroda vrjbs ivwp.cov ovSe to) &\\u> 8u>x eTapwv) taken together entitle us to conclude that 7roi''s had the meaning helm as well as sheet. For the sense of the lines cf. Nemean iv. 91, 92. 56. €Kovn /c.t.X.] But with willing back, undertaking a double load, I went as a messenger, proclaiming this twenty- fifth glory won in the games, yclept ' sacred \ — even this -which Alcimidas secured for his glorious race. The double burden is the praises of the Bassids and of the Aeacids (see intro- duction, p. 101). Were it not for his special intention of connecting the Bassids with Earth, Pindar could not have used language suggesting that his song was a load, &x&os, which always implies op- pression. (Cf. for example, Agamemnon, 176 el to fiaTav dirb <ppovTl5os &x^ os XPV /taXeiV (.T7)Tvp.ws.) As it is, <xx""s is happy, suggesting axOos dpovpas and the heavy quality of earth. 59. 'AXKiuiSd] This Aeolic form of the nominative has been restored by NEMEAN VI. K\etra yevea' Svo /xev Kpoviov Trap refievei, ttcu, ere T iv6(T(f>icre kcu UoXvri/jiiSav K\apo<i 7rpo7rer?}? avOe 'OXvfiTriaSo*;. SeXcpcvl Kev Ta^o? oY a\/i,a? I'crov <jirolp,t MeXrjaiav, Xeipwv re koX la'yyos avioyov. ii3 60 65 Bergk for 'A\KLfj.i5as. eirapKea-e (only here in Pindar) is explained by irpoaidrjKe in the scholia. 61. 8vo |i€v ic.t.X.] A precipitate lot (that is, drawn too soon) withheld from t/hY, boy, and from Polytimidas two Olympian crowns, hard by the temple of the son of Cronus. The combatants in wrestling matches were paired by draw- ing lots. When the number of com- petitors was odd, one drew 'a by' and was called tcpeSpos. In the case of Alcimidas and Polytimidas it would seem that really inferior boys had the luck to draw byes, and because they were fresh defeated their superior opponents who were wearied by the labours of previous contests. My rendering of irpoircrris im- plies that the drawer of the last lot had the advantage of being the Z<pe8pos. If it were proved that the first lot was the 'by', we should have to interpret irpo- 7rer>79 in the more general sense of ran- dom. — voacpifa, to rob of, is used with two accusatives (cp. Soph. Philoctetes, 684) as well as with ace. and gen. 'OXv/x- iriados (viKas) of an Olympian victory. A scholiast gives a curious explanation of K\apos — 77 ■7rpoe£ai'077<m rdv Tpix&v. aireKpldrjcrav yap ws ov TraioiKrjv Zx 0VTV > rfKixlav 5ta to irpoT]vdy)Kivai r&s rpi'xaj. irpb wpas yovv rb dvdos avroLS tt?s 77/377?, <prjul, avveKK-qpbidy) ' outos yap kX%>os avdovi. 64. 8«\(j)ivi t«v k.t.X.] To a dolphin darting through the salt sea -uould I liken for swiftness Melesias, charioteer of hands and strength. Compare Simonides, fr. 149 (206) TraXaia/jLocrvvris 8ei;ibi> yvloxov. See further Appendix A, note 7. 65. I'o-ov o-7roi(Ai] This is my own correction of the reading of the MSS. laov eiiroifj-i, which does not suit the metre. In his 4th edition Bergk reads eiKa^oi/xi dubitanter, and suggests e^iaKoipi or avr- i<TKoi/j.i in the note. But these conjec- tures cannot be entertained as there is no apparent reason for their corruption, c no 1 mi was doomed to be read eTTOiMi which was of course interpreted eiiroipu. arrot/uu is aor. optative corresponding to ZvweTe (B 484, &c.) as (ein-)airoLpT)v corresponds to 'ienrecrde. The present is preserved in iv-viiru (iv-aivoo). B. 8 NEMEAN VII. ODE IN HONOUR OF A VICTORY AT NEMEA IN THE BOYS' PENTATHLON WON BY SOGENES, OF AEGINA, SON OF THEARION. INTRODUCTION. The victory of Sogenes of Aegina in the boys' pentathlon at Nemea, in the year 461 E.C., was a consolation, late and all the more welcome, to his father Thearion, a man who had been himself disappointed of winning the fame which he desired. It appears that Sogenes was the son of his old age, born after a long childlessness — perhaps elder sons had died— and called by the significant name ' Saviour of the family,' as a sacred vessel containing the future of the /race. An old man, dejected by a life of disappointments and perhaps weakened by ill health, Thearion must have been cheered and elated by the news of his son's victory, rendered unusually conspicuous by the accidental circumstance that Sogenes was the first Aeginetan who won in the pentathlon at Nemea 1 . Pindar, a friend of Thearion, was employed to celebrate the occasion, and wrought, in a more than ordinarily elaborate hymn, all that song can work of consolation, for a man whose past life was somewhat heavy to remember, and whose future was not his own. In fact this Seventh Nemean Ode is for Thearion a song of consolation, immortalising the new hope of an old man, who makes, as it were, a fresh start in life through the success of his son. And this Ode had a special personal interest for the poet himself. Some words in a paean 2 , which he had recently composed for performance at Delphi, had wounded the susceptibilities of the Aeginetans, sensitive regarding the honour of their national heroes. Having occasion to mention Neopto- lemus, whose death at Delphi was enveloped in some mystery, he had spoken of him as ' slain in strife with servants of the temple, in a matter 1 Schol. irpCiTos 6 ?L.wy{vr}s AlyivrirCov 53rd Nemead] institutum esse constat tv'iKrjcre 7rai"s uiv irevTaO\u} Kara ttjv vd' siquidem Eurybaies Argivus Nemeae quin- Nf/ueaoa ' irtdi] 5£ 6 TrevradXos irpGiTos quertio victor ante proeliwn Marathonium Kara rh\v 17' Ne/xcaoa. vd' is Hermann's a Sophctne Alheniensi occisus est, ti\/. emendation for 18', but there is no reason Pausan. 1. 79, 4; Herod, vi. 92, ct for changing 17'. As Bergk says, quin- ix. 75. quertii certamen multo ante [before the - Sec note cm line 64. INTRO D UCTTON. 115 concerning due honours.' The mere words seem innocent enough, but there were tales in circulation touching the hero's mysterious death, not quite flattering to him, one legend especially charging him with the intention of sacrilege, and the susceptible countrymen of the Aeacids perhaps dis- covered in the paean a suggestion of this enormity. At least they accused Pindar in strong language of having traduced the fame of Neoptolemus 1 , and the opportunity of injuring a rival was doubtless seized eagerly by other poets 2 who were his competitors for the favours of rich Aeginetan families. We may suppose that a cloud overcast for a while Pindar's reputation at Aeg-ina, where he had extensive connexions : that victors shewed their dissatisfaction by not employing him to celebrate their achievements ; and that Thearion was the first who ventured to ask him for an Ode, at some personal sacrifice too, for his fortune was only moderate 3 , and the price of immortality from the greatest lyric poet of Greece was perhaps a serious tax on his purse. Pindar embraced the opportunity to right himself in the eyes of his Aeginetan critics, explaining that he meant no wrong to the fame of their hero ; and he has dexterously interwoven this motive with the . main theme of the poem, making Neoptolemus a mythical prototype of Sogenes. This Ode has won the reputation of being encompassed with insoluble difficulties, but it carries its own explanation with it and yields readily to a really close study. All that has been said here 4 , can be deduced directly 1 e\/ci5crai Zireai, 1. 103 (an expression as strong as our mauled). 2 Especially, I believe, Bacchylides. See note on 1. 102 sqq. :i 1. 58, £oik6tcl Kcupbv 6\(3ov. That the expenses involved in paying the poet and the chorus were no mere trifle to Thearion will appear in the course of the analysis. 4 Hermann rejects the notion that Pindar is apologising for a paean, and finds the whole idea of the Ode in a consolation, 'to Thearion. L. Schmidt combines, as I have done, both ideas. Dissen, accepting the story about the paean, assumes that the house of Thearion was unpopular at Aegina and that Pindar by the myths of Ajax and Neoptolemus, who were illtreated by contemporaries, bids Thearion be of good cheer. Momm- sen, as usual, tries to find political ten- dencies in the Ode and supposes that Odysseus and Ajax signify Athens and Aegina; but this theoiy was easily dis- posed of by Rauchenstein, Philologus, xiii. 421. Mezger divides the Ode thus : apxa 1 — 16; KararpoTrd 17 — 24; dfx- <pa\6s 24 — 74; /xeTaKaTarpoTra 75 — 79; crtppayis 80 — 101 ; e^odiov 102 — 105. Both dpxd and a<ppayis deal with the divine blessing which has been vouch- safed to the house of Thearion, (1) through Ilithyia, (2) through Heracles (cf. dX/ca, responding in v. 12 and v. 96). Both kolt. and /xer. deal with song, the former emphasizing its necessity, the latter representing the Muse weaving a crown. The 6/j.<pa\6s consists of two parts, the first mythical, the second con- cerned with the present. He finds the leading idea of the song expressed in w. 7 — 10: (1) the Aeacids favour the Aeginetans in their agonistic ambitions and enterprises, and (2) there- fore Sogenes, sealed for such glory from his very birth, is now celebrated in the island which is distinguished for its love of song. These two elements of the Griindgcdanke are worked out in the two parts of the 6^</>a\6s ; so that in the mythical narration Neoptolemus' fund inn 8—2 n6 NEMEAN VII from Pindar's words ; for, even if a scholiast had not preserved in a note the verse of the obnoxious paean, we should have known from the last lines of the Ode that Pindar had offended Aegina by some unguarded word con- cerning Neoptolemus. An invocation of Ilithyia, the goddess who presides over the births of children, alleviating the mother's labour, and extends a beneficent influence over the troublesome years of infancy, was chosen by Pindar as an appro- priate introduction. For as all the hopes of Thearion were concentrated in Sogenes, he owed a peculiar debt to Ilithyia for having preserved the boy, to be a strong youth, through the dangers that surround children before and after birth. She is daughter of Hera, who presides over marriage, and beside her at the bed of travail stand the Fates who know the future ; these associations are mentioned in the invocation. She watches over the being, whom she ushers into the world, during all his days and nights— friendly nights, for the Greeks propitiated the dangers and darkness of Night by calling her ' the friendly season ' — until she hands him over to the guardian- ship of her sister Hebe, to describe whose gleaming limbs, strong for all active masteries, Pindar compounds a new adjective, dy\a6yvios, which suggests a work of plastic art. But the lots of men vary ; Thearion, we can read between the lines, was not like Sogenes ; and Sogenes, as a glorious conqueror in the pentathlon, must thank the indispensable favour of Ilithyia. After these verses of thanksgiving — naturally occurring to a really religious mind looking back at a childhood which was now drawing to a close under happy auspices— the poet passes to the victor's country. - Sogenes is a victor, and is now being celebrated in a song. Both circumstances are natural, for he dwells in a city, where there is a lively spirit of ambition for success in the national games of Greece, nourished as it were by the Aeacid heroes themselves ; and the same city ' loveth dance and song.' But we are sped quickly over this praise of Aegina, — with a Pindaric rapidity, one might say— to a main thought of the poem, the power of so?ig to illumine. Great exploits are buried in darkness, unless they are rescued by a poet, who reflects them into some perpetuating mirror, the streams of the Muses for example, or the shining surface of the headband or fillet worn by Memory, their mother. But while the flowing waters of the Muses (a feature in Pindar's poetical world) are a reflecting surface, the liquid substance, inviting as it were actual contact, suggests a second metaphor ; as umpire is the most important moment, the Ode, as any one who reads it carefully and in the second division Thearion's may see for himself, intelligence, revealed in a recognition of The three divisions which I indicated the value of song, assumes the prominent in the general Introduction nearly corre- place. spond to the main divisions of Mezgcr. The expositions of Dissen, Schmidt, (i) System i. (2) Systems 2 — 4. ($) and Mezger are all instructive, but they System 5 (beginning at 1. 80). are very far from completely explaining INTR OD UCTION. 1 1 7 and a successful combatant is said to 'cast a honeyed argument' into the streams of song. The thoughts and language of these lines are echoed again in the progress of the poem ; the darkness, the streams of the Muses, the honey (with a savour of wine or sleep), the gleam of Memory's fillet, recur, as we shall see 1 . A certain abruptness in Pindar sometimes gives us the impression that he has passed to a new subject, without having smoothed the way for the transition ; whereas a closer examination shews that the new thought is really confederate with those which have gone before. And so, here, having declared that song is as a light shining in darkness, he proceeds to say, in the epode, that wise men consider the wind which is to blow three days hence, and will not damage their true interests by any shortsighted calcu- lations of mere lucre. They are really wise ; for rich and poor must alike stand in the presence of Death. At first hearing, these words sound like a riddle ; are they connected or not, one asks, with the things said about the power of poetry? The next sentence helps us to solve the difficulty. 'I trow,' Pindar proceeds, 'that through the sweet speech of Homer the report of Odysseus' experiences has exceeded the reality.' This shows that he is still dwelling on the potency of poetry ; and it becomes clear that the wise men are they who are content to sacrifice an ample sum of gold for the sake of future fame— the wind that cometh on the third day. And the remark is specially intended for Thearion ; he is one of those wise men ; and the poet indicates this by a favourite artifice 2 . But the mention of Homer and Odysseus leads to a new subject. Homer is not Pindar's ideal poet ; in fact Homer affords an example of the power of 'sweet verses' misused. Pindar was a countryman of Hesiod and he did not forget the mythical contest between Hesiod and Homer; he conceived the poet of the Odyssey as a sort of ' sophist,' one who deceives his readers by cunning words, the friend of the crafty Odysseus. And so here, with a clever play on words, he introduces the story of the death of Ajax, to whom, in consequence of the wiles of Odysseus, the Greeks had not adjudged the golden arms of Achilles. Ajax is the type of the brave, but ineffectual hero. If the masses, who made the award, had been keen enough to see that Ajax was the true eagle (Ai'ar cuVos-), that hero would not have slain himself. Homer himself was blind (Pindar hints), and a mass of men is blind also :i . 1 (jkotov (1. 13) and pocucri (1. 12) recur " 'ip.adov ovb' virb idpSei fiXafiev (1. 17) together in ukothvov (1. 61) and pods is the second line of the first epode. In n 6 2 ), the second line of the third epode, speak- p.eXi<p P ov* (I. 1 1) is echoed in /xeXi (1. $$, ing of Thearion, Pindar writes corresponding line of antistrophos). fffoemv oi'/c airo^XaivTei eppevwv. To XHrapa/MTi/Kos (1. 15) answers Xnrapy This responsion serves to indicate that (1. 99, corresponding line of antistrophos). Thearion is specially alluded to in 1. 17. To iXxal (1. 13) answers aX K di> (1. 96, 3 See note on 1. 24. same foot in same antistrophic line). Ii8 NEMEAN VII It is clear that the story of Ajax is introduced with special application to Thearion, whose life had been 'brave' but ineffectual, and who, as some lines indicate, was sensitive to calumny and disparagement. Ajax is said to have been the bravest, after Achilles, of those who came to Troy to recover Helen. Troy, where so many heroes of Greek legend won their laurels, is a figure or type of the games of historical Greece ; and the circumstance that Ajax, albeit valiant, never returned to his home with booty and prizes is an indirect consolation to Thearion for having contended in games without success. It seems, moreover, to be suggested by the use of a somewhat rare adjective that the death of Ajax was easy; a smooth sword (Xevpou £i<}>os) pierced his heart. The ineffectually of Ajax, the prototype of Thearion, is contrasted with the success of Neoptolemus, who serves as a parallel to Sogenes. The transition from the first myth to the second is managed by another reference to the equalising power of Death. It was said above that Death takes not account of wealth ; now it is said that Hades regards not renown. Yet there is a distinction even in death. Those favoured heroes, who visit Apollo's temple at Delphi, the centre of the earth, as guests of the god himself, may be said to have won true and abiding honour. For at Delphi there was celebrated a feast called the 'Entertainment of Heroes,' at which Apollo was supposed to entertain those who in their life-time had made a pilgrimage to his Delphic shrine. This feast was honoured with games as well as sacrifices, and the Aeacid hero Neoptolemus had received the privilege of acting as an ideal president of the gymnastic contests. For the body of Neoptolemus lies in holy ground — in an immemorial grove — hard by the temple ; he is the representative of the Aeacids at Delphi. He sacked the city of Priam, winning spoils and glory ; but as he sailed homeward, winds drove him from his course, and instead of reaching Scyros, he found himself in Epirus. There he became king of Molossia and was succeeded by a line of Neoptolemids. But his own reign was shortened by an accident. He visited Delphi, to make a rich offering of his Trojan booty to Apollo ; and in a brawl touching sacrificial meats he was killed — by a priest of the temple, according to the legend, but Pindar is careful here to call the homicide 'a man' merely, in order to avoid the least appearance of charging the hero with sacrilege. And emphasizing the innocence of Neoptolemus, he adds, ' The hospitable Delphians were made heavy at heart exceedingly.' But the unlucky stroke proved happy in the event, for Neoptolemus received the high honour of burial in the precincts of the temple and of becoming the president of the games at the Feast of Xenia. This myth serves the purpose of explaining to the Aeginetans Pindar's true view of the life and acts of Neoptolemus, whose memory he was said to have treated with scant courtesy; but, for the comprehension of the whole hymn, this is an aspect of only secondary import. Our chief concern is to determine the drift of the myth, in relation to the rest of the Ode. Two things are clear: Sogenes is compared to Neoptolemus, and Neoptolemus is contrasted with Ajax. Ajax was ineffectual and did not come back from INTR OD UCT/ON. 1 1 9 Troy; Ncoptolemus sacked Troy and returned with the prizes of victory. In the same way Thearion had failed, Sogenes had won. It would be inconvenient to anticipate, but we shall shortly see that the parallel between Sogenes and Neoptolemus is carried out in detail, so that even the sovranty in Molossia is not insignificant. At the beginning of the third strophe, after the mention of Neoptolemus' death, we hear the sound of a new note — friendship which is sanctified by hospitality: PapvvQev 8e irfpicraa AeX0ot £erayerai, and this note of hospitality resounds again and again from this point to the end. Neoptolemus is a president at the Xeniaj and though Pindar does not use the word, he renders the idea even more prominent by an allusive phrase, evawpov is 8Uav, meaning that the hero's office is to preserve that justice whose name is lovely, the right of hospitality {8iKau &viav). We shall soon learn how this idea bears on Sogenes and his father. We are now reaching the middle of the Ode where Pindar has chosen to end his mythical narrations. In the land of Greek legend the stories of the Aeginetan cycle form a great high-road, tempting for a poet to pursue ; but that Greek moderation, which so carefully defined the proportions of all artistic work, reminds him that the sweetness of honey may cloy, and the delectable flowers of Aphrodite 'the Foam-born' queen, may pall through intemperate use. The recurrence of the metaphor from honey suggests that the deeds of Neoptolemus, like the exploit of Sogenes, are a ' sweet argument' for the Muses, and helps to indicate the intended parallel. But Pindar in this passage implies, I believe, a 'darker purpose.' He cries to Aegiha, that he is emboldened to proclaim for the brilliant deeds of her heroes a high-road of praise, starting from their home (oUodev) ; and the form of expression suggests that the adventures of Neoptolemus are not conceived as occurring on the high-road, nvpia 686s. This conjecture is confirmed by the line which describes Neoptolemus' return from Troy (1. $7), anoiikeoiv "S,Kvpov pev apaprev, Xkovto 8' els 'Ecpvpav nXayevres 1 . He 7iiissed Scyrus strongly suggests deviation from a 686s oKvpuTa- o'iKa8e. Now the stress laid on the circumstance that Neoptolemus did not return home, has probably a reference to the victor. In a subsequent verse (91) Pindar gives Sogenes an indirect admonition to be an obedient boy and honour his father. It would seem that Sogenes had been some- what intractable 3 , infected with the 'taints of liberty'; and perhaps, after 1 For the reading irXayiures, see note. previous relations of Sogenes to Thearion 2 aKvpuTa 686s (paved road) =Kvpla 656s had not been of a duly fdial character; (high-road); cf. Pyth. v. 93 iwiroKpoTov probably the young man had left his <TKVpwTai> 686v. father's home and been living on terms 3 Such a conjecture had been thrown of some estrangement." For further con- out by Mr Arthur Holmes, who observes firmation see below, p. 123. that 11. 90 sqq. "lead us to infer that the 120 NEMEAN VII. his victory at Nemea, he had not returned immediately, like a dutiful son, to his home at Aegina. One might imagine that he paid a visit to Corinth, that city of pleasure, so attractive and dangerous for young men, so dreaded by solicitous parents lest it should prove the 'blastment' of youth. And if this were the case, it would be quite in Pindar's way thus quaintly to 'breathe his faults ' and to press home the allusion by that ambiguous name Ephyra, which, meaning in regard to Neoptolemus a town in Epirus, might suggest Corinth, called in Homer Ephyra, to the guilty conscience of 'the wild boy.' The word ' honey,' which has already taken us back to the early stanzas of the Ode, prepares us for further echoes of the thoughts there expressed. In the invocation to Ilithyia it was said that men's endowments and destinies differ. And the myths have illustrated this remark in the different careers of Ajax and Neoptolemus. It is therefore fitting and really artistic to remind us of this truth again, before we hear of the non-legendary careers of Thearion and Sogenes in the second part of the poem. But Pindar does not merely 'repeat himself; he adds something new. 'In his nature and in his life each man differs from another ; but no man can win happiness entire; or at least, though a few may have gained it for an hour, Fate has bestowed it on none as a lasting gift.' A few may have gained happiness, unchequered and complete, for an hour ; Pindar is thinking of Cadmus and Peleus, who married goddesses and beheld the celestials at their weddings. But only for an hour ; Cadmus and Peleus saw sorrow and heaviness before they died. This is meant as a consolation for Thearion, whose life has not been happy, and Pindar turns to address him. Fate, he says, has endowed Thearion with three things — in moderate, not abundant, measure ; a sufficient fortune, an ambitious spirit, and in- telligence. Like Ajax he was brave and yearned for distinction ; and like Ajax (we read between the lines) he failed to win the golden armour. Unlike Ajax however, he is possessed of intelligence; he is one of those wise men (as we have already seen) who consider the wind that cometh on the third day. But besides these gifts of Fate, which could hardly be thought to have distinguished Thearion above his fellows, but were merely, as we say now, ' respectable,' he possessed a quality which gave him a real claim to a poet's praise, — hospitality. Pindar, his guest-friend, had experienced his kindness at Aegina, and solemnly sings, ijelvos et/i'j striking again the note which he had sounded before in regard to the relations of Neoptolemus to the Delphian priesthood. But the note is repeated still more distinctly in the next line but one ; Thearion's renown for hospitality is not only true of him, but is what we should expect of him ; he is merely true to his own family name ; he is Thearion, the Euxenid, that is, 'the Hospitable.' And here again Pindar suggests a comparison with Ajax. The fate of Ajax was due to the circumstance that the blind crowd did not recognize 'the literal truth' (erav dKaOeiav) that he was the eagle. Let Thearion, unlike Ajax, be superior to cavil, and instead of repining that he was not successful on the plain of 'Troy,' let him pride himself on a noble quality which INTRO D UCTION. 1 2 1 'literally belongs' to him (irrjTviiov k\(os). We heard how the stream of the Muses, somewhat as a mirror, rescued doughty deeds from obscurity ; we have seen how Ajax had no friendly Homer to reflect his fame; and now Pindar, resuming the metaphor, declares that he will rescue Thearion from ' dark blame ' — the oblivion whereto cavil might consign him — by ' streams of water.' ' This ' he adds, ' is a meed meet for good men ' — for good men, even though they be not great. And now, with an apparent abruptness, we are taken at the beginning of the fourth strophe to the western coast of Greece, — Epirus. Pindar was a proxcnos of the Epirots, whom he describes as Achaeans dwelling on the Ionian sea, and he declares, that, by virtue of this relation, he will receive no blame from them, though they, more than all men in Greece, might be expected to be jealous for the honour of Neoptolemus. But what, we ask, is the meaning of this allusive reversion to the subject of Neoptolemus, intro- duced here, along with some declarations of proud self-assertion 1 , between an address to Thearion and an address to Sogenes? The words trpo^evla TTf-rroida — this recurring note of 'hospitality' — supply us with the key 2 . 'I am the £eiw>y of the Euxenidai,' Pindar has already said to Thearion ; and now he would convey to Sogenes, ' I am the friend of the Epirots, and they will not misapprehend my words touching Neoptolemus ; even so, I am the friend of the Euxenids, and therefore, O Euxenid Sogenes (1. 70, compare 1. 91), do not misapprehend my indirect strictures on certain escapades, of which you know.' By this means Pindar, in passing from the father to son, indicates the parallel which he has instituted between Neoptolemus and the victor; and at the same time implies that he does not consider Neoptolemus quite immaculate. An incident in the pentathlon suggested a metaphor to Pindar for clothing his explanation to Sogenes 3 . It happened that one of Sogenes' competitors, who expected to win in the spear-throwing and was formidable in wrestling, 1 'My regard is clear and bright, 6>/nart day) he will proclaim whether my SipKOfxaL \a/j.TTp6v.' This is equivalent to speech be out of tune and my words a declaration that he will not treat awry.' \payiov oapov, see note on 1. 69. Thearion or Sogenes, and that he did These words are meant more for Sogenes not treat Neoptolemus, as blind Homer than for Thearion, as the sentence naduv treated Ajax. — ewi-rruv is closely connected with what He goes on to disclaim excess or follows, see note on avepel. ypaycos, violence, and expresses a wish that the thwart, oblique, may be intended to time to come may prove kindly, choos- contrast with evdvirvoov Zeipvpoto of 1. 29, ing, with Greek moderation, the adjective and suggest that, like that breeze, the ev<ppwv, which suggests, not the light of 'swift tongue' of Pindar 'blows straight '. day, but the kindliness of an innocuous - The emphasis on irpo^eviq. is indi- night. And Pindar makes a confession cated by the metrical responsion of irpo- here that his Odes really require study, wptQiva. ^elvov in a similar position in and are not for all who run. 'If a man the second line of the 5th strophe, understand me (fiaOdov — as a 'wise man 3 For this interpretation, I must refer will, who knoweth the wind of the third to note on 1. 70. 122 NEMEAN VII. stepped inadvertently beyond the line behind which the akontistai were supposed to stand, and was thereby disqualified. Knowing that he had no chance of sufficient distinction in the other events (quoit-throwing, running and wrestling) to win in the pentathlon, he retired from the contest, and the consequence was that Sogenes had one opponent less to conquer in wrestling. The labour of the wrestling-contest, in the heat of the day, was severe, and for the victor the defect of one formidable competitor was really a stroke of luck. So Pindar makes use of this agreeable reminiscence, in deprecating any offence which the tone of his Ode might possibly cause to the boy. Comparing his 'swift tongue' to the javelin, he denies that he has advanced his foot beyond the designated mark ; and recalls how the javelin-throwing had released Sogenes' body, before it was bathed in sweat and broiled in the sun, from the toils of wrestling. But in this passage there is another thought implied, not indeed directly expressed, but indicated unmistakably by the choice of words. vnopvvco prj reppa 7Tpo/3as liicovd' core ^aXKonapaov opaai doav jKaxrcrav os e< a' eVe/x^ey naXaiapdraiv k.t.X. We are forced to notice the collocation of doav and opcrai (not just the word we might expect for hurling a javelin, though optveiv is used elsewhere of exciting the tongue), and the strange, perhaps unparalleled, use of iKnepnciv. We can hardly avoid the conclusion that Pindar chose these expressions with the design of recalling those west-winds which conducted Ajax on his swift ships to Troy town : doais av vavcrl nopevaav evdvnvoov Zecpvpoio no final npos iXov noXtv. By these echoes Pindar would suggest that Sogenes is contrasted with his father Thearion as Neoptolemus is contrasted with Ajax 1 . Ajax was swiftly conducted to the city of Ilus, but he never returned ; whereas Neoptolemus sacked the city of Priam and did return. Now it would have been hardly graceful to say in so many words that Thearion had appeared in some lists as a competitor for glory and had returned uncrowned, whereas Sogenes had been victorious. Accordingly the meaning is conveyed by an indirection. Ajax went to Troy by virtue of swift winds ; Sogenes returned from Neinea by virtue of a swift spear. That is as much as to say ; Thearion failed, but Sogenes succeeded. This comparison of laurels won at Nemea to laurels won at Troy is continued in the following line, ' If toil there was, greater is the delight that ensueth,' reminding us of the city of Priam, where the Danai toiled-. 'If toil there was, greater is the delight that follows. Let me be. If, 1 The contrast of Ajax and Neopto- sacked the city ; Ajax only went to it. lemus is indicated by llpidfiov nbXiv inel - el irovos fy 1. 74, t$ ko.1 Aavaol np&Oev in I. 35, closely following on the nbvqaav 1. 36. npos "IXou 7ro/Ve of 1. 31. Neoptolemus INTR OD UCTJON. 1 2 3 lifted too far, I uttered a loud scream, with a victor certainly 1 deal not roughly in paying a gracious debt. It is a light thing to twine garlands. Sound a loud note ! Surely the muse is welding together gold and white ivory withal and the delicate flower which she has filched from the foam of the sea.' The special bearing of these lines on Sogenes is indicated by Pindar in his own way. The delight which follows toil is an echo of the delight bestowed by those flowers of Aphrodite, which pall on the senses through immoderate use. The third line of the fourth antistrophos 1 , el novas riv, to repnvov irkcov TrcbepxerciL corresponds to the third line of the third antistrophos, kol fieXi kcu ra rkpirv avQe 'Aqbpodlaia. It is clear then that by the loud scream (avUpayov), for which he half apologises, the poet means his saying about honey and the flowers of Aphrodite ; and we are led to detect therein a reproof to Sogenes. The mutining of the blood, so often a consequence of protracted athletic labours ' in the morn and liquid dew of youth,' had seduced Sogenes into ways of pleasure which his seniors could not approve of ; and Pindar gently remon- strates. 'You arc entitled,' he says, 'to the delight which is the meed of labour ; but the delight, which you have chosen, soon cloys. Take rather the delight which I can give you, the fairer reward— not the flowers of the foam-goddess 2 , but rather the foam-lily, the coral which the Muse filches from the sea, and welds into a chryselephantine crown.' To quote a modern poet, ' the foam-flowers endure when the rose-blossoms wither.' 3 The past and present fortunes of Sogenes— his childhood under the protection of Ilithyia, and his victory — have been touched on ; and now Pindar turns to consider his future, in the last part of the Ode. The house of Thearion in Aegina was adjacent to two temples of Heracles, and it is in the hands of his 'neighbour' Heracles that Pindar lays the prosperity of Sogenes' manhood. But in true Pindaric style, instead of connecting the close of the hymn directly with the foregoing stanzas, he turns away from Sogenes and begins an apparently new subject, the praises of Zeus. The victories of Aeginetans were generally, perhaps always, celebrated in the Temple of Aeacus, and it was usual for the victors to dedicate their crowns there. Aeacus was a son of Zeus, and there was therefore an additional reason (besides the fact that the Nemean games were held in his honour) for celebrating the king of the gods in the Aeaceum — ' on this floor ' (8ane8ov av roSe) 4 . 1 This responsion is noticed by Mezger, perhaps the colour as well as the delicate but not rightly interpreted. texture of white coral — a true foam-lily. 2 av6e 'A(ppo8icna; the Greeks always 3 Roses were the flowers of Aphrodite, connected 'A(ppo8lT7) witli d</>pos. The The line is from Swinburne's 'A For- cxprcssion was chosen for the sake of the saken Garden.' contrast with Xeipiov avdefiov (see note, * odireoov echoes Tlv0ioi<n Sairtdois of 1. 79) which the Muse is described as 1. 34, and connects Neoptolemus witli wovrias {'(piXo'icr' e{pcras. \eipiov suggests Aeacus. 124 NEMEAN VII The introduction of Aeacus has a fitness and necessity of its own ; but it is also a means for introducing Heracles, his brother and guest-friend. Now the Euxenidae are citizens of the state whereof Aeacus was prince, and therefore they may claim the friendship of Heracles— with more particular reason too by virtue of their name, Evtjepidai. era pev 7ro\iapxov evcovvpa narpa, 'HpaxXeej, creo 8e tt p oTrpecova ph £elvov a§eX<peoi> r. That the 'clan of fair name' means the Euxenidai is clear from three indications 1 . In the first place noKlapxov responds to noXiv in the corre- sponding line of the first antistrophos, where the Aeacids are referred to : ttoXiv yap (piXopohnov olnel 8opiKTV7rcov AlaKi8tiv. 'Sogenes dwells in the city of the Aeacids,' and Aeacus is the 'city- prince' of Sogenes' clan— these statements are the same fact from opposite points of view. In the second place, the collocation evwvvpm Trarpa echoes Evtjfvlfta ndrpade of 1. 70. In the third place, we have already met evvwpov referring to the fair name gelvos, in connexion with the Xenia at Delphi ; and we may infer that here, similarly, it designates the Euxenidai. But apart from these indications, the argument of Pindar requires this interpre- tation ; for his object is to bring Heracles into connexion with the family of Sogenes. But not only by virtue of the ancient guest-friendship existing between Aeacus and Heracles, sons of Zeus, but also by virtue of the casual circumstance that his father's house in Aegina adjoins two Heraclea (one on each hand, like the arms of a yoke projecting on either side of a chariot- pole), may Sogenes depend on the aid of him 'who subdued the Giants.' With Heracles, his neighbour, to prosper him (Pindar suggests, with indirect admonition to the lad) Sogenes were fain to dwell in that rich street, where his fore-fathers had dwelt, hallowed by the two shrines, 'fostering a spirit of tenderness ' (the Roman pietas) ' to his father.' The less cogent argument from neighbourhood, which had not the binding sanctity of the relation of hospitality, is dignified by an echo from the old Boeotian poet, who in his work on husbandry had occasion to refer to good and bad neighbours 2 . Now throughout this stanza the parallel between Sogenes and Neopto- lcmus is sustained. As the son of Achilles was the guest- friend of 'the hospitable Delphians/ and still presides at the Xenia 'of lovely name'; even so the son of Thearion has the advantage of an ancient tie of hospitality with Heracles, less likely to fade away owing to the fact that he is one of the Euxenids, a clan 'of lovely name.' And as Neoptolemus is buried close to the house of the Pythian god, Sogenes' dwelling is hard by the shrines of Heracles in 'a hallowed street.' And the street is described as rich— enriched doubtless by the Euxenids, even as Delphi received in the treasure-house of Apollo rich offerings from Neoptolemus :! . 1 Sec note (in 1. 85. 3 ei/KTrjpova 1. 92; Kriav' aKpodivlwv 2 Line 87. 1- 4 1 - INTR OD UC 77 ON. 1 2 5 Heracles (Heracles Alexikakos\ in his capacity of helping men against harm) is invoked to preside over the future life of Sogenes, as Ilithyia had presided over his childhood. And thus the Ode closes with an appeal to Heracles, rendered effective by echoes of that address to Ilithyia at the beginning — an artistic device aided by the kindred associations and con- nexions of the two deities. For Heracles was in name connected with Hera, Ilithyia's mother, and was the husband of Hebe, Ilithyia's sister. We remember the saying that each man is yoked to a different destiny, and that through Ilithyia's help Sogenes had distinguished himself from others by excellence in athletic contests. Well, — Heracles is now asked to Jiar7iess the youth of Sogenes and the old age of Thearion to a life of ' steadfast, durable strength.' Dwelling together in their Aeginetan house, they are to be as it were the two trace-horses of that fanciful car, whose pole, their house, is joined to the two temples as the arms of a yoke, the car itself being the filoros ('inreSoo-devijs, 'life enduringly strong.' The wonderfully careful choice of language in this passage is charac- teristic of Pindar : el yap (r<f)i<Tiv ip.Tredocrdti'ea [Siotov apfioaais rjfia Xt7rap<5 re yijpa'i diairXeneiv ev8al[iov' iovra. €fj.Tre8oa6evt]s, an adjective coined for his purpose, echoes two expressions occurring in other parts of the Ode, whereof one referred to Sogenes, the other to Thearion. The second half of the compound echoes nm fieya- \o<r6eveos "Upas of line 2 ; while the first half recalls rtXos ep.ne8ov <Spe£( of line 58. Again Hebe, the goddess of youth (fj^a), was celebrated in the opening invocation, while Xnrapco is an echo of the shining fillet of Memory, which was especially meant to console Thearion (1. 15). But Pindar has not exhausted the resources of the myth of Neoptolemus, and, looking still further into the future, he prays that the children's children of Sogenes may possess for ever the honour which the family now enjoys, and honour fairer still ; we are not to forget that Sogenes is 'saviour of the race.' In this prayer the words which had been used of Neoptolemus' pos- terity reigning in Molossia are repeated 2 . And it is just this echo, bringing us back involuntarily to thoughts of him, that renders the transition to Neoptolemus, in the last four lines of the Ode, unstrained and really artistic. Otherwise, they would be almost offensive, as an abrupt 'appendix.' In these lines Pindar disclaims the charge of having traduced Neoptolemus, and refers to the want of inventive power shewn by his rivals, who perhaps had tried to poison Aeginetan opinion against him ; they can never find anything newer to say in praise of 1 This function is indicated by a\K<xv, function for Thearion and his son. The 1. 96. &\k&v responds to &\ko.I 1. 11 (as thought is emphasized by the further Mezger noticed), and the responsion indi- responsions of irpoi-tviq. (65) and t.dvov cates that Heracles and Pindar (both (86); \nrapaiJ.irvKos (15) and \nrapqj (99). ^etVoi) are to perform somewhat the same '-' See note. 126 NEMEAN VII Aegina than that Aeacus was the son of Zeiis 1 . It seems probable that Bacchylides was the rival at whom this arrow was chiefly aimed ; Pindar's words at least are remarkable enough to justify the conjecture that some special allusion is intended. ' To repeat the same words three times or four, like rhymeless-barkers repeating to children, "A son of Zeus Corinthus hight," argues lack of wit.' fia-^vXc'iKas, which I have rendered rhymeless- barkers, was certainly coined by Pindar to convey some point, for which the dignity of poetry demanded a decent veil. I believe that na-^vXuKas is a parody on Bacchylides (BaKxvXfS^s) to which it corresponds in scansion. The malice of Pindar, who may have had good cause for offence, might have resolved the name of his rival into two parts, suggesting the wild utterances of intoxication and the barking of a dog. fj.d\jr was just the word to parody the former, while -vXaicas rendered evident an imputation which accident had laid, and Pindar had discovered, in -vXidrjs. All the 'stages' of life, from the portals of birth, where stand Ilithyia and the Moirai, to the bourn of Hades, are touched upon — the tenderness of childhood, the strength and waywardness of boyhood, the gleaming limbs of youth, the trials of manhood, old age ; but one relation of life, applying to all seasons, may be almost said to dominate the Ode, — the friendly intercourse of men, sanctified by Zeus Xenios. Such a relation existed between Neopto- lemus and the Delphian Xenagetae ; Neoptolemus presided at the games of the Delphic Xenia ; Pindar is the proxenus of the Epirots ; he is the friend {xeinos) of Thearion ; Heracles was the xeinos of Aeacus and may extend his friendship to the descendants of Aeacus' subjects. This motive is suggested by the name* of Thearion's clan the Enxenids, who might be expected, in loyalty to their name, to develope this graceful side of life. One might compare this elaborate Ode, a characteristic work of Greek art, to a chryselephantine statue, in which every line of carving is calculated. To use Pindar's own figure, in the verses of white ivory and rhythms of ringing gold, forming a true crown of Memory, are reflected, as in a mirror, the gleaming limbs of Sogenes, the strong young wrestler (round whom, less distinctly seen, delicate desires hover), and in the background his home at Aegina — we can see the house adjacent to the two temples, in a quiet street, — as a hallowed place, suggesting immemorial religious obser- vances, performed in common with the other houses of the Euxenid clan, at a hearth now depending on him for its future existence. The whole life of the boy, past, present and future, is the warp of the work (to adopt another Pindaric metaphor) whereinto is woven the history of Neoptolemus, skilfully sketched as a parallel to Sogenes. And over the cloth, thus wrought, are embroidered 'foam-lilies,' with an amorous perfume 1 That this is the real meaning of that Zeus was the father of Aeacus, an Pindar's 'last words' on the subject of assertion which is curiously introduced Neoptolemus, I am convinced not only by the word Xdyovri (1. 84) — clearly an from the words themselves, but from the allusion to the iterations of other poets, assertion at the end of the third epode See note on 1. io,S. INTR OD UCTION. 1 2 7 of the foam-born goddess herself in some of them ; such as the sheen of Memory's fillet, the argument of honey, the luminous streams of music, the criticism on Homer, the flowers of Aphrodite, the yoking of the father and son as two steeds of a chariot. And Death, whose existence is recog- nised as a significant fact of life, is hushed away in the sanctuary of Apollo — where dead heroes still prolong a curious Greek existence—, and Sogenes might contemplate, without shrinking, the day (not definitely referred to, but thus happily suggested) when he himself should lie in hallowed ground, in the precincts of the temple of Heracles, close to the house of his fathers. METRICAL ANALYSIS. Strophe. A. w. I — 2. a. w ww — w — ■— w — w — A — ww — wwww — w — ■ — ww — w — • (15) 7/. 2. b. — w — w — A (3) w. 4) 5" " « — vu — w — • — w — w — \j — w — w — • — w ww w — w w — w — • — w (15) B. W. 6, 7- C. — w w — • — w — w WW w ' — ww — w — • ww W WW w — w ^13) W. 8, 9- c • SJ '- J w w — ^ — • WW ^ — "-> — — — ww — w — •— w — ww — w (l3) We have thus two parts of which the first is mesodic. i5( = 7 + S).3- i5( = 7 + 8), i3(=6+7)- i3( = 6 + 7)- Epode. W. I, 2. CI- -^-w — w— •— ww— • J WW w — A I ww w — ww— •— w— A (l2) VI). 3) 4- (?'. — v^ — w w — • WW w — w — A JJ w — w w — • WW w — w — A (12) V. $• 0. ww w — w w — w — • ww w — ww— w — w— • — A (lo) The structure is epodic. Schmidt argues that as the last verses of the strophes are acatalectic, the first syllable of the epode cannot be an ana- crusis, and assumes a Vorpattse, which enables him to constitute the epodic symmetry. i2( = 5 + 2 + 5). i2( = 6 + 6) io( = 4 + 2 + 4). The rhythm of this ode is logaoedic. We may assume that the musical harmony which accompanied it (as also Nem. VI.) was Aeolian. NEMEONIKAI 71. E^TENEI AITINHTH* IIAIA1 nENTAOAfit. 'QXeidvia, irapehpe Motpaf (3a6v<i>p6i>wv, arp. a . iral fxeya'Koadeveos, aicovaov, ' Hpa?, yeverecpa reKvcov' nvev aeOev ov <f)('w<;, ov fxeXaivav SpcifcevTes evabpovav redv d8e\<f)€av ekd^opiev dy\a6<yviov "H/3av. avcnrveofiep o ov% (nravres iirc Ftcra* 5 i. 'EXeiOma, k.t.X.] Ilithyia, as- sociate of the deep-thinking Fates, daughter of Hera whose strength is vast, hearken, thou who bringest children to the birth. In Hesiod Theog. 922 Ilithyia (EiXeidma) is counted among the daugh- ters of Hera, the goddess who protected marriage. In Homer, A 270, the con- ception is plural ; fioyocrroKOi elXeidviai, "Hpy)s 6vyarlpes. The worship of Hera at Aegina is said to have been derived from Argos, where she was held in higher honour than in any other part of Greece. The association of Ilithyia with the Fates is so natural that perhaps it hardly needs illustration, but I may cite Olymp. vi. 42 6 H.pv(T0K6/j.as wpavp-qrlv t 'EXeldviav irapiarauiv re Molpas. fia6v(pp(j)v (equivalent to padvp.rjra or /3a- OvfiovXos) occurs in Solon. 2. (jt€*ya\oo-0€V€Os] The force of this adjective is that the odivos may be com- municated ; cf. below line 98. -yevempa does not occur elsewhere either in this sense or in the sense of mother; in Euphorion, 47, it means daughter, just as -ytvir-q^ means (1) father, (2) son. dvev o-€0€v K.T.A.] That is, avev (ridev owe eXa.xop.ev '"Rfiav dpaK^vres (paos re ko.1 /j.eXa.Lvai> ev<ppbvav ( = aeo 'iicari eXdxop-ev k.t.X.). Not without thy grace saw we light and black night and enjoyed the presence of thy sister, bright-limbed Hebe. The thought is that we reach the season of Hebe by living through a series of days and nights. Rauchenstein is cer- tainly wrong in finding a reference to the darkness of the womb in p.tXo,iva.v ev(pp6i>ai>. Compare below 1. 67. 4. "Hp<xv] A daughter of Hera and so Ilithyia's sister. Her limbs are bright and glorious; probably Pindar had some work in marble before his mind. Mr Fennell makes the sug- gestion that the epithet is 'causative = bestowing victorious limbs '. Such an interpretation transports us from the realm of poetry to the realm of prose. Hebe is not a mere abstraction. Observe that adeX<peav is trisyllabic; so d8eX(peoiaiv, /sih. VII. 35. The form d5eX<p6s is not found in Pindar. 5. dva"irv€op.€v k.t.X.] Jhtt we draw not the breath of life, all as one, for the same ends, dvanfew, simply respire. iv\ ?<ra (Triclinius' correction for mss. iw' nemean vrr. I2Q elpyei 8e 7T0T/x&> %uy£vd' h'repov erepa. avv 8k teal 7rat? 6 ^)eapiwvo<; cipera /cpidels ev8oi;o<; delherat, 'S.wyevT]^ perd TrevraedXois. JIV avT. a . TToXlV yap (plkopoXTTOV ol/C€l hopLKTVTTWV AictfciBdv p,a\a 8 edekovTi crvpuireLpov dycovia 6vp.ov up,<peTreLv. 10 el 8e rv^rj tis ep8(ov, pbekltypov alriav i'<ra) with a view to equal destinies. This sentence illustrates the difference of ■wavrts and airavrcs, both of which mean all, but while the latter emphasizes the unity, the former accentuates the plurality. The thought that a number of men should have exactly the same destinies, groups those men closely to- gether, hence airavres ; if Pindar had used a positive expression, he must have said avaTrveofxev iravres ewl 'irepa. 6. cip-yci 8c k.t.X.] But each of us, yoked to his destiny, is severed from his fellow by a different lot. The MSS. have $vybv 6\ and most editors follow Schmid in reading £vyc'v8', which is a very slight change ; e was liable to confusion with O. — Each man has his individual ttot/ulos, to which he is yoked, and the things for which he is destined are 'irepa (not iaa) from the lots of others. Thus individual lives are differentiated ; and e'ipyei expresses the individualisation. <rvv 8c tCv k.t.X.] apera in games is the mark which differentiates Sogenes, and his destiny is determined by the special care and favour of the goddess Ilithyia, whose services to him are expressed in his name, Zw-ye'vris. KpiGcCs resumes the sense of e'lpyei; Sogenes is distinguished by valour, and wins a song as glorious among pentathlon-victors. Dissen is wrong in supposing an opposi- tion between irorp.^ and crvv rlv. — The note of the scholiast is worth quoting : eVioi bk <pa<jL wpos roi'vofxa rod Uluyivovs irapeiKK^adai rr\v WChaiQviav. elvat yap avrrjv tsuyevrj riva dia. to to. yevofxeva B. avaadifciv. tov oiV Ylivoapov ipvxpevaa/xevov wpos Toi'uofia ttjs Y,i\etdvias p.e/j.i>rjcr9ai. The frigidity is a matter of opinion, but the supposition of the eVtot touches :he truth. y. ttoXiv •ydp k.t.X.] For he dwells in the song-loving city of the spear-clash- ing Aeacids. <pCK6ixo\irov and Soplktuituiv (both 6t7rat elprju^va) give or suggest the reasons (introduced by ydp) for Sogenes receiving a song of triumph and winning a victory. io. p.d\a 8' cOc'Xovti k.t.X.] Right fain are they (the Aeacids) to foster a spirit conversed in the art of the games. The word crt>|rircipov is coined by Pindar to combine the two kindred ideas of avvovra and 'ijx-Kupov. I have ventured to render it by coining the expression conversed in, which suggests conversant with (o-vvovra), and versed in (jijx-Ktipov). The subject of eOeXovri is clearly AianlSat, not as Dissen TroXirai (implicit in ttoXis). For dvfxbv a/j.<pe'wea> compare 1. 91. ii. cl 8c /c.t.X.] A successful exploit is an argument, sweet as honey, cast into the streams of the Muses (lit. by a suc- cessful exploit, one casts etc.) ; for mighty deeds of prowess are wrapt in deep dark- ness, if they remain unsung; yea, for fair works we know one, one only mirror, if, by grace of Memory with the shining headband, they win the meed of toils in lines of sounding song. The adjective iJ.e\i<pptov, honey- hearted, (not sweet to the heart, as Liddell and Scott explain) is used in Homer of sleep and wine. ali-Cav is a cause or argument for song. The streams of the Muses are 13° NEMEONIKAI Z\ pooler i Moiaav ivifiaXe' ral /xeydXai >ydp aXicai CTKOTOV TToXvV VflV(OV €%OVTl &eOfjL€Vai' epyoi? 8e /carols ea-otrrpov laap-ev evl aw rpoirw, el ^Avap,oavva^ etcan XirrapafiirvKo^ evprjrcu diroiva pbb^Qwv K\vral<i eirewv aotSat?. 15 crocpol oe fMeXXovra rptralov dve/xov efiaOop, ovo' inro KepSei fiXa/Sev' dcpveos irevij^po^ re Oavarov irapos €7T. a. conceived as already flowing; the p.e\l- (ppup atria determines that the flowing element shall be as honey. Compare below 1. 53. For the absolute use of ti»x«" cf. 01. II. 52 to 5e rvxeiv irapa\vet bvacppovdv. 12. d\i<ai] Compare below d\Kav, 1. 96. The sentiment of these lines is reproduced in a stanza of Horace (iv. 9, 26) omnes illacrimabiles urgentur ignotique longa nocte, carent quia vate sacro. The metaphor of the mirror begins with ctkotov. For ix €LV o-KOTov Dissen cites Euripides, Incert. fr. 51 ^ 5' evKdfieia ckotov ix eL Ka Q' EXXctSa. 15. Mvajioervvas XuraprifnruKOs] The striking adjective Xiirapd/xTrvi;, which Pindar seems to have coined, is chosen on account of the metaphor. The head- band of Memory is conceived as a bright surface which reflects. In Pyth. III. 89 we find xP v<ja l xlr ^ KUlv MoktSi' (in 01. VII. 64 this adjective is applied to Lachesis). \nrapa/j.wvKos is emphatic, compare below line 99. 17. cro<j>ol 8c /c.t.X.] Wise men learn to know the wind that is to blcnv on the third day, and are not perverted at the beck of gain. Difficulties have been dis- covered in the words virb Kepbei (3\d(3ev, and (3d\ov of Triclinius (which might find a doubtful support in \dfitv of D) led to Donaldson's dirb nepbei ftaKov. But /3Xd- (3ev is demonstrated to be ri^ht by airo- fiXaiTTei in the corresponding verse of the third epode (1. 60); cf. Mezger, p. 374. Dissen and Mezger however are hardly to be followed in their assumption of a tmesis and a verb viropXaTrru. It is quite legitimate to suppose that Pindar might have coined such a verb if he had wished to express some subtlety for which /3\a7TTw was inadequate ; but it is clear that in the present case the com- pound verb would have no force. And even if we could think some shade of meaning into it, the interpretation would be infelicitous; for we should thereby lose the poetical phrase £7™ icepbu, which is more suggestive and 'elegant' than Kepbei alone. Gain is the seducer, the influence which causes the /3Xa/3?7; and 1171-6 expresses a little less than subjection, a good deal more than accompaniment. In fact vtrb Kepbei suggests phrases such as ecpofiydep v<p' "EKropi and <Zpro Kvp.a woiy viro, on the one hand, and on the other hand vir' avX^rrjpi irpoo-0' Zklov (Hesiod, Se. Her. 283). flXdfiev was the reading of the scholiast who wrote : ovx virnovvrai 7rp6s rb napbv dyaOov, and again oi'»x' did rb irapbv Kepbos, Kepbos be to rod nXou ei'biov, e^p-idOriaav rbv p.erd ravra ttXovv k.t.X. 19. dejmos irtvixpos t« k.t. X. ] The rich man and the poor man hie together to the presence of Death. The mss. have Oavarov irapd crap.a. ' The reading of Hermann Oavarov rrdpa Oap.1 must be NEMEAN VII 131 afxa veovrat. eyco 8e ir\eov eXirofiai, 20 \6<yov 'OSucrcreo? rj irddav Std rou dhveirr) 'yevea^ , 'O/jLrjpov. eVel yp-evSecrl Fot iroravd '/z<£t ^layavd <rrp. ft'. rejected because 6ap.d (as Dr Ingram has shewn) can only mean often, which has no sense here ; and for the same reason Bergk's Oavdrov iropov o~dp.a (cf. crapuvd' dafiivd, avvex&s" AaKwves, Hesy- chius) cannot stand. Wieseler's Oavdrov Trepan &/j.a has found favour with many, but on closer examination its specious- ness disappears. In the first place, the textual critic asks, why should such a very simple and common phrase have been corrupted in the MSS.? In the second place, we have to assume that Trepas davdrov (that is, the end of life which consists in death ; would not Pindar have written either re\os davdrov or Trepas /3tou?) is used in a very rare construction (veop.ai without a prepo- sition, H 335) with a verb of motion. The reading which I have adopted davdrov Trdpos a/xa veovrat both satis- fies the critical conditions of the prob- lem and ascribes to Pindar a simple poetical picture instead of a common- place phrase. The preposition or adverb 7rapos is generally used of priority in time; it is comparatively rarely employed to express relations of space. Hence a scribe, unfamiliar with the more ancient usage, in deciphering an uncial MS., read TT&pOC&MA as 7rap<x crdp.a (aap.a = arnxa, a tomb), regarding as a mistake for A. In the case of nepas d/xa such a mis- reading would have been unlikely because 7repas was familiar ; in the case of Trdpos, it was natural, because Trdpos, in the sense of before (temporal), yielded no sense. For Trdpos in front 0/"with genitive, cf. Euripides, Phoenissae 127 1 dvrels rwvde dup-druv trdpos, Orestes in <3 reKvov, e"i;e\d', "Eipfuov-q, 86/j.a)i> Trdpos (note, after a veil) of motion), 121 6 56p.wv Trdpos pUvovaa, &c. irdpos calls up a picture of the rich man and the poor man stand- ing together in front of Death. Bergk's suggestion iropov is at least more poetical than Wieseler's irepas; it reminds us of Tennyson's 'dolorous strait '. 20. iyu 8c k.t.X.] I trow that the tale of Odysseus surpassed his suffering on account of the sweet minstrelsy of Homer. eXwo/xaL I imagine. The MSS. have 77 Trddav which I retain ; Triclinius' irddev, with which we should have to understand a, is hardly possible. 22. iirtl k.t. X. ] For his falsehoods, through -winged artifice, wear a flower of dignity ; but craft deceiveth and leadeth astray by words, and the heart of 'most mot hi company together is blind. Foi, that is 'O/xr/puj. For Trorava' p.axavq. of poetry compare Pyth. vin. 33 (tw rebv xpf°*> w 7rcu, vewrarov na\Qv tfxa iroravbv ajx<f>l /xaxava. Dissen illustrates frrso-ri by Aristophanes, Clouds 1025 ws i)56 aov roicri Xo'70(s auxppov eirecrrtv dvOos, com- pare the scholium, rots yap vepl 'Odvaaeus KeKrjpvy/j.i'vois aefivorrjs ris eirrivdei. The MSS. read irOTava jxaxava, Her- mann inserts re, Schmid ye. The passage quoted from the Eighth Pythian suggests that *|x4>i fell out, and if we write the words in uncials we find this suggestion palaeographically sound. TTOTANAIMcblMAX&NAI The close succession of im, im, led l>\ 'parablepsia' to the omission of <biM ; and thus produced the same effect as the omission of m<J>i. For the scansion of ■trorava dfx<pi cf. 01. XIII. 99 drj dp.<por{pw- Oev (the certain and universally accepted correction of mss. 5' dp.cpore'pwdev by Boeckh and Hermann). I would write however 5t/ 'puporepudev, regarding it as a case of prodelision. 9—2 132 NEMEONIKAI Z. ae/xvov eirearl ti' aocpia Be KXetrrei 7rapd<yoiaa piv6oi<;' rv(p\6v € X €t rirop o/xtXo? dvBpwv o 7t\€lctto<;. ei <yap rjv irav akaOetav IBefiev, ov tcev ottXcov ^o\&>#ei<? 25 6 Kaprepo<; Ata? eira^e Bid (frpevwv \evpov ^l(f>o<;' ov Kparitnov 'A%tX.eo? drep pdya %avd(o Mei^eXa Bdfjiapra KOfjbicrai doais 23. o-o<j>(a] This ffo<pla, craft, skill in poetry, is other than that of the wise men of line 17. 24. el -yap t^v k.t.X.] Bergk's brilliant emendation erav, for edv of the MSS., has elucidated this passage. For the rare word iros ( = £tv/j.os, err/Tv/Acis) Bergk gives abundant authority. In a scholium on Homer A 133 we read: 2<ttiv irbs ko.1 arj/j.aivei rdv dXyjdrj, ii; ov ko.1 irXeovaa p-ip rod e ereos* tovto vapd rb £w to virdpxu, e/xt* e£ avrov irbs 6 dXr]6r]s. Joh. Alex. de ace. p. 29 u>s era TT]/j.evi8Coi> (so Bergk for Hrjfievlbos) XP V<T€0V yivos. Corp. Inscr. Gr. I. 569 crcupws era t elaaKOve ko.1 \6yots irelpav p.a.dthv k.t.X. Compare also 'Etcu0iXci a name of Persephone. Bergk restores the word in two other passages of Pindar; (1) Nem. X. 11, q. v.; (2) Isthm. II. 10 prjfi' dXa0eias <eras> ay- Xttrra fSaivov. In the pi-esent passage erav has that shade of meaning, which Mr Verrall has shown to be constantly associated with trvfios and eTi^rvfios (cf. also below 1. 63 kX^os irrjTv /j.ov), an allusion to the signifi- cance of a name. Pindar alludes ( 1 ) to the fancied connexion of the name Ai'as with aleros, the bird which Homer called TiXaoraTOS ireTerjvwv (9 233), and which in Pindar is the auspice of the Aeacids (the family of Aias) ; this true bird of Ajax is opposed to the l %vinged artifice' of Homer the poet of Odysseus. (2) He alludes to the name "OfM7]pos, which ac- cording to an Ionic Vita Homeri meant blind in the Cumaean Aeolic dialect, and which he associates with the b/xiXos of blind heart. Had it been possible to descry the literal truth, it would have been recognized that Ajax was the true eagle and that the adherents of Odysseus were as blind in heart, as his poet in vision. Render : For if they could have dis- cerned the truth assured by his very name, the staunch Ajax would not, in wrath for arms, have planted the smooth s~word blade in his breast, — Ajax the most valiant in battle, save Achilles only, of those who •were borne on swift ships in course direct to the city of Plus, by conduct of the Zephyr, to recover his wife for fair-haired Menelaus. 26. 6 KapTepos Al'as] Cf. 6 Kaprepbs BeXXepo<t>6vTas, 01. xni. 84. Compare the verses on the death of Ajax in Nemean VIII. 23 sqq. and Isthm. III. 34. Horace calls Ajax heros ab Achille sea/ndus, Sat. II. 3, 193, a tradition derived from Homer, B 768 dvdpQv 5' av /xey' apio-ros Zr)v TeXa^tictos Atas &<pp' 'AxiXeis H7)Vi€V b yap iroXv (pipraros riev. 27. Xevpov] This adjective is gene- rally used of sand or rocks. See Intro- duction, p. 118. — Ajax fell on his sword, which he fixed in the ground (cf. Soph. Aj. 828 irewTwra r$8e irepl veoppavTU) £t<pei), and 2ira£e (which meansy?.*^, not plunged) suggests that the sword did not move. 28. KOfiicrou] Infinitive of purpose or end. Pindar generally prefers forms in -lijai (Ko/xt^ai) and -a£cu from verbs in -/fw and -afw. See above note on 11. 24. NEMEAN VII. 133 av vavcrl iropevaav evOvirvoov Ze<fivpoio irofiiral 7rpo? "I\oi» ttoXiv. ciXXa kolvov yap ep^erai avr. /3'. 30 kv/jL WiBa, ireae h dSofcrjrov iv tcai hotceovra' Tifid 8e yiverat,, 29. evOvirvoov] An adjective coined by Pindar. Its purpose is to contrast the direct journey to Troy with the wander- ings of the returning squadrons, referred to below in line 37. For the Zephyr wafting the fleet to Ilion cf. Aeschylus, Agamemnon 1. 674 Ze<pvpov ylyavros avpa. 30. dXXd koivov k.t.X.] But to all alike cornel k the wave of Hades (to swallow them), yea it falleth unexpected on one man and also on him who expecteth it. So Mezger. (For iv with the accusative cf. Pytli. 11. 10 5i<ppov iv 6' apparel. For K<xl occupying the same position as re, Latin que, cf. vvv iv xal reXevrq. 01. vii. 26.) Dissen's rendering caditque in ingloriosos el gloriosos assigns an un- supported meaning to ddoKrjros ; and there is the same objection to Mr Fennell's 'ingloriously even on a glorious hero'. Mezger's view is supported by the schol- ium ifnriiTTei 6 davaros 6p.oius tcai irpeafiv- ripots ko.1 veuripois. (This scholium sup- ports the suggestion, put forward in the Introduction, touching family sorrows of Thearion.) 31. tijuL 84 yLvtrai k.t.X.] But those have honour, whose fame a god causes to wax fair and fine, even the dead war- riors, who come to the great navel of large- bosomed earth. The MSS. have redvaKoruv poadowv toI yap piiyav 6p.<paXbv evpvKoXirov £/xo\e Xdovos, iv llvdioiai 5i Sairidois k.t.X. The scholiast testifies to the reading p.6Xov and Didymus read (3oa8owv wapa p.iyav k.t.X. Much has been written on these lines and many emendations have been proposed. In the first place, the metre shews that yap is corrupt and that a pyrrhic preceded p.iyav; we can hardly hesitate to accept Didymus' napa, as the corruption is explained by the close simi- larity between TTAP and TAP. In the next place it is clear that this corruption led to the punctuation after fioadouip, which is evidently the antecedent of rol. In the third place, the singular Z/noXe and the strange (I believe, impossible) antici- pation of Neoptolemus in this sentence were consequences of the false punctua- tion. In fact the key to this passage is the recognition that the tale of Neoptole- mus cannot begin until 1. 34 with iv Ilv- Qioiai di oairidois. Such emendations as fibvos for HfioXe, yanidois for daTredois, llvdloiffi re for Uvdloici di are quite arbitrary. Mr Arthur Holmes proposed fioadoov Xoyov. As to the warriors who come to Delphi, I may translate the note of Dissen : ' At Delphi were celebrated £eVia at which the god was supposed to entertain those heroes who formerly in their lifetime had come to Delphi on various occasions to worship him. There was a solemn procession at which many victims were killed (cf. below 1. 46 iipwiais irop.irah toXv8vtois)\ Schol. ylveroa. iv AtX<poh r/pwcrt $ivia iv oh doKe? 6 deos iwl £ivia KaXuv tovs T/'pwas. In Homer j3oa96os is an epithet of a chariot (hastening to help) P 481; cf. N 477; and here too it has its proper meaning of helper, refer- ring especially to the heroes who aided Menelaus in recovering Helen, — those who hastened to Troy on swift ships, floats av vavcri (cf. (ioa-dowv). The epithet dppov is applied to glory won in war or games; cf. Kudos aflpov Isthm. 1. 50 and 01. v. 7. Observe that ti/j.6. is represented as superior to X070S; it is conferred by a god, not by a poet ('Xoyov habet Ulysses at non npAv\ Dissen). 134 NEMEONIKAI Z'. a>v 0ed<i afipov av^ei \6yov redvaKorwv^ j3oad6a)v, rol irapcl fieyav op,cpa\6v evpvKokirov fjb6\ov %dov6<?.— iv Hvdloiai Se ScnriSois KeiTai Hpid/jbov iroXtv Neo7rToXe/xo? eirel nrpadev) 35 ra koI Aavaol Trovrjaav' 6 8 aTroirXecov Z/cvpov fiev a/xaprev, ikovto S' els 'Ejcpvpav irXayevre^. MoXocrcria S' ifx/3aalX€vev 6\lyov eV. /3'. yjpovov' clrdp yevos alel <pepev 33. eipuKoXirov] Pindaric coinage. Cf. evpvarepvos of Fata in Hesiod, Theo- gony, 117. ;,4. ev ITv0ioio-i k.t.X.] But Neopto- levins licth in hallowed Pythian ground, after sacking the city of Priam, where also the Danai toiled. But he, sailing home- ward, missed Scyros, and they came to Ephyra, driven from their course. The place of Neoptolemus' burial is mentioned below 1. 44 — an ancient grove close to the temple, ddiredov is the ground of the dXaos. — Dissen explains the consecution KeZrai eirel irpddev thus : 'nunc opus fuit hac laude [Troiae exci- dium] ad dignitatem et praestantiam herois declarandam, tantopere fato hono- rati'. 37. Eicvpov |x€v] Cf. T 326. Ephyra, a town in Epirus, capital of Thesprotia; see Strabo Vll. 324: vTrepKeirai tovtov tov koXttov Kixvpos, r) irporepov 'Ecpvpa, 7r6Xts QecnrpwTwv. See Introduction, p. 119. ir\cry«VT€s] The MSS. give irXayxdiv- res (and irXaxOevTes). Boeckh, in order to rectify the metre, transposed ikovto and TrXayxOevTes (augmented ikovto be- coming unaugmented Ikovto), but this is 'robbing Peter for the benefit of Paul', as the final syllable of a/xapTev is thereby lengthened. In any case the hypothesis of a transposition, when there is no special reason, is improbable and uncriti- cal. Bergk's irXdvaiaiv cannot be ac- cepted, for there is no reason why it should have been tampered with. 1 have adopted my own conjecture nXayevTes, an unfamiliar second aorist of 7rXafw, which was naturally changed in the pro- cess of transcription to the familiar first aorist nXayxO^vTes. In regard to this form it is to be observed that, while the second aorist passive of irX-qo-o-w is in- variably eTrXrjyrjv, its compounds eKwXrjo-- o~t>) and KaTaTrXrjaaio have e^eirXdyqv and KaTeivXdyqv in Attic (i^eTrX^yrjv and KaT€Tr\rjyr]v in older Greek). Why these double forms ? Had irXrjo-o-w two second aorists eTrXijyrjv and eirXdyr]v, of which the latter became wholly obsolete in its simple verb? But eirX-qy-qv can hardly be a 'new formation', for it is the form in older literature, and -enXayrjv is first found in Attic writers. I believe that iirXdyrjv is the second aorist of irXdfa (a verb, indeed, etymologically related to Tr\r)oo-w), and that it contaminated the Attic conjugation of eKTrXrjTTU, owing to the connexion between the meanings of eKTr\rjTTeo-8at., to be driven out of one's senses (cf. irXdytos), and of TrXd^eadat, to be driven out of one's course. The difference between eirXdyrjv and enXdyx- 6t)v (which has perhaps been intruded into the place of eirXdyyjv in other pas- sages also) is that the former has a passive, the latter a middle meaning. 38. Mo\o<ro-ia] There was an Aea- cid dynasty in Molossia; Neoptolemus was succeeded by his son Molossus. — cp.j3aaiXe6u is a Homeric compound. 39. aToip -yevos k.t.X.] But his race after him for ever had this prerogative NEMEAN VII 135 40 tovto Fot yipa<;. <*>X ero ^ ""po? deov, Kreav dywv Tpotadev aKpoQivLwv' 'iva /cpedtv viv virep /na%a9 ^Xaaev avrnvyovr dvt)p p.aya^p^ fidpvvdev Se irepicrad AeX^ot tjevayerat. crrp. 7 . dWa to fAopcrifiov direhwiceV exPV v ^ T ^' evSov d\o~ei iraXaLTajw AlaKtSdv tcpeovrcov ro^otirbv e/xfievai 45 6eov Trap curet^ea Sop,ov, ijpcoiais Se iro/JLTrals dep.L(Tfc67rov ol/celv eovra iro\vdvTOL<; m €v(t)Wfiov e? hiicavj rpla teiiea htapKeaet' (that is, his descendants were kings in Molossia). &,T&p=autem, <pipev = habebat, foi Dat. commodi. — This remark is not without its special purpose; see below, 1. 100. 41. KTtav ayu>v k.t.X.] Taking with him rich first-fruits of the booty won from Troy, as an offering to Apollo. 42. I'va Kpewv /c.t.X.] Where (at Del- phi) he engaged by chance in a combat touching flesh-offerings and was smitten by a man with a knife. The man who slew Neoptolemus was Machaereus, a Delphic priest. — The anastrophe of inrep, separated by viv from its case, is unusual, perhaps unparalleled (worl at iravra Xoyov in Pyth. II. 66 is the extremely doubtful reading of Boeckh). With p.axo.% ivrt- tvxovt' cf. avriaaai. 7ro\e/xoto. By avrt- tvxovtcl, instead of avriaaavra, Pindar expresses that the conflict was casual, not aforethought. Various traditions concerning Neop- tolemus' visit to Delphi are given in the scholia, but need not be quoted here. 43. pdpvv0€V 8« k.t.\. ] And the hos- pitable Delphians were vexed exceedingly, fiapwdev for e(3apuvdr]oa.i>. ^evayerai oc- curs only here. 44. dXAd k.t.X.] He (Neoptolemus) hozvever paid the debt of fate. But meet it was that there should be one of the Aeacid kings in the precincts of the grove most ancient, hard by the god's fair-walled house, and should dwell there to preside at the processions of heroes, honoured with many sacrifices, for enforcement of aus- picious guest-right. For Ivdov aXffei cf. ZvSov riyei Nem. in. 54. — 6e(uo-K6irov does not occur else- where, but may be compared to another Pindaric compound 8epu<TKptu>v, Pyth. v. 29. Neoptolemus presides at the ^evia, to enforce the laws of guest-right, which Pindar, alluding to the Euxenid name, calls evibvvp.os diKa: see below 1. 85 ei)w- vvp-ip narpa. — Various views have been held regarding the punctuation of 11. 47, 48. Some place a full stop at ito\vOvtois, reading 1. 48 as one sentence, but this does not yield a fair sense. Others punc- tuate at evwwfiov. The recognition of the true meaning of evdivv/ios 5ka decides for Hermann's punctuation, which I have followed. — Pausanias (x. 24. 5) mentions the tomb of Neoptolemus, and adds kcu ol Kara, iros evayifrvatv ol Ae\(poi. 48. rpCfx. k.t.X.] Three words will suffice; no false loon is the witness; he (Neoptolemus) presideth over doughty deeds. \j/«v8is (not found elsewhere) is contemptuous, like ydo-rpis. As a rare word it is designed to attract attention and to suggest that Pindar does not imi- tate the Homeric if/ev5e<n of line 22. — The idea of Hermann (adopted by Mezger) that the following words Atyiva — inybvwv depend on epyp.aaii>, and that the new sentence begins at dpavu is certainly wrong. Neoptolemus is an ewitTTdT-qs of 136 NEMEONIKAI Z'. ov yjrevbis 6 pbdprvs' epyp,a<riv irriararel. Atytva, rewv Atd? T iicyovwv dpacrv fxot rob' eiirelv 50 (paevvals dperais oBbv KVpiav Xoyoiv dvr. y' . otKodev ' aXXd yap avairavcns iv iravrl yXv/cela tepyrp ' Kopov € X et zeal pbeki Kal rd rkpivv dvde 'AcppoBlcrta. <pva S' e/cacrro? hiCMpepopbev fBuordv Xa^ovre^, 6 p,ev rd, rd S' aXXoi' rvyelv 8' ev dhvvarov 55 evhaipioviav drracrav dveXopuevov' ovk e%a) eirreiv, rivt rovro Motpa reXos ep.ireSov wpe^e. Seapicov, rlv 8' ioi/cora Katpbv oXjBov the games, not a mere -rrpovTaT-qs or special defensor in the interests of Aeginetans. '4py\i.a.<riv means the exploits of all com- petitors in the games celebrated at the Delphic xenia. Those who are familiar with the manner of Pindar will recognise, I believe, that Aiyiva begins a new sentence. 50. Afyiva A.-.T.X.] / am emboldened (9pao~v fj.oi rode = Herri fioi rode to ddpcros), O Aegijia, to proclaim for the bright deeds of bravery of the children of thee and Zens a stab lis hed highroad of praises leading from their home, dpercus is Dative, as Dissen takes it, not instrumental. — Mr Fennell is right in comparing xvpiav 686v with 656v d/xa^Tov (A'cm. vi. 53), but the former is somewhat stronger. The idea i> that the deeds of the Aeacids are a highroad in the land of Greek myth. ;2. d\\d "y^p k.t.X.] But I 'will not, for in every 'work rest is su>eet : yea, honey can pall and the delicious flowers of Aphrodite's garden. For the signifi- cance of these words see Introduction; also above 1. 1 1 (ixe\l<ppov ') and below 1. 74. — Mr Fennell reads Tepwvavdea, a compound which, had it been found in the mss., we should be strongly tempted to emend. lie does not translate his reading, but I suppose that it means 'the uses of Aphrodite, whose flower is de- light". The text is quite sound, the grammar being rd Tipirv dvtiea, dvde 'A<ppo5L<ria. That the pleasures of food and love have a limit is a commonplace; the proverb is introduced here in words which fit it for a figurative application. 54. <J>vd 8' 2k<xo-tos k.t.X.] By our individual natures we differ and the gifts of life are variously allotted to men ; but that one man should win the prize of happiness complete is impossible ; I cannot say to whom Fate hath proffered this con- summate gift as a sure possession. Pindar returns here to the reflexions of 11. 5 — 6. — The singular number of |3io- rdv is due to eVacrros. /3iord itself is a collective word which includes many ex- periences ; hence the plural rd in line 55 — the things which make up the indi- vidua? s (Biord. dveX.€o-9ai is often found in Herodotus of winning victories, dira- crav has its strict force, in all its fulness. For Moipa compare 1. 1 ; for t'lxireb'ov (predicate extended) see 1. 98. Compare Introduction, p. 125. A passage in the Third Pythian, 1. 86 sqq. illustrates Pindar's thought : aiup 8' dff(pa\r)s ovk tyevT' oilr' AiaKlda irapd Tlrfkei oiSre Trap' avridio} Kd5p.u)' Xtyovrai fxdv fipOTwv 6\j3ov viriprarov o'i crx^f, dire k.t.X. 58. 0€apUv k.t.X.] But to thee, O 7'ltearion, she gives a meet measure of NEMEAN VII. 137 SiSooai, roXfxav re /caXcov dpopivw eV. 7'. crvveaiv ovk dtro^XdirTet (ppevwv. 60 %elv6s elfii' (TKoreivbv dtrkyuiv yjroyov, v8a,To$ u*T6 pods (pl\ov e? dvhp dycov K\eo<i ir^Tvpou alviaco' irori^opos 8' wyadolcri paados 01)7-09. icov 8' €771)9 'A^at09 ou p,ep,-tyeTaL p, avr/p arp. 8'. weal, and, having endued thee with a spirit fain of fail - adventures, she perverts not the understanding from thy breast. Kcupos] due measure (to /xeaov), not necessarily of time. Christ's KXdpov is not needed. Compare Pyth. I. ,^6 ovtoj 5' 'lepcovi Qeos opOwrrjp tt4\oi...wv iparai. Kaipbv SiSous (gratifying his desires in due measure). ro\fj.av is the temper which undertakes courageous deeds. diropXaTr- T«i means disables and expels from, (ppevdv depending on dirh. The expres- sion corresponds to (3\d(3eu in 1. 18 (the second verse of the first epode) ; Thearion was one of the wise men who gauge the wind of the third day. See Introduction. 6 1 . ijtivos cl|u k.t.X. ] / am your guest- friend. Averting the dark shadow of blame, as by streams of water directed upon my friend, will I sing of a glory true to the letter. This is a meed that cometh to good men. The meaning of k\«'os €tt]'tv|xov is evident from the atmo- sphere of its environment (if I may be allowed the expression) ; — %eivos in 1. 61 , TTpo^evLg. in 1. 65 shew that the k\cos literally true is the name of Sogenes' clan, Ev£ei>l5ai (see below 1. 70) which is called a evJivvfios irdrpa in 1. 85. For the force of eTrjTv/xov, as shown by Mr Verrall for Aeschylus, see above, note on 1. 25. The streams of water signify neither the abundance nor the gratefulness of the praise as Dissen and Mezger re- spectively hold. The surface of the water is to be a clear reflector of the fame of the Euxenidae, which will thus shine through the darkness. The similar collocation of poala t and gkotov in 11. 12,13 proves this beyond all doubt.— The circumstance, that the last syllable of eifii would naturally be lengthened before <tk while the metre requires its brevity, has caused the suspicion of commentators to fall upon <tkot€ivov. It is possible that it may be a gloss on some rarer word of identical meaning ; but it would be hazar- dous to emend. Tverpai-q re o-kitj in Ilesiod, Works and Days, 1. 589 may be quoted in defence of the metrical liberty, and (Xkotov in 1. 13 distinctly supports <jkotu- vbv. We certainly cannot accept Bergk's KeXaivov or ipeftevvov. 64. €wv 8' eyyvs k.t.X.] But if an Achaean man be near, who dwelleth on the Ionian sea, he "will not blame me; I trust in my office of proxenos. In the streets of Aegina there were many foreig- ners, and Pindar might count on the possibility of an Epirot (Molossian) being actually there when the ode was sung. A man from Epirus would be jealous for the honour of Neoptolemus (see below 11. 102 sqq.). Mr Arthur Holmes, 1 believe, was the first to point out the meaning of 'Axa'os dv-qp. — For xnr€p compare the passage of Strabo quoted above on 1. 37, and ib. 326 to. virlp tov 'loviov k6\ttov, also Thucydides, 1. 46 &rn 5^ Xifirjv ko.1 7r6Xis iiirip avTov Keirat a7r6 OaXdffarjs (quoted by Dissen). Mr Holmes (The Nemean Odes of Pindar with special reference to Nem. VII.) has this note on birip: ' If virip be really to Trepi what the highest vertical point of a curve would be to the curve itself, what preposition could more exactly describe the position of Kichyros, the city of Thesprotia, here 138 NEMEONIKAI Z. 'lofta? VTrep dXos ol/ciwV irpo^evia nreTroiO'? ev re 8afJ,6rai<i 65 ofAfxari hepKOfJLca Xafinpov, ov-% virepfiakutv, fiLaia iravT £/c 7roSo9 epvcrai<i, 6 &e \017r09 evtypwv 7totI xpovos Gpiroi. [iddoov Se tls avepel, supposed to be mentioned? We know from Strabo that Kichyros stood upon a cliff ; the sloping of the coast might well represent the higher portion of the curve whose lower portion would be the reflec- tion in the waters '. — The MSS. have sal wpo^evia, a long syllable too much for the metre. Hermann omits kcu, while Momm- sen reads ko.1 £evia. The omission of kclI is clearly a gain for the structure and style ; and I think nal can be explained as a gloss on re : iv re 8a/j.6rais = nai kv da/xoraLS. — This passage shews that Pin- dar was proxenos for the Epirots. Dissen observes ' suspicor Pindarum hospitia gratuita habuisse per Graeciam qualia Amphictyones alio tempore decrevere Polygnoto; cf. Plin. Hist. Nat. xxxiv. 2, 33'. But this passage does not prove the suspicion. From a scholium on 1. 64 we learn the fact that offence was given to the Aegi- netans by a Paean of Pindar : nadoXov yap awoXoyeiodaL ^ovXerai. irepl rod Neo- trroXe'p.ov Oavdrov trpbs tovs Alyivrjras ' eneivoi yap fini^vro rov Ilivoapov on ypd- <pwv AeXcpois rbv Tlaidva £(f>rj' dfi<pnro- Xoiffi p.apvdp.evov pLoipiav wepl Tifiav aTroXuXevat.. 65. 'iv T6 8a|xoTaLS k.t.X.] And amongst my fellow citizens my glance is clear, for I have not broken bounds and have removed all violent uses from before my feet; but may the time to come draw nigh with kindly purpose. The 5a- /uo'tcu are the Thebans as opposed to %kvoi. With ojijiaTi k.t.X. cf. Nem. X. 40 ju.77 Kpinrreiv (pdos o/j./xdruv, where the con- nexion however is very different, Xa/nrpov SipKeadaL is the clear gaze of a free soul. tiirtpPaXcov = inrepfiaXwv /xirpov, excedens moduin (Dissen). Donaldson appropri- ately cites a gloss of Hesychius, i/nep- (3oXla- Kdpos, vfipis. — epixrais £k 7ro56s refers to dragging away impediments from one's path. 7toti — Zpiroi, tmesis. 68. |ao.0wv 8e k.t.X. ] But whoso understandeth me will proclaim, whether I come with the discords of crooked parley on my lips. dvep€t] The MSS. have a? epel which is supposed to be an instance of the Homeric construction of av with the future indica- tive. But i) this construction is extremely doubtful, out of Homer. The few in- stances cited from Attic prose writers are clearly due to errors in the MSS. The passage in Euripides' Electra, I. 484 (k<xv '£t en cpbvtov o\j/op.ai al/xa) is ob- viously corrupt (see Weil's note). (2) If we allow that Pindar may, in this single passage, have adopted this epic con- struction, it is hard to see what force the words av epel can possibly have. (3) Even without av, epel would be in- tolerably weak, and the statement point- less. (4) As the text stands this sentence is isolated; some connexion with what follows seems required. — It is hardly necessary to mention the suggestion that av should be taken with /xadwv. The difficulty has arisen from a slight error of a copyist who divided avepel into two words, just as, below 1. 89, he divided dvexoi into av '4x 01 ( see n ote). In Pyth. 1. 32 (and x. 8) we find aviewe, aorist of dvayopevu, used of the herald proclaiming the victor in a contest, dvepe?, the future, has a similar force here ; for these words (fjLadwv k.t.X.) are closely connected with the following lines. When the opponent of Sogenes overstepped the line marking the beginning of the spear-throw (see next note), the question arose whether he was disqualified; and when the judges gave it against him, their judgment must NEMEAN VII. '39 el irap /xe\os epyopial ■^r/iyiov oapov ivveireov. Ev^eviSa ircvrpaOe "Scoyeves, virop.vvw k have been made known to the spectators by a *%)i/£. Pindar applies this incident to his own case (see Introduction), and avepel introduces the metaphor of the following lines. p.a6Ccv Si tls dvepe? means when the truth is ascertained, proclama- tion will be made; zvhether etc. This restitution can hardly be called a change. It removes all difficulties of construction, and restores the continuity of thought. For irap jw'Xos cf. 01. IX. 39 to navxdv- 6ai irapa Kaipov paviaicnv inroxpeKei, un- seasonable vaunting sounds a jarring chord of madness. — Hesychius gives the gloss \pdyiou ' wXdyiov, Xo^bv, eirtKeKXinevov. It is only to be wondered that B has pre- served the right word, uncorrupted. Schneider's ipoyiov and Ahrens' \j/eXX6v are worthy of Byzantine scribes. 70. EvfjevtSa k.t.X.] Sogenes, of Eu- xenid clan, I swear that I overstepped not the line when I propelled my swift tongue like a bronze-lipped spear, -which released thy neck and thews from the sweat of the wrestling-bouts, ere thy body met the rays of the burning sun. The MSS. have diro|Avvw, which would mean, I swear that I propelled not. With Bergk I follow the reading of the scholiast utto/j-vvu. |Ai] refers only to wpo^ds ' with- out having overstepped'. T^p|ia is the line which must not be overstepped by the throwers. The mere use of trpofiaivu ('step in front of) excludes the old idea that r^pfxa meant ' the limit of the throw ' ; in such a sense, wpopds assuredly could not take the place of inreppaXuiv. In this difficult passage German criti- cism has conspicuously failed, and more light has been thrown on the problem of the pentathlon by the researches of Prof. Gardner, Mr Fennell and Dr Waldstein than by the learning of Hermann, Dissen and Dr Pinder. There can be no doubt that Pindar's words contain an allusion 70 to some circumstance connected with Sogenes' victory, and there might seem to be a choice between two alternatives. (1 ) Sogenes' victory in the spearthrow- ing was decisive for his victory in the pentathlon, and the wrestling test was un- necessary. The order of the five events in the pentathlon was as follows: aXpt.a, &kwi>, diaKos, 5p6/j.os, Tra\r] (leaping, spear-throw- ing, disc- h urliiig. rutin iug, zurcstling) . The order olkwv, 6'ktkos is generally reversed, but Dr Waldstein's observation that ' the Diskos as compared with the Akontismos was papvs, while the Akontismos was light and required above all steadiness of eye and arm' (apud Fennell, A T emean and Isthmian Odes, p. xx) is decisive for the priority of the spearthiowing. If one competitor won three of the first four events, he was declared victor and no wrestling contest took place (a case of Tpia.yp.6s, or dirorpid^aC). This might have been achieved by Sogenes. If so, the question arises, why does Pindar specially mention the spear throw, the second event, as decisive? This difficulty might be removed by the supposition that Sogenes' strong points were leaping and running, and that his victory in spear- throwing was an unexpected stroke of good fortune. This good fortune might have been due to the circumstance that a superior opponent overstepped the line, and thus repp-a irpofids would have a special point. Against this view the word €^'ir€ji\(/ev seems to me to be decisive. eK-rrip-wu is by no means a synonym of etcXvu. Such a phrase as (Kirip.irnv kclkov could not be used if the evil had never existed ; and in the same way iKirip-neiv iraXaicrpxiTwi> would be a false phrase if no wrestling had taken place. This consideration is fatal also to the theory of Mr Fennell, (who takes 6s e&irep.\l/(i> "which is wont i 4 o NEMEONIKAI Z'. /X7] repfxa 7r/?o/9a? aKovf? wre %aXtco7rdpaov opaai donv fXwcraav, 09 etc a eirepu^ev iraXaicrfMarcov dvr. B' . av^eva teal aOevos dBiavrov, aWwvi trplv deXiw yvlov epbtreaelv. el 7r6vo<; tjv, to repirvov irXeov ireBep^erai. ea /£€" vlkqovtI ye ydpiv, el rt irepav aepdels 75 dvetcpayov, ov Tpa%v<; el fit rcaradefiev' elpetv (TTe<pdvou<; iXacppov. dvafidXeo. M.oi<rd tol KoXXd j^pvabv ev re Xevicbv eXecpavd' dp,a to dismiss") that Sogenes 'discharged his spear in the pentathlon with his foot advanced beyond the line, which marked the beginning of the throw, and so having failed to gain the third victory was obliged to go on to the wrestling '. This view moreover attributes to Pindar the statement, 'I have not overstepped the mark, as you did'. But though I am unable to accept Mr Fennell's inter- pretation of this passage, I must grate- fully acknowledge the instruction that I have derived from his learned essay on the Pentathlon. (2) The expression i^tirt^ev iraXaicr- IxliTuiv clearly implies that Sogenes wrestled, but a fortunate accident re- leased him from the labour betimes ; and the fact that he wrestled is confirmed (as Mr Fennell points out) by ei wovos rp> 1. 74. The fortunate accident was of course connected with the spear-throw- ing. An opponent of Sogenes trans- gressed the line behind which he should have stood and was disqualified for an event, in which perhaps he hoped to win. He consequently retired from the compe- tition, and Sogenes was released from the necessity of contending with an additional adversary, probably a dangerous adver- sary, in the wrestling. This view is held by Bergk, and it demands a slight altera- tion in the reading of the MSS. The second personal pronoun <re is required after i^lwefi\(/€v, and so Bergk reads 6 a for 8s, translating id quod te discedere fecit. But 6 would almost necessarily mean to 6.K0VTO. opacu, not rb ripixa irpo^rjvai. 8$ is right ; the spear, that is the spear- throwing (owing to the accident which befel his rival), delivered him from one wrestler. The mistake lies in e%t- Tre/j.\f/tv, a most natural and simple cor- ruption of Zk a £ire[jL\pev, from which in pronunciation it can have but very slightly, if at all, deviated. 71. x a ^ K0 ' n '*P ( 3- 0V ] The expression Xa.XKOTrdpq.ov olkovto. occurs in Pyth. I. 44. In Homer the epithet is only used of helmets, dodv is used on account of the metaphor; cf. Nem. X. 69 Akovti 6o<£. For op<rai with yXQaaav, cf. 01. XIII. 12 To\fj.a Te noi evdeia yXuavav opvvei Xt'-yeiP. 73. aSiavrov] That is, dviSpuri. 74. el irovos t\v k.t.X.] If toil there was, greater is the delight that follcweth. repirvbv answers to repirva. in 1. 53 (see Introduction) . 75. ea p.6 k.t.X. ] Let me be. If, lifted too high, I uttered a loud scream, to a victor certainly my art is not rough in pay- ing her gracious debt. It is a light thing to twine garlands. Sound a loud prelude; surely, the Muse is welding together gold and -white ivory and the delicate flower which she has filched from the foam of the sea. 'ia. /ie implies, ' I will not deceive or disappoint you'. For dviKpayov cp.£ 467. 77. avapdXeo] addressed by the poet to himself. Schol. dvrl tov dvaicpovov Kai apxov ti X^ytiv eXacppios wepl tQiv ore- cpdvwv. 78. \P" cr ° v ] 1° no other passage in classical Greek poetry, as far as I know, NEMEAN VII. 141 Kal Xelpiov avdepiov irovTias vfyeXola iep<ra<;. Ato? Se fte/MvcifMevos d/i<f>l Ne/zea eV. 8'. 80 7ro\v(f)arov dpoov vfxvcov Sovei davya. /3aai\T]a 8e Oecov Trpeirei ScnreSov dv rohe yapvefxev d/xepa. OTTt' XeyovTi yap A.laic6v viv inrb /xarpoSoKOfi yovacs (j^vrevcrai, ira fxev nroXlap^ov ev(ovvp,a> irciTpa, arp. € . 85 is the first syllable of xP l,cro 's shortened. The v of x/H'ceos, on the other hand, may be regarded as common; in Pindar it is found short ten times (e.g. Nem. v. 7). 79. Xeiptov av06f«>v] white coral, ' the foam -flower'. Xeiptov is adjectival ( = Xei- pivos), and while it suggests the lily means slender or fine. Compare xp° a XetpLOiVTa delicate skin, N 830; oira \eipi6ea<ra.i', of the thin small voice of grasshoppers, r 52. Compare also Hesychius Xeipws' 6 l<rx"bs Kal uxpos, and Xeipioevra ■ awaXd, Xei6iot> yap to &i>6os ' did [read &vdos did] tt]v Xeiorrjra... This foam-flower corresponds to the avdea 'A<ppo5lcria, flowers of the foam- born queen, of line 53 (see Introduction). 80. Aios 8t k.t.X.] Zeus is mentioned because he was celebrated by the Nemean games (ap.<pi, in connexion with, in regard to). Sovelv, to shake or set in motion occurs in Pytlt. I. 44 axovra iraXdpa Sovtwv (making the spear vibrate); Pyth. VI. 36 of a soul shaken by passion, bov-qdeiaa <pprjf (cf. ib. iv. 219). In Pyth. x. 39 we find it used of lyres and flutes : Traura 5e X°P 01 trapdevwv Xvpdv re /3ocu Kavaxai r' av\Qv dovtov- rai which we might render, alt the air is shaken by dances of maidens and loud notes of lyres and ringing music of flutes. Dissen's interpretation of dovei in the passage before us, as a metaphor from spear-hurling, can hardly be accepted, especially in view of the passage cited from the Tenth Pythian. We may trans- late : /;/ praise of Zens, whom A r emea calls to mind, let the sounds of many voices vibrate to low music. Meet is it on this floor with utterance soft to sing the king oj the gods. •7ro\v<|>aTOS 8poos] is the sound of voices singing in harmony. ao"i'x? and dp-epa owl are expressions appropriate to the music of the lyre, as distinguished from the music of the flute. 83. 8aire8ov] The floor of the Aeaceum, where the victory of Sogenes was cele- brated. This is clear from rode ; the connexion of thought being that as Zeus is the father of Aeacus, it is meet to cele- brate him in the house of his son. 84. [AaTpoSoKois] /xarpodoKos (accent so) is not found elsewhere, inro, by virtue of; compare Isth. V. 44 e&xais inrb Oecr- veaiais. viv is the subject of (pinevo-ai. 85. tra |«v k.t.X.] A prune for a family of truly auspicious name (lit. a ruler of their city for a true fair-named clan). Aeacus was the first dpxbs of the 7roXis to which the Euxenidae belonged. The MSS. have ipa which yields no sense. Pauw proposed re£, but the following clause excludes the second person here. Hermann's eq. has found more supporters ; but there are two objections to it. (1) ea was not likely to become e//£ ; (2) the remark that Aeacus was a iroXiapxos for his own tvarpa, the Aeacids, is weak and irrelevant. He was more than iroXiapxos for the Aeacids, he was their irpbyovos', there is some meaning in calling him a iroXiapxos for other families of Aegina. It is clear that the warpa meant is that of 142 NEMEONIKAI Z. 'Hpa/cXee?, creo Be irpoirpewva fiev %e2vov dBeXcfieov r. yeverai dv8po<; dvrjp Tl, <pal/j,ev K6 yeirov efifievai voip cpiXycravT drevei yeiTovi ^ap/xa ttcivtcov eird^iov' el 8' avrb teal Oeds dve%oi, ev tlv k edeXoL, TlyavTas 09 eBdfjbacras, einv^w^ vaieiv irarpl ^.(oyevr)<; drdkov dp,<pe7ro)v Ovfjiov 7rpoy6va>v ev/CT7]p,ova ^adeav dyvtdv. iirel TeTpaopoicnv c5#' dpp,aTQ)v ^uyol<i ei I Be 90 avr. e the Euxenicls ; and a connexion between the Euxenids and Aeacus is a necessary link in Pindar's argument, (a) Heracles is the ^eipos of Aeacus ; (/>) Aeacus is the prince of the city to which the Euxenids belong; hence (c) Heracles may be ex- pected to interest himself in the Euxenids. Line 85 expresses (b). This interpreta- tion is confirmed by the adjective evwvv- /jlos, which here refers to the name Ei)£e- v 18 at, just as in 1. 48 it referred to the ^eyiaat Delphi. Heracles and the Euxe- nids are conceived to be joined by the bond of %evia, even as the Delphians and Neoptolemus. (See Introduction.) The word, then, replaced by ip.q must be a word likely to be corrupted and must be compatible with the reference of warpS. to the clan of Sogenes. era (see above, note on 1. 25) satisfies these conditions perfectly. It emphasises the reference in evwvtifup, — a clan whose actual name is auspicious — and answers to err\rvp.ov kX4os in 1. 63. 86. 'HpaKXees K.r.X.] 7'hy own dear guest-friend and brother, Heracles, irpo- •rrptuSva £«ivov corresponds to Trpo^evla. (same position in line) 1. 65. rrpowpewv, a word only found here (perhaps con- nected with proprius ; compare dwtwv : socius). A 8£ ■y«u€Tai k.t.X.] But if a man hath any fruition of man, we sJiould say that a neighbotir is to his neighbour a priceless joy, if he loved him with steadfast heart. yetierai would be in prose d7ro\atfei. Pindar is thinking of Hesiod, Works and Days, 1. 344 irrjixa Kai(bs yelrwv, oacrov r dyadbs fity' bveiap, ^ixfiopi rot rifx.TJs out' Hfi/Mope ydrovos iaOXov. Alcman, fr. 50 (Bergk. P. L. G.) /ieya yeirovi yelrwv. For vow drevi'icL Hesiod, Theog. 1. 660. — For other reminiscences of Hesiod cp. above vi. 3; note on iv. 59; Isih. V. 66 ka.ji.Trwv be /xeXtrav i'pyot.s bird^wv HaLoSov /xaXa rifiq, rovr' twos. 89. cl 8' avrd k.t.X.] But if a god also should uphold this truth (principle), or be true to this sa7v. /ecu deos opposed to dvijp. avro is the sentiment of the preceding statement, ave'xoi, is a certain restoration of Thiersch for dv ?x 01 - Bergk however reads dXfyoi. 90. «v tiv k tSe'Xoi k.t.X.] testing on thee, who didst subdue the Giants, Soge- nes we7-e fain to dwell happily in the wealthy, hallozved street of his ancestors, fostering a spirit of devotion to his sire. Observe that narpl Zwyevrjs responds to wdrpade Zwyeves in 1. 70; and that d/j.(peirwv Ov/xov repeats Ovp.bv dfuptrreiv of 1. 10. For the significance, see Intro- duction, pp. 119 and I8i. 93. eird k.t.X. ] This passage has usually been misinterpreted. (1) Dissen translates, quum quadrigalibus vclut cur- ruttm in jugis domum habeat inter delubra tua ab utroijue la/ere. This no doubt is NEMEAN VII 143 iv T€/j,eve<Tcn So/xov e-^ei reois, dp,<f>orepa<; Icov yeipos. w fid/cap, rlv $ eireoiicev "Hpas iroaiv re nreidefxev 95 Kopav re y\avKW7ri8a — Svvacrat, 8e — fiporotcriv aXtcdv dpuayaviav hva(3dra>v da/id StSSfiev. el yap acfiicrcv ifnreSoadevea fitorov dpp,6crai<; rjfia \tirapu> re yyjpai hiair\eKOL<; evhaifiov iovra, iraihwv Be 7ral8e<; e%oiev aiel IOO the general meaning ; but he is wrong in assuming that the reference is to waggons with two yokes. (2) As there was only one yoke in the fourhorsed chariot, Mr Fennell attributes to £vyois the meaning of fifytoi, the two middle horses harnessed to the yoke; compare Pollux, 1. 141 cSx oi /ue> virb T(li firyy ftryiot, 01 8i eKarepwOev irapriopoi. But this use of firyd has no authority. Nor does Euripides' phrase Terpafi'i; 6'xos (a car harnessed to four horses) prove 'that %vyd was used cata- chrestically for horses ' here, or even that it might be so used. Mr Fennell supposes that the house of Sogenes is compared to the dp/xa, and the temples of Heracles to the two yoke-horses. The preposition iv does not suit Mr Fennell's theory, as he confesses himself. Mezger's note on this passage is vague, but his view seems to be similar. The passage admits of a simple inter- pretation, if we hold fast to Pindar's language. £vyoi> must mean yoke and h implies the very closest proximity. The relation of Sogenes' house to the temples is compared to that of a chariot- pole to the two arms of the yoke, which is attached to its extremity. The plural fryois is used to suggest the apparent plurality of the yoke, its two arms, and corresponds to refievr]. We may translate: For he hath his house at the precincts of thy temples, which face him, like the yoke- arms of a fourhorsed chariot, on either hand as he goeth forth. 94. (2 [j.aKap k.t.X.] But thee, blessed lord, it besee/ueth to persuade both the spouse of Hera and the owl-eyed maid — thou canst, an thou zvilt, — to bestow full often upon mortals mighty help against difficult distresses. Heracles is invoked in his capacity of aXe^'/ccu-os; Athene is to be persuaded on account of her title 'AXaXKop-evrjis, connected (rightly doubtless) with dXaXjcetj'. Hence the choice of aXxdv which responds to dXtcat in line 12. — Bergk saw that 5vva<rai 8e is a parenthesis, and that di56/xeu depends on ireidiiiev ; but he is wrong in doubting da/xd. A modern writer would inevitably say del; Greek reserve limited the prayer to dafxd. 98. el ■ydp k.t.X.] // were well, if thou shouldst harness their youth and happy eld to a life of steadfast strength, and eked it out in happiness to the end ; and if their children's children possessed for ever the honour 'which is noiv theirs and honour nobler still hereafter, eLnredoadevris, only here (cf. fxeyaXoadevris 1. 2, and iixvedov 1. 57). Another dVa£ eip-qfxivov com- pounded of Zinredos is found in 01. I. 59, also qualifying fiiov, e/u.Tre86fj.oxdos. dp|xo- crcus is the participle (Bergk, reading 8iair\iK€iv, makes it optative) ; for the metaphor from a chariot (carried on from 1. 93) see Introduction, p. 125. 99. TJPq.] We remember that Hebe was the wife of Heracles and the daughter of Hera (1. 95). — diatrXeKeiv, like irXeKeiv and KarairXeKeiv, might be used with fiiov in the sense of didyeiv. Pindar has it of wearing a dirge, in Pytli. xn. 8, dprjvov diairX^aicr' 'Affdva. — Xivapui yqpa'C [lauta senectus) is Homeric; see X 136. Xiwapw responds to Xiirapd/xwvKos 1. 15. ioo. ttcuScov 8t k.t.X.] These words 144 NEMEONIKAI Z'. yepa? rohrep vvv /ecu apeiov oiriBev. to 6° ifibv ov irore (pdcyei /ceap arpoTTOiai NeoirroXefiov eXicvcrai kirecri' ravra Se rpls rerpaKt t apLrroXelv diropia re\i6ei, tckvolctlv are ixa-tyvXdica<; Ato? K.6ptv6o<;. 67T. e 105 respond in meaning to 11. 39, 40. ytvos answers to iralduv wcuSes, alei to cue/, yepas <pepev to yepas exoiev. 102. tcj 8' epiov at.t.X.1 Never will my heart confess to having wrought wrong to Neoptolenms by verses inflexible (i.e. irre- vocable). But it argues lack of wit to say over the same words three times and four, like barkers rhymelessly repeating to chil- dren, ' Corinth us is a son of Zeus'. aTpo- •jtoicti, not indecoris (Dissen), but that can- not be turned aiuay. For dp/rroXeiv cf. Sophocles, Philoctctes, 1238 j3ov\ei rph dvajroXelv p.' ewri; p.a\pvXaKas is accus. plural, co-ordinate with the unexpressed subject of dp.iroXe'tv. It is usually taken as nominative to an understood dp.iroXei. Mr Fennell holds that it qualifies KopivSos which he apparently regards as coordinate with (to) TavTa dp-TroXeiv. Schneider proposed pa\pvXaKais agreeing with tIk- vots (crying for nothing). — In these words Pindar clearly refers to rival poets whose uninventive genius he depreciates; and |xav|ru\aKas (a word coined for the occa- sion, perhaps on the analogy of p.a\f/L- cpwpos, see Hesychius sub voce /xaxf/icpwvop) gives a clue to the identity of the person against whom this shaft is chiefly aimed. /xa\f/-v\a,Kas suggests its metrical equiva- lent Ba.KX-v\i5ris ; and while -vXct/caj corresponds closely enough to -vXidrjs for the purpose of a parody, Bclkx- suggesting the wildness of intoxication is rendered by pd\f/. See Introduction, p. 126. Aios KoptvOos, a proverb, explained thus in a scholium : The Megarians, who were a Corinthian colony, were treated arrogantly by the Corinthians, and when they became strong enough revolted. Then the Corinthians send envoys to Megara, and these irpoaeXdovTes eh tt\v eKKXTjcriav aXXa re iroXXd 5ie^i)X0ov Kal rtXos on cW'cu'ws dv o~Tevd£euv ewl roh yevopivois 6 Aids Kopivdos, el /jltj Xtj\j/octo Slktjv Trap' avrwv. e<p' oh vapo^vvdevTes 01 ^leyapeh tovs irpeapeis Xi'fois eflaXov ■ Kal p.era puKpbv eTri(3o7]t>rjcrdvTCov tivQv tois Kopiv6iots Kal pax 7 !* yevop^v-qs viKTjcravTes, (pvyrj twv Kopivdliov airofpvyovTwv ecpaTrro- p.evoi, Krelvovres dpa iraleiv top Aids K6piv6ov exeXevop. bdev (prjcrlv 6 Arip.uv eVi Kal vvv eirl tu>v ayav pev aepvvvopevwv, KaKQs be Kal SeiXws drraXXaTTOVTWv tt)v irapoLpiav Tavrrfv Terdx0o.L. — For the point of the proverb in this passage, as an allusion to Xtyovri yap A1W0V k.t.X. in 1. 84, see above, Introduction, p. 126. NEMEAN VIII. ODE IN HONOUR OF A VICTORY AT NEMEA IN THE STADION WON BY DEINIS OF AEGINA. INTRODUCTION. The Ode in honour of Deinis, who won a footrace at Nemea about the year 491 a.d. 1 , is intended for his country Aegina perhaps more than for the victor himself. It was written in the day of her humiliation ; and the death of Megas (Meges), the father of Deinis, gave Pindar an opportunity for introducing some mournful Lydian measures, which might at the same time convey his sympathy to the island in her distress. The allusions to the political situation could scarcely be clearer than they are without becoming more than allusive. When the ambassadors of Darius visited Greece in 491 to demand earth and water as tokens of subjection, Aegina had submitted, and Athens had eagerly seized the opportunity of humbling her rival, by accusing her at Sparta of treachery to the cause of Hellenic freedom. The Spartans listened to the charges and the result was, chiefly owing to the activity of king Cleomenes, that ten of the noblest Aeginetans were sent as hostages to Athens. It was said by a political opponent that Cleomenes was bribed by the Athenians-. At this time then the Aeginetans felt that they were compassed about by enemies, and might be glad to receive expressions of sympathy from a poet of fame. Pindar makes the sorrows of Ajax the central point of his hymn. He often takes this hero as the type of a true man succumbing to envy, and unable, from mere want of words, to meet the arts and policy of a fluent rival. In this case the story of Ajax was particularly suggestive, for Odysseus was a suitable prototype of the Athenians, so noted for their readiness of speech and wit. The case of Ajax shews that the art of cajolery by cunning words is of ancient date. But it is some consolation to reflect that the power of words to heal pain is of ancient date too ; and Pindar suggests that he comes to minister a song of healing to the wounds of Aegina. It is also a consolation to remember the power of 1 Mezger was the first to determine tion of Aegina after 457 H.c. the true date of this ode and explain the - The full account of these events will political allusions (pp. 325, 326). Dissen be found in Herodotus vi. 49, 50. thought the hymn referred to the condi- B. IO 146 NEMEAN VIII. her great hero Aeacus, and that the men of Athens and Sparta were once upon a time proud and eager to acknowledge his lordship. Such are the chief elements from which this Ode is constructed. We shall now see how the poet has worked them out 1 . A bright prelude, invoking Hora, the maytime of life, — closely associated with the sweet and bitter uses of love, — is in keeping with the youth of Deinis and meant perhaps to turn his thoughts from the grave of his father to the advancing hours. But the ambrosial pensioners of Aphrodite's train carry us back to the bridal bed of Zeus and Aegina, where Aeacus was conceived ; and the transition to the great hero of Aegina is managed with Pindar's unfailing skill. We hear how the prince, in whose temple the Ode is being sung, grew up to excellence in body and mind, and became the king of Vine-land (Oenone) — the old name of Aegina. And his greatness was so eminent that the most noble of neighbouring lords voluntarily 2 became his vassals — including the Athenians 3 and the Pelopids of Sparta. And now Aeacus is invoked in behalf of Aegina and her citizens, to secure them the continuance of this prosperity 4 . The poet is not singing merely a song of triumph ; he comes rather as a suppliant 5 to clasp the knees of Aeacus, while he offers his Nemean hymn which he describes as a Lydian headband of music, richly embroidered— a characteristic metaphor taken from the band round which the wreath of victory was twined. This wreath of victory furnishes an opportunity for the supplication ; and the impression conveyed is that when Deinis and Megashave introduced Pindar into the temple of Aeacus, their occupation is almost over ; Deinis is lost among the citizens of Aegina, of whom solely the poet is thinking, until he addresses Megas in line 44 s . The protection of a god may secure the permanence of well-being: this is Pindar's thought in supplicating Aeacus and he illustrates it by the case of Cinyras 7 , the beloved of Apollo, who had been blessed with passing great wealth in Cyprus of the sea. And Pindar indicates that the prosperity of Cinyras is to be compared to the prosperity of Aegina, not only by the 1 Mezger divides the ode thus : irpooip.wv 1 — 5; ap\d 6 — 18; kclto.- rpcnrd 19 — 22; 6fJ.(pa\6s 23 — 34; /uLeraKa- TaTpoird 35 — 39; a cp pay is 40 — 51. If we discard his nomenclature, this division is reducible to a triple division corresponding to the three metrical sys- tems. 2 The spontaneity is emphasized by afioaTt at the beginning of the sentence and e/oWes at the end, 11. 9—10. 3 The application to contemporary Athens is suggested by crpards. See note 1. 1 1. 4 That this is the object of the suppli- cation is shewn by yap in 1. 17. 5 hiras is emphasized by its position in the sentence. 6 The only direct references to the victor and his father are in 1. 16 and 11. 44—48. 7 The reference to Cinyras forms the first line of the second system. By this Pindar gains two advantages; (1) the first and second systems are formally connected by oairep; (2) the wealth of Cinyras, compared to a fruit-tree, re- sponds, metrically, to the vine-tree, which in the first line of the 3rd antistrophos symbolizes Aegina. INTR OD UCTTON. 1 47 expression ' Cyprus of the sea,' but also by a hint that the Cyprian goddess, so gracious to her priest Cinyras, had also been especially favourable to the union of Zeus and Aegina (irotp.(ves Kvnplas hmpav, 1. 7 1 ). And now approaching the main theme, the tale of Ajax, which, being interpreted, will explain why he should now clasp the knees of Aeacus in supplication, Pindar professes to be apprehensive of publishing a new version of an old story, lest envy, like some fell disease, should fasten on him. For he too has envious rivals to complain of, like Ajax of old, — like Aegina now,— like all who are worth envying. Ajax, according to Pindar's new version 2 , is the man of valour who really deserved the golden arms of Achilles. But unfortunately he had no powers of speech ; and his rival Odysseus, by flattering words, seduced the Greeks into giving their votes in his own favour. The votes are represented as given secretly 3 — as though the Danai were really ashamed of an act of injustice, knowing well that Ajax was the better warrior. Such is the power and such the antiquity of lldp(paais, compared to a false physician, who is attended on her rounds by flattering tales. She is said to treat with violence the illustrious, while to the obscure she can give an artificial frame of glory, though they are really unsound patients 4 . And now we reach the third part of the Ode, where those who have suffered like Ajax through the arts of the false physician may find salve for their wounds from the true physician. Pindar at least is not like the Danai, — is not a friend of Parphasis 5 . Some pray for more land (and we read between the lines ' like Athens coveting Aegina') ; some pray for gold (and we think of Sparta receiving bribes) ; but the prayer of Pindar is that he may please the citizens of Aegina, and be just in his praise and in his blame . For just praise is really important. Excellence or ' virtue ' in its Greek sense, dperd, may be compared to a plant whose growth requires the dew of friendly praise. For this simile Pindar selects the vine, indicating thereby that his words are meant for Vine-land, Oenone, and that the growth of Aeacus, who had so many friends among the surrounding princes, was a type of the growth of aperd". 1 Observe too that Cinyras is compared G Line 39 aivtuv aivr)ra k.t.X. is in- to a tree laden with fruit, and cf. notes tended to contrast with 1. 22 airreTai 5' on 1. 18 and I. 40. eaXcDc k.t.\. - Elsewhere (in Nem. VII.) Pindar 7 Compare 1. 7 repeats this new version: but it is clear Hfi\a<7T€v 8' vibs Olvuivas j3a<n\evs from his words that in this Ode (491 r..c.) x 6t />' Ka ' pov\ais a/no-roy it was put forward for the first time. and 1. 40 3 Kpv(picu<n iv \pa<pois, by ballot-pebbles atil-erai 5' aperd, %Xw/)cus etpcrais us cast secretly into the voting vessels. ore devdpeov 01 v as, 4 See notes on 11. 22, 32, 37, 48 for the (where oiWs is my emendation). The metaphor of the physician which pervades comparison to a tree with fruit is an echo the Ode. of the reference to Cinyras (<pvrevdeis 5 He prays against the contagion of 1. 17, ('ppiire 1. 18). envy 11. 36—37. See note. 10 — 2 148 NEMEAN VIII. Yes, friends are useful, and not only in days of difficulty and distress, though of course chiefly then ; but also in the hour of joy can friendship render pledges of her loyalty 1 . And this is, after all, an occasion of joy, the victory of Deinis, clouded indeed by the death of his father Megas. The power of friendship or the art of the most friendly physician cannot bring back the spirit of Megas from the underworld ; but the Muses can help at least to assuage the pain. And Pindar here uses one of his most remarkable expressions, — ringing almost as a gauntlet of defiance cast at the feet of Athens and Sparta. He will not offer his services to Aegina covertly, as the Danai, in a bad cause, served Odysseus by secret pebbles ; but he will support her by a loud, really clamorous, stone of song — a stone that crieth out. And the same stone served too as a sort of funeral stele for Megas. Aegina and the Chariadae (the clan of Megas and Deinis) are here closely associated, and we may suspect that this clan was in a special manner connected with the political difficulties of Aegina ; one might even conjecture that the death of Megas had been in some way brought about by the rupture with Sparta. The ministry of song is like the art of the physician ; and the poet may expect to exorcise pain by his literal charms' 1 . The word Qepamtw has a double sense, of which Pindar takes advantage to make his point 3 . It may mean to attend as a physician, or to pay court to and flatter. And these meanings express the distinction between the friendship of the Danai for Odysseus and the friendship of Pindar for Aegina. The contrast is carried further. The antiquity of Parphasis had already been declared, but one must not on that account be dejected. One must remember that the hymn of victory, the sovereign healer, is also ancient of days 4 . It will be seen from the foregoing analysis that the Ode falls naturally into three parts, each occupying a metrical system, (i) In the first part Aeacus is put forward as a hope and divine security for Aegina against all distresses ; and the poet offers to him his poem, as a suppliant. (2) In the second part, the myth of Ajax illustrates the power of envy, and shews the ways of Parphasis, the false physician. (3) In the third part we learn that there is also a true physician, here represented by the poet, whose musical offering to Aeacus is at the same time a charm to heal the wounds of Aegina. This hymn, then, is the ministration of a friendly physician. The note of friendship 5 lurks even in the opening lines, in that joyous atmosphere 1 Pindar is a voluntary and loyal friend where it is shewn that irp6<x<popov throws of Aegina, as the surrounding princes a reflex light on airrop-at in 1. 14. were loyal friends of Aeacus. Triard in 4 t))> 76 yua^ Btj rraXai, 1. 51 and rjv /ecu the last line of the third antistrophos irahai 1. 32. The contrast expressed in (1. 44) corresponds to irelOeirO' in the these words was observed by Mezger. last line of the first antistrophos (1. 10). 5 The Pindaric plural (piXorares, used 2 This is the force of £iraoi5a?s 1. 49. in the sense of gpura, suggests (piXla as ; Ikpantvcrav 1. 26. Sec mite on 1. 48, well as (f>i\oTi]S. INTRODUCTION. 149 where tender beings hover about the goddess of love or sit, delicately enthroned, on the eyelids of boys and maidens. The peculiarly solemn invocation to Aeacus, the dexterous allusions to the conduct of Sparta and Athens, the comparison of the tree at Aegina to the tree at Cyprus, the elaborated character of Parphasis, the bold metaphor of the loud stone of music, — all these thoughts, like the leaves of a garland arranged round a band or mitra, depend on a subtle thread, at first not apparent, but hidden away, as it were, in the Lydian warp. This thread is the contrast between the true and the false physician, or the friend and the flatterer, worked out by a skilful use of words which had special associations with the operation of disease or the ministration of medicine — the disease here being envy, which Pindar regarded as perhaps the most dangerous of all moral maladies. METRICAL ANALYSIS. Strophe. v. I. 2. a. -u-v/w- w — — — ww — ww— - — — w — — — w — -— — w— - — — ww — f\ ID. V. 3. b. — w — w — w w - w w — w w — • A A 9. vv. 4. 4. 5. a'. V w w — w w — \j— ■ — w w — - w w — w - w — w — w — • — w — w — w — — I u- The structure is mesodic, and the formula 8. 8. 9. 8. 8. Epode. A. vv. 1. 2. a. "T f\ — • — ww — ww — • — w w — A I — w WW — WW — A 14- vv. 3. 4. a ' . -T w w — " — w — " — — ww — w w — w — w — w — — — " w — w — A 14. v. 5. b. — • w ww — ww — • — w — A I 7- B. V. 6. C. — w ww — • — w — w — ww — ww—-— A IO- V. 7. C'. — w w w -w — w — w— A| IO. The first part of the epode is epodic, the second antistrophic. The rhythm of this ode is dactyloepitritic. The musical accompaniment was (partly at least) in Lydian mood ; see 1. 15. NEME0NIKA1 H'. AEINIAI 1 AITINHTHf 2TAAIEL "flpa TTOTVia, Kapvt; 'A^poSiTcis ap,j3poaiav (friXoTciroov, crrp. a . 7rapdevi]ioL<i viocs iraiBcov t icpifrura y\e<fcapois 1 I have followed Schmid in correcting The superscription does not occur in the Aavia, a mistake of the Byzantine scribes. older MSS. I. "Clpa. k.t.X.] wpa is the season of youth in its ripeness, here personified. In the Tenth Olympian the victor is described (1. 103) as idea kclXov wpa re Kexpap-ivov ; his comeliness is tempered by puberty ; and in the next words a irore auaidea Tavvp.r]5ei iroTfxov aXaXxe avv Ku- Trpoyevtl (she who once, in conjunction with Aphrodite, secured immortality for Ganymede) wpa is almost personified. iroTvia is used by Pindar of the nymph Libya (Pyth. IX. 55), the Grace Aglaia (01. xiv. 13), the Muse (Nem. III. 1), Persephone (fr. 37), d/cris 'AeXi'oi' (p. 107, 9), and once of Aphrodite, with a genitive case (Pyth. iv. 213 /3e\e'we). Mr Myers' translation, Spirit 0/ youth, is attractive, but suggests modern associations. — The plural of <Jh\<$tcis (a word which implies sexual enjoyment ; compare the Homeric <f>i\oT7]Ti Kai evvfj) occurs three times in Pindar: (1) here, (2) Pyth. IV. 92 6<ppa tis ro.v ev ovvarij) 4>l\ot6.twv eiuipaveiv iparai, where \pavw suggests love touches, (3) Pyth. IX. 39 Kpvirral K\cu8es ivrl cro- (pols lleidovs iepav (pCKoTaruiv. dfj.pp6cri.os denotes the peculiar effluence exhaled by divine persons or things. It is rarely met in Pindar. In fr. 198 we read of the delectable ambrosial water issuing from the fair spring of Tilphossa (/xeXiyades ap.fip6ffi.ov vdwp) ; in Pyth. IV. 299 of a fountain bubbling with ambrosial verses, 7ra7ai' dpfipocriwv iwewv, where the adjec- tive could hardly have been used but for the image of the spring. Each verse, eVos, is a bead of water with a divine effluence. Render: Sovran Youth, herald of Aphrodite's ambrosial Loves, ivhose seat is on the young eyelids of maidens and of boys, him thou dost bear aloft with hind constraining hands, but another with touch untoward. 2. €<J>i£oio-a] The seat of desire (as of sleep, Pyth. ix. 24 and Moschus 11. 3 vttvos fiXecpapoiviv i<pi£wv) is the eyelids ; cf. Soph. Antigone, 795 vlkS. 5' evapyr]$ j3\e(pdp(j}v i/j.epo$ euXinrpov vvpupas. — The received reading are irapOevrjiois involves the insuperable difficulty of a sentence without a verb (are /3a<rrdfeis being equivalent to a participle coordinate with icpl'CoLua). It is clear that a word has fallen out before walb'wv and that are is an awkward insertion to rectify the metre. The line began with rrap&evriiois (B 7rapdev7]ioi<rt, D irapdevloiai) and it is not NEMEAN VIII. I5i tov fAev dfiepot? dvd<y/ca<; X e P <Tl /Sao-ra^eis, erepov 8' erepai<i. dycnrard 8e naipov fir) 7r\ava0ivTa 7rpo<; epyov etcaarov toov dpeiovoav epwjwv iiracpaTelv Svvaadai' 5 avr. a . oIol Kal Aio? Alylvas re XeKTpov 7rot/j,ev€<i dfi(p€7r6\riaav Kv7rpla<; Soopcov' eftXaarev 6' vio<> Oivwvas fSaaiXev? X^ipi Kal fSovXat'i dpcaro<i' iroWd vlv iroWol \irdvevov IBelv difficult to discover the word which has been accidentally lost. By writing the words in uncials we can see how easily viois might have been omitted by a copy- ist (by parablepsia). TT&p6eNei0ICN€0ICTT<MA0N. V€ous is not superfluous ; cf. Nem. in. 72 iv iraiai vioun wah, and Pyth. x. 59 viaiaiv re irapdivoi.cn /xe\r]/j.a. We have the opposite of ' young eyelids ' in Pyth. IV. 121 k5' dp' avrou irofxcpoXv^av daKpva yripakiuv y\e<pdpojv, tears welled from his aged eyelids. 3. dvcryKas] Compare Spenser's, ' deare constraint.' — The mss. reading can be defended by Pyth. IV. 234 dvaymai ivre- <nv instruments of constraint (wherewith Jason binds the necks of Aeetes' oxen). Observe that dp,epos is treated as an adj. of two terminations ; in Nem. VII. 83 and IX. 44 we have the usual feminine forms. Pa<rTa£«> (gestare) is used here in its literal sense, bear (as in Pyth. IV. 296) ; but Pindar elsewhere has it in the figurative sense of exalting (—/xeyaXuveiv), 01. XII. 19 and Isth. III. 8. This transition sug- gests the idea of 'chairing'. eTtpcus is euphemistic for rough (schol. oKX-qpals) ; we may best render it in English by a negative word, untoward, ungentle. 4. d-yairaTd] It is good and pleasant ; for plural cf. d-nropa, above IV. 71. |atJ irXavaGeVra is not quite p.rj dixaprovra, nor is dp.apT€v quite the same as iirXavddr) in Nem. vii. 37. dfiaprelv is to miss the destination, w\avy)&rjvai to deviate from the road, here Kaipos, due measure. The (piXorares, pensioners of Aphro- dite's train, lose their personality and pass into the fywres, objects of love, in line 5 ; again in line 6 these Zpures partly resume their personality and become the shep- herds who dispense the gifts of the Cy- prian queen. 5. dpei-ovwv] praestantiorum ; 'die besseren Liebesfreuden ' (Mezger); cf. dfiipois, 1. 3. tiriKpareiv, potiri. 6. otoi Kai k.t.X.] Even such loves as ministered round the couch of Zeus and Aegina, dispensing the gifts of the Cyprian dame ; and a son grew up, king of Oenona (Vineland), most mighty and wise. In 01. X. 8 woifxriv is used figuratively of an heir, dispenser of wealth. (It does not occur elsewhere in Pindar.) Troip-alvu) is also used figuratively, but rather means fovere (01. XI. 9; Isth. IV. 12.) — dp.<pnro- Xsiv means to serve as an dp,<piiro\os (de- pairedeiv, Schol. Pyth. IV. 271), but sug- gests the notion of hovering round. pXdorc occurs in 01. vn. 69, but the verb is not found elsewhere in Pindar. Notice that e is short here before /3X. — For Olvw- vas see above IV. 46 and v. 15; and compare below, note on 1. 40. The close approximation of Kvwpla and Oivuva is designed (see Nem. iv. 46). A scholiast explains the connexion of Hora with Aegina thus : elra iiriKupaao-- tikuis tCiv TraTpiwv icpaTTTerai, \iyuv rrpi Kiywav 5t' <I> pater p.aros vwo Albs durjp- Trdadat.. — With X €L P L Ka ' fiovXaU dpiaros the Homeric line (r 1 79) dfAcporepov /3a<nXeus t' dyadbs Kparepos T aixP-V T V s is compared in the scholia. 8. iroXXd vtv k.t.X.] Many prayed earnestly to behold him (desiring help or 152 NEMEONIKAI H' afioarl yap rjpcocov dcoroi rrepivaLeraovTCov rj0e\ov K6LVOU ye irelQecyQ' dva^iat^ kicovjes, IO €7T. a 01 t€ Kpavaais ev A.6dvaio~iv dpp,o%ov arparbv o" t dvd ^irdprav UeXoirrjidSai. i/ceras Ala/cov crefivoov yovdrwv 7rdA.t6? 6* virep <£iA.a<? aareov 6 virep rwvK a7rrofiac (j)ipcov AvSlav filrpav Kava-^aSd 7re7roiKi\fMevav, 1 5 Aelvio? Sicrcrcov crrahioiv kclI irarpo^ M.eya Ne/ieatoy dya\p.a. counsel, because he was x f '/>' * a ' jSouXcus apiGTOs). The phrase iroXXd Xtraveveiv, make many entreaties, occurred above v. 31. g. dpoaxi k.t.X.] For unbidden the flower of heroes who dwelled round about, were fain to submit to his dominion, of their own will — they who marshalled a host iii craggy Athens and the Pelopids in Sfarta's plain. d(3oari and dva^lai (plu- ral) are dirat, elptjfjLeva. The singular ava£ia occurs only in a fragment of Aes- chylus. — Pindar's usual word to express TrepivaierdovTes (which he uses only here) is irepLKTioves. — The point of these lines is that the heroes became vassals of Aeacus voluntarily ; and this is brought out by introducing the sentence with d^oarl and ending the strophe with exovres. — For ri'wros see note on II. 9. The phrase 'flower of knights' occurs in Troilus and Cressida, ii. 3. 1 1 . Kpavaais tv ' AGdvaiaav] This expression occurs three times in Pindar ; here, 01. VII. 82 and 01. XIII. 38. In Aristophanes, Birds 1 23, Athens is called ai xpavaal, and in Acharnians 75 Kpavad ttoXcs. The epithet of course referred to the Acropolis. In Islh. I. 4 Kpavad is an epithet of Delos. — The words dpp.o£ov o-Tpaxov, of the Athenians, are remark- able, ffrparos clearly alludes to the Athenian democracy of Pindar's time ; in Pyth. II. 87 he calls a democracy \dj3pos crparos. 1 2. dvd Sirdprav] In Sparta. Cf. Pyth. xi. 52 dvd ttoXiv, in the city ; Islh. VII. 63 ''I<r0/xiov dv vdwos; Nem. vi. 46. The form neXoirn'idSai is related to an hypothetical *IIeXo7rei5s, dative fleXo^i', as 'A/AcpiTpvuviddr)? to 'A/x(piTpvwv, dative 'A//.- (piTpvuvi. From Hc\o\f/, dative IIAoTrt, comes neXo7r/5?7s. Pindar makes the power of the Pelopids contemporary with Aeacus, contrary to the usual chronology of the legends ; see Miiller, Aegin. p. 36. 14. diTTop.ai] For the force see note on lines 37 and 48. 15. Av8iav k.t.X.] A head-band of Ly- diau music broideredwith ringing threads, — a hymn partly sung to Lydian harmony. Kava\a8d refers to the sound of the instru- ments, especially flutes. Compare Soph. Trachiniae, 64 1 avXhs ouk dvapaiav idxw Kavaxdv eirdvtiaiv. Pyth. X. 39 has been quoted above on vil. 80. In the Homeric Hymn to Apollo, I. 185 (or Hymn to Pythian Apollo 1. 7) Kavaxv is used of the lyre : toIo Se (popfxiy!; Xpvceov inrb irXrjKTpov Kavaxdv %x 6i Ifitpoeacrav. For the metaphor cp. ixpaivw ttolk'lXov dv- 8y]/xa, I weave a broidered auadem, frag. 179 (Schol. Nem. vil. 116 iirei to iroitj^a 0(pdcr/j.aTi iraptomev). The furpa was a band of wool which formed the founda- tion of the crown of leaves. 16. N€p.«atov d'-yaXpia] A thing of grace from Nemea, to deck tivo victories 'won in the race-course by Deinis and his father Megas. For the adjective Nejttecuoj see above 11. 4. ayaXp.a suggests that the ode will serve as a statue for Deinis NEMEAN VIII. 153 avv 0€Q) yap toc (pVT€u6els oXfios dvOpwiroicn rrapfiovwrepo^' vrp. /?'. ocnrep icai Kivvpav efipiae TrXovTtp irovria ev irore Kvirpa). lara/xai Brj ttoctctI icov(pot$, dfnri'ioov re irpiv ri (fxifiev. iroXXd yap rroXXa XeXeKTai- veapd S' e^evpovra hopev fiaaavv 20 e<? eXeyyov dira^ Kivhvvos' oyjrov 8e Xoyoc cpOovepolaW aTTTerai S' iaXwv del, y^eipoveacn, 8' ovtc ipi^ei. and a sepulchral stele for Megas (cf. Nan. x. 67^. 17. oniv Oeui -yap k.t.X.] Pindar suppli- cates Aeacus, because weal planted under the auspices of a god — Aeacus is the son of Zeus — is more likely to be permanent. irdppovos = Trapp.6vipos (Pyth. VII. 20 irap- IJ.ovliJ.av evdai/joviav). For the meta- phorical use of (pvTevw cf. Isth. v. 12 <rvv re oi Sai/j.uiv (pvrevu 86i;av, and above Nan. iv. 59. 18. oVirep k.t.X.} The antecedent of oo-wtp is deos. Cinyras, the beloved of Apollo, is mentioned in Pyth. 11. 15. t'Ppicrt sustains the metaphor of (pvrevdeis — a tree laden with fruit ; cf. j3pidr)(n Si oevdpea Kapwcp, t 212. We met (3pL6w in its intransitive sense Nan. ill. 40; here the aorist is transitive, to load. Trans- late, weighed down the branches of Cinyras with wealth. 19. lo-Tajuu k.t.X.] / stand on feet lightly poised. To render on light feet would not convey the meaning, while on tiptoe hardly represents Pindar's style. The metaphor from starting in a foot- race is appropriate to Deinis' victory in the stadion. Koticpoiaiv eKvevo-ai irociv oc- curs in 01. XIII. 114, there too alluding to distinctions of the victor Xenophon in races. In Pyth. ix. [ 1 we have x € P L Kov<pa, in 01. XIV. 17 novcpa. j3ij3wvTa. T€ connects dp.-rrveuv with Trocral Kovcpois. <j>d|x«v is the only form of the pres. inf. of <papi found in Pindar. — In explanation of djj.irv€wv a scholiast remarks : ot peydXa (pwveiv OeXovrts olov rpayyooi Trpoo-auairveovaiv iiriiroXv, IV orav dvatpu- vqauoiv t^apKecy iwurXiov rj (puvrj. 20. iroWd •ydp k.t.X.] Many tales have been (old in many a wise. But to discover new things and deliver them to the touchstone for men to prove, is the height of danger. For talcs are a treat to envious men, and envy ever assaileth the noble and striveth not with the mean. The mere translation of these lines offers no difficulty ; but touching their meaning commentators are divided. (1) Dissen refers woWa. XeXe^rat to Ciny- ras, and explains: 'si carminis ratio pos- tulasset longiorem de Cinyra narrationem, non tacuisset Pindarus nee timuisset reprehensores ; nunc autem orditur de Cinyra et statim iterum mittit eum, nulla alia de causa quam ut quasi timens invi- dos de invidia ipsa dicat ad eamque sen- sim transeat '. (2) Mezger explains ' die verschiedensten Dinge sind zwar schon auf die verschiedenste Weise dargestellt worden (ohne dass einer etwas dabei riskirt hatte) ', and supposes the novelty, for whose reception Pindar feels appre- hensive, to be the ascription of Odysseus' victory to his art in twisting words. Mezger understands by \6yot tales, ' Er- zahlungen, Gedichte '. (3) Mr Fennell's interpretation nearly coincides with Mez- ger's, but he explains \6yoi as discus- sion, criticism. — In my judgment Mezger is right. I believe that \6yos was gene- rally used by Pindar of his myths, as clearly in Nem. iv. 31 \6yov 6 pr/ iivvieis. There can, in any case, be no question that the lines apply to what follows, and not to what is said of Cinyras. 22. dirrtTcu] The subject is 6 <p06v os, implied in <pdovtpol<nv. Dissen quotes 154 NEMEONIKAI H'. tcelvos teal Te\ap,wvo$ Sdyjrev vlbv (pacrydvo) dp,<pLfcv\i<Tai<i. avr. /? . tj tlv dy\a)(T(Tov p>kv, ijrop 8' dX/cifiov, \d6a K.arkye.1 iv Xvypaj veUet' p,eyiarov 8' alo\<p i/revSet yipa<; dvreTarai. 25 fcpvcpiaiai <ydp iv -^rdcpoa '08va<rrj Aavaol OepdrrevaaV Xpvcreajv 8' At'a? areprjOels o7r\cov (pova> nraXaarev. rj pudv dvopLoid ye hdoiaiv iv 6eppbu> XP ^ eV. £'. Aeschylus, Persae, 13 where ' AtnaToyevrjs supplies the nominative 'Acn'a to the verb Pavfci. The metaphor in <x7rrerai is from a disease, cf. Thucyd. 11. 48 TJ^j/aro twv dv0puirwi> ; and in the following line 8dxj/ev carries on the figure. We shall see the medical metaphor recurring in Oepdvevtrav, 26, in 11. 32—34 (where Parphasis is the false physician) and in 11. 48 — 50 (where Pindar is the true physi- cian): also in 11. 36, 37. Parts of a7rrw occur four times in this Ode (14, 2:, 56, 37)- 23. K€ivos k.t.X.] The son of Tela- vion too felt the eating malady of envy, when his flesh closed upoti the sword. Keivos = b (pdbvos, which is said to have 'rolled Ajax round his sword'. Compare weTTTuiTa rilide irepi veoppdvrig £L<pei Sopho- cles Ajax 828, (pacryavq) TrepiTrTVxfa 899, eyx«s irepnreres 907, also Isthm. ill. 54 6.\kix.v rafxuv irepi y (pacryavip [where however Mr Tyrrell proposes to read Si/cutt* irepi, = Trepi[la\ibv]. For kv\iv5u cf. Kv\iv56/j.evos irepi xaX\'u5, 86. Satj/ev carries on the metaphor implied in bipov. 24. r[ tiv' k.t.X.] Verily, oblivion burieth many a one, -whose tongue is silent, but his heart valiant, in dolorous strife; and supreme honour has been the prize of shifty falsehood. Ajax and Odysseus are types. Xd0a Kan^ei means that Ajax was not sung, like Odysseus, by Homer. \vyp<I) has the penult short here, but in Pyth. XII. 14 we find \vypbv. avreTaTai 1 proUnditur, ducta locutione a pnemio certaminis ad consequendum proposito', Dissen. Compare below 1. 34 dvreivei. relvco has often I lie force of tenco rather than of tendo. 26. Kpv<}>iawri k.t.X. ] The Greeks balloted in favour of Odysseus ; Pindar implies that they would have been afraid to vote for him openly. Compare Sopho- cles Ajax 1 1 35: Teueer. k\€ttti]s yap avrou \}/7}(poxoib% rjvpedrjs. Menelaus. iv rois diKCLcrah kovk ip.oi rod' i<j<t>6.\t). 27. 4>dvu> TrdXai<T€v] Wrestled with death, irdXaicrev suggesting agony and 06^05 implying a violent death attended with bloodshed. 7ra\cuw is constructed with a dative, cf. Pyth. IX. 27. For its metaphorical usage see Pyth. IV. 290 Keivos "ArXas ovpavui TrpoviraXaiet, and Hesiod, Works and Days 413 ar-yen waXalei. 28. if |idv k.t.X.] Of a surely, un- equal were the gaping wounds they dealt in the tvarm flesh of the foemen, when they were in the battle-press beneath the spear defensive, — over the body of Achilles Mew-slain, and on other days of labours fraught with death to many. For p-q- yvx<m of wounds cf. Sophocles, Ajax 834 irXevpav Siapprj^avra ry5e (pacrydvw. — tt€- Xep.i£op.€Voi, Wakefield's emendation for iro\ep.i$bp.evoi., is supported by the scho- lium far' d\e^i/j.^p6Tov \byxv* Kivovp.evoi. 7reXe/tttj"w means to shake, Tre\e/j.i^o/xai to quake (used of the earth) and in battle to be hard-driven. dXejj£p.PpoTO$is a Pindaric compound, occurring also in Pyth. v. 90 'A7ro\Aweicus d\e£ip.(3pbT0is wo/jurais. On the analogy of dXe^lKaKos, d\ei;i<pdpfia.Kos, dXe^idprj etc. it ought to mean keeping men away. In a fragment of Critiashowever we NEMEAN VIII. 155 eXrcea prj^av ireXe/ML^ofxevoi inr dXe^i/xftporrp Xoy^a, rd fiev dfi<p* 'A^tXet veoKTovco, 30 dXXcov re fio^dcov iv 7roXv(pd6pot<; deepens. i^Opd 8' apa Trdpcpacris rjv fcai irdXai, aifjLv\o)u fivOcov 6p,6(poiTO<;, 8oXo<f>pa8>]<;, Kaicoiroiov oveiBos. a to fxeu XapLirpov ftidrai, twv 8' d<))dvTQ)v kvBos dvretvei cradpov. arp. 7'. etr) fAi] 7T0T6 p.01 toiovtov rjOos, Zev 7rdrep, aXXd tceXev6oL<; 35 dirXoai^ £&m? icpcnrroifAav, 6av(uv 009 iratal «X,eo? fjbrj to Bvcrcpa/xov ^poo-d-tyco. y^pvaov evyovTcu, ireBiov 8' erepoi find a\ei;L\oyos in the sense of shielding and promoting discourse. Were it not for the passage in the 5th Pythian we might explain (xKe^ifxfipoTos \6yx<x as the lance which wardeth men off. veoKrovos (equiva- lent to veoocpayris) is only found here. For ra fw'v — dX\wv T£ cf. fxdXa p.iv rpocpah CTOlfMOV ITTTTWV, X a -' L P 0VT< *- T€ ^ fvl ' al ! WaV- doKois 01. IV. 16. — €V TroXu(j>96pois is Boeckh's emendation of mss. iro\v<pd6- pounv iv. It seems that iv was acci- dentally omitted after fxoxOuv and then inserted in the wrong place. 32. «X^P°^ 8' k.t.X.] Yea, deadly guile in speech is from of old, walking with faltering tales and imagining de- ceil, a shame that worketh harm, — ivho treatcth the illustrious with violence, and for the obscure seiteth up glory of heart unsound. Trdp<j>a<ris, distortion or perver- sion of truth (calumnia), corresponds to the verb Trdp(pa/jn which occurs more than once in Pindar ; cf. above Nem. v. 31 (middle) ; 01. VII. 66 deQv 5' opKov fiiyav /xt) wap<pdp.ev • Pyth. IX. 43 wapepa/xev tovtov \6yov. The adjective 6fAo<J>oiTOS (probably first used by Pin- dar) is not companion, but fellozv-visi- taut. Parphasis is a false physician, who pays visits in the company of flattering words (<poirdv is the word for a physician's visits). — cujju'Xos combines the ideas of crafty and bland. 80X0 (j>pa,8tjs occurs in the Homeric Hymn to Hermes. 1. 2S2. KctKoiroios is not found in an earlier author than Pindar ; it probably had a medical flavour, nox- ious, deleterious. 34. d<j>dvTwv] Those who ought to be obscure. Cf. Pyth. XI. 30 6 5Z x a M^d wvewv dipavrov j3pifia, 01. I. 47 ws 5' atpavros lireXes. clvtiCvu indicates that the sentiment of line 25 is echoed ; but it suggests the tension of a really unsound body to present an artificially healthy appearance, eadpos is a medical term. 35. toiovtov tjOos] That is irdpcpavis. €<j>dirTO(Jiai. is used by Pindar both with the dative (01. I. 88, Pyth. VIII. 60) and with the genitive (01. IX. 12, Nem. IX. 47). dirXdais is opposed to the crooked ways of Trdp<pa(Tis and her comrades, the aip.v\oi fivOoi. 37. irpoo-d^l/w] This verb is not found elsewhere in Pindar, and its oc- currence in such close proximity to i<f>arr- Toi/xav is noteworthy. In Soph. Oedipus at Colonus, 235, we have irpoadirTeiv XP^os 7r6\et. Soph. fr. 514 Trpocrd-rrTeiv (pdpixaKov. Here the suggestion is of the transmission of a disease. Pindar wishes that he may not come in contact with the noxious presence of Envy and convey the contagion to his children. Cf. the use of wepLdwreiv with 6vet5os, ai<rx^ v V v &c. Xpvo-6v k.t.X.] Some pray for gold, others for boundless land. I pray that I may 7vin the favour of my fcllcno-citizcns and without forfeiting it may hide my limbs in earth, praising things of good i 5 6 NEMEONIKAI H' direpavTov' eya> o° acrTot? dBoov tcai ■yOovl yvla Ka\v"*\raLfJi ', alvioiv alvrjrd, fio/xcpdv S' eTricnrelpwv dXtrpols. aw. 7 . av^erai 8' dperd, ^XcopaU eeptraLS w? ore hevBpeov oivas, 40 ev ao<f)oi<; dvSpdov depdeta ev &i/caiois re, 7rpo<; vypov aldepa. y^pelai Be iravrolai <p[\o>v dvBpwv' rd p,ev dfMpl tt6voi<s report and sprinkling blame on trans- gressors, erepoi is understood with XP V ~ <tou. Bergk reads /cay for Kai but Kara with the dative is not found in Pindar, /cat really presents no difficulty : having pleased the citizens in my lifetime, may I die still pleasing them ('etiam moriar talis', Dissen). For the allusions in Xpvaov and Trediov see/uiroduction. XP V<T ° V echoes the xpwre'wi' ottXwv (1. 27), desired of Odysseus and Ajax. — do-rots refers to the citizens of Aegina, darwv rwvSe of I.14. 40. au£€Tai 8" dperd /c.r.X.] A cor- ruption in the mss. has spoiled this line. They give ws ore divdpeov dtaaei aotpdis. Boeckh's emendation acrcrei iv ao(pdis has been generally accepted ; but it is clear that the corruption lies deeper, as aaau is an unsuitable word. As Bergk says: 'sufneiebat av^erai, quod additur dtaaei non solum otiosum sed etiam incommo- dum est, siquidem iepaais et dlaaei non satis apte conciliantur'. [Mr Tyrrell however has called my attention to 2 506 where ijiaaov means rose up. This pas- sage might in some measure defend the use of diaau with Sivdpeov.] It is also to be observed that the simple verb dlaau does not elsewhere occur in Pindar, and that /j.eraiaaw is not only never contracted to /xerctcrcrw but has the antepenultimate always long. Bergk proposes a'ivip iv, but Tindar would not have used alvos after aiviuv aivrjrd in the preceding line, and iv ao<poh dvopwv sufficiently indicates his meaning. I have ventured to read u;s ore divdpeov divas, iv. The syllable OIN fell out acci- dentally after ON, and then the unmean- ing letters &C£N were emended to Aicei. Pindar compares the growth of dperd in the favourable environment of wise and just men, to that of a vine watered by dews. Of such a growth the Aegi- netan hero, Aeacus, was a type ; his birth and growth were described in 11. 6 — 8. And Pindar in his favourite way indicates this. Aeacus was the king of Oenone, Vineland, iftXaarev 5' i«ds Qivuvas jSacrtXei/s, and dperd (Aeacus was dpiaros) is com- pared to the vine ; av^erai 8' dperd uis ore divdpeov oivas. Excellence waxeth as the tree of a vine fed by tender dezvs, and is exalted, amid wise and just men, to the yielding aether. vrypov connotes the elasticity of the aether. Indefinable approaches the meaning, but a positive word is re- quired. Here, as often, a modern poet supplies the most adequate equivalent, and I have taken a hint from Shakspere's yielding air. iv aocpois iv diKaiois re refers especially to poets — such as are not like the poet of Odysseus. 42. XP € ^ at St /c.r.X.] Divers arc the uses of friends ; supremely in hours of distress, but joy also sccketh that one should set up for her visible pledges. B has mard' C Mcfya, D iriarav w Me'ya. The scholiast explains iiriforei bi Kai 77 tu>v o/x/xdruv ripif/is rb marbv, ware diadai iv op/xaai. Triclinius read iriariv, and M ommsen from the scholium deduced wiarov. But it is difficult to believe that either iriarov or irlariv could have become corrupted to 7rtcrra before w. Bergk suggested iriara vip (vip is out NEMEAN VIII. 157 virepcoTara' p,acn€vet Be kcu Tep-vjrt? iv ofifiacn OecrOat, irtcnd foi. Meya, to 6° avTiq Teav "^vyav tcop,l%ai ov fioc Bvvarov. iceveav 6° iXirlBcov yavvov reXo?" aev Be irdrpa X.apid8ai<; re Xdfipov eV. 7 . 45 of place here). The reading adopted in the text involves scarcely any change and improves the sense. 01 before a vocative was liable to become w. The addition of Foi removes ambiguity and makes it clear that joy seeks, not to make but, to have made for her (by poetry) a visible pledge of her existence. For the reflexive use of Foi in Pindar cf. 01. XIII. 76 : Sel^v re... ws ri Foi avrd 7j7jv6s...Tracs 2-jropev dafxaaifppova xp v0 ~bv where Foi refers to the subject of 5et£ej\ For the position of Foi at the end of the sentence, cf. Nem. X. 79 Zeus 5' dvrios rjXvOe Foi, where it ends a clause. — The plural tzicto. corresponds to virepuraTa preceding. In 01. XI. 6 hymns are called a ifimbv bpKiov /xeydXais dpercus, which illustrates the use of mora here. 44. M«-ya] But bring back thy soul again, Megas, — / cannot. A slight break in the translation may partially repro- duce the effect of carrying the sentence into the epode. 45. K€V€av k.t.X.] And the end of fond hopes is vain: a parenthesis, xeveos and x a v vo * are similarly associated in Pyth. II. 61 xqdiva. irpairidi iraXainoveT Kevea (where however neveds is more ob- jective, x a ^" os subjective, while here it is the reverse). One might translate Mil- ton's 'vain deluding joys' by rip\j/ies Xavvai re ical KeveaL. 46. (rtv 8i irdTpq. k.t.X.] But for thy country and for the Chariadae to rest on, I can set a loud stone of music in honour of the feet of two mm which twice won auspicious fame, ovvarou is carried on from 01" fioi dvvarov to uTrepelcrai. From the schol. a.vao~Tr)pi£ai Mezger proposed vTreptao-ai (from virepe'ura), supposing the song to be compared to a stone placed over the tomb of Megas. But virepio-aai (right- ly rejected by Herwerden) would almost necessarily require a genitive to follow ; it could hardly be used absolutely, virt- pticrcu, from inr-epd5w, suits the dative wdrpq. Xaptddous re, where iraTpq. is most simply taken as country, not clan (so schol. ttJ 5£ o-tj TraTpiSi). — If Pindar had meant primarily a gravestone he would not have used Xidos, which is extremely rare in this sense ; the only case quoted in Liddell and Scott is 17 Xidos in an epi- gram of Callimachus. The point of this bold metaphor of a sounding stone is different. The poet contrasts his own honesty with the flattery (irdp<pa<r is) of others, illustrated by the case of Odysseus. The Greeks, whose spirit is reflected by Homer, served Odysseus by secret pebbles, Kpv(picucn iv xpdfpois depdirevcnw (1. 26). Pindar casts no secret pebbles for his heroes ; he sets fast a loud stone of song. — For loud is the meaning of XdPpos (so schol. evrovov fj-ovcTiKriv o-TrfX7)i>) which is generally misinterpreted (Cookesley even proposed r iXa<pp6v). A false connex- ion with Xanfidvco has not only misled lexicographers, but affected the later use of the word. In Homer \dppos always means loud or boisterous ; vbiop Xappbra- tov (P 385) is clamorous rain, 7J4>vpos Xa/3pos (P> 148) the loud west wind &c. In Pyth. III. 40 creXas 5' dpupedpa/xev XdfSpov ' A<pai<TTov, XdjSpov signifies the noise made by the fire. In 01. VIII. ?fi Xa/Spoe d/j.Trvevaa.1 kolttvov, the noise of the rushing fire and sine ike in the confla- gration of the walls of Troy is suggested. In Pyth. II. 244 8paK0i>T0S 8' eixero Xa- fipoTardv yevtiiav (the reading is somewhat 158 NEMEONIKAI H*. inrepelcrai \l0ov yioiaaiov cicari ttoScov evcopvficov 81$ Srj hvolv. 'yaipw 8e irpoafyopov iv fiev epya) ko/attov teif, e7raoi8ai<; 8' dvijp VCibSvVOV Kal Tt? KCLpsCLTOV 6fJK€V. TfV J€ p,<tV eTTLK(OpblO$ Vp,VO<> 5° By) Trakat Kal irplv yeveaOai rdv 'ABpdcrTov rdv re KaBfielwv epiv. doubtful), the epithet becomes much more effective when we recognise that it does not mean 'voracious', which would be somewhat otiose, but expresses the loud hissing of the monster. 6 \d[3pos arparis, Pyth. II. 87, means the noisy /nob, and \a/3/)os has the same sense in 01. II. 95 (\<x/3/>oi KopaKes). Xa/3pei'0/xcu means to talk loudly, hence talk rashly, brag; and the same meaning is apparent in the Aeschylean compounds \aj3poarop.e7v and \app6ffvT0s. In the A/alanta in Calydon Artemis is invoked to come 'with clamour of waters and with might ' ; Xappois <rvv vSatTLv would be a good Greek rendering. The use of the word in later authors was affected by an association with Xa^elv, and it acquired the sense of violent greediness. virepe'iffcu, it may be observed, suggests propping with a pillow, and perhaps had some special medical use. 47. €V(ovv|x(ov] An allusion to the names of the father and son, M^yas and AdvLS (p-tyas and deivos). 48. x a ^P w St k.t.X.] / rejoice to minister due praise in honour of an ex- ploit ; and many a man ere now exorcised the pain of toil by songs. Howbeit the hymn of victory is of ancient date, ez>en before the strife arose between A dr as tits and the folk of Cadmus. Taking irpder- <{>opov in connexion with the following declaration that song is a physic for pain, I believe that there is a play on a medical sense of the word. irpoa<pepe<r9a(. means to make an application, or to administer medicine. This supports my explanation of Xidov as a contrast to ipdcpots of 1. 26 ; for then we have the further contrast ol depairtvcav there with the true physician of 11. 48 — 50. — vtaSwia is used by Pindar in Pyth. III. 6. For Trpoa<popos with iv cf. Ol. IX. 80 etrjo evp-qauir-qs dvaye'iadou Trp6<r<popos iv Motcai' 5l(ppu>. Trp6(X<popov responds (as Mezger has noticed) to awTO/xai <pipwv in the same line of the first epode. The responsion shews that dwro/xai there is intended to suggest, beyond its primary sense, the touch of a friendly physician. 50. "yt |j.av] Cp. Isth. III. 18 arpwrol ye /jlclv iraides OeQv, howbeit the children of the gods are proof against wounds. 01. XIII. 104 vvv 5' A7ro/xcu fiev, iv 0ey 76 p.av reXos. So also Pyth. 1. 17 and 50; VIII. 18. 51. 8rj iraXai] Contrast with /ecu 7rd\cu of 1. 32. Song supplies the anti- dote of calumny. In Isth. VII. 1 the comus is called a \tirpov evdo^ov Kapa/rwv. — The Nemean games were said to have been instituted by Adrastus before his expedi- tion against Thebes : aTpaTtvadvTwv yap twv wepl 'Adpao'Tov inl 6rjj3as 6 ' Ap%i '/xopos inro tov fipanovTos Oit(/>0dprj, oi 5e iir' ai'Tixj tov /xopov dp^avri rd ~Sip.ea tdr/Kav (schol.). [NEMEAN] IX. ODE IN HONOUR OF A VICTORY AT SICYON IN THE CHARIOT-RACE WON BY CHROMIUS OF AETNA. INTRODUCTION. Ecce iterum Chromius! residing not now in Syracuse, as when the First Nemean Ode was written, but in the city of Aetna, recently founded, whither Hiero had sent him to govern it, or at least to take some part in the administration. In his new abode he celebrated (perhaps in 472 B.C. 1 ) the anniversary of a victory won by his mares, years before, in a chariot race at Sicyon, in Apollo's games held there and in those days only less famous than the Pythian festival of Delphi ; and a comus or ode for singing in procession to the sound of lyres and flutes was composed for the feast by Pindar. This Sicyonian Ode has been included in the Nemean collection, along with two other 'unattached' hymns, which have as little to do with Nemea. The thoughts of the First Nemean and the Ninth ' Nemean,' separated in date by at least a year or two, are superficially similar but not the same. In the earlier hymn, a hope was held out of the 'golden' Olympian wreath ; whereas, in the later, Chromius is regarded as a man who after an active and brilliant career may, and, if he understands the art of life, will now enter into his rest. Old age, 'friendless, music-less old age,' which to the Greeks seemed such a dismal prospect, was now for Chromius appreciably near ; and Pindar asks himself, how his patron might make the most of the intervening years ? He has ascended to the highest rung of ambition's ladder, to use the modern phrase ; or, in Pindar's own metaphor, he has upclomb to the loftiest mountain-top that may be trodden by mortal feet. He is laden with riches, 1 See Introduction to the First Nemean. to Aetna in 1. 2. Boeckh supposes the Aetna took the place of Catana in 476 B.C. date to be 01. 77, (472—471 B.C.). (Diodorus, xi. 49), but Catana was restored Leopold Schmidt thinks that this hymn in 460 B.C. (Diodorus, xi. 76), and thus was composed at the same time as the we have a posterior limit for the date of Third Pythian. this Ode. The alleged data for a prior I am inclined to think that a longer limit are (1) the last stanzas, which have interval than Boeckh imagines separates been supposed to suggest the presence of the two hymns to Chromius, both of Pindar himself at the festivities ; Pindar which were possibly composed while went to Sicily before summer 472 ; (2) Pindar was in Sicily. But see further the application of the epithet veoKTiaTav Appendix C. & 160 [NEMEAN] IX. and crowned with glory. Well ; let him fully grasp the truth that he has no other worlds to conquer, assured that his estate is really blessed, and let his remaining years be a 'gentle time of life' (alav dfiepa). It seems possible that since his Nemean victory Chromius had actually competed unsuccessfully for an Olympian wreath. That a prominent Sicilian noble should have such a 'gentle time,' an evident condition was that his country should not be moved by the alarms of war ; and this thought forms, literally, the central point of Pindar's comus. The great idea of the composition, — presented to us in a series of striking reliefs, connected by the most dexterous transitions, — is the contrast of war and peace. Not, of course, that all fighting is condemned ; wars may be just or unjust ; but any war is to be regretted. As typical of wars displeasing in the sight of heaven is chosen the ominous expedition of the Seven against Thebes, and the hero Amphiaraus is contrasted with Chromius. For Chromius was a tried warrior, who had proved his valour in battles by land and water, but his cause, Pindar says, had been always righteous, and therefore his last end will not be like that of Amphiaraus, a righteous man himself, but unhappily involved in evil communications. Opening with a jocund scene — the Muses coming from Sicyon, the guests crowding into the house of Chromius, the striking-up of musical instruments — the Ode soon passes into an unpeaceful atmosphere, resounding with the tramping of horses and the rattling of chariot-wheels. The noise of steeds and men contending resounds from strophe to strophe, echoes answering one another, as it were, in the same rhythm out of corresponding nooks ; so that this hymn, deprecating war, has quite a martial sound, calculated to awaken in Chromius the memories of his own battles. At length the clamour of fighting dies away, and returning to the jocund scene, as after a dream or by magic, we see the things of peace,— the feast, the poet, the v/inebowl mixed, and those silver phialae or flat-shaped goblets, which had been the prize in the chariot-race at Sicyon, on this anniversary doubtless set in a conspicuous place. Another element, which contributes to the general effect of the hymn, is a covert comparison of the life of Chromius to an initiation and education in divine Mysteries. Greek Mysteries connected with the worship of various deities, such as Persephone and Dionysus, consisted of 'sights and acts.' A toilsome groping through darkness, followed by a gradual or sudden apparition of light, was one of the acts or dramata which awaited the young mystcs ; and one may gather from fragmentary records that initiation involved bodily labours, designed for spiritual purification. Light, with sight thereof, one may conjecture, was the great idea round which the mystical rites revolved, their aim being an education both of the physical and of the mental eye, and the completely initiated therefore being called ' the seer' {iitlmrr\s). Flowers were a feature or an accessory of some of the ceremonies, and certain kinds at least, such as the asphodel, the hyacinth and the pansy, had symbolic meanings, closely connected with myths. And as in all institutions of a religious character, there was a mystical vocabulary, INTR OD UCTION. 1 6 1 ordinary words being- taken in a higher meaning, or, by an association with special rites, becoming specialised. Into this matter of the Mysteries, which excite our wonder now — wonder being here really equivalent, as Bacon said, to 'broken knowledge,' — I only go so far as seems necessary for understanding certain allusions in the Ode, and it is enough to point out these three features, the occult language, the occasional foreground or background of flowers, and the central idea of light, called in mystical phrase cpeyyos. The poet compares his hymn to a ' spell,' and the secret suggestions, coming in, as we shall see, at intervals, invest it with a solemn air, perceptible even amid the din of men and horses. Before beginning the analysis of the composition, we must observe its formal structure, which illustrates the affinities of Pindar's poetry with plastic art. The hymn may be compared to a frieze of eleven groups, the whole work having a well-marked centre in the sixth group, while each group has a little centre of its own. The strophe consists of three measures, of which the first and third correspond in rhythmical length, having each eighteen beats, while the middle has only eight. Thus the formula of metrical division is 18 : 8 : 18. To seize the rhythmical charm of the Dorian strophes, we must further subdivide into clauses and observe the repetitions. Let us take for example the second strophe. Measure I. eo-ri 8e ns Xoyor dv6pd\Trcov TfreXtapevov caXov (clauses I, 2) fir) xaixal (Tiyq KaXv^ai (clause 3) decnvea-'ia 8' eVe'coi/ Kav"\xats aoiha npocrcpopos (clauses 4, 5) Measure 2. dXX' dva p.tv @pop.iav (f>6p\p.iyy dva 8' avXbven avrav (clauses 6, 7) Spvofiev X (clause 8) Measure 3. Inniav dedXatv Kopvfpav are <I>oi/3a) (clause 9) dfjKev "A8pci(TTOs «r ' ' ha-u>\irov peedpois u>v e'yco pvacr- (clauses IO, 1 1 ) de\s eTrao-Krja-o) KXuJrruy rjpwa Tipais (clauses 12, 1 3) It will be seen that clauses 4, 6 and 7 are exactly the same in feet and rhythm as clauses 1 and 2 ; and that clauses 12 and 13 repeat the rhythm, but here the dactyls are replaced by trochees, which produce the effect of coming to a pause. The hymn opens with a picture of the Muses, coming, in a rout or comus, to Aetna from Sicyon, where they were in attendance on Apollo, then of course present on the occasion of the same games, at which Chromius had won his victory. This skilful indication of the anniversary character of the feast, brings at the same time, by a sort of unnoticed jugglery, Apollo, as lord of the Muses, into more special connexion with the hymn itself. We next see the doors of the rich house at Aetna thrown open, and the guests crowding in ; then the chariot and horses, which had won the victory, and Chromius himself appear; the young men prepare to lift up then- voices ; and we listen for a hymn, which, as the poet warns us, is to have a B. Il 1 62 [NEMEAN] IX. certain mystic strain in it, the solemnity of a ' spell ' (at'Sa), suitable for the ears of those arch-hierophants, Apollo, his sister and his mother. One must not let silence, he adds, bury a fine achievement in the ground — a saying, we may suspect, of mystical significance, just as our equivalent 'to hide a light under a bushel ' has a religious association ; and referring to his own special method, he proclaims legendary tales as suitable (most suitable, he thought perhaps) to the praise of a victor. This is the introduction, a sort of mise en scene, occupying the first strophe and part of the second. Then the musical instruments are 'awakened' and translate us at once to the mythical world, to the river Asopus near Sicyon, where the hero Adrastus founded feasts and games, including chariot contests, and made his city glorious. This picture — the river Asopus, feasts and carven chariots — is strictly appropriate to the theme of the Ode, but it serves also to introduce the story of the Seven against Thebes, of whom Amphiaraus 1 is selected as the prominent hero, while Adrastus, sinking among the Adrastidae, passes out of sight. Adrastus, the son of Talaus, was a prince of Argos, and his presence at Sicyon was caused by a quarrel between his family and his cousin Am- phiaraus, another Argive prince, a prophet and the grandson of a prophet. Their family factions led to bloodshed and to the exile of Adrastus from Argos ; Pindar does not mention the death of his father or brother, merely saying, ' the sons of Talaus, overborne by a sedition, were no longer regnant ' ; and then adding, in reference to Amphiaraus, ' the strong man does away with what was just before.' The strong man ; yes, but there was a fate stronger than he, destined to overthrow him through the covetousness of a woman. And Pindar brings this out by a really telling artifice, a bold approximation, which has, as a matter of fact, given some trouble to his commentators, who have failed to perceive the deliberate stroke of art and suspected something wrong in the text. The sentence about the strong man ends a strophe, the word ' strong ' (lit. stronger) emphatically beginning the line, and 'man' coming at the end : — Kpeaawv fie Kamravti Sticav rhv irpoaBev dvtjf). The next strophe passes to the reconciliation, but it begins with the very word which so emphatically ended the preceding line, uvrjp is still sounding 1 Boeckh found the main idea of the is sufficient to refute Boeckh's view. Dis- Ode in a parallel between the relations of sen thinks that the expedition against Hiero and Thero, and those of Amphia- Thebes is merely a warning against un- raus and Adrastus. The quarrel of Hiero just wars. and Thero was arranged by a marriage of L. Schmidt says that Pindar is painting the king of Syracuse with Thero's niece, a picture of peace and repose, which he which would correspond to the marriage wishes Aetna and Chromius may enjoy; of Amphiaraus with the sister of Adras- and this practically is the conclusion of tus. Tlu- mere consideration that such Mezger, who points out the contrast an idea would be utterly unsuitable as between the horrors of war ami a /xoifja ground-work of an ode for Chromius, eiVo/uos. INTR OD UCTION. I 63 in the cars of the friends of Chromius, we may suppose, when the singers of the comus continue av8po8afiavr 'Epi<f)vkiip, opKiov cos ore tvmttov. ' Man-quelling Eriphyle,' the sister of Adrastus, was given to Amphiaraus, 'as a firm pledge' (how ironical!) in token of reconciliation, and the power of the Adrastid house revived. It is said that the sister was to arbitrate, should disputes arise between her husband and her brother, and on that account was called by Pindar 'man-quelling.' And doubtless this is designed to be the surface meaning, appropriate to the context; but there is a second intention, and the second intention is here more obvious than the first. No one could hear the epithet ' man-quelling ' applied to the notorious Eriphyle without remembering the necklace and how she com- passed her husband's death. Thus dvftpnbdpas, occurring several lines before the account of Amphiaraus' fate, quite naturally and in a different connexion has the effect of an omen, suggesting that even in the day of his successes there were evil presences near Amphiaraus. The device of bringing avrjp at the end of one strophe and dvbpobdpavr at the beginning of the next into close proximity forces the omen on the attention ; the effect is heightened by the omission of the usual particle of transition (which commentators have tried to amend) ; and by reading over the lines we can feel how their rhythms, at once similar and different, farther the success of the artifice. The comparison between Pindar's work and sculpture suggests an illustration. Let us suppose the third and fourth strophes translated into two adjoining groups in relief. At the extremity of the third group would be represented Amphiaraus, the strong man, triumphant after the fall of the Adrastids ; at the adjacent extremity of the fourth group we should see Adrastus placing his sister in the hands of his conciliated rival. Well, if the sculptor turned Eriphyle's face backward, and represented her looking with an ominous expression towards the triumphant figure in the third group, which she of course is not supposed to see, the direction of her unconscious eyes might have the sense of an omen for the spectator; and this sense might be accentuated by accessory details. From the revival of the Adrastid power we pass to the unhappy expedition against Thebes, impious (Pindar deems it) as undertaken in disregard of the signs and warnings of Zeus, who thereby 'bade them forbear the journey' ; and he describes the host hastening to the open jaws of de- struction in a wonderfully successful arrangement of words, whose sound and meaning seem to have between themselves some secret affinity or under- standing,— one of those effects, which Greek art, perfectly concealing her own 'art,' could compass by the simplest words and rhythms dexterously arranged with regard to the vowel sounds, (fraivopevav 8' ap is arav (nrevftev opikos iKecrOai XaXtceois "mXoMTtv bnre'ims re arvv tvreaiv. Their doom, as it were, shone for them ; and then we have a picture of seven pyres on the banks of the river Ismenus, fire 'feasting on the blanched II — 2 1 64 [NEMEAN] IX. bodies' of young men, the smoke rising fat with the nutrition, — a Feast of Fire; and in the background, obscured by the vapour, a faint vision or suggestion of that 'sweet home ' which the dead had wittingly surrendered. And Pindar's language implies perhaps a comparison of the Expedition to a kind of false Mystery; the army is drawn to a false light, and the word 'white-flowered' (kevicavdea), although the second part of the compound has lost its individuality, reminds us that, in the presence of the figurative blossoms of death, there were no real flowers (to be looked for in the case of a true mystery). For Amphiaraus a separate fate was reserved by the special mercy of Zeus. In the panic he was fleeing from Periclymenus, and could not have escaped him, but that Zeus, willing to spare him the shame of falling by a death-wound dealt behind, clave the earth with a thunderbolt and opened a grave to shroud the hero and his horses. The vision of the hero Amphi- araus fleeing, though, as we are told, he had the spirit of a warrior, must strike the sentiment of most modern readers as incongruous ; and that is because their sentiment is not attuned to Greek moderation. Pindar formulates the principle here in words which appear nowadays almost to invite ridicule; 'for even sons of gods flee in superhuman panics.' In the eyes of a Greek, bravery, when it defied the powers of Zeus, had passed beyond the due measure of bravery and was no longer worthy of praise ; such rashness was the quality that one might find in a barbarous Celt. It is worth noticing how Pindar hints that the death of Amphiaraus was in some sort a retribution for his part in the civil war at Argos which had exiled Adrastus. In 1. 14 the Adrastid party is described as ftiacrdevres Xua, these words ending the line; and the corresponding line of the fifth strophe (1. 24), where Amphiaraus' death is described, closes with the words K(pavvq> Trcifj-ftia, this responsion clearly suggesting that as Amphiaraus had smitten Talaus and his sons, so the bolt of Zeus smote the smiter 1 . And if an emendation adopted in the text is true 2 , Pindar has accentuated his thought by the responsion of ai/Spa in 1. 25 to dvr/p in 1. 15 ; 'the strong man' is shrouded in the depths of the earth, Zeus being a stronger than he. We have now reached the centre of the Ode. Having told what befel the Seven against Thebes, the artist treats that war as a type of what an unrighteous war may be, and places exactly in the middle of his frieze a prayer to Zeus — the god who by his omens had vainly discouraged that expedition — that for as long as possible Sicily may be exempted from such a conflict. The most serious foes then threatening the Sicilian Greeks were the Carthaginians; but the artistic effect of the prayer would have been 1 The adjective irap-fHas, omnipotent, expression is riveted in the mind by the was, as far as we can judge, coined rarity of the word \va. express])- for tliis place, and the other '-' See note on 1. 25. INTR OD UCTION. I 6 5 spoiled if the generality of the statement had been confined by an express mention of a particular enemy. But it was quite in Pindar's manner to introduce an allusion where a direct reference would have been inartistic ; and the allusion here is so unmistakable that commentators took the second meaning for the first and mistranslated the passage, until Mezger, a few years ago, saw the true explanation 1 . ' If it be possible, O son of Cronus, I would remove to an indefinite distance such a brute arbitrament of empurpled swords,' ^>oiviko(ttI\\wv «yx«W. The adjective suggests a ' Phoenician armament,' and one may attempt by 'purpled' or 'purple-mantled' to hint at the Phoenicians of Carthage. Having deprecated such a war as that which the legends of Argos had led him to describe, Pindar further intreats Zeus for the citizens of Aetna, that they may have a happy experience of political life and that their city may be brightened with festivities and the triumphs of peace. 'Peace be within thy walls, and plenteousness within thy palaces.' And there is some reason to hope for good things in store for them ; victories, for example, in chariot-races because they are devoted to horses, and brilliant feasts because their souls are free from the bondage of avarice. In attributing this liberality to the men of Aetna, Pindar of course has one individual chiefly in view, Chromius himself. And he makes this clear by the immediate transition 2 . Love of money is the enemy of the goddess Aidos, — an enemy capable of overreaching by stealthy ways, but unable to steal the heart of Chromius. Pindar appeals to proven bravery in battle by land and sea; and draws a picture of the goddess Aidos arming him, spiritually, for war — a picture reminding modern readers of a lady buckling the armour of a medieval knight. 'Aidos who bringeth glory' ; but the glory of war is indeed won through horrors, which Pindar suggests in vigorous phrases, descending from ' the danger of the sharp battle cry ' to the ' contagious blastment of Enyalius ' and deeper still to ' the war-cloud whose rain is clogging blood.' Thus we have come back to war again, after a transient vision, in between, of a peaceful future for Aetna. The wars of Sicily, in which Chromius took part, are the companion picture to the expedition against Thebes, and Chromius is the figure contrasted with Amphiaraus. The presiding influence in the mythical war was Ata ; the spirit of Chromius' enterprises was Aidos : . Men and horses are resonant, both here and there, sometimes at the same points of the repeated musical successions 4 ; and the 'martial soul' 1 p. 118. See note on this line. ovvenev iv 7ro\^/xy Keiva debs tvrvev * Also by having Kreduuv in 1. 32, ami avrou. afterwards, of Chromius alone, Kredeois i 1. 1S dyayov crparbv dvbpwv aiatav iroWois in 1. 46. :: 1. 38 wotl Svcr/J-efiwu dvbpwv urixas. '■'• Compare line 21 (first of 5th strophe) 1. 22 x a ^ K * 0LS ottXolo-iv LTnreiots re uvv (jyaivo/xevav 5' dp' is drav aireudev 6pu\os 'ivTeaw :: 1. 32 \abv. ivri toi <f>i\nr rot. iKeo-dai with line 36 (first of 8th strophe) Also 1. 33 dvSpes. dwiarov Zeiir'- k.t.X. 1 66 [NEMEAN] IX. of Amphiaraus (for whose end Zeus made provision) seen fleeing before Periclymenus has a metrical position exactly corresponding to the ' soul ' of Chromius, armed by the goddess with a weapon for pursuit 1 . For Chromius, thus conceived as (in our phrase) ' the soul of honour,' the cloud of war is the medium through which he reaches light and flowers, as in a mystery. The effect and the connexion of thought in this passage are lost, if we read the sentences apart. " Few be they who have the heart, and hands to take counsel to turn upon the ranks of the foemen the war- cloud whose rain is blood that cloggeth the feet. Verily it is said that for Hector glory burst into flower near the waters of the Scamander ; certainly by the deep-cliff' d banks of the Helorus, which flows into the ' Passage of Rhea,' such a light ((peyyos) gleamed for the son of Agesidamus in his early manhood." The battle of the Helorus was Chromius' initiation in mysteries ; he had to face the dark cloud, he had to walk in places where his footing was imperilled and his feet impeded ; and then he found himself near river banks, strown with flowers of glory, in the presence of a new mystic light. The scrupulous accuracy of Pindar's art is illustrated here by the introduction of Hector. The flowers of glory are intended to be contrasted with the 'white-flower corpses' that were buried on the banks of the Ismenus ; but if Pindar had strown these flowers by the waters of the Helorus, his contrast between Chromius and Amphiaraus would have been wounded or blurred by the introduction of a new contrast between Chromius and the other warriors who fell at Thebes. And so, without sacrificing the precision of his comparison between the two individuals, the artist translates his flowers to the banks of the Scamander, and names Hector, as the type of a class of warriors, to which Chromius himself belongs, patriotic warriors, contrasting them with the other class represented by Amphiaraus and his fellows. This accuracy of thought is emphasized by the adjective fiaOv- Kfn'mvoKTi, applied to the shores of the Helorus, and responding metrically to the adjective fiaBvvTepvov, which describes the earth opening her bosom to enfold the son of Oicles : 1. 25, Zeiis rav {iaQvartpvov yQova *pv\// avhp ap.' iWots 1. 40, ayxpv, fiadvKprjpvoio-i, 8' dp(p' aKTa'is EXcopou. 'In deep places darkness shrouded Amphiaraus 1 ' By deep places light illuminated Chromius.' Greek art, at its best,— Pindaric art, for instance— is marked by the rejection of unserviceable ornaments and superfluities. In this passage one might think that Pindar himself is errant for a moment, and that the clause determining the sea into which the Helorus flows is on the most favourable view an unnecessary topographical exegesis, not woven into the spiritual corresponds in metre (although it is not ' Ovixbv (1. 27) paxv-rav :: Qv/xov cu'x- the same line of the strophe) to 1. 16 de- /xarav (1. 37). This responsion was dpodd/xavT ' Ep«p6\ai> k.t.X.— We have noticed and appreciated by Mezger, ]>. i7r7rois again in 1. 34, and we had Kpar^a- 1 19. 1 7r w ov in 1. 4. INTRODUCTION. 167 texture of the composition. But on closer examination this criticism turns out to be unfair, and 'the Passage of Rhea,' so far from being trivial, becomes a phrase of spiritual significance. At Helorus the light of success had regarded Chromius, but this was only his first achievement, to be followed by others ; or, Pindar puts it, the Helorus conducts to the sea which may be considered a. passage to scenes of future triumphs, noted immediately after, ' exploits on the dusty dryland and on the adjacent ocean.' That this is really the bearing of the ' Passage of Rhea,' is indicated if I am not mistaken, in the course of the following lines. Having thus summed up the career of Chromius, the poet proceeds to point a conclusion which has a positive and a negative side. A youth and manhood 1 spent laboriously, under the guidance of Justice, ought to be followed by a calm space for a man, who has not yet reached the threshold of old age, and is no longer a vtos. This Chromius may claim. And the gods have in full measure given him bliss — the supreme aim of all Mysteries'-', — having laden him with riches and honour and glory. This is the positive side of Pindar's conclusion. The negative side is an injunction, that he should be content now to embrace the prospect of that calm life, making up his mind that he has reached the highest summit possible for mortal feet — reached it, we are reminded by an echo, through clogging blood and dangers 3 — and that there is 'no passage' to any higher point beyond 4 . At the Helorus, when he was young, he was near the Passage called by mortals 'of Rhea,' and there were worlds to win : but now he stands, where is no passage forward known to men, — no war, at least, if Zeus be gracious to the prayer which the poet addressed to him''. ' No war; but peace, and the things beloved of peace, — banqueting, and song. Wine and song are in place now ; for song has the magic virtue of touching into young bloom an old victory, and the wine-cup maketh song bold. Therefore mix the wine and fill the cups ! ' These lines, savouring of the true comus inspired by Dionysus, take us back, after our march along sombre ways, to the cheerful scene before Chromius' house in Aetna, a scene which we now regard from a wider aspect in the light of Pindar's lesson in the art of life. Echoes of the words which we have heard still haunt the air, awakening that feeling which Lucretius stereotyped in his suave marl 1 tK ttovuv 8' I oi' crvv veoTan ytvwvrai gegeniiber gestellt.' <rv» re b'iKa (1. 44). In point of 'youth ' 3 The emphatic dual woooiv at the end Chromius and his countrymen resembled of the measure could be dispensed with the warriors who fought at Thebes; but by the sense; but it has the effect of in point of 'justice' their causes differed. recalling how the same two feet had often Observe the responsion of this line to walked through carnage, (povov wapiroolov 1. 24 h 37, where (povov ends the same measure. i-n-Ta yap baiaavro wvpal veoyviovs * I must refer the reader to the com- (puTas. mentary on this passage. 2 Trpbs Oaip-ovoiv dav/xaarbv o\/3oe, 1. 45. 5 This is indicated by the use of iropcuii See note. What Amphiaraus won from here, echoing Cos TropcKTTa in the prayer. the deities was a panic {8aip.ovioi.o-t. (pofiois, The thought, which we read between the 1. 27); compare Mezger, p. 121, 'den lines, is rendered clear by the immediate Saipovtot (pojioi wird ein daip.6vios 6\j3os succession of d<ri'X' a » Peace. 1 68 [NEMEAN] IX. magno — ; and it is suggested l that, if Amphiaraus was smitten by the violence of lightning, nothing worse will overbear Chromius than the gentle violence of the ' child of the vine,' now inviting him in the silver goblets, which his horses — another echo — won at Sicyon 2 . These goblets were not indeed the sole prize awarded for that victory ; attached to them were wreaths, ' Apollo's crowns, twined by Themis,' this curious epithet depu-rrXeKrois being probably designed to convey a mystic allusion 3 . The Ode concludes with a second prayer to Zeus, to be taken in connexion with the former prayer against war, to which it forms a sort of complement : ' I pray that I may sing suck excellence as this (success in the games), the Graces assisting, and that, above many singers, I may worthily magnify Victory, shooting my dart very near the mark of the Muses.' The connexion of the first and the second prayer is marked by a responsion 4 ; 1. 29 iy^iav ravTciv davarov nepi Koi £a>as k.t.X. 1. 54 ev'x /*"' ravTav dperav neXadrjcrai k.t.X. It is characteristic of Pindar to desire in his prayer not perfection, but only a close approach thereto ; yet if we judge that in this comus he hit, absolutely, ihe mark of Poetry, we shall hardly transgress seriously the limit of even Greek moderation. METRICAL ANALYSIS. Strophe. VV. 1,2. A (18) v. 3- B — \s ^ — v^ v^ - ^ \s — \^w \^ — a (o) w.4,5. A' The rhythmical formula of this mesodic structure might be expressed in the number of beats, thus 6 . 12 8 12 . 6 Schmidt remarks : ' Hinsichtlich des Centrums sei noch aiiiremerkt dass die Centre der O Strophen d und id die Hauptsachen enthalten ; wegen der zwei Trisemen aber dass alle Strophen (10) ausser der fiinften, wo 'la-firjvov an der S telle steht, auch die Notirung ' — a- zulassen, und audi wohl gehabt haben, a. a. O. aber nur peTpiicj} ai/dy/o/ davon abgewichen ist.' 1 (iiarav iraid ap.iri\ov 1. 51, a remark- (plXiwwoi 1. 32. able expression recalling Kepavvip TrapfUq. '■'' See note 1. 52. 1. 24. The steeds of Amphiaraus were 4 Mezger, p. ill. 'Wie der Dichter ..wallowed up with him; the marcs of jene Waffenprobe weit von sich wegweist Chromius secured him the phialai. (weipav TavTav, v. :y), so freut er sich - i-mroi responds lu 'nnrdots 1. 22 and dieseza, preisen [edxop.ai ravrav v. 54)'. [NEMEONIKAI] ©'. XPOMIOf AITNAIH* APMATI. KcDfMiaofjLev Trap* ' XttoWwvos Iti/cvcovode, Motcat, arp. a. rap veoKTicrrav e? AiTvav, ev9 dva'iT€inap l kvai %eivwv veviicavTai dvpat, bXfiiov e? Xpofilov 8(0 fi. aXX" eirecov <y\v/cvv vp,vov Trpaaaerai. to /cpaTi}crL7nrov yap e? apfi dvaj3aivwu p,arepi real 8i8vp,oi<; iralheacnv avhdv fiavuei i. KW(xdcro(i€v k.t.X.] In Isthm. III. 90 and Pyth. ix. 89 the future of /cw/xdj'w is middle, KU/xa^ofiai., Kw/xacrojucu. In those passages however the sense is 'celebrate', while here the word bears the more literal meaning, 'proceed as a comus or band of revellers', comissor. As the ode is sung on the anniversary of Chromius' victory, the Muses are sup- posed to be with Apollo at the Sicyonian Pythia, and are called to Aetna. Render : We shall go in revel forth from S icy on, from (he presence of Apollo, charm- tresses, to new-built Aetna, where doors wide open are too narrow for all the guests, in the wealthy house of Chromios. — to 8i veviKavxcii dvri rod rjTT-qvrai (schol.). 6\- (Siov e's Xpo/xiov du/xa defines is Airvav more strictly. 3. irpda-o-tTcu] One may feel a doubt between irpdaaere, the reading of B and of the scholiast (who explains dia- vvaare), and irpacraeTai of D. irpdauuv with the accusative in the sense of make is characteristic of Pindar, and he may bid the Muses, make (or deal) a sweet hymn of legends. With Trpdaaerai, Chro- mius exacts the ode (a sense which irpdo- (toito bears in 01. X. 30). I have decided for Trpaaaerai because it is metrically preferable. No other line in the ode ends with a short vowel (a, e, u, or X), though we have ov, ep, tv, etc. 4. KpaTtio-iTrirov] One of Pindar's lofty compounds. Compare Kparr]<ri/j.axos (Pyth. IX. 86), Kpa.T7)aiirovs (Pyth. X. 16), KpaTTjatpias (fr. 16). — See Introduction, pp. 165 (note), 166 (note), and 168 (note) for echoes of ltttvos. iraiSecro-i] Pindar uses both this form and ttcuctL, as he uses iroai, -rroffcri and irbbevo-i.. — The mother and her two chil- dren are Leto, Apollo and Artemis, whom we met together before, Nem. VI. 36. By ascending into his chariot Chro- mius proclaims a song in honour of Apollo, who in the worship at Sicyon was associated with his sister and mother. av8dv has roused the suspicions of editors, as it would seem to bear here the un- usual sense of song. Boeckh read 7rcu'5e<rcr' doiddv; Hermann avxdv (in the same sense as Kavxa below, 1. 7), which how- ever can hardly win much support from 170 [NEMEONIKAI] WvOwvos alireivas 6/u,o/c\dpoi<; itroinai^. 5 earn he Tt? \6709 dvOpwirwv, Tere\eap,ei>ov e&Xbv arp. /3'. fxi) yap,ai ai<ya KaXvyfrat ' Oeatreaia 8' eVecof Kav-%ai<; doihd 7Tp6(T(j)OpO<i. aAA' ava jxkv fipop,Lav tpopfityy', dvd S' avkbv eV atrr&Jv 6pcrop,ev the scholium to 6a\i/j.d£e(r9ai. Bergk sug- gests a'tyXav. Of these, Hermann's is the best, because it might conceivably have been changed to avddv. But the expres- sion cu"xai> (accent so) fiavbeiv seems hardly natural. — It might seem suspi- cious that avdd does not occur elsewhere in Pindar, and indeed I once thought that Pindar wrote avydv, a blaze of light, thus hinting at a Xap.irabr}<popia or torch procession in honour of the three divini- ties, by which Chromius intended to celebrate his victory. But I now feel sure that avddv was written by Pindar, designedly chosen as a word of cere- monial import. Its special use for an oracular utterance is well known ; and it is to be further observed that diravdCo was a cry used in mysteries and solemn ceremonies. Moreover in 01. n. 92, we find av5dcro/j.cu ivopKiov \6yoi> dXaOei vou) of a very solemn affirmation, and in Non. x. 80 and 89, the active is used of the speech of Zeus, avdd suggests a spell of song, and avddtis in a graceful fragment of Pindar (194) suggests the same idea : KeKpoTijTai xi )V(T ^ a Kprjwis upatcriv doi- dals' fla retX'i' w M e '' ^17 ttoikIXwv Kocrfiov avodtvru Xbyuv ' 6s kcli TroXvKXflrav wep iolauv v/xws 0?}- jiav Sti p.dXXov iwaaKrjcrec 6eu>v Kal /car' avOpwirwv dyvids. Here we lose the effect of the epithet of K6afiov if we do not recognise that it implies the potency of a solemn spell: — come let us build straightway a fair "Mall of manifold, murmuring tales. 5. 6|AOK\dpoisl consortibus. In 01. 11 49 o/xoKXapos means partaker in the same lot, namely victory. ciroirTCUS = iino-Kb- wois. Apollo and Artemis are the joint- iiithroncd governors of steep Pytho. 6. &tti 8c k.t.X.] Aden have a proverb, ' Hide not a deed of noble achievement on the ground, in silence* (lit. that one should not hide). X -^ 1 xaXvxpai corresponds to our hide under a bushel. The positive equivalent is found in Pylh. vm. 33 i'rw rebv XP* 0S — iroTavbv (noted by Mezger). 7. 0co-ire<rCa k.t.X.] A lay of divine tales is meet for sounding praises. This sentence has caused a good deal of dis- cussion. There can be no doubt, I think, that Pindar intends to say in 11. 6, 7, 'a noble deed demands praise, and the fittest praise is a lay of legendary tales ', cttcW bearing the same sense as above, 1. 3. It is clear then that Benedict's correction Kav^ais for Kavxas is right, a dative being absolutely required after wpoacpopos. The opposition of icavxa to silence is illustrated by Isthm. iv. 51 d\\' o/xcos Kavxyp-a Kardfipex 6 oi-ya. The sense shews that ewiwv depends on doidd, not on Kavxo-is,— doidd tirtuv being the v/jlvos iwiwv of 1. 3. deeirecria, going so closely in sense with iiriuv and yet gram- matically connected with dotSd, lessens the harshness of separating iwiuiv from dotod, because it removes all ambiguity. Cf. Oeanealuv iiriwv (Isth. ill. 57) of the Homeric poems — 'the tale of Troy divine'. — Kai<xv< a rare word, may be compared to auxy, /iXdor?;, etc. 8. dXX' dvd k.t.X.] Put we shall rouse the pealing lyre, yea and rouse the /lute to celebrate the supreme horse-races, those and none other, which Adraslus [NEMEAN] IX. 171 'nririwv deOXwu /copvcpdv, die tfcoifiq) 6>}/cev * ' AhpaaTos eV Aacoirov peedpois' wv iyco p,vaa0el<i eiraaiojcrw /cXfrcu? ijpcoa rivals, 10 05 roTe /x.ey fiacnXevcov /celOc veaicrL 6* eoprals arp. 7'. tcr^t/o? t av&pwv dfilWai,*; dppbaai re <y\a(f)vpol<; apbtpaive Kvhaivwv itoX.iv. (pevye yap ApLcpidpr/v iroTe 0paavp,r)8ea Kal Seivdv aidcriv established in honour of Phoebus by the waters of Asopus. dva is adverbial, with opcro/j.ev (so called l?uesis). (ip^/xerai is used of the lyre Nem. XI. 7.— The MSS. have eir' avrbv, and all editors read eV avrdv after Schmid. It is possible that this is right, but the change seems too bold, and I content myself with the simpler emendation eir* av-niuv, which cannot be called a change, as it was originally written errAYTON. The meaning is the same as with the reading avrdv, for Kopvtpav iirirluv dtOXuv = i^oxuTara tinna dedXa (whence the relative a, for which we might expect op). avTwu is, as Mezger says of avrav, 'im Gegensatz zu den einleitenden Versen ; der Dichter wendet sich jetzt zum Kern des Gedichtes, zur Stiftungssage '. — For the separation of the preposition from its case cf. Nem. X. 48 trap Aios drjKe dpSfMp. For Kopvcpd cf. Nem. X. 32, 1. 34. 9. wv k.t.X.] Making mention 'where- of I shall trick out the hero with sounding words of honour. Cf. fr. 194 K6<r/xov avodtvra X6yu>v, 6s Kal TroXvKXeirav irep coTaav o'/tiws Q-qflav en fxdXXov iiraaKricrti deu>i> Kal tear' avdpuwuv dyvids. [Homer p 266 inrjaKrjTaL 5£ oi avXr] rolxv Kal OpiyKolvi.] That the word eiraaKtiv is here adopted by Tindar from the language of the mysteries seems possible, if we observe the gloss of Hesychius £ira<TKe'tv aifieoOai, ayvevew, and this possibility becomes really probable from the circum- stance that in the fragment, just quoted, e7ra<TK-7jtret is in close junction with audd- evra, a word which, as we have already seen, had mystical associations. This uncommon expression, used in reference to Adrasttis, is answered in 1. 54 by ri/xa\0eii/ \6yois (also unique in Pindar) in reference to the victory of Chromius. — 0tjk€v, here of establishing games ; but dtlvai dy&va was also the technical expression for administrating games. 12. l(T)(\5os t* k.t.X. ] d/xiXXais is con- structed with both genitive and dative (as Olymp. V. 6, 7) : and by contests which prove men's strength and races with carve// chariots he made the city bright and glorious. In Pyth. 1. 31 the phrase Kvdaiveiv iroXiv recurs (cf. 01. X. 66). For a|i<j>aivE cf. Pyth. IX. 73 Zvda la/cdcrcus dvi<pav€ Kvpdvav, and Pyth. IV. 62 (iaaiXi' dfupavei*, declared ki//g. 13. 'A|i.<j>iapT]v TroTt] B has preserved irori. The question is whether we should, with most editors, adopt 'Afx-cpi.- dprjdv re from D; or follow Bergk in reading ' Ap.<pidp-qv and keeping wore. Metrically the reading of D is preferable to the emendation of Bergk ; for in the corresponding lines of all the other strophes the third foot is a spondee. This consideration however is not de- cisive and must yield to others ; but it may be mentioned that in the present Ode the second foot of the seventh strophe is ivri, a trochee, whereas elsewhere the corresponding feet are spondees. From a critical point of view Bergk's reading is in my opinion inex- pugnable; for, assuming it to be correct, 172 [NEMEONIKAI] 0'. TTarpcpfov oIkcov airo t 'Apyeos' apyol 8' ovk eV eaav Takaou 7rat8e9, fttacrOevTes \va. Kpeacrcov Se KamraveL Sltcav tclv irpoaOev dvrjp. 1 5 dvSpoSdfiavT 'RpMfrvXav, opKiov w? ore ttmttov, (TTp. 8'. the corruptions of the MSS. were almost inevitable. The usual form of the proper name in Pindar is 'AfupLaprjos, and though he uses ' Ap.(pidp-qs in this very hymn 1. 24, (the Etym. Mag. bears witness to the existence of the form), it is clear that the scribes had a very strong temptation to alter the rare into the more usual accu- sative by the insertion of an omicron. Hence the reading of B. The next step was to observe that the metre was at fault and to amend it by the obvious resort of clipping irori into re. Hence the reading of D. In point of sense, the verse with irore is superior to the verse with re. 6pa<j-v(j.TJ8ea] This epithet {boldhearted) is applied to Salmon eus, Pyth. IV. 143, and to Alexander, son of Amyntas, frag. 120. In two other places Opaav% and 8tivos occur in close collocation : Pyth. II. 64 dpdaos Seivwv woXkfxwv, and Nem. IV. 64 dpao~v/j,axdvwv XeovToov ...SeivoraTiov ddovruv. Else in Pindar Saeos occurs only twice, Pyth. I. 26, of 'wells of flame most dire' and Nem. X. 65. 14. TaXaov iraiSes] Pronax and Ad- rastus were the sons of Talaus, who was the son of Bias. For these somewhat obscure mythological relationships it will be best to quote the scholium : ot 5k (pacri ' Ilpotros k(3ao~LXevo~e tov "Apyous, twv Ovyarkpow 5k avTov fxaveicrQv MtXa/wrcws //.dens uv iraptyeveTO ' 6p.oXo- yrjOcvTOS 5k aiVui p.ic6ov twc Svtiv fiepwv rrjs [laaiXdas tudOr/pei' auras • u>s 5k eVd- Orjpev, e"Xa/3e /card ttjv vir6<Txe<Tit>, Kai to fxkv 7]/J.l<7V (KOlVWCFaTO Tlf dS(X<pU) BlaVTL, to 5k -rj/juav Karc'crxf avTqj, tiVre yevrjdrjvai tt]v oXtjv fiaaiXtiav Tpifteprj, MeXap.7ro5i- 5as, BiaeTi'Sas, WpoiTl5as. MeXd/u7ro5os plv ovv ' AfTKpaTTis, ov OiVXf/S, or 'AfKptd- paos' Biaeros 5k TaXads, ov "ASpacros. IIpotroLi 5k ^leyawtvd-qs, ov 'Ittwovovs ov KaTraeeds, o5 20eVeXos. 5ia(popa 5k iye- i>rj0T] tois irepl ' A/x<pidpaov Kai "A5pao~Toi>, wtiTe tov fxkv TaXabv vwo tov 'Afjupiapdov dirodavuv, tov 5k "A5pacrTov (pvyeiv ds ZiKvQva, k.t.X. Menaechmus of Sicyon mentions the death of Pronax on the same occasion, in a passage quoted by the scholiast and worth reproducing here if only for the sake of a certain emen- dation of Carl Midler : xp ovov wapeX- Oovtos ttoXXov Upwvai; /xkv TaXaoD Kai Avo-i/j.dxys ttjs UoXvfiov [3aaiXevwv 'Ap- yeiwv dwoOvrjo-Kei, /carao-racriacr(?eis (Midler for KaracrraCeis) vwo 'Ap.<piapdov Kai twv ^leXa/j.Trodi.5u>v Kai tQiv 'Ava^ayopiSQv. Pia<r0e'vT6s Xva] We met a part of /3tdw in viil. 34, here we have a part of pidfa ; they are both unique in Pindar's extant poems. Xva, an extremely rare word, equivalent to crra'tns, its literal sense being clearly 'deliverance'. 15. Kpicra-tav k.t.X.] When a stronger man cometh, he doeth away with exist hi g right. Schol. 6 5k iVxi'pos avrip to irpo- virdpxov SiKawv KaTairavei. The point of the verse, applicable to most conquerors, disappears, if we take 51kt) in the sense of lis. Mezger interprets rightly ' Macht geht vor Recht '. 16. avSpoSdnavT* *Epi<j>v\av] The German language with its Mann of double sense might render here, better than English, an effect of Pindar's art. The strong 'man' of 1. [5 is immediately followed by the 'Man-quelling Eriphyle' ; and as we hear of the might and success of Amphiaraus, we are reminded by an ambiguous word, as by a bird of ill omen Hitting across the page, that he was t" be subdued through the perfidy of his wife. [NEMEAN] IX. 173 Sovre'i Ol/ckeiBa yvvalica, tjavdo/cofidv Aavawv ~ft)aav /xeytaTOff. And this juxtaposition of dv-qp ending the third strophe, and dv8poSd/xai>T' beginning the fourth strophe, a striking artifice, is emphasized by the designed omission of the usual particle of tran- sition. Other examples of such an omission will be found in Nem. X. 61 and 75. The reconciliation of Amphiaraus and Adrastus was sealed by the marriage of the former with the latter's sister Eri- phyle : schol. varepov fxevroi ffvv(\i]\ii9acn irdXif, £(p' (j5 avvoucqaei. tt\ 'JZpMpvXri 6 'AfMptdpaos, 'if' ei ti p.£y' Zpiap.a /xer d/j.<poTtpoL<rt yiv-qrai, avrrj Stairg.. And on the strength of this von Leutsch and Mezger hold that Eriphyle is called dvdpoodfj.as, not in reference to her con- nexion with her husband's fate, but ' weil sie zur Schiedsrichterin zwischen ihrem Gatten und B ruder bestellt war, wenn allenfalls Zwist unter ihnen ausbrache'. And this suggestion has a certain value, but it must be supplemented by the ordinary explanation, which v. Leutsch rejects. As I said above, dv8po8d^avr is ambiguous. Well, the interpretation of von Leutsch is the harmless superficial meaning, while the ordinary explanation gives the ominous under-meaning. Only in this case the parts are inverted, and the under-meaning is the more obvious. avSpoSdnavr' is preserved by B. B gives di>8poSd/J.ai> t', D has avSpo/xadap r\ The adjective dvdpo8ap.as occurs in Nem. ill. 39 and frag. 166. 17. 86vt6s k.t.X.] Having given to Amphiaraus (the son of Oicles) Eriphyle to wife, as a firm pledge, they — the sons of Talans — were most mighty among the yellow-haired Danai. Such is the mean- ing of the MSS. reading as it stands — r)<rav /j.tyi<TToi. Either this verse or the next is metrically incomplete (the MSS. divide the lines after ko.1 ttot es) ; and the question is whether the text is right as far as it goes, or are the words r|o-av fit'-yio-Toi themselves corrupt, perhaps a gloss. It is clear that J]aav cannot be right, as the Pindaric form is invariably laav (in 01. ix. 53, where the MSS. vary between 8' rjaav, 8' 'iaaav and 5' law Bergk has rightly restored 8r\ "aw), and Boeckh's laaw does not improve matters. And if we condemn rjaav we must con- demn /xlyiarot, a word very likely to have ousted from the text some more coloured expression, of which it was a marginal explanation. This is the view of Bergk. Assuming then that the original words of Pindar after Awau>i> have been lost, let us see whether we have any means of finding them. To begin with, we have the gloss r^aav fieyiaroi; and we have also the paraphrase of a scholiast to the same effect, km. ovtu twv £w6ok6- fiuv 'KK\rjvuv iytvovTO TrepupwearaToi (Bergk for MSS. Trepupwlarfpoi) oi irtpl "ASpaarov. There can, I think, be no doubt that the writer of this scholium had the genuine text before him, for iyl- vovto ireptcpavlaraTOL is unlikely as an in- terpretation of rjaw p.eyiaTot. Now the sense demands a part of yivo/xai rather than a part of eip.1 • hence Bergk (para- plirasis vestigia legens as he says) supplies tcl irpQr' lyevr' 'ASpaarLSai. 'ASpaariSai is hardly right : oi irepl "ASpaa- rov in the scholium does not imply that the subject of the sentence was expressed. Moreover lyevro is always singular in Pindar (see Pyth. VI. 28, frag. 147), who uses ky&vovro very often, and it is therefore necessary to modify Bergk's reading, while we attribute to him the credit of a good suggestion. I propose irpuToi 'yevovro, but feel unable to decide whether the lacuna should be marked in 1. 17 or in 1. 18. On behalf of irpwroi it may be said that it is a word likely to have been elucidated by a marginal synonym, inasmuch as Pindar rarely (once or twice) uses wpQros in the sense of fxlyiaros. 174 [NEMEONIKAI] 0'. Kai itot e'<? ktTTairvXov^ ®*7/3a? ayayov arparbv dvBpwv alcriav ov /car hpvlywv 6S6v ovSe Kpovicov narepotrnv e'XeX/^at? o'licodev fiapyovfjievovs crTeiyeiv eiru>rpvv, dWa (peiaaadai iceXevdov. 20 (f)awofM€vav S' ap e? array cnrevSev ofii\o<i iKecrdat crrp. e . ya\Keoi<i ottXoktlv 'nrireioiq re <rvv evreaiv ' '\a/xrjvov S' eV oydaicri yXvKvv Other editors, accepting T\oav or eaaav fxlyiaroi, have filled up the gap in various ways. Boeckh punctuating at p.(yiaroi read St) rodev, suggested by the scholium on 1. 18, ivrevdep drj /cat ei's rets 617/tas K.r.\. Hartung accepts 5i) rbdev but connects the phrase with the foregoing words, punctuating at rddev. Rauchen- stein reads tovt&ki (punctuating at /xiyta- toi), which Schnitzer praises. Bergk's earlier conjecture Xayiran deserves men- tion. [See further Appendix A, note 8.] 18 — 20. Kat ttot* k.t.X.] And on a time they led a host against Seven-gated Thebes, sped on their way by no well- boding birds ; nor did the son of Cronus swinging a bolt of lightning urge them to set forth, in fury fell, from home, but bade them spare the journey. Observe that the penultimate of Kpo- viwv is long here, as in Pytli. I. 71. In the other five places where it occurs in Pindar it is short (as below, 1. 28). — Else- where Pindar uses arepowd. e\e\ifw (vibrare) occurs in 01. IX. 13 and Pyth. 1. 4 of the phorminx. In 1. 20 the sense of e'/cAei'irc implied in iTTLOTpwe is carried on to <}>e£o-ao-8cu. 2 1 . <j>atvo^i€vav k.t.X.] But certes, the company sped on their way to doom clearly revealed, with brazen armour and steeds and the accoutrements thereof (that is, chariots). In elucidation of <j>aivop.i- vav all the editors quote Archilochus, frag. 98 (ed. Bergk) <t>a.tu6p.ei>ov KaKbv ofoaS' ayeadat. The point is that the doom was revealed by 1 miens, iirrmois ivTttri refer here to the chariots (not merely the harness) as in 01. XIII. 20 (this use is noticed by schol. //. ft 7-j-j, see Rumpel's Lexicon, sub Zvtos). Zvtos is a favourite word of Pindar for gear and instruments of various kinds ; for example, it is the Pindaric equivalent of ' a musical instru- ment'. 23. ep€i<raji€voi] We have to decide here between the claims of €pei<xdp.ei>oi, the reading of B, and ipvcr<rdfj.evoi, Her- mann's correction of epvoap-tvoi, the reading of D. The numerous •emenda- tions' which have been suggested (such as okeocraixevoi. Benedict, dirovpa/xevoL Hartung, epvKop.evoi Ilerwerden) may be safely neglected, as so many wild guesses ; and in not a single case has any serious attempt been made to account for the origin of the mss. readings. epvaad/xevoi has been explained in two ways. (1) Dissen translates inhibentcs. This meaning may be arrived at through the idea of defending oneself against, pre- venting ; but in this sense, vbarov ipv<r- adp.ei>oi is an unnatural expression, and quite inappropriate to the context. (2) Mezger seizes another sense of ipvetrdai, — draw towards oneself ; and translates 'lira die siisse Ruckkehr ringend' (com- paring 2 174), striving for sweet return. Against this view — modified and ren- dered attractive by Mr Tyrrell's happy translation after the tug of war for sweet home — the tense seems to me an objec- tion, tpvaodfxfvoi cannot strictly mean 'in a struggle for'; and could it mean [NEMEAN] IX. vootov ipeiadfMevoi Xev/cavdea auifiar iiriavav Kairvov' 175 (as Mr Tyrrell's view implies) 'having tugged in vain for'? The reading ipeicrd/xevoi, which has the superior MSS. authority of B B, has baffled commentators (ipvacdixevoi, I have no doubt, being only the earliest 'emen- dation'), yet its appearance in the text seems inexplicable, unless we assume it to be genuine. And if we analyse the meaning of ipeiSw, we shall see that the phrase is really significant. ipeiSoo means to fix a thing in a position from which it cannot be dislodged without external intervention ; ipeideiv dyicvpav x^ c "' t '> to fix an anchor firm in the ground, ipeiSe- adcu \i60v iiri roixy, to set a stone firm on a wall, are typical instances. Now when the Argive army went against Thebes, their doom was sealed and they were destined never to return home. Dealing with this, a modern writer might say that, when they arrived at Thebes, they buried (heir hopes of seeing home once more on the banks of the Ismenus. Now Pindar expresses this objectively and with a different metaphor ; yXwc^s v6<ttos sweet return (the nearest Greek equivalent for our home, sweet home) being conceived as a sort of burden or cargo, which the host carried with them, but, instead of retaining it, fixed in an immovable posi- tion on the banks of the foreign river. This imaginative transformation of the abstract conception yXvxvs v6<ttos, as if it were a kind of talisman, carried in the hands, is the only difficulty in the pas- sage. The interpretation of the scholiast, rqv oikoi dva.Kop.ibrii' diridevro, though it hardly explains the metaphor, gives the sense and is certainly a paraphrase of ipei.o-dp.evoi (not of epvacrd.fj.euoi). We may render the whole sentence thus : And 011 the banks of Ismenus, having laid down their longings for siueet home, as blanched corpses they fed fat the smoke. It will be noticed that I have used a subjective phrase to express the force of the middle in epeurd/j.tvoi. XtvKavGta k.t.X.] t in iriaivo:, here long, is short in Pyth. IV. 150. — A slight slip in the mss., and a divergent explanation in the scholium have given rise to a doubt. From awiiaoiv iiriavav B, and awnacn iiriavav D, it might seem simple to de- duce 0-iop.acn iriavav (Hermann). But the scholiast clearly read <ru>p.aT iiriavav and connected it with Xevxavdia, for he offers ib the choice of connecting the adjective with either auip-ara or Kairvov. The words are : \evKavdia 8e X£y« rd cruifxara- yive- tou yap to cruip-ara twv Kat.op.ivwv vexpujv Xevxd, 17 rbv Kairvov, 8ti 6 Kairvos did tV irifj.e\rjv XevKos iari Kal [iapvs K.T.X. A moment's consideration will demon- strate that the reading explained by this scholium is right. If Pindar had written awfj.ao-i iriavav, the variant auitxara imply- ing a more difficult construction would never have appeared ; whereas if he wrote trw/ua-r' iiriavav, it is extremely natural that scribes not apprehending the syntax should have changed adiiiar to o&iiao-i. This a priori consideration is completely confirmed by the evidence of the Mss. — namely by the tell-tale augment. The scribe who passed by Kpvipev in line 25, would not have added an cpsilon in line 23, if he had found iriavav. In other words, were <r<Jip.acri iriavav the true read- ing, the corruption in the mss. would lie almost unintelligible; whereas if aupar' iiriavav is genuine, the traditions of B and D are completely explained. The word XevKavOrjs (familiar from Sophocles' \evKav8is xdpa) is one of those words in which the second part has almost lost its original identity of mean- ing, and it differentiates itself from the simple \evKos by a subtle association rather than by any tangible property ; being in 176 [NEMEONIKAI] 0'. e7TT« yap Saiaavro it v pal veo<yviov<i <^wra<i ' 6 6° ^Afi^iaprj axiaaais Kepavvw irap,(Biq fact a more exquisite word, so that in rendering we may adopt blanched, a more exquisite word than white. But in this instance, -avdrjs has really a function to perform, and the insignificant 'bloom' of the dead on the banks of the Ismenus is designed to leave an impression, to be contrasted shortly with ' flowers of fame ' plucked hard by the waters of the Sca- mander and the Helorus. 24. ScuoravTo] Feasted on the limbs of the yottng men: schol. rd tQv vtwv Karev- oJXvd-rjffav Ka -i KarecpXe^av. This is the only place in Pindar where Satw/ii is used metaphorically ; it keeps up the metaphor of iniavav. veoyvlovs (a Pindaric coinage, occurring in Fr. 123 as an epithet of Youth) is emphatic and responds to ve6- tclti in verse 44 below (see above, Intro- duction, p. 167). <r\C<rcraLs] The mss. here present a problem of some difficulty. B prima manu, and B have <rxt<rcus, D and B secunda manu have crxiVee and o-xJ.ce. respectively ; all three MSS. agree in reading Kp6\J/ev 5' a/x' 'imroLS in 1. 25. Here is a dilemma : if ax^oev is right, how are we to account for the reading axioais, which, as the text stands, lacks a construction ? If on the other hand (Txt'cffais is right the text in line 25 must have suffered some corruption. Mr Tyr- rell has suggested that we should read in line 24 cx'ffcr' ev Kepavvui, ev having an instrumental force as in ev x e P^ uK/ia. If we suppose that through ignorance of this usage ev was omitted, it is possible, but, I think, improbable, that ffX^cats might have been elicited from C\ICC. — I believe that we must accept crxWcus and seek for the error in the following line, afi iVirois is clearly sound, KpvxJ/- at least is sound too, and the fault must lie in the letters e v 5. Now it seems probable (hat an accusative followed Kpvxf/e ; in reading the whole sentence one feels that a second indica- tion of Amphiaraus would be a distinct improvement. And here Pindar's arti- ficial method of responsions supplies us with the clue and suggests that by the word dvdpa he could have emphasized the contrast between the day of the hero's success, mentioned in line 15 (Kpiovuv dv-qp) and the day of his destruc- tion. I therefore propose to read Kpti\p' dvdp' dfi ixirois and I think one feels that apC 'iinrois almost requires dvdpa. To explain the corruption, we have only to suppose the accidental omission of p. icpv\pavd was necessarily read Kpvxpav o\ and xpv- \f/av inevitably changed to Kpv\j/ev. The correction of crx'Wais to ax^aev followed immediately, but fortunately the traces of the participle have not been obliterated. My restoration of dvdpa is confirmed by iraiiPia (omnipotent, resistless), a word in- vented by Pindar for this passage, for the purpose of an emphatic responsion to Piao-Ge'vTts of 1. 14. As the children of Talaus were overpoivercd by Amphiaraus, the strong man who upsets existing right, even so Amphiaraus was quelled by the all-powerful lightning of Zeus, the man himself and his horses. Rauchenstein reads yav fiadvorepvov, xOovl Kpijxpev 8', and Bergk (who keeps crxiVcats) follows him, except that he changes 8' d/j.' to Od/j.' (which is of course untenable). To this change its author was led by the interpretation of the scholium : Sieaxure Kal SUaT-qce tt)v yr\v Tr\aTeiav...Kal ovrios utto tt/v yrjv eKpixpOr] k.t.X. This is an absurd way of dealing with the scholia, and, logically followed out, would lead to a curious text. The interpretation does not imply anything more than the reading which the mss. present, and I need hardly observe how [NEMEAN] IX. Zei)? rau fiadvcnepvov ^dova, /cpv-^r dvhp" a/A ittttols, 177 25 Bovpl XlepucXvfjLevov irplv vcora rvirkvra fia^ardv err p. T . Ovfiov alayyvQr)\Aev. ev <yap SaifiovLoiai cpoftois (pevyovn kcli el Bvvarov, Kpovtwv, trelpav fiev ayavopa (potvtKocrroXwv iy^ecov Tavrav Bavdrov trept kcli £Wi9 dvaftdWofiai <w<? Tropaiara, fxolpav 8' evvofxov inferior is Rauchenstein's gratuitously redundant sentence. Are we to make the justifiable pleonasm of a scholiast a standard for Pindar? 25. PaSvcTTfpvov] Deep-chested, sug- gesting the deep fissure in which the chariot was engulfed. In Isth. III. 12, the adjective is used of the vale of Nemea. See below on verse 40. 26. n«piK\vp.€vov] Schol. t£ Hepix\v- ^vcp, 6? t\v vlbs Hoaeidwvos Kai Wupidos TTjs Teipecriov 6p.uivvp.os to? Xt/X^ws. — Of tvtttu Pindar uses only the present and second aorist participles passive. p.ax<XT<iv 0v|x6v] Ere — he was shamed in his valiant soul, or felt a soil on his warrior soul, alcrxpbs and alaxtivu imply- ing originally a physical disfigurement. The unusual phrase |xa\aTdv 0vp.dv (</><2ra ixaxcrdv occurs in A r em. II. 13, cf. Isth. vi. 31) is echoed, with a variation, below 1. 37 in aLxp-a/rdv 0vp.6v. 27. tv yap k.t.X.] For in panics super- human, even sons of the gods flee ; and therefore the flight of Amphiaraus (im- plied in vuto) may be condoned. Schol. iv yap rots fieylcrTOLS ko.1 ivdiots <p6(3ois k.t.X. The author of the panic in this instance was Zeus (6 yap Zevs avvefidxei rbre tois Qrjpaiots, schol.) and to him the poet appeals in the next line. 28. tl SvvaTov k.t.X.] If it be possible, son of Cronus, I had fain defer as long as may be (indefinitely) a brute arbitra- ment oj purpled '(or purple-mantled) swords, such as this, fought for life and death. Mezger was the first to see that <j>oiviko- o-toXwv is an adjective (he compares Xivb- (ttoXos, (poLviKoel/j.wi>) ' mit Roth d. h. mit Blut uberzogen ', not a proper name, as the scholiast and previous commentators explained. Thus TavTav becomes intel- ligible — such an enterprise as that of the Seven against Thebes ; and the sentence is seen to be in close connexion with the preceding myth. Of course <Polviko<tt6- Xuh> alludes to the Phoenicians of Car- thage, by whom Sicily at this period was continually threatened. It is impossible to bring out satisfactorily in English this second intent ; I have made an attempt to suggest it by the word purpled (cf. Julius Civsar, III. 1, 158, 'purpled hands '), in allusion to the famous Phoe- nician purple. The scholiast explains ireipav as ttjv XrjaTpiKrjv iwiOecxLv (pirati- cal descent), but here it means the test or contest of two parties, rather than the enterprise of one. In choosing ctydvopa Pindar probably dwelt on its etymology, and gave its meaning a shade of blame : loo spirited, rash, oz'erdaring, is the force which we must attach to it. Mr Tyrrell has suggested the translation brute arbi- trament. 29. dva.pdXXop.ai] ' Dicuntur facere precantes id quod precibus effectum volunt ', Dissen. After el SwaTou, ws TTopo-to-Ta must not be translated by the stereotyped formula as far as possible; it means indefinitely far. p.otpav 8' €uvop.ov k.t.X.] But I beseech thee to bestow on the men of Aetna for many generations the gift of a well governed state ('ewo/xfa, respublica bene constituta legibus, qualem Aetnaei Hie- 12 i 7 8 [NEMEONIKAI] 0'. alrico ere nrcucrlv Sapov AiTvalaiv oird^evv, 30 Zev ircnep, dyXataicnv 8' acnvv6fioL<i eiri fiitjat, crrp. £ . \aov. ivTL rot fyiXnnrol, t avroOt /cat KTedvwv yjrv^a<; e;ywTe? Kpecraovas dvSpes. ('nruTTOV eeiTT' al8(io<; <ydp inrb Kpv<f)a /cepSet KkeTTTerai, a cpepei ho%av. ~Kpofilw icev VTracnri^wv irapd 7re£ofi6cu<; nnroiq re vawv r iv yu.o/^ai<? roni debebant, Dissen'). Sapov does not occur elsewhere in Pindar. 31. d-yX.atai.o-iv 8' do"ruv6|iois] Schol. /cat iroWa'is evcppoavvais eTn/j.7^ai roirs ox- \ovs, evcppocruvais 5e dvaarpecpop-evais Kara tt]v ttoXiv. Dissen, decora ludicra quae ad urban pertincant (dcrrwo/xos urbicus op- posed to dyp6vop.os rusticus). The schol- iast is not quite accurate in his interpre- tation ; though both dyXaia and eixppo- avvq are graces, they are distinct, the first being an objective quality, bright- ness, splendour. The subjective side how- ever is implied in \abv im/ul-at. We may render, to touch the people and their city with splendours, or, expanding the meaning, to gladden the people by splendid celebrations in their city. Successes in games (as opposed to war) are chiefly meant. With emui^ai cf. 01. I. 90 iv ai[MO.Kovpiais d-yXaaun p.ep.iKTai. 32. <jn\unroi] Responds to iirireioLS 1. 22 ami 'cirirot. 1. 52 (see Introduction, p. 165). avTo0i, in Aetna. x|/uxds k.t-.X.] With souls unenthralled by wealth ; so Pyth. VI 1 1. 91 ^x^" Kpto-aova itXovtov jj.tpLp.vav. oi)% rjacruv is a more common phrase. Here clearly, though the plural is used, Chromius is meant, and the man of moral might (icpicrvovas dvopes) reminds us of the Kpicrcruv dvrjp of 1. 1 5- 33. dmo-rov ?€iir' k.t.X.] Jlfy words are hard to believe; for love of gain secretly st edict li away Aidds, who bringeth "■lory. Like vlpieais, al8tos (sense of shame, feeling for honour) is untranslat- able, and il is better to preserve the Greek in construing; especially in this pas- sage where she is conceived as a goddess (below 1. 36). Observe the alliteration of three initial kappas, as if the very letter k had some mysterious association with stealth and baseness. [The mss. have viroKpixpa, but Boeckh restored i>7ro Kpv<pa from vTroKXiirTeraL in the scholia.] 34. Xpofj.£o> K€v /v.t.X.] Wert thou the squire of Chromius, beside footmen or horses, or in conflicts of ships, thou would' st have discerned amid the danger of the shrill battle-whoop, that in war that goddess (Aidos) harnessed his soul with a spearman's might to repel the destruction of the war-god. Owing to a false accent in the mss. and the schol., the meaning of this passage has been distorted. Interpreting ovivtKtv (1. 36) as because, scribes and commenta- tors were obliged to take Kivdwov as the object of i/<pivas, and dV (accented) as the particle, a repetition of k€v. Thus changed the sentence was charged with a far- fetched meaning ; and it is difficult to see how the privilege of being Chromius' squire particularly conduced to the dis- cernment of danger (were the perils of battle so hard to discern ?) or in what the point of the statement consists. The squire of Chromius would have had a better opportunity than others of judging of the conduct of his master ; and it is clear that ovveicev (better perhaps otiveKev as Christ writes) means that, a sense which it regularly bears in Homer after verbs of knowing, thinking, &c. The restoration of dv (dvd) is due to Bergk. [NEMEAN] IX. e/cpiva<; dv klvSvvov d^eia*; auras, 179 35 ovvetcev iv iro\ep.(p ice'iva 0eo$ k'vrvev avrov o"rp. r/ . 0V/J.OV alx/iarav dfivveiv \01ybv 'FiVvaXiov. travpot he (3ov\evaac <povov TrapTroSlov vefyekav rpe-yjrai ttoti SvcrpLeveayv dvSpwv a-Ti^as X e P (Ti Kat ~j rv X( L SvvaroL' \eyercu \xdv "E/cto/36 p,ev fc\eo<; avdrjcrat %Kap>dv8pov -yevpiaaiv The scholium is curious : ti2 Xpop.iu> crv/XTraputv dv iv re Tre£o/j.axl-a.Kal 'unro/xaxia Ktxl vav/j.ax<-a, Hxpivas olds ris 6 kivSvvos 6 tuiv iroKefjLwv. (paiverai 8i otl fiovXeTai avrbv ws dvbpeiov Kai biaffw^ovra tovs (TWOvtcls avTu) d</>6/3ws Trapaffrrjcrat.. iirel 7rtDs dV dyadbs yivoiro KptTTjS fierd biovs ava<TTpe<p6fxevos iv tu> TroXe'/xw ; That is, the squire of Chromius, secure under his shelter, would be able to make observa- tions at his leisure. The simpler explana- tion was that one who was always by the side of Chromius would see those deeds of bravery which make battle really dangerous. — With irt^opoais compare irefoyudxcu, Pyth. II. 65. — For the office of Aidos here the schol. appositely cites aidofxevwv 5' dvdpQv wXioves o~ooi i?e Tritpavrcu. 0i)|i6v cuxp-a/rdv] An echo (as Mezger pointed out) of fiaxardv 6v/xov, 1. 26. Here however alx/J-ardv should be taken proleptically with ivrvev, the clause ap-uveiv Xoiybv being a further prolepsis. Compare Coriolanus 1. 4, 25 ' with hearts more proof than shields '. For alxfJ-a-Tds compare Nan. v. 7, Fyth. IV. 12, 01. vi. 86. \oL-y6s occurs only in this and one other place in Pindar, and a comparison of the two passages is instructive. In IstJi. vi. 28 we read tffTW yap aacpes, ocrris iv ravra verpiXa X&Xafav ai'/xaros wpb (piXas irdrpas dfjLVverai, Xoiybv dvTKpipuv ivavrlu) arpari^ k.t.X. In both cases Xoiyos is brought into direct connexion with the metaphor of a storm-cloud raining blood. For Xoiyos originally meant the influence of hostile forces of nature, a storm for example or a plague. Xoiybv d/j-vveiv, in the pas- sage before us, is to repel the ruinous storm of Ares. In the Sixth Isthmian, similarly, the picture is a black cloud, hailing blood, and full of destructive influences, the endeavour of each army being to turn the contagion, Xoiyos, upon their opponents. 37. iravpoi 8e k.t.X.] For the mean- ing of this passage see above, p. 166. — PovXevo-cu depends on dvvarol, and rpexj/ai on fiovXevaai. Many parallels might be quoted for the metaphor of a war-cloud. In Isth. in. 35 we read of war's rough snowstorm, Tpax&a- vupds iroXip.010. In Vergil, Aen. x. 809, nubes belli is different. ■n-ap-rroStov is dVaf dpt)p.ivov. wapa- 7ro5t'fw meaning to impede, entangle the feet, throws light on the coinage irapawb- bios, which clearly signifies clogging, or pestering the feet. 39. KXeos dv0TJo-ai] Story tells that glory flowered for Hector hard by the pouring waters of Scamander. Schol. rbv 8i "E/cropa TrapelX7j(pe Kai ovk Aiavra rj 'Ax'XX^a, ry Kai tov "Exropa p.€^axrio6ai virep ttjs irarpibos, <hs Kai tov Xpop.iov. It has been pointed out in the Intro- duction that Pindar chose the word avdriaai (similarly padi>KprnJ.voi<n in the next line), and mentioned the Scamander with a special purpose. 12 — 2 180 [NEMEONIKAI] 0. dy^ov, ftaOvtcprjfivoicn S' d/icj)' d/crals KXwpov, 40 evOa 'Pea? iropov avOpootroL KaXeoiai, SeSop/cev crrp. & . Trcuhi tovt 'Ayrjcrt&dfiov cpeyyos ev dXiida irpwra' rd 8 dXXais deepens 40. Pa.8vKp-qp.voi.o-i.] By the deep- hanging {deep-cliff \t) banks of Hclorus, where the battle was fought, about 492 B.C., in which Hippocrates of Gela conquered the Syracusans, and so became lord of Syracuse. There Chromius won his first laurels. — ^aOuKp-qfivos (which occurs in Isth. III. 74) responds to jSadvaTtpvov in 1. 25, one of the many verbal indica- tions of the contrast between Amphiaraus and Chromius. 41. 'ivQa. 'Pt'as] The mss. have lv8' 'Apeias, a reading condemned by the metre and incomprehensible. We cannot hesitate to follow Bergk in reading Zvda 'P^as (accepted by Mezger). The sea of Rhea is the Ionian sea, as we learn from Aeschylus, Prometheus, 826 ij£ as ""P^ 5 fiiyav ko\ttov 'P^as, 'the bay of Rhea', being interpreted in the following lines as fxvxos'lovios. The use of iropos presents no difficulty, cf. Nem. IV. 53 trpos 'loviou iropov. The source of the MSS. corruption is indicated in a scholium : 6 oi tt?s 'Apei'as Tropos ave^rjyijros tan ' 81b /cat aSi)\ov efre 'Ape/as t'irt 'Pet'as XtKTtov tht i/ft £v 'Aptidairopov. It is clear that 'P<?as was written 'Petay, and, the phrase not being understood, the words were falsely divided. The idiom Zvda. iropov xaiXioiai for ivda b.. .iropos Ka\ov,utv6$ tan, is too familiar to need illustration. 2v9a means of course that the Helorus flows into the Ionian sea, and may be rendered at whose month. For the bearing of this clause on the meaning of the hymn, see above Introduction, p. 167, and below note on 1.47- 42. tovto <p6-yyos] Even such a tight (fame, like Hector's) began to shine in his early manhood for the son of Agesi- demus. <ptyyos diSopKtv is the language of the mysteries, and an examination of passages in Pindar where (piy/os occurs shows that he constantly used it with a mystical reference. (r) 01. II. 56 irvfiuTaTov dvdpi <}>iyyos. Here the force of the phrase depends on the mystical meaning of <piyyos ; 'a light to a man, in the deepest sense', that is, not the vulgar, superficial, but the tech- nical, mystical sense. (2) Pyth. IX. 90 Xaptrwc KtKaSevvav /j-Tj fit \iiroi Kadapbv tpt^yos. The epithet Ka9ap6v, of religious significance, indicates the religious sense of <piyyo$. (3) P}' th - VIH. 97, iira.ix.tpoi' tL Si ris; n 5' 01! ns ; aKia.% 8vap av8puiros. a'W orav aryXa Sibaboros i\Oy, \afxirpbv <piyyos tirtanv dvSpQv ical ixd\iXOS alwv. This is obviously a passage in which Pindar might well have availed himself of language associated with the deeper ' cathartic' teaching of the mysteries, and the aiy\a bioaboros, splendour bursting upon darkness, suggests a mystical drama. It is also to be observed that fxtiXixos altov is equivalent to aiuiv afiipa in 1. 44 of the ode which is now before us. (4) Frag. 153 Stvdpiwv 5i vofibv woXvyaOris Aiovvaos av^dvoi dyvbv (friyyos diruipas, a passage which Plutarch (dc /side ct Osiride, c. 35) quotes to shew that Dionysus was esteemed by the Greeks lord not only of wine but of all moisture in nature. These wider functions were [NEMEAN] IX. 181 ttoWu fMtv eV Kovia X^P a V> T<1 ^ yelrovi ttovtw (pdaofiat. €K irovwv h\ ol avv veorarc yevcovrai a~uv re BUa, reXedu 777309 yfjpas alcav ap,epa. ictto) Xa^cov 7T/30? Sdifiovcov 0avp,aar6u b\ftov. el yap li/xa Kreavois iroWoU eiriho^ov aprjrat 45 or p. i . doubtless explained at large in the mys- teries of Dionysus. The description of the god as the ' holy light of summer ' certainly sounds like an echo from some mystic ritual. In Pyth. IV. Hi (iwel TrdfxirpwTov ddop <ptyyos, the light of day) it is not used in a metaphorical sense. See also Nem. III. 64 and iv. 13. 42. rd 8' aXXaiS k.t.X.] But his exploits wrought on other days, many on the dusty dry land, some on the adjoining sea, will I declare. The schol. wrongly takes d'XXcus ap.tpa.is with <pa.o-op.ai. and reads x^P°' w f° r xfy^tf' making Kovia a substantive. Mr Fennell prefers to regard Kovia as a substantive, x^P^V as the epithet ; but x^P°~ 0S 1S always a substantive in Pindar. The adjective Koviq. {pulverulent us) is added to suggest the moil of battle. Mezger indeed ex- plains the phrase ' im Gegensatz zu den feuchten Ufern des Helorus', but this seems extremely doubtful. The battle chiefly referred to in the words yefropi ttoptq was that of Cumae, in which the Etruscans were defeated. As to (jxio-ojiai (compare av5a<rop.ai, 01. 11. 10 1 ) I may refer, for the vexed question of the future middle, to Dr Donaldson and to Mr Fennell. 44. «k irovwv 8' k.t.X. ] But from labours, which are wrought with youth and justice siding, there ensuelh even unto old age a calm life. Youth and Justice are conceived as ' siding champions ' (see above, Introduction, p. 167). reXiOw is a poetical word for the result of a process. aiwv is found feminine also in Pyth. IV. 186 and v. 7 but masc. Pyth. VIII. 97 and elsewhere. Other noticeable genders in Pindar are 7/ kIwv (Pyth. 1. 19, etc.), 77 aW-qp (01. I. 5, XIII. 88, 6 aL6r)p Nem. VIII. 41), 17 Tdprapos (Pyth. I. 15), 17 Mapaflwe (01. XIII. no). — In the scholia it is suggested that d^pa is a substantive : eireiddu rives iv vc6ti)tl TreTTOPrjKOTes that. Kal /3e/3tw/coTes SikclLws, 7]p.ipa p.la iv Tip yrjpa GvyKpiTiK-q icrri irpbs oXop top aiwpa, and other explanations also are put for- ward there. 45. ilo-Tto k.t.X. ] Let him (Chromius) know that he hath won from the gods wondrous weal (a blissful lot). Oav/J-aaros had mystical associations for the Greeks, who used it of superhuman things re- vealed ; and if we were called upon to render 'beatific vision', Oavp-avTos might be used. 46. el -yap k.t.X.] For if a man win glory and repute with great riches, fur- ther than this there is no way open for a mortal to attain with his two feet yet another (higher) summit. There is a serious difficulty in the text here, and editors have not fully met it. B B have Kudos, ovk 2ti wopcrw 6po.top k.t.X., D has oik 'io-TL irpocro}. Both these read- ings are unmetrical, and emendations have been proposed : Triclinius 01k It' iari 7rp6<rw (iropcru), Boeckh oik Igtip ti iropffw, Hermann ovk Hctti-p to -n-bperu, Momm- sen ovk temp wp6o-(o t6p, etc. But none of these suggestions meets the difficulty. Triclinius' reading is impossible because there is an 'iTi already in the line; Boeckh's rt is merely 'padding'; and obvious objections may be made to the other conjectures. In one point all the editors concur, 182 [NEMEONIKAI] 0'. kuSos, ou iropcro) 7Topo? Ti? Ovarov ere (TKOttlu^ aWa? effxiyjraaOai TToholv. fjcrvyia he fyihel fiev crv^iroaiov' veo6a\r)<i 8' av^erai namely in retaining icrn of D, and here I dissent. More than once already have we met cases in which the reading of D is merely an emendation of a corrup- tion in 13 B, and in the present instance it is evident that icrn is a correction of in, made for the sake of the sense. Consequently icrn has no real MSS. authority. Nor is it at all likely that in in B B is a corruption of 'icrn.. For why should icm, which makes obvious sense, have been changed to 'in, which yields no construction, especially when another en followed? It may be said that icm and in are very like each other ; but in the case of such simple words similarity of the ductus litteraruni is hardly worth considering, if there is no further motive for confusion. In any case the mere retention of icm does not satisfy the metre, so that we may safely seek for some other clue. In the schol. a parallel passage is quoted from the Third Nemean : dvvirip- (•t\r)TOS yap, cpyjolv, avrr) 7? dper-q. irapioiKe 5e t-q 6.VW diavoiq. ' El 5' iuv ko\6s ipdcov T ioiKOTa fMOpcpa, OVKin TTOpCTW, KO.I TO. ii;fjs. This suggests the origin of the reading of the mss. Either this passage was written in a marginal note, or some one, with this passage in his mind, jotted oi>Ken iropau), to indicate that en (duarbv eVi) should be joined with oti. This note crept into the text, perhaps to fill up a lacuna. We are left then with the words ov nopato, and must now consider whether it is possible to restore the three missing syllables ( ). In most cases the only cause of the loss of a word in the middle of a line is parablepsia, when two words come together similarly spelt. Here fortunately we have not to seek far for a word, similar to tropaw, which will yield admirable sense. Writing oynopconopocTic we see how easily a transcriber might have unconsciously omitted iropocr. Then ris, left without any construction, was designedly removed, and eVt introduced from the margin. Thus I arrive at the reading in the text ; but, once it is found, I discover, owing to Pindar's careful mode of writing, ' internal evidence ' to support it. The metaphor is from climbing mountains. A man, having reached that height of wel- fare, to which e.g. Chromius has climbed, need not hope to reach any higher summit; there is no path beyond the point attained (for ana-ma. meaning mountain -summit seefr. 101 aKowtaiaiv /xeydXais opiwv vwep eara). The career of Chromius has been a gradual mounting higher and higher ; when he reached one pinnacle, he bridged a passage to another ; now he is on the utmost. His first great success was won at Helorus, near the passage of Rhea, — an actual physical passage to further heights of glory won in battles on sea or land. But now that he has scaled those heights, there is no other passage of Rhea, — as it were, no other world to conquer. Thus the emendation of 1. 47 and the Via.% 7ropos of 1. 41 mutually illuminate each other ; it is seen that the reference to the Ionian Sea is not a useless orna- ment, in the style of modern art, but has a definite, really telling, function in the design of the hymn. irdpo-o) echoes iropaujTa. of 1. 29. Chro- mius might look on a war with Carthage as the way to a higher summit. 48. derv^ua k.t.X. ] Repose [peace, the a'nav dp.ipa of 1. 44) lovetli the banquet, and by virtue of soft lays victory buddeth afresh; yea, the voice waxeth bold beside the bowl. vtoOdXrjs is proleptic. pa'KOa.Ka' [NEMEAN] IX. 183 fxa\6aKa vucafyopia avv doi&d' OapaaXea 8e irapd apart) pi (pcovd ryiverai,. ijKipvdro) Tt9 VlV, yXvKvv koojaou Trpocpdrav, 50 dpyupeaiai Be voi/ubdrco (ptdXacat fiiarav arp. ta . dinreXov iralK, «>? ttoO' Xttttoi KT^aafxevat XpofiiM nre^av 6eixiir\eK,T0i<i dfjua AarocSa are(j)dvoi<; etc Ta? iepds 'Sikvwvos. Zed irarep, ev^opiai ravrav dperdv KeXaStjaat avv X.aptreaaLU, virep ttoWwv re Tip,a\(f)eiv \6yois aoidg. means soothing or comforting des- cant, but we may adopt Milton's soft lay. Compare Pylh. VIII. 31 <pQiyp.ari p.a\- Ociku). For the metaphor see Nem. vin. 40. 50. €YKipvaT» k.t.X.] Mix it (the bowl), sweet inspire/' of the counts, and dispense the potent {overbearing) child of the vine in the silver atps, which once on a time his mares won for Chromius and sent to him from sacred Sicyon with crowns of Apollo by Themis plight. Mezger wrongly translates irpo^drav 'den siissen Vorboten des Festes', attri- buting to Trpo- the sense which it bears in prophet. e-yKipvaTw tis is the Greek idiom, where we use the second person imperative. As wine is called the son of the vine, so the vine is called the ' wild mother ' of wine in Aesch. Pers. 614. piardv (schol. tov j3ia£eadcu elddra Kal els pidrjv dyeiv), a Pindaric word, suggests that Dionysus, not the lightning of Zeus (wap.- (3ia Kepavvy 1. 24), is to master Chromius. The contrast with the heroes who marched against Thebes is also kept up by the re- sponsion of 'Lwkoi with i7T7ra'ois in 1. 22. 52. 8«p.iir\€KTOis] Themis was asso- ciated with Apollo, as we are told in a scholium: Kadb ndptSpbs eo~Ti tov 'AttSX- XwVOS 7] QifXIS X^P LV T °V XPyfTypl 011 ' K0LL yap 7)v irpofifjTis, and in Pylh. XI. 9 we read 6<ppa Qip.iv iepdv IlvdQivd re Kal opdobixav yds 6p.<paXbv KeXadr/rov. It is appropriate then that she should be con- ceived as the weaver of Apollo's garlands — the due twining thereof being a poetical symbol that they were fairly won ('wohl erworben', Mezger). There is a hint thrown out in the scholia that Pindar is alluding to a report that the Pythian games at Delphi were not fairly conducted by the Phocians (xpvf xa(nl ' dvueadai.). — We must not forget that Dika (who plays a part in this hymn) and Eunomia (referred to in 1. 29) were daughters of Themis and closely associated with her, compare 01. IX. 15 and XIII. 8, also/;-. I. 5 ; moreover 6ep.is and dlier; are called by Maximus of Tyre, /xwrt/ca Kal OeoTrpeTri) 6v6p.ara. The reading of the mss. dp.(pi (for dp.a) suits neither sense nor metre, and Schmid rightly restored ap.a from the scholiast. Letters and syllables at the end of a line run the risk of effacement, and here it would seem that the final A was oblite- rated and AM incorrectly supplemented by <pt. 54. ei'xonai k.t.X.] I pray, father Zeus, that such excellence as this may be the theme of my hymn, the Graces assisting, and that beyond many poets I may worship Victory by my words, shooting very near to the marl- of the Muses. TavTav dpe-rdv, such excellence as that of victory in games, is opposed, as a more desirable theme of song, to excel- lence in war, and the opposition is indi- 1 84 [NEMEONIKAI] 0'. NUav, cikovt L^wv ctkottoT (iy^iara Motaav. 55 cated by the responsion of ravrav in I. 54 to ravrav in 29 (both occurring in prayers to Zeus) as Mezger has pointed out. In Pyth. 11. 63 we find /ceXaSetV associated with dperd (dfup' dperq. KeXaSeW), and both words, I think, had mystical asso- ciations. In Pyth. IX. 89 we have Xapi- ruiv KeXadevvav. Ti(j.aX.<j>€iv, a word of peculiar solemnity, (a favourite of Aeschylus, occurring only once in Pindar, otherwise rare) is by no means a synonym of the vulgar Tip.dv, and we lose its flavour if we translate it by honour. It is almost invariably used of homage paid to divine beings. In Aristotle's Politics, Bk. iv. 15, we have TLfxaXcpelv tovs deovs, sounding like a tech- nical expression ; in Aeschylus, Agamem- non, 922 deovs toi rolcrde rifxaXtpeiv xpewv, Eumenides, 15 ixoKovto. 5' avrbv TifidXcpel Xews (of Apollo), il>. 807 vir' d<TT<2v rwvBe Ti/xa\<pov/j.evas (of the Eumenides), ib. dwcrdoTOLS <TKr11rTp01.cn Ttfxa\tpov/J.evoi> (of Agamemnon, but 8io<t56toi,s is significant). As the word comes from TipLaXtpr/s which means fetching a price, costly, our best translation will be worship, which is not only a most solemn word but suggests worth as Ti/xaXcpelv suggests prn v. If we were required to render in Greek 'Thy most precious blood' or 'Thy precious death', cu/xa Tip.a\<p{<TTa.Tov and TifxaXcprjs ffcpayr) would be suitable equivalents. This shade of meaning of Tt,jj.a\<pelv has a bearing on the text of the passage before us. It proves that vwav the reading of the MSS. is wrong and that vikclv (rather "SIkolp) the emendation of Ceporinus (and recognized in the scholia) is right. Ti/xaXcpeiv demands as its object the name of a divine being. In the passage of Aeschylus, where it is used of Agamemnon, he is expressly described as a vicegerent of Zeus, and the verb felicitously suggests the divinity that hedges a king. And the MSS. themselves let the secret out. Had Pindar really written virep TroWdi' vixdv, why should rroWdv have become 7roXXwc and viKai> remained unaltered ? On the other hand, if Pindar wrote uwep ttoWuv vlnav, it is quite intelligible that a scribe who did not understand the phrase virep iroWuiv (in proof that such want of insight existed I may point to the scholia) altered vUav to vindv without at the same time altering TroWQf, and supplied dperdv as the object of TifxdKcpdv. For virep in the sense of superiority see Isth. II. 36 wa&frag. 61. 55. o-Kcnroi'] The MSS. give o-kowov. Ahrens restored the rarer form of the genitive, mefri gratia, and this is better than Bergk's <TKOinp, for we find a.y\i(rra. with the genitive in Isth. II. 10 p-fjp.' dXaOeias eras ayx<-o~Ta j3aivov. For the , metaphor cf. Nem. vi. 27. To hit the mark of the Muses would be to write a perfect poem. — All the MSS. have Moicraj' and we need not pause to consider M.oi<rav and llolcrais, worthless readings discussed in the scholia. [NEMEAN] X. ODE IN HONOUR OF A VICTORY IN WRESTLING WON AT THE HECATOMBAEA OF ARGOS BY THEAEUS, SON OF ULIAS, AN ARGIVE. INTRODUCTION. More honoured by time and richer than any Greek city, except perhaps Thebes, in mythical associations, — impressing the visitor by numerous tombs, heroa, and temples ascribed to legendary founders, — Argos with its sur- rounding territory was regarded as holy ground, dedicated to Hera. As you approached Mycenae from the north, you might feel that you were entering 'precincts' ('Apyeioi> renvoi), and the city had, conspicuous enough, vestiges of her peculiar history, and perhaps a strange flavour of her own, which a visitor would notice, just as nowadays we are conscious of a certain sin- gularity in the atmosphere of such towns as Bruges or Westphalian Miinster. In the beginning of the fifth century, she took a part in the general spread- ing and developing of the art of sculpture, winning fame as the seat of the school of Ageladas, who taught Polycletus : and thus she found an oppor- tunity of decorating her streets and buildings with beseeming works in bronze and marble, a new brilliant expression of her ancient distinctions. While the city could point to many passages in her early history as proof of a 'surplus of grace' vouchsafed from Zeus, there were Argive families which preserved old tales specially connected with themselves — these too contributing to determine the atmosphere of the place. In Pindar's time there was a family there, of unrecorded name, which looked back fondly to a day when a remote ancestor, one Pamphaes, entertained at his house two young strangers, who proved to be Castor and Polydeukes, henceforward gratefully regarded by the descendants as their approved patrons. Two members of this family, Thrasyclus and Antias, distinguished themselves unusually by successes at public games, and a lady, perhaps their niece, who married a certain Ulias, might imagine that through her rather than her husband was bequeathed the quality of athletic excellence to their son Theaeus 1 , and a portion of the virtue of the Dioscori. 1 The date of the ode is supposed to in which the Argives and the Thebans fall between 01. 78. 1, the year of the were opposing parties. As to the prior 'reduction of Mycenae', and 01. 80. 4 limit Dissen writes 'Constanti traditione (456 n.c), the year of the battle of Tanagra, Persidae olim non Argis vixerunt sed 1 86 [NEMEAN] X. In the ode, which we are about to consider, commemorative of a wrestling victory won by this Theaeus at the Hecatombaea, a festival of Hera in Argos, there is no direct description of the personal qualities of the victor, so that we can only judge of them by inference from the imposing array of his successes, and his ambition to crown them by a yet unachieved Olympian victory. These successes, the distinctions of his mother's kin, and the glories of his city, were in themselves material sufficient for an ode ; but to these, Pindar, taking advantage of the special relation of Castor and Polydeukes to the house of the victor's mother, has adroitly superadded a myth, including the passage of Castor's death-wound, the strife of Polydeukes with the sons of Aphareus, and Castor's resurrection through the inter- cession of his brother. In fact the Ode is divided metrically into five systems ; in the first are enumerated the great heroes and the fair women of Argos ; in the second the exploits of Theaeus are celebrated and his ambitions encouraged; in the third his mother's kindred are con- gratulated on agonistic victories and on their favoured ancestor Pamphaes, this incident bringing us to the Tyndaridae, whose story is told in the last two systems, the fourth closing with the death of the sons of Aphareus, and the fifth containing the relation of the successful intercession of Polydeukes. But these five parts are interdependent and closely connected in thought, by means of parallel details, subordinate to a central motive 1 , the victors ambition to conquer at Olympia. The reflexion that the gods are faithful might encourage Theaeus to count on the aid of the Tyndarids, and this idea is made prominent in the myth. This legend, handled here in Pindar's happiest style, and touched in Greek measure with pathos, is for a modern reader perhaps one of the most attractive passages in Pindar, and it admits of dislocation from its context, to be read as an independent tale. In Greek mythology those twin riders, — suggesting the medieval Doppcl ganger, — are engaging figures, tempting us to think into their legend an element of that which we call 'romance,' especially through their mutual devotion, stronger than death, and their strange double life, passed in heaven and beneath the earth on alternate days. Mycenis et Tirynthe ; tamen hunc Pin- dartlS) iaropiKwraros poeta, Amphitryonem Argis elicit nutritum', and attempts to explain this difficulty by the supposition that the Ode was written when Mycenae and Tiryns had been subjected to Argos. But this is not cogent, and Mezger justly remarks on the freedom ' welehe sich die Griechen in solchen Dingen erlaubten 1 . In any case the reduction of Mycenae and synoecismus of Argolis probably took place at a much earlier period (see Mahaffy, Ffermathena, in. 60 $</</.). ' 1 ilo not mean to say that this is the Grundgedanke, but it is a motive which has determined the whole moulding of the hymn. Dissen, to explain the ode, resorts to the gratuitous hypothesis that Theaeus had distinguished himself by some exploit revealing brotherly love (fratemi anioris documenta). L. Schmidt and Friederichs find the main idea in 1. 54 Kal /j.av Oeutv iriarbv yevos, and Mezger approves of this interpretation, working it out more fully and recognizing that the truth of the myth 'soil seine Hoffnungauf einen olympischen Sieg starken'. INTRODUCTION. 187 This divided life may be, as mythological students suggest, in its actual origin a 'nature-myth,' meaning the succession of light and darkness; certainly it might well serve, like that succession itself, as a poetical emblem of the alternation of hardships and joys, which those who would lead full lives must accept as a condition. 'The sons of Tyndareus,' as Pindar calls them, using this name in preference to the more usual designa- tion Dioscoi-i 'sons of Zeus 1 ,' — perhaps from an inclination to emphasize a link that bound them with men, — had moreover the repute of being present saviours and aiders, especially to mariners, thus exercising their renowned strength in beneficent ways. Inviting the Graces to sing the praises of Argos-, the poet ushers his mythical reminiscences as it were into the air of art, associates them at least with the works which the sculptors of the day were executing. The Argives could hardly hear of Danaus and his daughters or of the tale of Perseus, without thinking of reliefs recently wrought to adorn their temples ; for their city was 'ablaze with countless works immortalising brave deeds.' And thus Pindar prepares a gracious background. Danaus 3 first and his fifty daughters, sitting on bright seats ; then the quest of Perseus 4 , represented perhaps on horseback (as in a contemporary clay-relief of Melos), in his dropped hand the head of Medusa, 'the contriveress ' ; Io and her son Epaphus, founders of Egyptian cities ; and, meetly in a place apart from her sisters, the singular daughter of Danaus 5 who declined her father's command and spared her husband. Next comes Diomede, whom Athena made a 'deathless god'; then Amphiaraus, whom earth received in her bosom through the kind bolts of Zeus; then Alcmene and Danae, to 1 Atos Kovpoi Hymn. Horn. 33, 1 ; AiojKopoc in early inscriptions; Doric (in Sparta) AioaKuipoi. In early times, and especially in Laconia, the name Tyudari- dae was the most important designation. See Roscher's Lexikon dcr gr. und rom. Alythologie, p. 1154; where we read: 'Das Natursubstrat ihres Wesens ist im allgemeinen ohne Zweifel das Licht,doch nicht in seiner Ruhe, sondern in seinem Ubergange vom und zum Dunkel'. 2 An Argive would remember the ancient statues of the Graces which stood in the pronaos of the Heraeon, a temple of Hera near Mt Euboea. See Pausanias 11. 17, 3, ev 5e t<2 wpovdu) ttj /xev HapiTcs, dyd\fxard icmv dp\o.~ia, eV 5ei;iq. de kKIvt] TTJs'Upas. In this temple was afterwards placed the great sitting figure of Hera, in gold and ivory, wrought by Polycletus; her crown was adorned with sculptured representations of the Graces and the Hours. Here again we see the connexion of Hera with the Graces. 3 Danaus was said to have built the temple to Apollo Lycius (Pans. II. 19, 3) at Argos, where there was a dp6vos Aavaov. 4 The i]pipov of Perseus was on the left side of the road from Mycenae to Argos (ib. 18, 1). For Medusa's head see my note. 5 In the temple of Apollo Lycius there was an image (i^oavov) of Aphrodite said to have been dedicated by Hypermnestra, as a monument of her acquittal for sparing her husband (ib. 19, 6). For the same cause she built a temple to Artemis Peitho, where her tomb was shown (il>. ai, r, 7). 1 88 \NEMEAN] X. whom Zeus revealed himself, proving that the repute of Argos for supremacy in the beauty of its women was really true, inasmuch as the supreme god selected them; and after these came Talaus and Lynceus, also notably favoured by Zeus, who, as Pindar curiously expresses it, ' married the fruit of their minds to unswerving justice.' This 'dream of fair women' and heroes occupies the first strophe and antistrophos : the crowning grace, reserved for the epode, was that bestowed upon Amphitryon, who, when his expedition against the Teleboae had been successful, was permitted to succeed Zeus in the embraces of Alcmene. The king of the immortals had come to his house in his dress and favour, clad in brazen armour, with the drcadlcss seed of Heracles in his loins. And the marriage of Heracles and Hebe, for Pindar a type of beatitude,— with a picture of the bride, supreme in beauty, moving beside her mother Hera, as she was constantly represented in art, — forms a kind of consummation for the eyes of pious Argives to rest upon. The brass armour worn by Zeus, in this epiphany, in imitation of a mortal, sounds a note which recurs again and again through the Ode l . Pindar sometimes selects a material thing, whose reappearance at certain intervals — almost like a physical touch — reminds us of an idea that we might forget. Brass lent itself without constraint to the central idea of this hymn, as an emblem ; for, associated with contention, and as a baser metal than gold, it could suggest the state of a mortal not yet deified, or of an athlete not yet an Olympic victor, such a victory being symbolised by gold elsewhere 2 . Figuratively, one might say that the Ode dealt with a possible transmutation of brass to the more precious metal. The sheen of the brass — like a torch passed on in a torch race — flashes from system to system, until in the last verses it grows dim in the intenser light of ' the golden houses of heaven '. Observing that he has not exhausted the praise of Argos, the poet passes from the marriage of Heracles to the achievements of the victor, Theaeus, in wrestling. The bridge to the new subject 3 is made by a general observation, which seems to be suggested by the praises of the city, but is immediately applied with emphasis to the praises of the man. ' Moreover men's envy is grievous to encounter; but nevertheless awake the lyre, and turn to thoughts of wrestlings.' The list of victories follows ; two (the occasion of the ode), won at the Argive Hecatombaea, where the prize was a shield of brass ; one at Delphi; three at the Isthmian, and three at the Nemean games. More- over he had been twice victorious at the Panathenaea, and here was a good 1 The word occurs in every system : 3 Mezger divides the ode thus : (First epode) 1. 14 iv x«Woiy ottXols. dpxd, l — 18; KaraTpowd, 19 — 22; 6/jl- (Second Strophe) 1. 22 dywv rot xdX*eos. 0a\6s, 22 — 48; p-eTaKaraTpoird, 49 — 54; (Third antistroph.) 1. 45 x a ^ K ° 1 ' i^vp^ov. afipayis, 55—90. (Fourth stroph.) 1. 60 x a ^ a * X67X a? - The dpxd, he remarks, and the acppayk (Fourth epode) 1. 70 iv TrXevpatai x a ^'°"- contain the mythical portions of the hymn, (Fifth epode) 1. 90 x a ^ K0 ^ T P a Kdo-ropos. so that in its structure it resembles the 2 01. 1. 1 6 5e xpwos — biaTTptiru. k.t.X. Ninth Pythian. INTR OD UCTION. 1 8 9 augury for his future success at Olympia ; for the prize at the Athenian festival, a jar of olive oil, might be considered an omen or earnest of an olive-crown. Professing that Theaeus hesitates to utter his heart's desire, Pindar confides it indirectly to Zeus, whose graciousness in olden time to the men and women of Argos might well encourage a supplication. An Olympic victory would be 'the perfection' (reXos) for the career of Theaeus; and by using this word, appropriate to marriage, Pindar suggests Hera 'who perfecteth' (rAeia, 1. 18), and implies that an olive-wreath would be the heavenly reward of this man, even as the marriage with Hebe was the meed of Heracles. And it is signified that Theaeus is prepared, like Heracles, to endure labours, in no wise expecting to enter into a heritage of glory without hardships, but quite aware of the unexempt condition of mortal frailty. 'Great is the glory, for the strife is hard'; and the glory desired by Theaeus is the highest attainable, a supremacy at the games which Heracles insti- tuted at Pisa. In reflecting on the athletic powers of Theaeus it was natural to re- member the similar exploits of Antias and Thrasyclus, two kinsmen of his mother, and to record them was a compliment required by the usages of the epinician hymn. Thus a hereditary transmission of muscular qualities justifies, as it were, the success of the victor ; but Pindar, going a step further back, explains the athletic vein in the family by a divine visit, vouchsafed to a remote ancestor by those lords of athletic contention, Castor and Polydeukes. Preparing the way for this incident, which he reserves for the epode of the system, he opens the subject by declaring that Honour, won in games, is a frequent visitant ' of thy mother's family,' in company with the Graces and the Tyndarids. 'If I were a kinsman of Antias and Thrasyclus I should make bold not to conceal the light of my eyes.' A catalogue of their victories follows. In the third strophe and third antistrophos, there is imagined a parallelism between the distinctions of the kinsfolk of Theaeus and the distinctions of Argos, which were rehearsed in the first strophe and antistrophos. (1) The influence of the Graces is shed over both records 1 . In the con- cernment of art they were associated with the city favoured by Hera; in the concernment of athletic prowess they are associated with the family favoured by the Tyndarids. 1. I. Xdpires. 1. 38. Xapireaai. (2) Thrasyclus, whose name connotes inherent bravery, responds to the brave deeds of the Argive heroes. 1. 3. fxvpiais (pycov 6pa(riu>v zvfKev (ist strophe). 1. 39. d£iu>6eir)v Ktv ta>v QpaarvicXov (3rd strophe). 1 Mezger, remnrking that the mention rehrt...; die Unterstiitzung der Tyndari- of the Graces in v. 37 'weist auf v. 1 den, die von seiner Familie besonders zuriick', says: 'Die Unterstiitzung der verehrt wurden, ist cin Elbe von seinen Chariten verdankt The'aos seiner Zugeho- Vorfahren ' etc. riirkeit zu der Stadt, die sie besonders ve- iqo [NEMEAN] X. (3) Victories won in chariot-races,— literal carryings of victory— -by these men, Antias and Thrasyclus (perhaps others too), attest the proverbial excel- lence of Argive horses ; just as the epiphanies of Zeus, the supreme god, attested the supremacy in beauty of Argive women. Here the fifth line of the third strophe answers the fifth of the first antistrophos. 1. II. Zeus iir \\Xi<pi]vav Aavdav re noXwv irov Karecpave Xuyov. 1. 41 1 . oppdrav. viKa(f)opiais yap eVaty Ilpoiroto rob' Imrorpocpov chttv k.t.X. (4) The prizes in brass tripods and shields won by the athletes are beyond number, like the works of art which represent the worthies of Argos. 1. 3. pvpiais e'pycov Opaaecov eVe/cei/. 1. 45. dXXd xo\kov pvpiov ov hvvardv. (5) An enumeration of these prizes would be too long; even as the tale of Perseus is a long one. 1. 4. paKpa pev tci Hepcreos dp(p\ MefWcray Topyovos. 1. 46. e£e\eyxeiV paKporepas ydp dpidprjaai axoXas. (6) Victories won at the ' high situate ' cities of Achaea, at Tegea and at Clitor, contributed these things of bronze ; as the cities founded in Egypt by Io and Epaphus supplied subjects for art. 1. 5 2 . 77-0XX0 8' Alyinrro) 'Iw KTiafv a art] rats 'EtrcKpov naXapais. 1. 47. ovre KXei'rcop xa\ Teye'a *cal 'A^aicof in//-i'/3aroi iroXies. Having told the achievements by which the victor's kinsfolk had gone beyond the mark of ordinary successes, Pindar proceeds, in the epode, to narrate how Castor came, and his brother Polydeukes, to the house of Pamphaes, as guests; a visit which makes us cease to marvel that his descendants are goodly athletes, seeing that those twin beings, who preside over games 'in conjunction with Hermes and Heracles,' preeminently care for the interests of just men ; and the gods are really true to such a claim as that of guest-plight. The first epode and the third epode answer too. Pamphaes entertaining the divine brothers seems to hold parley, across the interspace, with Amphi- tryon, whose house was visited by Zeus. And just as the coming of Zeus was an event ultimately followed by the marriage of Heracles, so the coming of the Tyndarids was an event which may signify an Olympic victory in the future. This approximation of thoughts is clearly indicated by the position of the name of Heracles in the same foot of two corresponding lines. 1. 17. (nrtpp! dbdpavTov (ptpcov 'HpanXios' ov KaT OXvpTrov — . 1. 53. pu'ipav 'Eppa Kai o-vv HpaKXel Suttovti ddXaav. It is observable too that poipa QdXeia is an expression suited to the marriage of Heracles ; and that it suggests the po'ipa to-Xwu, pertaining to Argos, mentioned in 1. 20 3 . 1 For the reading see note. strophe, arc really connected with the 2 For the reading see note. preceding system. :; 11. iy, 20, though in the second INTRODUCTION. 191 A second rcsponsion confirms this explication of the chain of thought. The first epocle ends with the addition of Hebe i'ari, KdXXi'crra 8e mv (1. 1 8) ; the third cpode affirms, at its close, the truth of the gods, Ka\ fjtnv dfcov TTia-rvv ytvos (1. 54)- Like Heracles, Theaeus has a claim to the grace of the gods 1 . The story of Castor and Polydeukes, related in the fourth and fifth systems, illustrates the declaration that the gods are faithful. It begins and ends with the strange life of the brothers, — a twi-life, we might call it, alternating between hollow subterranean places in Therapna where they lived indeed, but with scarce conscious life, and the palace of Olympus. This curious condition came about in this wise. The brothers, though peers in strength and undissevered comrades, were not quite peers in the accident of birth ; the two names, which they jointly bore, Tyndarids and Dioscori, pointing to this difference, as Castor was the true Tyndarid and Polydeukes the true son of Zeus. Thus Castor had a mortal quality in his nature and was doomed to death. But Polydeukes, his comrade in all uses since their associated birth, would have preferred sheer death to life unshared by his brother ; and when the fatal hour for Castor came, Polydeukes, true to his comradeship, won the consent of Zeus to share his own inheritance of heavenly life with Castor, on his part sharing Castor's inheritance of subterranean existence. Such was the bargain with fate. Before I point out in detail the significance of this legend for Pindar's purpose, it will be well to reproduce it in his own words. ' Changing their abode daily, alternately they dwell in the house of their father Zeus, and on the next day are hidden in the hiding places of the earth in the hollows of Therapna, fulfilling a like destiny ; for when Castor perished in war, Polydeukes chose this appointment of life, rather than to be absolutely a god and inhabit heaven. For with the point of a brass spear, Idas, angered in some matter touching oxen, wounded Castor. Them (the Tyndaridae) Lynceus, who had a keener eye than all men on earth, looking abroad from Mt Taygetus, saw sitting in the trunk of an oak. And with storming feet they twain came speedily, those sons of Speed, to the place and did swiftly contrive a great thing to do, and suffered dire distress by the hands of Zeus. Instantly came Leda's son (Polydeukes) in pursuit ; and these (Idas and Lynceus) stood opposite, hard by their father's sepulchre. Thence catching up a headstone, grace of Hades, a polish'd rock, they hurled it against the chest of Polydeukes ; but felled him not nor made him to flinch. And then rushing forward he plunged brass in the 1 Observe the following responsions of I have pointed out in note on 1. phrase: 37 that many of the expressions at the 1. 14 i'/cer' e's Ktivov yevedv :: 1. 51 end of the third system echo the words iyyeu^ ^fi^v. at its beginning {arpofpv y). 1. 16 icryjXdev :: 1. 49 €\06vtos. [92 [NEMEAN] X. sides of Lynceus. But against Idas Zeus drave a fire-charged lurid thunder- bolt ; and the brothers were consumed together all alone in the lonely place. For men, a strife with stronger beings is hard to converse with. (Strophe 5.) Quickly returned the Tyndarid to the might of his brother, and found him not yet dead, but shuddering in his jaws with hard-drawn breath. Shedding hot tears and moaning heavily, he lifted up his voice and cried; u O father, son of Cronus, what, oh what release from my sorrows will there be? Upon me too, my lord, as upon him, lay the doom of death. From a man, bereft of his friends, honour has clean departed; and of mortals few are they who in hard-besetting need are faithful, to share in the travail." (Antistrophe 5.) Thus spake he, and Zeus came and stood before him, and pronounced these words : " My son art thou; but after I had begotten thee, this man was conceived by thy mother of the drops of her husband 's mortal seed. But notwithstanding, I offer thee the choice of these two lots. If thou art fain to eschew death and loathsome eld and dwell thyself {without Castor) in the mansion of Olympus, with Athene and with swart-speared Ares, this guerdon is thine to have ; but if thy zeal is for thy brother, a?id it is thy purpose to give him an equal share in all, then shall thou breathe for the half of thy days in a place beneath the earth, and for the moiety in the golden house of heaven." When he had thus pronounced, Polydeukes halted not between the two ways, but unclosed the eye and then released the voice of brass-girt Castor.' There is a certain witchery in the myth of these two young Tyndarids, men and also gods, alive and yet not always quick, knit closely to each other, ever since a birth of curious circumstance, by fibres of sympathy and features of similitude, being almost doubles or ' shadows,' and to men never coming save as a pair, nor often conceived apart. There is light about them, but it is light experiencing a change, or double (dfi^iKvKrj), partaking of the gloom of hollow chambers at Therapna ; the outgoings of the morning and the evening have passed, shimmering, into the story of the Laconian horsemen. For they usually rode on horses (like the Vedic agvins) ; and they were not heedful of the love of women. Such love was replaced by that mystical friendship for each other, which became a type, — comradeship here actually overcoming death, through the conviction that ' there are worse things waiting for men than death ' in the world. The names and qualities of Idas and Lynceus, with whom the Tyndarids associate and quarrel in the highland glens of Arcadia or Laconia, suggest (as latent in the legend) strange creatures of the woods, endowed with super- natural powers, like Pan, and perhaps of his society, — creatures surpassingly fleet of foot, and of sight potent to pierce through opaque masses of earth or stone or tree 1 . Idas may be 'the man of the wood'; and Lynceus is the ' lynx-man,' whose eye is keener than all on earth ; which reminds us of the 1 Schol. on 7\ C)2; 6 5i AvyKeAs 6^v8(p- yivb/xiva ftkiiruv, i8wv 81a rrjs dpvbs tov ktjs c3c ware Ktxl 01a \lOwv ko.1 Sta yr/s to. Ka/rropa 'irpwere *Kbyxy- INTRO D UCTION. 193 keen vision of Pan (o£ea fiepKopevos), whose back was covered with the spotted skin of a lynx : \ai(pos 8 eni vara 8a(potv(>t/ \vy<hs f'x ftl * Their father's name, moreover, Aphareus, the Speedy or Sudden one, suits the sphere of the swift children of the forest. But while the story suggests this 'Arcadian' origin, it is a digression here, for Pindar is not concerned with this idea. He is rather concerned to bring out a parallel between the myth of the Tyndarids and the circumstances of Theaeus. Let us see. The heart's desire of Polydeukes was that he and his brother should share Olympus together, even though this implied a mixture of hardship with happiness. The heart's desire of Theaeus was a victory at Olympia, for which he was prepared to endure travail. The parallel is thus indicated by a responsion in the first lines of the second and the fifth epode. 1. 3 1 oaris dptWdrai irep\ ecrxaTuv dedXcov Kopv(pais. 1. 85 ft Se KacnyvrfTov ire pi pdpvacrai. In both cases a prayer is directed to Zeus, and in the same metre ; and in both cases the real petition is not declared. In the last lines of the second antistrophos Pindar entreats Zeus for Theaeus : 1. 29 ZeO warep, ratv pav eparai (ppevl criyq Foi aropa' ndv 8e rtXns iv t\v i'pywv ' In the last lines of the fifth strophe Polydeukes addresses Zeus : 7rdrep Kpovloov, tis 8tj Xvcris 1. T] earaerai nevdecov ; koi e'/noi ddvarov avv rwfi' (nireiXov, ava%. oi'^erai ripa K.r.X. In 1. 29 reXos leaves the issue doubtful ; in 1. jy the re\os named is not that which is desired. Again the real desire of Polydeukes, uttered by Zeus, is compared with the request of Theaeus, under the form of a paronomasia. To both there were two alternatives open ; they might ask for happiness, without a disposition to undergo hardship, or they might ask for it not unconditioned. For Polydeukes this alternative is stated plainly at the end of the fifth antistrophos ; for Theaeus it is suggested at the end of the second anti- strophos. 1. 3° («* t*" tpyuv') oiIS' dpo^dat Kap8lq Trpo&cpepcov rokpav Trapairelrat X"P lv ' ei piv ddvarov re (pvydov koi yf/pas drrexBopevov 1. 84 avros OiKflv airos Ov\vp7Tov deXeis k.t.X.: — this would have been the wrong request for Polydeukes. 1 See Homeric Hymn (xix.) to Pan, 11. r4 and 23. B. 13 194 [NEMEAN] X. But the analogy, most evident in the conclusion, is carried on, directly or indirectly, throughout the whole passage. The son of Leda in 1. 66 responds to the son of Ulias in 1. 24. 24 OuXi'a nais evda — 66 rp\6e Ai]8as ttcu? — and we observe that, as Theaeus derived his valour from his mother, Polydeukes inherited his divinity from his father. And both were engaged in ' a brazen contest,' associated with oxen : 1. 60 tov yap "l8as dp(p\ fiovcriv ttods xoXw^eis tTpaxrev ^aX/cta? \6yxas dicq, and, in 1. 70, Polydeukes drives brass (xoXkov) home in the sides of Lynceus. Theaeus was concerned in such a contest at Argos, 1. 22 dyutv toi x.a\K€OS bctfiov OTpvvei 7TOTI ftovdvaiav Upas. The requirements of this analogy explain the curious phrase ^aX/ceo? dyoiv ; for a direct reference to the prize, a shield of bronze, would have affected the comparison with a sort of awkwardness, a prize not answering well to a weapon of offence. Again the contest is in each case described as a labour or trial (novcov, in 6th line of 2nd strophe, nova in 6th line of 5th strophe) 1 . But the direct analogy of the deeds of Polydeukes with those of Theaeus is not continued throughout ; the comparison is partly sustained by a sort of reflexion, through an intermediate parallel, namely the list of eminent Argives in the first system. Thus in the last three lines of the fourth antistrophos we find responsions connecting them with the last three lines of the first strophe. 1. 4 MeSotVas Topyovos. 1. 64 e prjo-avT* co/ceco?. Here the contrivance of Idas and Lynceus is likened to the thought of an arch ' contriveress,' and the comparison of Polydeukes to Perseus is implied. In 1. 65 the naXapais Aibs answer to the 7raXa^air , ~Ena<pov (son of Zeus) in 1. s ; in both cases Zeus was a present help to his sons, begotten of Io and of Leda. Moreover Polydeukes is compared to Hypermnestra. Just as death threatened him from the spot where his foes stood hard by their father's tomb, so Hypermnestra was threatened by death through keeping her sword hard pressed in her scabbard, 1. 6 ev KovXtco Karaax ( >'iau £i<pos. 1. 66 Tvp.{5<a a\(86v 7ror/)a)tto. And as she did not flinch (ov 7rapen\<iyx0i]), though her queenly seat with her sisters (dy'kabs Qpovos, see <5yX ao6p6vu>v 1. 1) might be converted into an 1 The responsion was ohserved by KapMq. 1. 30. Me/t;LT, who compares also odd' d/x/>x'ta> INTRODUCTION. 195 emblem of the world of death, even so the headstone (SyoX/i' 'AiSa) hurled at Polydeukes did not make him to quail. We have already seen how the doughty deeds of the maternal kinsfolk of Theaeus are compared to the glories of Argive legend. Now we understand that the list of famous Argives serves as an interposed mirror, reflecting the tale of the Dioscori into the tale of the victories of this Argive family. That the ultimate purpose is to institute a comparison between the third system and the fourth, by means of a common reference to the first, is indicated by a responsion connecting the third and fourth epodes : 1. 5 Ka "i Ka<Tiyvr)Tov YloXvbevneos. 1. 68 I'pftaXov <rrepv(o Uo\v8fvKeos. The aid rendered by Zeus to Polydeukes, in slaying one of his foes by the lightning which consumed them both, was an omen of the higher favour which he granted to his son, a little later. Similarly the jar of olive oil won by Theaeus at Athens was an omen of an olive wreath to be won at Olympia. This is brought out by ycua Kavdelaa nvpi in 1. 35 (5th verse of 2nd epode), and nvp(p6pov and eKaiovr', 11. 71 and 72 (5th and 6th verses of 4th epode). Similarly the brass, won by Theaeus at Argos and by his kinsmen elsewhere, is contrasted tacitly with gold, the emblem of Olympian victory ; just as the brass weapons of Amphitryon are contrasted, tacitly too, with the golden lot of Heracles, reflected upon the mortal hero ; and as the brass, which flashed in the combat of the Tyndarids with their adversaries, is contrasted, now explicitly, with the golden sheen of Olympus. But with ' the golden houses of heaven ' the hymn does not conclude. The victor, for whom the legend of the Dioscori is a figure teaching him that 'the gods are true 1 ,' had not yet attained his heart's desire, — toward such attainment a season of hardship and endurance being still in prospect, and the end, like all things dependent on mortal frailty, uncertain. And therefore with the unerring instinct of the Greek artist, who is never impatient of the divine repression demanded for the perfection of art, Pindar turns our eyes from the gold and guides them to the brass girdle of Castor, now 'released.' When the music has unfolded the vision of Olympian happiness, we slide down from the heights, and are reminded that it is earth still. 1 The importance of this statement /cat (mo-ros) an betonter Stelle als vorletztes p.ai> 6ewv iriarbv y{vo$ (1. 54) is accentua- Wort der Strophe (Epode) stent. Der ted by the echo in 1. 78 Travpoi 5' iv irSvtp Mythus cnth'alt also ohne Frage das Lob ttkttoI j3porwt>, 'wobei zu beachten ist, der gottlichen Treue' (Mezger). dass beidemal das entscheidende Wort 13—2 196 [NEMEAN] X. METRICAL ANALYSIS. Strophe. A. 7/, I. <7. v-/<^/ — x^v-/ — \j — \D — \j \*j \^/ — v-/ v^ — A iP)* If* 2. CI • \J \J \J \J \J KJ \*J \J \J f\ (o). B. w. 3, 4. b. — w ww — ww — A — w — o — ww — ww -w— A (12). "• 5* ^ • — w w w — WW WW — w w — A W/* z>. 6. <£'. -i^ ^ '-^ w w i-w-A (12). Thus the strophe falls into two parts, of which the first (A) is antistrophic, and the second (B) mesodic, — the mesode being of the same length (peyeOos) as the two measures of A. The formula is 8.8: 12.8. 12. Epode. A. V.I. a. -=-w WW-WW w— A (7). V. 2. a. -=- w ww-ww w — A (7). B. W. 3>4- *'• — w w — w w — w — ww — ww— A— WW — w w — w — — (II ). ^. 5- » • — w w ww — ww — w (7/ - f. 6. $ . ww w— •— w — • — ww — ww w w — A (!')• The structure of the epode is exactly the same as that of the strophe, except that the \ityi6^ are shorter, the formula being 7.7: 11. 7. II. The rhythm of this Ode is dactylo-epitritic. [NEME0N1KAI] I'. QElAlQt APTEIQ* HAAAlSTHi. arp. a Aavaov irokiv d<y\ao6povcov re 7revTijtcovTa icopdv, Xajt)iT€?, "Ap7<39 "Upas hwpba OeoTTpeTre? vfMvelre' (pXeyerai S' dperais i. d"y\ao0p6vo>v] This epithet is ap- plied to the Muses also {01. xm. 96) and refers to their representation in works of art as seated. See above, Introduction, p. 187. The first scholia on this Ode are worth quoting at length : 'iviol (pacrtu eis wXetovs viKas rbv ewlvLKov <TVVT€TaxdaC Xafieiv yap avrbv Kal"Jo~6fiia Kal IWflta Kal X^aea. Trepl be rGiv 'OXvfx- ttliov ei^erac ore <pr)o~L' ZeO vdrep, rwv ye fiav Zparat. [1. $5]. 6 be Hivbapos ore (3ouXoiro eiraive'iv rds irarpibas ruv vevih'rj- k6tuii> dQpoifeiv etude rd weirpayp.eva reus irbXecrt irepi(pavr\, KaOus ev rrj i^bf/, r)s r) dpx 7 ?' Io~(j,r]vbv ij xP v<Tr }^Q- KaT0V ^ e * Xiav [fr. 29]. 6 bt X670S' vp.vetre, cJ Xdptres, ttjv rod Aavaov irbXiv Kal rds wevrr)Kovra avrov dvyaripas. % b be vovs bXos' rr/v rod Aavaov ttqXlv Kal rQv Trevrr]- Kovra Ovyarepcov avrov, (prjfxl be rb "Apyos, rjris ttoXis 'Apyeluv oiKr)rr)pi.ov Oeiwbeara- rbv eo~n rr)s "Upas, vixv-qaare, u Xapires. ecrri be irapa rb 'Op.-qpi.Kbv ■qroi e/jiol rpeis p.ev iroXii (pLXrurai elai irbXrjes, "Apyos re ^wdprrj re Kal evpvdyvia ^IvKrjvr]. Kal KaXXi/naxos" rbv (lev dpiffKvbrjs evvis dvfjKe Aibs "Apyos {dew 'ibibv wep ebv Xdxos' dXXd yevidXy Zrjvbs onus (JKoriri rprjxvs dedXos efoi. (rbv in this fragment of Callimachus is the Erymanthian boar). 2. OeoTrpeires] meet habitation for a god. <j>\«Y€TtH k.t.X.] The usual explanation of these words will not bear close ex- amination. If dperal and epya dpacrea are hardly distinguishable, there is no meaning in eveKev. One may seek to avoid the difficulty by translating dperals by laudibus, but it is clear that dperr) is not a synonym of 'itrawos. Let us observe Findar's metaphorical use of the verb <pXtyw. In Pyth. v. 45 we read, ' AXei;i(3idba, <re b' r)vKop.oi cpXiyovn Xdptres. p.aKapi.os, 6s exeis Kal irebd p:4yav Kafxarov Xbywv cpeprdrwv pt.vaiJ.rjov' and in '1st A. VI. 23 qSXeyerai be ioirXoKoiGi ~Sloicrat.s. This figurative illumination is attributed in the first passage to the Graces and in the second passage to the Muses, that is to the deities who preside over art and literature. And similarly the sentence under consideration is immediately pre- ceded by an invocation of the Graces, so that we are left in no doubt touching the agency by which the city is lit up. Monuments of marble or monuments of 198 [NEMEONIKAI] I'. [Jbvpiais epycov dpaaicov eveicev. /j,atcpa p,ev rd Ylepcreos dfMpl M.e8olaa<; Fopyovo?' 7ro\\a 8' AlyinrTG) 'Ico Krlaev aarrj rats 'Eirdcfrov 7ra\d/xat<i. 5 song (/jLva/jLTJa Xbywv, compare the lines quoted from the 5th Pythian) might both claim the patronage of Charites — chatis being, so to speak, exhaled by every work of art, — and in the present case the former are clearly intended. The Heroon of Argos was adorned with Argive heroes and heroines in marble, and by the epithet dyXaoOpbvwv Pindar calls this to mind at the very outset. It follows that the dperai here meant are works of art, and we may translate thus ; It is litten by countless memorials of valiant deeds. If we were rendering in ancient Greek such a phrase as 'the tale of Troy di- vine illustrated by Flaxman', cpXiyeadai would perhaps be a suitable verb to use. — For dperrj see further Appendix A, note 9. 4. (j.aKpa |iev k.t.X.] The tale of Perseus and the Gorgon Medusa is long. rd d|x<j>l — means the labours about; Dis- sen compares Aeschylus, Prometheus, 702 tov d/x0' eavTrjs ddXov. Schol. ftaKpa ovv, (pr]ai, to, 5ii]yrjiJi.aTa to. wepl liepaius a iwpa^e Kara rr\v Yopybva.. — Pindar goes with some fulness into this story in the Twelfdi Pythian, written for Midas of Acragas, who had gained a victory in flute-playing. The head of Medusa was supposed to lie buried in a mound near the agora of Argos. Pausanias 11. i\, 6, rod 5e ip rf; dyopej. tov ' Apyeluv oUodo- firj/xaros ov fxaKpav xw,ua 777s earif' iv 52 avT(p KelaOai tt\v Me5owr?7S Xiyovai rrjs Yopybvos Ke<j>aXr}i>. -,. iroXXd 8' k.t.X.] The MSS. have a Ka.TwKi<TOei> (B KaTUKiaBev). This does not suit the metre, which requires here w^_s,~, T] ie corrections proposed can- not lie seriously entertained, as none of them involves an explanation of the cor- ruption. I may mention Boeckh's rd kot- i^KLaev, Hermann's otto. ^Kndev, Momm- sen's tcl KartnTidev, Rauchenstein's Kara vaieTai, and Bergk's transposition, 7raXd- /xcus Ka.Tti>acrd€i> darea reus 'E7rd</>oi'. The schol. explains the text found in the MSS.; 7roXXa 5' dv eiij Xiyeiv, 07rws ev rrj Alyvvrqi KCLTipKlffdrjaav wbXeis vwb tQv tov 'Ewd<pov X^ipup. It strikes one as strange that, in this roll of the worthies and the fair women of Argos, the illustrious heroine Io should not be recorded by name. The Danaids are mentioned, and a long verse is devoted to Hypermnestra. Although Perseus is recorded in 1. 4, his mother Danae is named, along with Alcmena in 1. 11. We might expect similarly to read the name of Io as well as that of her son, Epaphus. Now it is remarkable that in the Prometheus of Aeschylus (1. 834) the colonisation of Egypt is attributed to Io and her children, con- jointly: ovtos <t' bbwaei tvjv rpiywvov is x^° va NetXwTU', ov drj tt)v p.aKpdv diroiKiav, 'lot, TTCTTpUTaL (Toi T€ K0.1 t{kV01S KTlcTai. This suggests that Pindar wrote AirYTTTminKTICEN. It is evident that one 1 might have easily fallen out ; the result would then be wKTicrev, which would be inevitably cor- rected to $Kiaev. As the sense of the sentence, which had lost its true nomi- native, now demanded a passive verb, ipKio-Oev was an easy change, and the defective metre was roughly supplied by the addition of ko,t-. The sole objection which can be alleged against this restoration is that it involves an irregularity in the metre, namely the condensation of two shorts into one long. But this is an irregularity which Pindar not infrequently allows [NEMEAN] X. 199 ou'S' 'TirepfJLvy'iaTpa TrapeTrXay^dr], fiovoyjrcupov ev KovXeS fcara- crvpi<ra £i(/>o<?. AtofirjSea 8' afifipoTOV %av6a irore YXavicooiTis edy/ce deoV dvr.a. yata S' ev ©?7/3<U9 inreSeKTo KepavvoyQelaa Ato<? fieXeaiv IxdvTtv OltcXeihav, iroXepbOio ve(po*i' himself. For example in the Seventh Nemean, 1. 35, we have Neo7rrdXe/«>s where we should expect five shorts. Other instances will be found in the Third Nemean (epode, cf. 11. 20, 41, 62, 83), Sixth and Seventh Nemeans etc. — There is no objection to the hiatus after y in arsis; cf. for instance Isthm. 1. 61 'llpodorcp Zwopev. If we observe (1) that an express mention of Io by name seems almost imperatively demanded in this list of Argive heroes and heroines, — Epaphus, who had no personal connexion with Argos, being scarcely an adequate sub- stitute, — (2) that the expression rats 'E7rd- <pov -TraXd/xats suggests that Epaphus is represented as the agent of someone else, (3) that in the passage quoted from the Prometheus Io is associated with her children in the foundation of Egyptian cities; and then find that the reading to which these considerations point, ex- plains satisfactorily the corruption which has beset the text of our MSS.; we are entitled to conclude that the restoration admitted in the text rests upon a satis- factory basis. 6. irapiirX^x^ 1 !] stray from the true way. The active occurs in Olynnp. vn. 3 1 at 5£ (ppevwv rapaxo-i wapiirXay^av /cat aocpov. jj.ovo»J/a<j)ov K.r.X.] having kept her dissentient sword unsheathed. For p.ovo- i/'ck/xjs uneonsenling see Aeschylus, Sup- pliants, 3S5. The mss. have p.ovo\pa<pov, to agree with £t'</>os, and this is more poetical than p.ovo\j/a(pos, which was re- stored by Hecker, (whom most editors have followed) on the strength of a scholium. —Pindar has the form koXeos m Nemean I. 52, and the MSS. have /coXeaj here, but the metre demands KovXtw which Hermann restored; com- pare the double forms "OXvp.wos and OvXvp.iros. Horace's familiar splendide mendax et in omne virgo nobilis aevum is resonant and catching; but an ear which is a little impatient of rhetoric in poetry may prefer Pindar's ov ■n-apewXa-yx^V- Horace declaims, with an epigrammatic turn, the maiden's praise, in the tone of an advocate; Pindar declares her justified, with the more effective reserve of a judge. 7. Aio(At]8€a] From a scholiast on this line we learn that Diomede, accord- ing to Ibycus, married Hermione and lives in immortality with the Dioscori ; also that (according to Polemon) he enjoyed divine honours in Italy, at Meta- pontum and Thurii. Another note gives an account of his vengeance on Melanip- pus who had wounded his father Tydeus. Tydeus in his wrath felt the craving of a cannibal and tasted the flesh of his enemy, thereby incapacitating himself to receive the guerdon of immortality pro- mised by Athena, who transferred her high gift to the son, — koL ovk £o~ti irapa. tols IffTopiKOLs eupeo~9ai avrov tov da.va.Tov. Argos preserved the shield of Diomede in the temple of Athena, and Callimachus tells how it was laved along with the Palladion (brought by Diomede from Troy) in the Xoerpa. ITaXXdSos (1. 35) : ilidava, (piperai 5£ ko.1 d Aiop.7]8eos acnris, <l>s Zdos 'Apyeiwv tovto TraXaioraTov. 9. iroX€(j.oio v«<j>os] This expression is Homeric, applied in the Iliad to Hector (P 243). Editors compare fultnina belli, 200 [NEMEONIKAI] I'. Kal yvvai^lv tcaWiKOfAoicriv apiaTevei TraXaf IO Zei)<? eV 'AX/c/jLrjvav kavaav re fioXwv irov iccnkfyave XoyoV irarpl 8' ' ASpdaroio Avytcel re cfipevcov Kapirov ev9eia <rvvdpfiol;ev 6pey\re 8' alyj^dv ' A/jb(f)iTpv(ovo'i. 6 S' o\/3<w (^epraro^ eV. a . lk€t 69 Kelvov <yevedv, eVet eV ^aX/ceocs o7t\ol<; Ti]\e{36a<i evapovrt ?ot oyjnv ieiSopevos 1 5 and ep-apvaro Xcros d^XX??. {Niches belli in Virgil means a cloud of arrows.) — For the valour of Amphiaraus and his fate see the preceding Ode; also Olymp. VI. 17 dp.<por€pov p.dvrw t ayadbv Kal dovpl fxapvaudai. There was a temple to Amphiaraus in Argos ; see Pausanias, 11. 23, 2. — The participle nepavvudels occurs in Hesiod, Theogouy, 859. 10. Kal yuvai£i k.t.X.] For fair- haired dames also Argos is peerless since olden time, and the visitations of Zens to Alcmena and Danaa declared the report merely true. €tov, for tov of the MSS., is due to Bergk; see note on Nem. VII. 25. As Zeus is supreme among the gods, his choice establishes the supremacy of Ar- give beauty — this is the force of irov. Schmid reads tovtov from the scholia. 12. irarpl 8' k.t.X.] So lemma D for warpi t, which however is possibly right. — Talaus was the father of Adrastus; Lynceus was the husband of Hyper- mnestra. — For Kap-n-dv <}>p€vwv compare Pyth. 11. 74, 6 5e 'Paddpavdvs ev irtirpaytv on (ppevQiv Z\a.Xe Kapirov dp.tup.T]Tov, oi)5' airaraKn Bvpbv T^pnerai fvdodev k.t.\. This phrase is perhaps the nearest Greek equivalent to our heart. Zeus wedded their hearts to unswerving justice. Lynceus was buried with Hypcrm- nestra, (Pausanias II. 23, 2), and near them Talaus, tovtwv 5e awavTiKpu TaXaou rod liiavTos can T&<pos. The house of Adrastus was shown in Argos {id. 23, 2). 13. 0p£i|/£ k.t.X.] And he nourished the spear-point of Amphitryon, that is, favoured the success of the warrior Amphitryon. Compare Kdcrropos alxpa, Isth. v. 33, and Terpander (ap. Plutarch Life of Lycurgus, c. 21); ivtf alxp-a Te viuiv OdWei Kal MoOcnx \iye?a Kal AlKa evpvdyvia. 6 8' oXpu ^epraTOS k.t.X.] But he (Amphitryon) had the surpassing fortune to enter into kinship with Zeus (Keivov), when in Iwonze armour, in the similitude of the slayer of the Teleboae etc. The scholiast wrongly refers 6 5' to Zeus and Keivov to Amphitryon, but explains 'ikct' is yevedv rightly : ' Zeus procreated Heracles on the first day, on the next Amphitryon procreated Iphicles, and the stocks of both were mingled'. Mezger translates ' er trat in seine (des Zeus) Verwandschaft ein ', and so Dissen ' in affinitatem Iovis venit '. Compare Pyth. IX. 84 t^ks ol Kal Tif)vl fxiydaa datypuv ...'A\Kp.riva 8i5vpwi> crdivos vlQiv. eirel is explained by the scholium : adXov ydp r\ 'A\k/j.7jvt) rbv iavrijs ydfiov irpovdijKe T(fS tovs T^Xe/Joas KarairoXe- p.y)o-ovTi. The Teleboae were a people who dwelled in Acarnania. 15. evapovn Foi] B \\ have ivape' tl oi, D has k'vape. rl ol. Hermann (followed by Bergk in his 4th ed.) read Zvaptv ry 5'. Schmid proposed ivapbvn, Rauchenstein evapovri ol. The scholium does not bear grammatical analysis : 8re yap Toh ottXois dvaipovvros avrov [NEMEAN] X. 20 1 ddavtiTwv j3aai\ev<i avXuv earjXOev airep/x (IheifxavTov cpepcov 'Hpa/cXeo?' ov Kar ' OXvfiirov a\o)£o<i 'H(3a reXeta irapd fxaripi f&aivouf eari, KaWlara Oewv. arp. ft. (3paxv fjbot, aTo/jLa iravr dvayi]crao-0\ ocrcov 'Apyetov e^et Te/^ei/o? tovs T?7\e/3oas, rrji'i/caPra ttjv o\piv dcpo- /j.oiio9eh 6 Zebs rep 'Afx^irpvuvL /cat ovtios els rbv oZkov iKOuv ttjs 'AX/CiUtjj'tjs eirXrj- alaaev avrfj /cat rbv 'Hpa/cA^a taweipev. Hence Mommsen deduced evapbvTos, which Mezger accepts. The circumstance that ivapovros involves a deviation from the metre of the corresponding lines in the other epodes (introducing -— in place of --) would not be a fatal objection; but it is impossible to see how the reading of the MSS. arose from ivapovros. The scholium does not prove a genitive abso- lute. Hermann's reading appears to do more justice to the mss. ; but this ap- pearance is deceptive. The questions arise — why should 5' have fallen out? why should a simple word like ry have been corrupted? And it must be ob- served that ev xaXK^ots ottXois protests against any reading which retains tvapev ; for the picture clearly is, not Amphitryon fighting in Acarnania in bronze armour, but Zeus in bronze armour entering his house in Thebes. This consideration recommends Rauchenstein's iuapovri ol, which, I am persuaded, is the true read- ing. The order of words is most felici- tous. T7/Xf/3cJas ivapovTi immediately suc- ceeding x^X/c^ots o7r\ois suggests, without bringing this expedition into undue pro- minence, that the armour was supposed to be spoils (tvapa) taken from the Teleboae. Zeus came in Amphitryon's similitude and dressed as he would appear after the success of his enter- prise. — The cause of the corruption was a false division of the participle, evapov was read as third plural (for rfvapov) after €7T€i, and subsequently corrected to the singular; ti was accented, and left, though really unmeaning. To -tX foX in the other epodes corresponds a long syllable ; but cf. Nem. v. 10 where irartpos corresponds to — and see note on 1. 5 above. 17. d8€i|xavTOv] intrepid, applied also in Isth. I. 12 to Heracles, rbv dbeip.avTOv 'AXKp.Tjva T€K€i> waida . ov k.t.X.] whose wife Hebe liveih in Olympus, fairest of the gods, wallcing beside her mother 'who maketh perfect''. Compare the last lines of the First Nemean, for Heracles' union with Hebe ; also Hymn. Horn. XV. (addressed ' to Heracles the lion-hearted ') 7, 8 vvv 5' tJSti /caret KaXbv eSos VMpoevTos 'OXl'/ATTOV valet. TepTTofxevos /cat e'xet KaXXla<pvpoi> "H/V- rtXeia. is the designation of Hera as the patroness of marriage : schol. tare yap avTT) yapL-qXla Kal fryla. tari de 6 ydp.os riXos did to reXeLOT-qra plov KaraaKevd^eiv (reproduction being regarded as the riXos of the individual). Aeschylus (frag. 373) has "H/xx reXela, Zrjvbs ewaia dd/xap. In the Heraeum near Mycenae there was an altar adorned with a relief of the marriage of Hebe and Heracles; see Pausanias II. 17, 6 (iuiibs ?x w " eireipyaa- ixivov rbv Xeyo/aevov "H/3t;s /cat 'Hpa/cX^ovs yd/xov ' ovtos Liev dpyvpov k.t.X. 19. ppax^ 1 H- 01 °" n 'f ia k.t.X.] My mouth is of small measure to rehearse all the fair things wherein the precincts oj Argos have share. Compare Isth. VI. 44 [ipaxvs e£t/c<f<r#at x a ^ K07r€ ^ 0,/ ^ € ^ v <$P a ''t one is of loo small stature to come unto the bronze-floored abode of the gods. For dvayelo-Qai compare Isth. v. 56 eiioi de p.aKpbv irdaas dvayrjaaad' dperds (Minga- relli's restoration ; MSS. dyqaaad''), and 202 [NEMEONIKAI] fxolpav eaXwv' eari 8e Kal Kopos dvQpwirwv fiapiis avridcrai' 20 aX)C op,(>)<; ev%op8ov eyeipe Xupav, Kal TraXcuapLctTwv \a/3e <^povrih\ dycov rot ^aAvceo? Safiov orpvvet irorl fiovdvcriav "Upas deOXwv re Kplcnv' QvXla irah evOa vi/cdo-ais 8U layev ®eialo<i evcpopcov Xddav 7T0VC0V. dvr. /? . etcpdrrjae 8e Kal 7ro6""EXXava arparov Uv0a>vi, ry^a re /moXoov 25 Kal top 'laO/JLol Kal Ne/xea arkfyavov Moiaatcnv e8a)K dpoaat, rpl? )ub€V iv TTOVTOIO TTvXaiCTL Xa%(ov, 01. IX. 80 ei-qv evpTjaieiTTis dvaydadai TTpoucpopos iv ^loiadv di(ppii}. In a well- known passage in the catalogue ' Homer' despairs of enumerating the heroes, if he had even ten mouths. The whole city of Argos is regarded as in a certain sense 'holy ground', dedi- cated to Hera, as Pindar expresses by repievos. Dissen compares Soph. Elcctra, 5 d\ffos 'Ivdxov /c6p?7S. 20. e'ori 8e k.t.X.] There is moreover the envy of men, grievous to converse with. avTido-cu is properly a neutral word; here it means incur. The schol. explains ' men are not pleased to hear the wondrous deeds of others, but they are straightway sick of the praises sounded, for envy'. 21. dXX' 6'p.ws k.t.X.] Nat he/ess, azva/ce the harmonious strings of the lyre, and him to thoughts of wrestling matches. Compare 01. IX. 13 dvdpbs dp.(pl iraXalcr- p.aaiv <pbpp.iyy i\e\Lfav. 22. d-ywv x^ K£ °s] The brazen con- test, so called because the prize at the Ileraea was a shield of bronze. Compare 01. VII. 83 t iv "Apyei x a ^ K ° s ^V" viv i the bronze in Argos knew him. The victor was also crowned with myrtle. Compare the schol. on 01. VII. 83: TeXerrcu Kara, rb "Apyos to. "Upaia a Kal 'E/caT6/u/3cua /caXetrcu irapd rb eKarbv /3oDs dveo-Oai tti 0eip, rb di ZiraOXov aairU X a * K V< b 5i crri(pavos in p.vpaivqs. This elucidates Pov8vo-£av. As for Argive shields, they were said to have come into use in the reign of Proetus (Pausanias II. 25, 6). €v<j)6p<ov] So the mss. In the scholia is mentioned a variant, evcppbvwv : ypdcperai 8i Kal eiHppbvwv ' tvcpbpuv p.iv, iirel ev<popoi elav ol toiovtol wbvoi Tip dpurra a6Xa ivr/voxivai. ' evcppbvwv 5£, tCiv exxppavTiKwv. evcpbpwv has been taken in two ways, (1) easily borne, (2) fruitful (Mezger). [Bergk prints evcpbpws, Schmid (uncriti- cally) proposed 5v<r<pbpwv.~\ The first rendering ('facile ab eo perlatos', Dissen) is hardly possible ; in this sense, evcpopos could only mean light, which is not suitable. On the other hand, Mezger's explanation fruitful, remunerative, gives excellent sense. 25. "EXXava o-rpaTov] the athletic world of Hellas ; so Pyth. XI. 50 : llvdol re yvp.vbv iwl ardSiov Karapavres ■ijXey^av 'EXXavtSa crparidv tbK&rari. Tux.a, under the guidance of fortune, on a lucky day. 26. dpocrcu] he gave the Muses a fruitful argument, lit. soil for the Muses to plough, see note on Nem. VI. 32. This is a continuation of the metaphor in evrpbpwv, 1. 24. 27. rpls k.t.X.] Scilicet (rritpavov. Schol. rpls p.iv yap KXijpwOels ivlK-qae rd "la0p.ia : irbvTov yap irvXas elire rbv 'lcr0p.bv 5id rb anvbv. [NEMEAN] X. 203 rpls 8e fcal ae/j,voL<> ScnreSoi'i iv 'AS/oacrretw vop,a>. Zev irdrep, tcou fiav eparac <ppevl atya Fot cnopba' irav he Te\o<> iv rlv epycov ovS 1 afJtoydtp /cap&ia irpoacpepcov ToXpuav TrapatTeiTcu XapiV 30 yvooT delSco dew re koi oaris afiiWarai irepl iaydrcov dedXcov Kopv(pal<;. inrarov S' eayev Yllcra 'Hpa/c\eo<i reOp^ov' dSelal ye p,ev dpu/3o\dBav eV. /3'. ■28. Tpis k.t.X.] At Nemea. For the ascription of the foundation of the Nemean games to Adrastus, see Nem. VIII. 51. Schol. rpis 5e to. N^uea Ka.ro. TT)V 'A5pd(TT0V 8i.olK7]<TlP K0.1 VO]XoQeTT\GiV Te\ov/J.a>a. Render, according to the foundation of Adrastus. Compare Isth. II. 38 ev HaveWavw vo/Mp, according to the universal use of the Greeks. 29. ZeviraTep \-.r.X.] father Zeus, his mouth is dumb of his heart's desires ; in thee lieth every issue of works ; nor doth he 'with heart unapt for toil sue amiss for a grace, but he hath the addition of endurance. The desire of Theaeus was an Olym- pian victory. For epo.p.0.1 in such a context, cf. Pyth. XI. 50 deodev ipaifXTjv koAuiv. irapaiTtiTai. has been explained in three ways : (1) closely with ov5£, in the sense of deprecate, decline; 'neque profecto ignavo animo deprecaturgloriam', Dissen; (2) 'eine neben hinausgehende Bitte thun, die keinen Erfolg haben kann, weil sie verkehrt bittet ' (cf. irap(pdp.ev, wapdyeiv, etc.) Mezger, and so Rumpel ' tenere precor'; (3) Schol. irapb. <rov alrelrai. Mezger's interpretation, pray amiss, misask, is clearly right, and a confir- mation of it will be found in my note on 1. 84. Pindar says that Theaeus does not trust in faith alone ; he would fain gain his desire by both grace and bravery. 31. •yvw-r' daSto] The burthen of my verses is well known both to god and to whosoever contendeth for the summit of the supreme contests (Zeus and all athletes know what I mean). One scholiast referred oaris especially to Theaeus, and his corrupt note (evyvua- ra de Xiyu avry tuj 0ey /cat rw Qecaiu? oaris 0eia?os d/xiXXdrcu k.t.X.) unneces- sarily gave rise to Hermann's conjecture yviora Qetaiip re kcu ojtls, and to Kayser's ol for 6e£. Philip Melanchthon, from the continuation of the same scholium, sub- stituted Kopvcpds for Kopv<pais. — For the collocation of &rxaros and Kopv<pd cf. 01. I. 113: &r' dXXoicu 5' dXXoi /xeydXoi ' rb 8' iffxo-Tov KopvcpouTO.1 (3acnXev<ri. For the application of Kopvcpd to the Olympian games, see 01. 11. 14 edos 7 QXv/j.ttov vip.o)v didXwv re Kopv<pdv. 32. viraTov k.t.X.] For most high is the institution of Heracles which Pisa won (cf. Ol. VI. 69 red/xbv p-iyiarov didXuv, and Nem. XI. 27). virarov 'i(xx ev is an etymological explanation or analysis of tcrxdrwu. The same connexion of words is suggested in Isth. vi. 36 : wpofxdxw dv opuXov, ivd' dpt.O'Toi fax " iro\ip.oio vukos eaxdrais tXwiaii', zahere the noblest encountered war, with hopes most counter to them. 33. dScicu y« («v k.t.X.] Sweet, surely, prelude-wise at their ceremonies the chants of the Athenians twice celebrated his praise; and in earth burnt in the fire, came to the brave people of Hera the fruit of the olive, even within the walls of painted vessels. Olive oil enclosed in a painted vase was the prize at the Panathenaic festival. Pindar regards the success of the victor at Athens as an omen of future successes 204 [NEMEONIKAI] iv reXeTat9 St? ' Adavalcov viv 6p,cpal Koofiaaav' yala 8e icavOeiaa irvpl «ap7ro? iXacas 35 e/u,oXev "Hpa<i tov evdvopa Xaov iv dyyecov ep/cecrtv 7rayu,7roi/ctA.ot9. icpeTrei 8e, Seiale, puarpoowv iroXvyvcorov yevo<; vfieripcov arp. 7 . at Olympia; the olive-juice of Athena being a sort of prelude (dp.j3oXd5av) to the olive leaves of Zeus. See more fully above, Introduction. 6|j.cj>T] means a solemn voice or utterance, (compare Milton's ' saintly shout ') and is appropriate to the context with TeXerais. It does not occur elsewhere in Pindar, save in two fragments ; fr. 75, 1. 19 dxet t opupal p.eXiuv avu avXois (an in- stance of the schema Pindaricum), and fr. 152 ixe\LO<T0TtvKTU)v Kijplwv ip.a yXvKe- pwrepos 6p.<pd, my voice more szueet than honey or the honeycomb. — In Iliad # 364 d(xPo\a8T]v is used of the surface of a seething cauldron ; but in the Hymn to Hermes 1. 426 it has the meaning which belongs to it in this passage. 35. -yaiq. k.t.X.] Schol. yaiav 5e KeKavp-ivrpi elire ttjv vSplav iv 77 rb iXaiov ' owTciTai yap 6 Kipap,os. did 5e tovtov a-qpaivei tovs rd llavadrjvaia veviKr/Kbras ' Tidevrai yap iv 'Ad-f/vais iv iirddXov Ta^ei ' vbp'iai irXrjpeis iXaiov. 81b Kal KaXXL- p.a%os • Kal yap 'A6r]vaiois wdp' iirl crreyos lepbv Tjvrai KaXwides ou K6ap.ov <xvp.j3oXov, aXXd TrdXTjs. ...§.. .<w'k 'icri 5e e^aywyrj iXaiov ii;' AOrjvuv el /j.7] toIs viKuiai. This last note gives special force to ZpoXev. — TrapnroiKiXos occurs in both the Iliad and Odyssey. 37. e<|>eim k.t.X.] MSS. 'iwerai. It has been supposed that Pindar in two passages has contravened the universal (ireek usage of constructing firopiai with a dative, and assigned to it an accusative. One passage is 01. VI. 71, where a cor- rect punctuation suffices to abolish the anomaly : e'£ ov ttoXvkXeltov KaO' "EXX^eas yivos 'lafiiddv 6X(los dp! 'io-irero' k.t.X. The other case is the passage before us. Dissen owns that 'iweadai with a dative 'verisimile non est', and takes yivos as an accusative of , place, 'pro eirerai is yivos, constructum ut (iaiveiv 01. II. 95, aliaque multa verba eundi'. He explains the meaning thus: 'es folgt, geht aber zu den miitterlichen Vorfahren der Ruhm der K'ampfe hinan'. Even if we admit that the construction is possible, the sen- tence is a curious mode of expressing this meaning. The note of the scholiast is : iiraxoXov- del, <j>y)cri, Kara rb TroXvyvurov vfiwv yivos to dwb rijs p.rjTpbs ' pirjrpwes yap 01 diro /j.r)Tpbs irpbyovoi ' evdywv rip.fi, k.t.X. From this note Hartung deduces that the annotator had before him not v/xeri- pwv but v/xirepov, and reasoning that the former could not have arisen from the latter — 'denn das naturliche pflegt nicht leicht in das unnaturliche umgeandert zu werden' — •, suggests 'dass yivei vp-eripui geschrieben stand'. He proposes to read iroXvyvwTL) yivei, which he supports by a scholium on v. 49 : did tovto iv tois iirdvu elire' Xapireaal re Kal crvv 'Ivvdapibais ttjv vIktjv avTuiv iXrjXvdivai rui yivei. — Bergk reads 7re5' evyvurov ('iweTai Tredd = p.ediTre- Tai) ; but the mere fact that iroXdyvwTov does not occur elsewhere makes the assumed corruption improbable. An examination of the passage will soon show us that the seat of the corruption is the verb 'iweTai itself. (1) 'iireTai...6ap.aKis is a distinctly unhappy expression ; the sense rather demands a verb signifying to visit. (2) As 'iwopiai requires a dative, it is incon- ceivable that, if there were originally a dative in the passage, it should have been changed to the accusative. Therefore [NEMEAN] X. 205 evdycov Tifid "Kapireaai Te Kal avv Tvv8api8ai<; Oapdicis. d^KoOetrjv /cev, eu>v QpaavicXov ' AvTi'a re Ijvyyovos, "Apyei pr/ /cpinrreiv <pdo<; 4° oppc'noiv. vuca(popiai<; yap irals UpoLTOto toS' iTnroTpocpov the probability is that twerac has taken the place of a verb which governs the accusative. The word which exactly suits the passage is efairei, visits. The words then mean : Honour, queen of noble contests, doth often haunt the far-famed race of your mother s kin, Theaens, by favour of the Graces and the Tyndarids. The corruption was due to an accident. Letters at the beginning and end of lines and strophes are more liable than others to obliteration. If such a chance befel the first two letters of E<t>ETTEI, it is clear that the surviving eirei — the sense requiring a verb and the metre an anapaest — was very likely to be inter- preted as a mistake for fcVerat. But there is another reason for accept- ing i<ptirei. Looking down to the epode of the present system (ep. 7'), we find a cause assigned for the athletic prowess of Theaeus' maternal kinsfolk. Pam- phaes in mythical days had entertained the Tyndarids, and they are the stewards of the games at Sparta, which they order in confederacy with Hermes and Heracles. Now the words in these lines (51 — 53) are selected so as to recall strophe 7. Thus iyyevte, 51 : 7^05, 47, dyuvuv, 52 : evdyuv, 48, OdXeiav, 53: BaXycrev, 42, these echoes serving to emphasize the logical connexion of the system, and linking the Twdapldais of 1. 38 with their next introduction in 1. 49. In the same way biiirovTi. 1. 53 is an echo of e0e7Tfi 1. 37. The share which the Tyndaridae have in the success of the kin of Theaeus, is brought into relation with the share which they have as the 'starters' (d<p€T7jpi.oi) in the games at Lacedaemon. — It is interesting to ob- serve that a like echo occurs in the First Pythian. The fourth line of the 2nd antistrophos begins 8s tovt e <p e ir e l % opos, and the fourth line of the 3rd antistrophos ends vvv ye p.av rav QCKoKT-qrao dixav e<p€wwv. 39. djjia>9etr|v K.T.X.] schol. iyw, (pr/ai, KaTa^iwOdrjv tuiv wepl QpdcrvKXov Kal 'Avriav avyyevrjs we ev rip "Apyet. dtdyeiv Kal frr/v, ivda ovk dv dirapprjaiao-Tos dteri- Xecra ovde Kdrw fiXiirwv Kal KpvwTUiv e/xavTov rb eXevdepov. 01 yap vikuivtss /xerd Trappycrlas avu) ftXe'-rrovTes fiab~Li;ovcnv , ot 5e r]TT7]p.ivoL 5ta ttjv aio~)(bvr\v °^X 0VTC0S. €<iv jjvyyovos, were I a kinsman. /xr} KpvirTeiv (/>dos 6p.fj.dTuv is expressed posi- tively in Nem. VII. 66 (5epKe<r6ai Xa/x- irpbv). 41. viKac}>op£cu$ k.t.X.] The reading of the mss. is : viKa<popiaicn yap ocrais iinroTpbcpov acrrv rb UpoiToio k.t.X. Boeckh read viKa- (popiais yap oaais Upoiroio too' 'nnroTp6<poi> daTV, Hermann vixafiopiais yap ocrais liriroTpocpov daTV to abv, Upolre, ddXrjaev. Bergk remarks 'non Argos, sed victoriae, quas maiores Theaei...rettulerunt, prae- dicandae', and reads (ed. 4) viKa<popiais yap occus HpolTOib t' dv 1 IviroTpbcpov daTV 6dXy)<rav (the accidental omission of r' dv' would lead to the change of ddXijaav to 0<x\i7crei/).— The 'reason' for Bergk's emendation will hardly recommend itself. Leaving aside for a moment the difficulty presented by &'<rcus, we can see nothing suspicious in the sentence. By victories the horse-rearing city, of Proetus, burst into bloom (won crowns) at Corinth on the inland gulf and at the hands of the men 206 [NEMEONIKAI] I aaTv daKrjaev Kopu0ov r iv fivyoU, Kal KXecovaiwv 7rpo? dvhpwv T€TpaKl<i' of Cleonae (at Nemea), four times. For 6a\iw cf. Ncm. IV. 88 (in Rumpel's Lexicon Pindaricum, the quantity is wrongly marked short). — Some trans- position however seems necessary, for the line as it stands in the MSS. ends in the middle of a word (IIpoiT-oto). I have adopted, as simplest, the proposal of Boeckh, though I confess that I regard such transpositions as suspicious. Her- mann's conjecture need not be enter- tained, as it has no support from either MSS. or scholia. The scholium is : ■wbciais yap 'unroTpo(piai.s, (pTjffiv, avTt) i] 7r6X(S owe Z9a\\ev 7/ tov Upoirov, tovto ixiv iv t£ KopLvdiui 'ladp.i2 tovto M iv t-q Ne/j.ia TeTpcuas viKrjaaaa ' k.t.X. It is clear that oaais is inconsistent with TeTp&Kis, and the unmetrical viKcupo- piaio-L in the mss. points also to an ancient corruption in this spot, ocrats was sub- stituted for another word, which was not intelligible. I believe that this word was ah. vLKacpoplais yap ah became mciri gratia VLKa(popiaio~L yap ah and then sc7isus gratia viKacpopiaiai yap ocrcus. If this be so the problem is to deter- mine the origin of ah, and here the scho- lium comes to our help. The scholiast evidently had a different text before him ; he read neither vina<po piaiai nor liriroTpb- (poi>, but Serais yap 'nriroTpocpiais or 'nnroTpo- <j>iais yap otrcus, the line being probably filled up by words corresponding to ovk and avTT) in his note. We must inquire, what could have elicited 'nriroTpoQlcus from lTnroTpb<povl It is clear that, if the article rats preceded 'nnroTp6<pov, there would have been a very strong temptation to alter the adjective to a dative plural. This consideration places the solution in our hands, reus arose from ercus, just as in I. 11 above tov arose from irdv. As for the meaning, ercus is peculiarly suitable here. The victories referred to were clearly won in chariot-races, as the close collocation of 'nnroTpocpov indicates. Thus they were viica-(popiai, in the literal sense of the word ; the horses, as it were, bearing Victory like a charioteer. In the case of running, wrestling and other non- equestrian contests, vu<a<popia could not bear this literal sense, hah expresses this shade of meaning; I have already referred to Mr VerralPs elucidation of €tv/j.6s and eTrjTv/j.os. Another consideration weighs in favour of era?s. I have explained fully in the Introduction (above, p. 189 sq.) how Pin- dar establishes a comparison between the mythical glories of Argos and the special glories of the kinsfolk of Theaeus. This comparison is carried out by responsions between the first strophe and antistrophos, and the third strophe and antistrophos. Observe : 11. 1, 2 XdpiTes 1. 38 Xapireaai 1. 3 gpyov Opaaiuv 1. 39 iuv Qpaov- eveKev k\ov 1. 3 /j.vpLai.s 1. 45 dXXa x a ^ K0V fivpiov 1. 4 fiak-pa p.tv 1. 46 fjiaKpoTipasyap 1. 5 ao-TTj 1. 47 vxj/ipaTOi wb- The import of these responsions has been set forth in the Introduction. They form a strong confirmation of ercus in the fifth 1. of the third strophe, corresponding to irbv, Bergk's certain restoration in the fifth line of the second antistrophos. As the choice of Zeus established the ex- cellence of Argos ' the city of Danaus ' in women, so the victories of Thrasyclus and Antias establish the excellence of Argos ' the city of Proetus ' in horses. The Homeric epithet of Argos is (V- ITofiOTOV. [NEMEAN] X. 207 ^,iku(ov60€ 8' dpyvpwOevres crvv olvr]pat<; (pidXais direjBav, dvr. 7'. e'/c he TleWdvas eirteacrdpievoi vtorov fxaXa/caicn tcpo/cats' aWd ^oXkov puvpiov ov hvvarov 45 e^eXeyXetv' fia/cporepas yap dpidfirjaai a^okci?. ovre K\eiTcop Kal Teyea Kal 'A^aicov v^lfiaTOi noA-ies Kal Avtcacov Trap Ato? Oijtce hoficp crvv ttoScov ^ecpcov re vacdcraj oQevei. 43. ap"yvpw0€VT£s] For the prize at the chariot-race of Sicyon, see Nem. ix. 51. Just as in 1. 22 the contest whose prize is a bronze shield is named a bronze contest, so the victors in a race rewarded by silver cups are said to be silvered. dire'Pav, schol. deexcipTjcrae iwl to "Apyos. The Aldine ed. has iiriflav. 44. (K 8e IltXXdvas] Schol. riderai 5e iraxia ipdria iv TLeWrivr) dyvacpa' 8vo~x e ^ m pepoi 8e oi t6ttoi. vepKppaariKuis Se ttjv yXavlba pa\aKT]v HpSicr/v eTwe' Kal iripudi \pvxpa.v ottot' ei/Siavbv (pa.pp.aKov ai/pdv HeWdva vapixei [01. IX. 97, MSS. TleWdva, or a, <pipe]. i£,t\iy\tiv] to test by measure. Schol. \ifir\ra yap irip-Covro iv voWois tujv ayu- vu)v Kal dawi8a xaX/CTyc. 47. KXeiTwp k.t.X.] It is supposed that the games at Clitor were called Kopeia, from the Kopyj (Persephone) who was there worshipped with her mother ; see Pausanias vui. 21. 2. At Tegea were held the'AXecua in honour of Athene ; see Pausanias vm. 47. 3. Cf. Hermann, Lehrbnch der Gottesdienstlichen Alter- thinner der Griechen (ed. Stark) p. 336, and Curtius, Peloponn., I. 254, 273. — For the high situate cities of Achaea cf. B 573- oi' 9' 'TTrepijairjv re Kal alwuvty Tovoea- aav JleXK-qv-qv r e1x ov V$' A'iyiov dpcpevi- fJLOVTO. It is not known in what cities games were held. In many Achaean towns (Dyme, Tatrae, Aegium, Tritaea, as well as Pellene) there were temples of Athena, and perhaps in some her worship was attended with gymnastic contests (see Pausanias vn. 17 et sqq.). 48. Avkcuov] The temple of Zei'>s AvKaios in Arcadia. Pausanias (vin. 38. 5) describes this strange ripevos, in which men and beasts were said to cast no shadows : Zaodos 8i ovk 'iariv is avrb dvdpwirois. For games at Lycaeum, cf. Simonides, 155 (Bergk P. L. G. in. p. 501), where a list of victories is given, among the rest 8vo 8' iv AvKaly. — 0tJk£ vikcio-ch means set as frizes to win. crvv goes with adivei, by dint of the strength. The scholiast has confused the sense of the passage, and copyists have corrupted the text, through the idea that 8popu> (so mss.) belonged to the latter part of the sentence. B has ttoSwv re xeipGiv re, so that Spopip Troduiv should balance x €l P^ v adivei. D attempts to rectify the metre, without due consideration of the meaning, by omitting re after x eL puv. The note of the scholiast is : 6V Kal rb AvKaiov idrjKe Xa\Kov irapd ra tov Aids (3wpui toIs Svva- pivois viKijcrai avv iroduv adivei, Spbpcp, Kal xetpwj' adivei, irdX-rj Kal irayKpariu) Kal wyprj. — From bvvapivois Mommsen de- duced oaetaiv which he substitutes for dpopip aiiv; but the participle in the scholium is merely an elucidation of the infinitive construction. M. Schmidt fol- lowing in the same track and regarding bpopup as a gloss on irobCiv adivei, reads diXovaiv irobwv k.t.X. Rauchenstein ob- jecting to avv proposed opopoiaiv. Bergk has r iv'iKaaav, the subject of the verb being the ancestors of Theaeus, and takes avv not with adivei but with the verb. 208 [NEMEONIKAI] I'. KaaTopor, 8' £\66vTO<; eVl %evlav Trap Ylaficpdr] Kai Kacn<yvr)rov UoXvSev/ceos, ov Oav/xa acplcriv 6776V 69 efifiev de0\r]Tai<i d<ya6ol<nv' eVet evpuftopov ra/xlac ^Trdprwi dyoovcov pbo'ipav 'Fipfxa /cat avv 'Hpa/cXel hieirovrt OdXetav, 67T. 7 . 50 In regard to Bergk's emendation it may be observed that it is gratuitous to change viKaaat, and in regard to his explanation of avv, there is the serious objection that cvvviKdv means to take part in a victory, a sense inappropriate here. abv signifying by means of is characteristi- cally Pindaric, and may be supported, for example, by evi aiiv rpoiry in Nem. vil. 14. The proposals of Mommsen and Rauchenstein are due to a too curious examination of the scholiast's words. The only difficulty lies in Trap dpofxip, which is hardly explicable, ev dpo/xuj is required and Bergk's citation wapa. Tvpavvldi is not a parallel. I have ventured to print 86|xw, for though in ordinary circumstances S6/j.C{i would be more likely to usurp the place of 8p6p.(p than conversely, here dpofiip insinuated itself into the text from a gloss on woSuv cdiva with the utmost facility, or perhaps came not from a written, but, so to speak, from a mental gloss, a copyist 'correcting' 86fxui, in view of the context, as an obvious clerical error. For 56/j.os used of a temple, see Act;, vil. 46, Pyth. vn. 10. — A parallel passage in Pyth. x. 23 merits quotation : 8s a.v xtpvlv V irobwv apery Kparrjaais to. /xtyitTT' did~\uv 'i\ri To\p.a re /cat adivei. 49. eirl %tv(av k.t.X.] to the home of Pamphaes, seeking friendly entertainment. Pamphaes was a remote ancestor of Theaeus' mother. Many epiphanies were attributed to the Tyndarids , for example they were said to have appeared in a battle fought at Sagra between the Locrians and Crotoniates. The story of the rescue of Simonidcs at the court of Scopas is well known. 50. ov 6av|xa cr4>£<riv k.t.X.] No marvel that it should be a quality of their race to be good athletes. <r<pi<riv, the persons spoken of in the preceding strophe and antistrophos. 2|i|«v, as Mezger point- ed out, does double duty, linking (1) davfia with eyytvis, (2) eyyevis with dedXyTais dyadolaiv. 51, 52. «T£i k.t.\.] The Dioscori were regarded as patrons of gymnastic contests. In Sparta they were worshipped as 'Starters': irpbs de rod dp6p.ov rrj cipxy AwcrKovpol t{ elcnv 'A(peT7)pioi, Pausanias III. 14. 7. They were related to have won victories in the Olympic games, Castor in the footrace, Polydeukes in boxing (Pausanias v. 8. 4), and their altar stood at the entrance of the Olympic hippodrome (ib. 15. 5). They also con- tended in the stadion of Hermione (Pausa- nias, 11. 34. 10). .These links with the games instituted by Heracles and with Hermione, explain 'E^a koX gvv 'Hpa- K\ei. To the Dioscori was ascribed the in- vention of the war-dance in Sparta (see Athenaeus IV. 14 c; schol. Pind. Pyth. V. 12S), and thus the epithet tvpv\6pov {spacious for dancing) in this context is seen to be peculiarly appropriate. Pindar applies the adjective also to Asia (01. vn. 18), Libya [Pyth. iv. 43), and Argos (Pyth. vni. 55). For jAotpav o/ywv«v cf. 01. VI. 79 8s dywvas ^x et P-otpdv t di6\oiv. For 8i€irovTi and OdXeiav see above, note on 1. 37, and Introduction p. 190. Render : For the guardia?is of Sparta's spacious dancing-floor, with Hermes and Heracles, order games, their graceful charge, and for just men they care ex- ceedingly. Yea verily, the gods are sure. [NEMEAN] X. 209 fld\a /xev dvBpwv Si/caiwv irepiKaBcfxevoi. /ecu fxdv 6ewv irtarov 70/09. crrp. 8'. fierafieL(36fj,evoi 8' ivaWdi; dfxepav rav fiev irapd irarpl <p(,\a> 55 A l ve/xovrai, rav 6° virb fcevOeai yalas iv yvdXoi? Qepdirva*;, Trbrpiov d/A7TL , 7r\dvTe<i op,olov' eVet tovtov rj trdpuTcav #ed? e/Afievai ol/celv r ovpava) eiXer alcova (pOifievov TloXv&evfcr]*; Ka'crropo? iv TroXefMp' rov <ydp "iSa? dfitpl ftovalv 7TO)9 %oXeodel<i erpcoae' ^a/V/cea? X6y%a<; died. 60 54. fxdXa n«'v] ixei> implies another clause, unexpressed and unnecessary, ov dt avSpQv 6.8'ikwv irepiKadofxevoi. One of the functions of the Tyndaridae was the saving and helping of men; see Introduc- tion. 0€wv] For the responsion of 6euiv 1. 18 and the echo of Trior bv in 1. 78 see Introduction, pp. 191 and 195. 55. fA€Tajx£ip6(i€voi] Passing from heaven to Hades and back again; eva\- Xa£, day about (schol. ivaW&craovTes ras TJ/xepas). Compare X 301, rovs ap.<pw j"woi>5 KCLTixti <pvai£oos ala ot Kal vtpdev yrjs Tifxrjv irpbs t Lt\vo% i-X 0VTe s a/Wore /x£v £wowr' eT€prj/xfpoL, aXXore 8' adre TeOvacnv, ti/j.t)v 5e \e\6yxaaiv lea deoicn. Pytli. XI. 94 viol 6euv to /iti> Trap' a/xap edpaiai Qepdirvas rb 8' oiKeovres Zvbov 'OXv/jlttov. Also r 243. 56. vtto K€u0«<j-i k.t.X.] in the subter- ranean hollows of Thcrapna (schol. ivroh inroydois rrjs Qepawvas). virb KevOeai = iv irtroyeiois KevOeai. yija\a occurs in Pyth. viii. 61 of the vales of Pytho. Compare Alcman frag. 5 virb rrjv yr\v tt}s Qepdirvrjs elvai \4yovTau fwvres. d|ATrnrXdvT€s] eking out, fulfilling. iird k.t.X.] For when Castor perished in 7c>ar, Polydeukes preferred this way of life to being completely a god and dwelling in heaven. «i'\«TO takes rj like a compa- rative. B. 60. tov "yap "ISas k.t.X.] Schol.: 'the tale is as follows: Lynceus and Idas, the sons of Aphareus wooed Phoebe and Hilaria, the two daughters of Leucippus, and at the marriage festivities invited the Dioscori to the banquet. But they carried off the maidens and fled, and the bride- grooms pursued. And a battle took place between the sons of Aphareus and the Dioscori, for the matter of the marriage, and Castor is slain. Then Polydeukes slew both, Zeus assisting him in the work and sending lightning against them. But, according to Pindar's version, the quarrel arose not on account of brides, but on account of driving away oxen'. In making the matter a dispute about oxen, Pindar agrees with the Cypria, frag. 9. The four heroes made a joint raid in Arcadia and stole a herd of oxen. Idas and his brother managed to drive the whole herd to Messenia, but Castor and Polydeukes went in pursuit and in turn appropriated the whole spoil. This was the cause of the ire of Idas, tov is Castor. aKa] Here and in /Vein. VI. 52 aixp-q- is found in the MSS. where it is metrically impossible. Editors with one accord read aK/xq.. But had aKfig., a common word, been originally written, it would never have been altered. I therefore restore the rare word olk6. in both pas- sages (see note on New. VI. 52). In Isthin. in. 69 cu'xA"?> which editors after H 210 [NEMEONIKAI] dirb Tavyerov treBavya^wv tBev Avy /cev<; Spvds ev areXe^et, dvr. &'. rjixevos. /cei'vov yap eiriyQovlcov iravrwv yever o^vrarov ojjbfjia. \ai">\rr)pol<i he TroSeaatv a<f>ap Pauwius used to change to aK/ia, has been rightly defended by Christ. 61. diro Tav-yeTOv k.t.X.] Spying from Taygetus Lynceus saw them sitting in the trunk of an oak. — Asyndeton in narrative is characteristic of Pindar ; cf. below 1. 75.- — The MSS. have irbb' airya^'wj'. ireSav-ya^wv is the excellent correction of Triclinius. 7re5- has the same force as fiera. in ixerafj.aiofj.ai : looking for them. Mr Fennell ingeniously proposed irepav- ydfav. 62. rj|i€vos] mss. TJ/xevos, corrected by Didymus. Thiersch attempted to improve on this by writing Tj/J.e'vic. — Aristarchus read rj/xevov (which Bergk accepted in his latest ed.), in order, ace. to the schol., to make Pindar's story agree with the account in the Cypria. But, as Didymus pointed out, the tale in the Cypria (see below) represents both brothers in the oak. It seems probable that the words 7f\9e A-qbas 7ra?s BiiliKwv misled Aristarchus into the idea that Castor and Polydeukes were not together, when the deadly stroke was dealt. But $X9e is relative to the place which the assailants had reached in their flight, not to the oak. From a critical point of view rffiivos is impreg- nable. ij/jLevov would never have become TJfievos, whereas rifxe'vos could hardly have avoided such a corruption without the intervention of a miracle. — As the scholia on this line are of considerable interest and have excited much discus- sion among German scholars, the space required for their reproduction will not be misexpended. .Schol. 6 /xev 'Aplcr- rapxos d^iol ypd<peiv f/pievov, aKoXovOus rrj ev rots Kvwplois Xeyo/x4vTj icropia' 6 yap ra Kvvpta crvyypd\f/as (prjcrl rbv KdffTopa ev rrj 5pvt Kpv<p6lvra ocpOrjvai virb AvyKe'ws" rrj be avrrj ypa<f>rj Kal ' A woXXbbwpos [see Bibliotheca ill. n, -2] KaT7}Ko\ov9r)o~e. rrpbs oils (pycri Albv/xos ' apupore'pwv virb rrj bpvt Xox&vtwv, rod re Kdcrropos Kal rov HoXvbei'iKovs, fxbvov 6 AvyKevs rbv Kdcrropa eTbe ; firjirore ovv (p-qcri beiv dvayivwo~Keiv ttjv irapaX-qyoveav ovWafirjv o^vrbvws r/fxe'vos ws j]pp.ivos tva Kar dfupolv axov-qrai' tbe AvyKevs dpvbs ev <rreXex et rj/xevos, dvrl rod i)[xe'vovs, br]Xov- ori robs AiOffKovpovs' tlis deXXoiros Kal rpirros' oi'x ebos earl, yepaie, dvrl rod ovx ebovs. § waparidevrai [iraparifferai ?] 8e Kal rbv rd Kvwpia ypd\j/avra ovrw Xeyovra alxpa 8t AvyKevs Trjvyerov trpooifiaive irocrlv rax^ecrcri rreiroidihs ' aKporarov b' dvapas biebipKero vrjerov dwacrav TavraXibov UtXoTros, rdxa S' eicribe Kvbl/XOS yjpws b^ecriv 6(p6aXfxoicriv &rw koLXtjs dpvbs d/x<pu Kdcrropa 0' ItrTroba/xov Kal dedXocpopov HoXvdevKea. vv^e 5' dp' a7xt eras fxeydXrjv bpvv Kal rd e£??s. ° ^ v ovv Kdarwp eXoxa rbv "lbav, tpT)o~iv [Didymus], ev ko'lXt] Spvl Kpv- <f>6els Kal rbv AvyK^a' b be Ai'-y/cei'S b^vbepKrjs ibv ware Kal bid XWwv Kal bid yijs rd yivo/xeva fiXe'Treiv iduv did rrjs dpvbs rbv Kdcrropa erpwae Xoyxv- K€ivov -yap k.t.X.] For of all men on earth his eye was keenest; cf. Swin- burne's 'keenest eye of Lynceus' (Ata- lanta in Calydon, p. 52). 63. Xaix|/r|pois k.t.X.] And with storm- ing feet they arrived speedily, and con- trived swiftly a great deed, and underwent sore usage, those sons of Speed, by the handlings of Zeus. There is a play on the name 'Afyapevs, which Pindar con- nected with dtpap, and interpreted Sudden or Speedy. It will be observed that words noting speed are mustered : Xai\pr]- pots, &(j>ap, wkIus, 'Arpapr/rXSai, avrUa. [NEMEAN] X. 211 e^iKecrOav, Kal fieya Vepyov i/xT/cravr (OKeco<;, teal irddov heivbv Trakafiais ' A(f>apr)Ti8ai Ato?' avrUa yap 65 tjXde Ay]8a<i ttcils 8lwkwv' tol 8 , evavra ardOev TVfiftw a^eSov nrarpwiw ' evOev dpTrdgavTe? ayaXfi 'At'Sa, ^earov irerpov, eV. 8'. efifiaXov arepvw T\oXv8evKeo<;' aXX' ov viv <pXdaav, ov8' avkyaatrav i(f)opfA,a0el<; 8' dp' aKovrt dow rjXaae Avy/ceos ev irXevpalac ^aXicov. JO Zeu? 8' eV "18a 7rvp<fi6pov rrXage yfroXoevra icepavvoV dfia 8 1 ixaiovT iprj/noi. ^aXeTrd S' epis dvdpanrois 6/xiXeiv fcpeaaovoov. For Xauf/rjpoh cf. Pyth. ix. 121 <f>vye Xai- \p7)pbv dpoftov, and 01. XII. 4 Xai\J/r]pol iroXeixoi, storming rears. — The form 'A<pa- pr|Ti8at is noticeable. It seems to imply a nominative 'Acpdprjs (Gen. -tjtos) or 'A<pap7)Tos, but of such forms there seems to be no trace. From 'A<papevs we should expect ' Acpapelbrjs or' Arpaprjiddrjs. c(j.rjo-avT" is Schmid's correction of efj.vrjcra.vT' D, eiivr)aa.T BR. — For the responsion of ira\a|j.ais to the same word in 1. 5 see Introduction, p. 194. The best comment on TraXd/xri in this context is Pindar's own coinage xvpirdXafiov fliXos opcTLKTuirov Aios, 01. X. 80. 65. chjtikci Yap K.r.\.] For instantly came the son of Leda (Polydeukes) in pursuit. But they were stationed over against them, hard by their father s tomb; from the which having snatched a headstone of Hades, a polished rock, they hurled it at the chest of Polydeukes ; but they did not fell him nor force him to flinch ; nay, rushing upon them with rapid lance he drave home the brass in the sides of Lynceus. o-)(€86v in Pindar is always used of local proximity. 67. a-yaXp.' 'AtSa] A stele in honour of Hades. Schol. <TTr)Xrjv evbs twv Keifievuv dpTrdaavres dirb tov rvfijiov rod Trarpbs avrwv 'Acpaptus. Dissen compares fie'Xos 'Atda (Qprjvos) in Euripides, Elcctra 143, and other similar phrases. For the significance of this incident see above, Introduction, p. 194 sq. 68. IIo\v8evK€Os] This word occurs in 1. 50, the second verse of 3rd epode, and in the same position in the verse. Kal KacnyvrjTOv HoXvdevKeos (50) ZnfiaXov arepvy HoXvdevKeos (68). See Introduction, p. 195. 0\dw like dXdco is a word appropriate to boxing. — The active of x<*$*°M a ' occurs in Xenophon, Anabasis IV. 1, 12. dv€'xa<r<rav (schol. VTroxuprjaai els roinvicroi irewoi-qKaaiv) was restored by Wakefield for dv(ax a<xav D (and MSS. of Triclinius) and dvixo-oav B. 71. Zevs 8' €ir' T8a k.t.X.] And Zeus whirled against Idas a fiery bolt of lurid (or sooty) lightning; and in the lonely place they were consumed together. — irvp(p6pos (ignifer) and ypoXbeis are a7ra^ eiprjp.e'va in Pindar ; and no part of irX-qcrcdj occurs elsewhere in his extant works. The sense of irXd^e here (not strike, but cast or hurl for a stroke) is also unusual. Schol. 6 de Zei)s irvp<f)bpov Kal recppubri Kepavvbv irpoaipp-q^ev d/J.<poTepois, b/xov S£ eKaiovro epr/fAiodevTes. 72. xaXerrd 8' £pis k.t.X.] For men, a strife with stronger than they is difficult to encounter. Compare 01. XI. 39 ve~iKos Se Kpeocrbvwv aTrodecrt)' diropov. 14 — 2 212 [NEMEONIKAI] crrp. e . Ta^eox? K eV dSeXfaov ftlav ttciXiv ywpr\aev b TvvSapiBas, kcl'i vlv ovitco reOvaor, dcrOpari Se cppiaa-ovra Trvocis eKi^ev. Oepfxa reyycov Satcpv' dpa rrrova^ai^ 75 opdiov (fxovaae' Udrep YLpovLwv, ti? Sr) Xvaa eaaercu nrevOewv ; iced efiol Odvarov avv tg38' iirLTeikov, ava%. oXyerat ri/xd <pl\a)v rarcopLeva) <^a>ri' wax/pot, 8' iv nrovcp iriaroi ftporouv 74. KaC viv k.t.X.] And he found him not yet dead, but with a gasp shuddering through his jaws. BB (Pp'ktgovt' a/j-woas £/ax f , D <ppi<r- govt dvaTri>ods ^/cix 6 - Schmid read <ppi<r- ffovTa nvoas iKix^v. From the reading of the scholium in D t&s 5£ 701'as [B irvods] uwo\l/vxpov/x£i>as virb ttjs (ppiKTjs, Mommsen restores both in the scholium and in the text 7eVi>s (or 76* Das). Compare Nonnus, Dionysiaca XXV. 534 ko.1 \j/vxpa.?s ytvvecrai ira\i/Airvoov dcrO/xa nralvwv (quoted by Abel in note on scholia, p. 325). I fail to see (1) why yivvs should have been corrupted to 7oeas (indeed 701'as has rather the appearance of a blur) and (2) why ylvvs should have been altered in the text and left no trace. — The true reading is clearly irvods, restored by Schmid ; dfiirvods was a very natural gloss, subsequently regarded as a correc- tion and introduced into the text. Just as axoal was used in the sense of ears and 6'i//«s in the sense of eyes, so 7reods here means the regions of breath; and this meets the objection that Qplaouv can be used only of parts of the body {(pplaoeiv de membris vel partibus corporis dici so/et, Bergk). For a vowel short before irv see Ncm. III. 41 aXXa irviuv. 75. Gepfid a-.t.X.] B15 Oepp-d 5t rtyywv, D 6ep/j.d 5t riywv. Various proposals have been made for the restoration of the metre. Schmid Oep/ud dij riyywv, Schneid- ewin Oepfid dt ordfav, Hermann Oep/xd ot oriyuv. Bergk saw that the corrup- tion more probably lay in the latter part of the line, 54 being an insertion, partly to fill up the complement of sylla- bles, partly to supply the usual transi- tionary particle. He first proposed to read dvd OTovaxais, dvd belonging to (pibvacre ; but in his 4th ed. reads Sdxpv' D7r6 o-TOfaxa??, tears falling to the sound of groans. He does not however explain how D7r6 fell out. In forming a judgment on the passage, four points occur; (1) the effect is bet- tered by the absence of 6V ; (2) arovaxcus almost requires a preposition ; (3) in the two other places in Pindar where Sdxpv occurs, Pyth. IV. 121, frag. 122, 3, the first syllable is long ; (4) 5tj is improbable as it occurs in the following line. I there- fore propose 0ep/J.d rtyyuv ddxpv' d/xa orovaxaiis lacrimas inter gemitus fundens, shedding warm tears and making moan. AAKPYAMA was probably read ddxpufia or SaKpufiara and afterwards corrected to Saxpna. — ctto- vaxd does not occur elsewhere in Pindar. Compare Soph. Trach. 848 riyyeiv 8a- Kpvuiv axvav. 76. opGiov <j>covacrt] lifted up his voice, or cried with a loud voice, ' father, Cronos 1 son, when, when will there be deliverance from my sorrows ? Upon me too, lord, lay the charge of death along with him. Honour clean forsakes a man wheti he is reft of his friends. But hi the hour of need feiv mortals are true, to take a share in the travail of a comrade''. 78. iravpoi k.t.X.] For responsions cf. 11. 24 and 54. The scholia explain 7ra0- poi as really meaning an absolute negative: [NEMEAN] X. 213 avT. e Kafxarov /j,eTaXafji(3(iveiv. &W evveire' Zei)<? 8' avrlos fj\v0e Fot /cat t6& i^avSacr' eVo?' EoW /tiot vio<> ' rovhe 8' eTrena 7ro<xt9 80 airepfia Ovarov fiarpl Tea ireXdaais ard^eu rjpw$. aAA' dye rcovSe too ep,irai> aipecnv 7rapSl8co/ub ' el fxev Odvarov re cpvywv /cal yrjpa<; dnre-^doixevov avros olKelv atTo? OvXv/attov 6e\ea avv r ' ' KOavaia KeXauveyyel r "A pet' avTi toO ovSe oXiyoi.' ws /cal trap 0/x- VPV 7j bXiyov 01 iratcJa e'ot/cora yiiva.ro Tv- 5eus. K.T.X. 79. avisos t|'Xv0€ Foi] I have printed the reading of D, but it is remarkable that BB have avrla. I am inclined to believe that Pindar wrote dvrl' iXrjXvffi foi, the perfect tense vividly expressing that Zeus has already drawn nigh while Polydeukes is still speaking. eAeAyBe was liable to become rjXvtfe, and the divergency of the MSS. would thus be accounted for. The fact that eXrjXvOa (though occurring in Herodotus) is not found elsewhere in Pindar makes me hesitate. 80. tijavSeur ] Observe that avSav is used here and in 89 of the utterance of a god. €<ro-£ fxoi vlos k.t.X.] My son thou art ; but after me the hero, her lord, approached thy mother and begat him with drops of mortal seed. JireiTa is used as if / begat thee had preceded. tov8« air£pp.a ard^ev = roude Haireipe (cf. \f/rj<povs tdevro with an object, — i\f/rj(piaavT0, in Agamemnon, 1. 816, according to the usual explana- tion). — 0-Tripp.a. dvarbv contrasts with the <rire pp.' dddfiavrov of 1. 17. <rTa£ev is the correction of Pauw for 'iara^ev of the MSS. 82. dX\' — ?|xirav] Notwithstanding the fact that thy brother is a mortal. dye has a consolatory force, Twvdi rot dipeaiv Trap8idwp.t, I place these courses at the disposition of thy choice. 83. ■yrjpas dir€x0o|j.€vov] loathed eld, a notion characteristically Greek. 84. avTos k.t.X. ] The mss. have avrbs "OXvfxTrov edeXeis avv t 'AOavaia K.T.X. a line metrically defective. If we read OvXvp.vov 0Aets we require four addi- tional syllables, either after OeXeis (- - - -), or before OuXvp.wov ( -) ; and the sense demands a verb signifying to dwell. The scholiast shews that he had such an infinitive in his text, by the paraphrase av- rbs f3ovXei tov ovpavov o'lKeiv avv ep.ol /cat 'A9r]va~ /cat "Apei, words which have been thought to point to efiol or some equivalent before avv. Benedictus accordingly inserted oiKelv i/J.ol. Boeckh valeiv ep.oi after QeXeis. Schmid read OvXvpnrov /carot/cvycrat 6eXeis, Mommsen OvXv/j.ttov vip-eiv p.iXXei.% ep.0'1, Kayser voeh oiKelv ep.oi, Ilartung avvoiKtiv p,0L e#Aets. Among all these conjectures there is little to choose, for not one of them pre- tends to account for the omission of the words supplied. It is clear that a verb meaning to dwell is required after deXeis, and it is safer to adopt oiKelv from the scholium than to guess a synonym. As for e/xoi, we may well believe that, as Boeckh said, the scholiast added that frigid avv tfiol out of his own head. — My restoration, printed in the text, explains the corruption as an instance of para- blepsia. <\YTOCoii<eiN(MTOCOYAYMTTOY9eAeic. When he had written aiVos, the scribe glanced again at his 'copy', and his eye, falling not on the word he had written 2I 4 [NEMEONiKAl] I ecrri aol rovTOiv Xrt^o?" el 8e Kaaiyvr/rov Trepi fjbdpvaaat, irdvrwv Se voels diroSdaaaadai flaov, rjjjbicrv fiiv K6 irveois 70.1a? virevepdev ia>v, rj/jLicrv 8 ovpavov iv ^pvaeoi? hopboiaiv. oo<i ap* avSdcravTOS ov <yvoop:a harXoav diro fiovkdv. e7r. e . 85 but on the almost identical clItos, passed on to OvXvfxTTov, so that the two words oiKtiv alros were omitted. OvXvpnrov was subsequently altered to OtiXvpnrov, as the object of diXeis. (For "OXvp.irov in the MSS., cf. 01. xiii. 92, where the MSS. have 'OXvp-mp for OvXvp.Tnp. ) The rare word a!ros occurs in 01. in. 17, where the reading of the best MSS. has been rightly preserved by Bergk : wutto. <t>pov£<jiv Aids arm TravdoKip aXaei. The word is recognized as Pindaric and explained by Eustathius 381, 27; X^yet 5£ Kal llivdapos ev 'OXvfj.7uoviKa.1s KaivQs euros to ivdialrripa, olov Aid? oXtu trav- doKqj. Pindar uses his rare words delibe- rately, and part of my justification of alros is a demonstration how it contributes to render perspicuous the chain of thought. Theaeus' contention for Olympian honours answers to Polydeukes' contention for his brother's fellowship, as is indicated by irepi (d/iuXXarai) in 1. 31 answering exactly to iripi (papvacrai) in 1. 85. And there is a further parallel. For Poly- deukes it is possible to make two requests ; he chooses that which involves hardship. And so likewise Theaeus has a choice <>f prayers; it is said in line 30 that he does not ask amiss, but his heart has the will to endure travail, if need be. Well, Polydeukes would have asked amiss ( Trap- air eirai) if he had chosen the alros OvXiip-trov unreservedly, without the habi- tation underground ; just as Theaeus would ask amiss if he prayed for an Olympian victory, his alros OvXvp.irov, with a heart unprepared for toil, alros and irapaiTchai occur each in the last line of an antistrophos. It is well to observe that in the Third Olympian Ode also, the introduction of this word alros is the occasion of a paronomasia, there Ai'rwXo's (as I pointed out in Hermathena, 1887, XIII. p. 187). KeXaiveyX 4 ^ T ' "Apti] Other epithets applied by Pindar to Ares are (HadvrroXe- /xos, /Stara's, x&XKeos (as in Homer), x&X- Kao-ms. On this passage Dissen writes ' h.e. vivere in consortio bellicosorum deorum, ut ipse bella amas et gloriam bellicam '. For the connexion of Ares and Athena cf. Hymn. Horn. xi. 2 5eii>r)v rj avv "April /ueXet TroXeprjl'a Zpya. In the Homeric hymn (really an Orphic hymn, most probably) to Ares, he is called dopvo-devts epKos 'OXv/nrov (1. 3) and diKaio- Ta.Tuv dye (purQv (1. 5). — Swart applied to the war god's spear means bloody ; cf. KeXcuvefas ai/xa in I 36, peXavSerov <poi>u> £i'</>os in Euripides, Orestes 821, KeXaivbv ^l<pos in Sophocles, Ajax 231, &c. 85. &tti K.r.X.] it is thine to inherit this lot. Hermann gratuitously reads tQv fj.ei> for tovtuv, after p.ev tovtuv of the ed. Romana. d 8« K.r.X.] But if thou contendest for thy brother, and it be thy purpose to im- part to him a like share in all things, thou must draw half thy breath in places under earth and the other half in the golden halls of heaven. For fMapvapiai with rrepi Dissen com- pares II 497 adrap frreira kcu avrbs ep.ev Tripi p.dpvao x^X/cy . 87. fjfj.uri>] Schol. to p.h i)p,L0-v TOV Xpovov ££as vrrb tt]v yrjv 5iarpi'/3wj/, rd 5e ijpuo-v if t<£ oupapui Kal rots TtpiLots tQv Oewv oikois. 89. ov ■yvwfia. K.r.X.] Schol. ov Karepie- picOr) tttjv 7cw/x7jf 6 IIoXi/5ei'/c??s. Com- pare 01. VIII. 85 ei'xo/aat dp.<pl KaXuv poipq. vipeaiv dixoftovXov p.r) Oiptv. Poly- ava o eKvaev Kacn-opo?. [NEMEAN] X. jxev 6(p6aXfi6i>, enecra Be 215 cpcovdv ^aXKufJLLTpa 90 deukes divided not the bent of his judg- ment, lit. set not two counsels in his judgment. 90. dvdi k.t.X.] But he (Polydeukes — not Zeus, as is wrongly suggested in a scholium) unclosed the eye and then released the voice of brass-girdled Castor. This is the Xuffis prayed for in 1. 76. — The ixlrpa. was a woollen girdle plated with bronze. In Theocritus, xx. 136, Castor is ad- dressed as TaxvirwXe dopveraoe x a ^ Ke °0w- [NEMEAN] XI. ODE IN HONOUR OF ARISTAGORAS OF TENEDOS, ON THE OCCASION OF HIS INSTALLATION AS PRYTANIS. INTRODUCTION. The island of Tenedos, noted for the beauty of its women — 'the most beautiful in the world,' an ancient writer said 1 — was perhaps a land of handsome men also ; two handsome men at least, commemorated in Pindar's verses, have survived the despites of time. In a skolion, admit- ting us to a secret of his personal life, he records the masterful, perhaps voluptuous, beauty of Theoxenus of Tenedos and its influence on his own 'love-tost' soul, here suffering a rapture and expressing itself in rapturous words, which may be set beside the poem of Sappho, also fragmentary, addressed to a young girl. The colder and maturer comeliness of Arista- goras, nobly born in the same island, has been likewise thrown up from the sea of lost beautiful things, and still lives, visible at least to the imagination, through the accident that Pindar was invited to write a hymn for the occasion of his investiture with the office of President of his native city 2 . No man in Tenedos could have enjoyed a more enviable social position than Aristagoras. Among the ancient families there was one which traced its origin to the Peloponnesian city of Amyclae, from which at the time of the Dorian invasion a noble named Pisander had gone forth in company with Orestes himself, and sought a new home in the 'Trojan island,' at the head of a party of Aeolians, whom he had enlisted in Boeotia. One of the Theban adventurers who sailed to try his fortune with Pisander was Melanippus, a hero who had won some fame in legend by wounding Tydeus. The Melanippids and the Pisandrids were thus peers in claims to ancient nobility, and at a date which cannot be more closely deter- mined than as probably prior to 500 B.C. Arcesilaus a Pisandrid married a Melanippid lady. Their son Aristagoras had inherited from this noble ancestry a beauty of that lofty, physically intrepid type, which inspired Greek 1 Nymphodorus quoted by Athenaeus, - The ceremony was called eicrtrripia. — Ilk. xm. 6oy E koX ~Sv/J.<p6du)pos 5' £v tiZ For this Ode, the only complete extant ttjs 'Acfos wtf>'nr\ip naWlovas (/>t](tl ytveaOai work of Pindar which is not an Epinician, tuiv iravTaxov yvvaiKwv tV T«^5y rrj see the general Introduction, section 2. TpWtKT? VqfflfJ. INTR OD UCTJON. 2 1 7 sculpture, lending itself well to repose, — statuesque or 'moveless' (arpf^'s) l . He had won sixteen triumphs in wrestling and that combination of wrestling and boxing which was called the pancration, at games held in neighbouring Asiatic cities, but had never contended in the greater Panhellenic festivals, restrained through some diffidence, ill-judged in Pindar's opinion, of his parents. Excelling in beauty, and distinguished by success, truly of a somewhat provincial kind, the President {Prytanis\ — in the picture drawn by Pindar — accompanied by the Senate, enters the Public Dining-hall of the city to pro- pitiate Hestia with the sacrifices and libations, which were used to celebrate the annual installation of a President. In her shrine there was a statue of the goddess, with a golden sceptre in her hand, and here the chief citizens, who were themselves her only priests, might feel drawn together as members of a large family, standing round the public ' hearth.' A banquet was prepared, and perhaps, while the senators and their guests feasted, the hymn composed by Pindar was sung to the sound of lyres. This hymn falls into three parts. Hestia is invoked to welcome her worshippers, and to keep in glory and defend against perils during his year of office the new Pryjanis, who may perhaps have had grave cause to fear the outbreak of some domestic faction' 2 . The goddess is invoked to defend; but the man himself — really blessed by nature and fortune— is admonished that surpassing beauty, wealth and brave exploits cannot deliver a mortal from the supreme shroud of clay. The terms in which this gloomy fact is expressed suggest that Aristagoras was a 'glass of fashion' as well as a 'mould of form,' somewhat of an 'exquisite' perhaps in personal adornment, or studious at least to compose the folds of his tunic and mantle for displaying most becomingly the graces of his limbs. '■Let him remember that the limbs which he dresses are mortal and that the end of all his dressings will be a shroud of earth.' This is the first part of the hymn. The second tells what Aristagoras has done and what he has left undone. His brilliant victories deserve praise and song ; but a man of such quality might have confidently striven for crowns at Olympia or Castalia. The 'halting hopes of his parents' held him back, and Pindar, deprecating diffidence, as much as vain confidence, suggests a picture of one denied grasping the prizes he might attain, by a hand plucking him from behind — the hand of the faint heart, that, as we say, 'never won fair lady.' In the third part of the ode the ancestry of Aristagoras is mentioned, with an implication that the blood of heroes, not perhaps perceptible in previous 1 Such is the impression made on me - The strong phrase <rvv drpuru) Kpadlq. by Pindar's dayrbv eiSos arpe/xlaf re in 1. 10, combined with the significant avyyofov, where the felicity of drpe/xia is mention of good citizens in 1. 17, supports its double intent, signifying both physical Mezger's assertion Mass es an unruhigen and moral character. — The word moveless, Elementen in Tenedos niclit fehlte ' which I used above, served Wordsworth (p. 4S4). in a description of a swan. 218 [NEMEAN] XL descendants, is at length reasserting its continued life in him. As in crops and trees, so in the generations of men, nature reserves her forces. It was strange (Pindar suggests) that his parents should be unaware of the heroic powers indwelling in their son ; for in his case the horoscope was super- ficially patent ; though generally such insight is hardly possible for mortals. Errors in this kind of divination more frequently move in the path of extra- vagant hopes, and in this connexion, by a subtle poetical enchantment there rises before us, dim and unobtrusive, a vision of life, as a sea, and men thereon sailing in ships, the which are great enterprises, bound on many quests, and driven by the wind of Fate. They are unable to desist from rowing, because they are chained to the oars of Hope ; and in the heaven, alas ! Zeus has set no sure pilot-star. Moreover the rivers of foreknowledge flow not into this sea, but have their course in other far regions. The vision vanishes ; and the conclusion is the doctrine of the Measure, the principle of all Greek wisdom, which regarded excessive desires, sighs for the unattainable, as a form of madness. It will be observed that the thread— the logical thread, we may say- round which this ode is spun, is curiously simple. In the first system we are reminded that the strong and fair are mortal ; this established, the second and third systems deal with the two great errors to which such mortals are exposed, undue diffidence and undue confidence, — the former, of course, the rarer and less harmful 1 . To catch and hold the Measure is really the problem of the art of life ; but the implied comparison of this art to that of guiding a ship without charts or fixed stars suggests gloomy forebodings touching the chances of the mariners. Here we have a glimpse of what we may call a resigned pessimism, latent in the depths of the Greek spirit, sometimes peering forth, ultimately proving an element of decay, but never, in early days, troubling its cheerfulness or impairing its grace. 1 The consecution of thought is indi- 1. 48). I may add that Keveotppoves ai'xcu cated by dvard 1. 15, fiporuv 1. 29, dvarbv (29) are opposed to the true ai'x^ of 1. 42. Mezger has noticed that oKvqpo- Aristagoras implied in /xeyauxei 7ra7- repat e\7r/5es in 1. 22 is the counter-phrase Kptxrly (21). to eXiridi in 1. 46 (followed by 6£i/repcu in INTR OB UCT/ON. 2 1 9 METRICAL ANALYSIS. Strophe. v. \. (i. — ^ - w w — w w — w — w — A 7. 7/. 2. CI . — \J v-' w w — w w 7- B. ■y. 3- ^- — ^ w — w w - w w — ww — a 6. ?/. 4. b'. — \j w w — A 6. £/. 5 • £ ~ w w — • — w — • | — w ww — A 8. Epode. 1)1). I 2. £f. — ww — ww ww — ww — A ~ w ww-"- ww — — — w — A 13. £/?/. 3 — 4' "• — wv -' — ww — — — ww-— ww — — — ww — ww — — — ww — • — w — A 13. vv. 5 — 6. b. — w w w— a | — w w ww -ww- a 13. The rhythm of b, is so signally different from a, d, that, although it has the same fityedos, it is clearly meant to be epodic. The rhythmical con- struction of the first epode is adapted with singular felicity to the sense. The rhythm is dactylo-epitritic. [NEMEONIKAI] IA'. APIZTATOPA* TENEAmt nPYTANEI. Ual f Pea?, a re irpvTavela A-c^oy^a?, 'EcrTta, Zt]v6s v-fyiaTov Ka(Tiyvi]Ta Kal bfiodpovov "Upas, ev fiev ' ApiaTayopav 8e%cu Teov e? 0d\ap,ov, ev S' eralpovs ay\aw aKarrrw 7reX.a<i, 01 ere yepedpovres opdav fyvXaacroKTLV TeveSov, iroXkd p,ev \oij3alo~LV dya%6p,evoi nrpoorav Oewv, TToXKd Be Kviaa- Xvpa Be a(pc fipefxerai Kal docSd' o-rp. a (ivt. a i. irpvTavtia X«XoYX a s] Schol. ra irpvraveia <f>r)<n \axew tt\v '¥,gtLo.v, irapb- o~ov at tuiv irb\ewv eariai ev tois wpvra- veiois &<f>L5pvvTai Kal to iepbv Xeybfievov irup ewl tovtojv diroKeiTai. \i\oyxas signi- fies that the Prytanea are part of Hestia's sphere, assigned to her in the mythical division of functions among the gods, see 01. VII. 55. 2. 6(io9pdvov] sharer of his tin-one ('throno duas sedes habente', Dissen). For a throne of many seats, see Nem. IV. 66. 3. «3 |«'v k.t.X.] Welcome Aristagoras into thy chamber, yea we/come his com- panions near thy shining sceptre It is impossible to reproduce the force of Od\a- /j.os applied to the shrine of a goddess; used of a woman's habitation it can be rendered bower. — It was first pointed out by Boeckh that the iratpovs are not tovs av/j.irpvTav€vovTas, as the schol. says, but the senators of Tenedos. It is not known what the official name of the senatorial body was ; we may assume it to have been /3oi>\??. We learn from this passage that in Tenedos, as in Athens (see Pau- sanias, I. 18. 3), a statue of Hestia hold- ing a sceptre stood in the Prytaneum. 5. 6p9dv k.t.X.] A'eep Tenedos from falling, yepaipovres refers to the etVtTTj- pia or inaugural sacrifices. There were no priests of Hestia ; her worship was maintained by the care of the prytanis and senators. 6. iroXXd (Atv k.t.X.] often worshipping the first of the gods with libations, often with sacrificial savour. Schol. npu)T7iv Si Tavrr/v el-ire KaObaov a7r' avTijs Tjpxovro. Kal 2o$>o/cX?}s ' (2 irpypa Xoijirjs 'Ecrria. This note sug- gested to Bergk the conjecture irpypav deQiv, which might explain the accent in D, irpwrav 6euv. 7. Xvpa 8e <r<j>i. k.t.X.] The lyre peals for them and the song. For ftpinerai of the lyre see Nem. ix. 8. [NEMEAN] XL 22 1 Kal %eviov Ato? dcrKelrac (De/it? devdois iv Tpa7re£Vu9* «XXa avv 86^a Te\o<? SvwSetcdfjLrjvov irepdaai avv drpooro) KpaSia. avBpa o' i<yw fiaKapi^w fxev irarep 'ApicecriXav, 10 €7T. a 8. Kal £€v£ov Aids k.t.X.] Schol. kclI rod £eviov Aibs dtfxis daKelrai Kal diroaoi- £erai irap' avrols oiairavrbs ev reus rpairi- £ais" dvrl rod (piXb^evol elffiv. Dissen quotes Athenaeus IV. p. 143, F rjaav de Kal ^eviKol 6S.K01 Kal rpdirefa Tplrr) deltas elaibvrwv els rd dvope?a rjv ^evlov re Aids ^eviav re it poaijyo pevov (cp. c). For the expression doKeirai Oi/xis and for the connexion of Themis with Zevs ^ivios, compare 01. VIII. 21 fvOa ^,d)T€ipa Atbs £eviov irdpedpos daKeirai Qifiis ££ox' dvdpuirwv. Cp. also iiraaKijaw, Nem. IX. ro. dcvdois] perpetual, never running dry. Compare devdov itXovtov, inexhaustible ivealth (fr. 119), devdov irvpbs unquench- able fire {Pyth. I. 5), divaov irarpbs 'OXvfi- wloto n/j.dv, the eternal honour (01. xiv. 12). I observe that Mr Fennell takes iv here in the sense of with, but I agree with Rumpel that it has the more literal meaning of place. The tables are not only the instrument, they are also the place of the daK-qais. 9. dXXd crviv Sojja /c.t.X.] No really valid objection can be brought against the repetition of oiv. Mommsen has appositely compared such expressions as Kar alaav ovS' virtp alaav, olos dvevO' dXXwv, where an idea is expressed both positively and negatively. May he pass with glory the twelve-month of office, yea with heart unscathed. 5o£<x is positive and objective, arpwros Kpadia is negative and subjective. In my judgment the repetition of avv is happy. Editors have proposed many emendations (Kayser t' ee drpibn^, Rauchenstein atpiv aTpibnp). — B B have irepdaai, but Boeckh from lemma D irepdaai read aXXd vtv 56£ct... irepdaai, and Dissen dXXd avv 5o£a... irepdaai viv. It is worth quoting the scholia in full because they point to both irepdaai and irepdaai. Schol. ei>'xeTai ti)v dpxw M 67 "^ 56£?js avrbv diareXiaai. avv drpuiTi^ Kal dXviruj rfj Kapbi a, rovriaTiv dirTalanfi Kal dfiXafie?, tt]v eviavalav dpxyv diavtiaeie. SrjXov Si, Kad&s Kal irpoelirofjiev, 5td tovtwv, on ovk iartv eirlviKos r\ dsS-q. § 6 Si vovs' irapd- axov ovv avrois avv evSot,ia i^eviavrrjaai rrpi irpvravelav avv dXinruj KapSla. The last note clearly points to ircpdo-cu and also to the double criV. Now as irepdaai is quite simple, it is difficult to see why irepdaai should have been foisted in ; whereas, if irepdaai were in the ancient MSS., irepdaai was an obvious simplification. I believe therefore that irepdaai attested by D and by a scho- lium is the right reading. The infinitive depends on an imperative like 56s, which is not expressed but can be easily under- stood from the general notion of gracious- ness implied in Siijat, The intervening words Xvpa...rpairit;ais should be treated as a parenthesis. In point of sense, it will be conceded I think that the op- tative is weak after the address to Ilestia, and that the context really demands that Hestia's protection for the whole year should be expressly invoked. 11. dvSpa 8' t-yw /c.t.X.] A goddess was the centre of the first two strophes ; here in the epode the transition to the mortal is emphasized by the position of dvSpa in a loose construction ('oppositio- ns causa praemissum', Dissen). As for the man — / deem his father Arcesilaus 222 [NEMEONIKAI] I A*. Kal ro Oarjrov 8ep,a<; drpepjlav re ifvyyovov. el 8i T£9 o\/3ov e^o)v fxopcfxz Trepa/xevo-eTcu dXXoyv, ev t aeOXoiatv dpiarevcov eireSei^ev filav' dvard /jLe/jLvdaOo) TrepiareWcov p,e\7] 1 5 Kal rekevrdv diravrcov <ydv iTTi?ecrcr6p,evo<;. ev \6<yoi$ 8' darwv dyadols p,ev eiraiveia-Qai ^pewv, err p. /3'. blessed, and I praise his (the son's) ad- mirable body and the intrepidity which he inherits. Dissen notes the Zeugma 'qnum e paKapifa eliciendum sit alvia ad secun- dum membrum'. Mezger takes it other- wise ; ' den Mann aber preise ich selig vvegen seines Vaters Arkesilaos und seiner stattlichen Gestalt und der ihm angebornen Unerschrockenheit'. But fictKaplfa takes accusative and genitive, the only example of two accusatives that I can find being that quoted in Liddell and Scott; Aristophanes, Wasps, 588 tovtI yap roi ere pbvov rodriov lcv eiprjKas paKapifa, where it seems to me that toiti is on a different footing, being a sort of cognate object (as it were, tovtov paKapicr pbv povov ixaicaptfa). Schneider and Bergk unnecessarily read dpreplav, which would almost imply that Aristagoras had recovered from an illness or been preserved from some danger. Neither this word nor arpeixiav elsewhere occurs in Pindar. A scholiast had the silly notion that 'Arpepiav was the name of a sister of Aristagoras. — The choice of dTpejxiav is really a felicity. It suggests the character of Aristagoras' beauty, calm like that of a statue. In Plato's Phaedrus (250 e) drpepris is used of the (paffpara in Mysteries, b\oK\y]pa Si Kal air\a Kal drpeprj Kal ei/Salpova paffpara. drpcpds in Homer is generally used of pose. 13. tl Si tis k.t.X.] The reading of I) is pop(j>q. TTapa/meiiffeTai dWtov, B P» have vapap.l\peTaL.— irapapevopai, like napapei- ftopai (cf. /)'///. 11. 50) praeverto, must be followed liy an accusative; accordingly Boeckh read p.op<pdv, Hartung dWovs. Bergk on the other hand reads irpoap.ev<Te- rai which he supports by glosses in Hesy- chius. The question is : is it likely that irpo- would have been changed, by accident or intention, to Trap-? I am disposed to think that Pindar wrote TTtpa\i.iv(rtrai, the preposition (Aeolic for irepi, see below, 1. 40) having the same force as in rrepiTo^ eiio, irepi.ylvop.aL. This was much more ex- posed to the chances of corruption. Cf. the conjecture of Mr Postgate, 6 iripaWov, in Nem. III. 33. 15. Ovard k.t.X.] Let him remember that the limbs which he clothes are mortal, and that the last vesture of all will be a shroud of earth. reXevrdv dwdvruv is adverbial, but it means the end of all his dressing will be a dress of clay. See Introduction, p. 217. 17. ev X6701S k.t.X.] Schol. ev 8e rrj tujv ayadQv yvthpet) eiraiveicrQai. tovs dya- dovs irpoffrjKei, (prjffiv. § 77 ovrco' tovs toloijtovs Kal roiavra -qffKrjKoras dpxovras del virb twv dffTccv twv dyaOwv Kal \6yois eTraivtiffdai Kal K0<rp.etff6ai iroL-qpao'iv. The MSS. have dyadols ptv alveiffdac. The metre shews that a short syllable has fallen out, and Triclinius emended dyaOolai. Mingarelli read dyadolffl p.iv, Mommsen and Bergk dyaOdtcl viv. It would be wrong to change the signifi- cant p.ev, but I think that instead of adding the 1 to dyadois we should read eiraiveTffOai (not contradicted by the scholia). The omission of the syllable was due to parablepsia ; /v\eNeTT&iNeic0<M The scholia rightly separate dyaOois from \0701s : /;/ speech it is meet that he should [NEMEAN] XI. 223 Kal /jLe\iy8ov7rotai 8aiSaX6evra p,eXeiv iv aoihals. €K Be •nepiKTiovwv ifcicalSefc ^Apicrrayopav ctyXaal vikcu irarpav T evwvvfxov €<JT€(pdva)aav iraXa, Kal p,eyav%€i Tray tc par iw. iXTTiSa 8' oicvriporepai yovewv Traihos fiiav ea^ov iv Tlvdcovi ireipaaOai Kal ^OXvpLTriq cleOXwv. val pid yap opKOV, ifiav Sotjav irapa KaaraXiq 20 dvr. /3' . be praised by good citizens, ayadoh \t.iv implies a kcikoI Si, which Pindar does not express, the licv being sufficiently eloquent. 18. 8ai8a\0e'vTa] Compare 01. v. 21 alryjcrwv woXiv evavopiaiai rdv8e kXvtois 8ai8dXXeiv, and 01. I. 105 irtiroida Si t,ivov Kkvralcn SaiSaXuaifxev vfxvuiv tttv- X<zts. Translate tricked out. With /xe- XlySoviros (air. elp.) cf. fxeXiKOfiiros and /xeXippodos. — The MSS. give /xeXi^ifiev ctotScus, which cannot stand, as delSw and doiSd do not suffer synizesis in Pindar. Pauw proposed /xeXl^ev, Mommsen /J.e- /j-ix^' f"> Christ /xiXeo-cn KXieaBai. After considerable hesitation I have come to the conclusion that Hermann's p'Xeiv Iv is the true restoration of the passage. The corruption, I believe, arose thus. In uncial MSS. N , written a little crookedly, tends to assume the appearance of Z, and thus M E A E I N E N might become ME- A E I Z E N , which would be read fxeXifcv (as ei and 1 were constantly confused in MSS. owing to itacism, this interpretation would be inevitable) and subsequently corrected to iieXc^ifxev. — iv doiScus con- trasts with iv Xoyois, and piXeiv means be a theme. 19. €K 8£ ircpiKTiovojv k.t.X.] Neigh- bouring states crowned Aristagoras and his clan of auspicious name for sixteen splendid victories in wrestling and in the ennobling pancration. The force of ck is that a stranger carried away prizes or crowns from among the native inhabit- ants. Compare Pyth. IV. 66 kvSos e£ dp.<piKTi6vuv 'iiropev 'nnroSpap.la's. Isth. VII. 64 iwel TrepiKriovas ivlKaae S-f) ttots Kal Kelvos dvSpas.— iraTpav €vcovup.ov means the Peisandridae, a name of good omen. 21. li^Yauxet] glorioso. The mss. have /j.eya\avxeT, but Schmid's correc- tion /j-eyavxet, which restores the metre, may be regarded as certain. The cor- ruption was quite natural as composites with the longer stem are far more common. 22. iX-rrtBis OKvnpoTtpai] The halting hopes of his parents refrained their power- ful son from essaying contests at Pytho or at Olympia. It is hardly necessary to remark that ^x w TreipaaOai and ^x w A") neipacrOai are alternative expressions, the latter being the more common. Dissen quotes ffx^cw <re m]Sdv, Euripides, Orestes 267. 24. val [id -yap 6'pKov] For as I live ; yap explains oKv-qphrepai [unduly diffident). See Hesiod Thcog. 231 opKov 0' 8s Srj TrXe'iarov iinxOovlovs dvOp&irovs ■rrr)/j.aivei, ore Kev tis iK&v iiriopKov 6/j.6ffarj. €|xdv 86£av, in my judgment, an adverbial accusative (cf. to abv /xipos), not to be taken with val /xd as Mezger takes it. Dissen is hardly correct in construing irapa KacrTaAia with /moXtiv ; it goes with 8r]pubvTU)v. Had Aristagoras gone and striven at Castalia or the hill of Cronos, he would have returned more honourably than his rivals. — In 01. xill. 44 Pindar has the form 07]pio/.iai ; the Homeric 224 [NEMEONIKAI] IA. Kol irap 1 evBevSpa) p,oX(iov o^Ow K.povov kc'iXXlov av BrjptobvTQJV ivocrTija avrnrdXcov, TrevraeTrjpLS' eoprov 'Hpa/cXeo? riO/xLov KQ)fMicrcu<; dvSrjcrdfAevos re Ko/iav iv 7rop<frvpeoi<; epvecnv. dXXa fiporwv tov fiev fceveocfipoves av-^at i£ dyaOoov eftaXov' tov c? av /caTap,e/j.(f)0evT dyav Icryvv OLKeicov irapetrtyaXev KaXwv %eipo<; eX/ccov OTrlacroi dvp,bs aToXyu.09 i(6v. 25 eV. /3'. 30 avfifiaXelv fidv evpapes r\v to re UeicrdvSpov irdXai, err p. 7' form is SrjpLa.o/j.ai. With oxOw Kpdvov cf. 01. IX. 3 Kpoviov nap' oxOov. — Schol. evSe'vSpa) did to. tQv eXatwc (pvTa. 27. ir€VTa€TT|pi8'] A festival which we should call quadriennial the Greeks called quinquennial. TeGjiiov, prescribed according to fixed rides, has much the same force as the Latin sollennis; Tedp.65 corresponds to institutum. The first syl- lable is short here; in Isth. v. 20 it is long, TeOpiov p.01 (pap.1 ffacpiararov elvai. 28. €V irop<f>vjp6ois £pv€<riv] having bound his hair in glistering branches. The expression loses its strength if we take iv as merely instrumental ; the victor's locks are conceived as actually in the wreath of olive leaves. The poet permits himself to apply to this wreath the name of a colour, not literally appro- priate to it, and intended altogether in a figurative sense. Regal 'purple' might be considered the queen of colours and used as a metaphor for supreme excel- lence; and in the same way Pindar borrowed the most precious of the metals to describe the badge of Olympian vic- tory. See 01. XI. 13 iirl crTe^dvip xpi'c^cis i\aias, and Nem. I. 17. (Cf. also Pyth. in. 73 vyUiav xp va ^ av ' golden health.) For Zpvcaiv see A em. VI. 18. 30. *£, etyaGuv ^PaXov] Cause him to miss his desires (an aorist of generality); the passive ikttItttu in this metaphorical sense is more familiar. (I! M have ?\a(iov, a not unfrequent confusion in MSS.) tov 8' av k.t.X.] Whereas another, underrating his strength, lets the honours, that were within his reach, slip from his hand, plucked back by an unadventurous heart. — Mezger takes Karapep^pdifra in a passive sense (comparing Diogenes Laertius, VI. 47), blamed in point of strength. — ira.pa.<r<pd\\u has much the same meaning as e/c/3dXXu, cause to fail in, deprive of, but, appropriately to the sense, is gentler. Over-confidence ex- pels; over-diffidence leads astray. 33. o-vp-PaXeiv k.t.X.] Surely it was easy to conjecture in him the ancient blood of Pisander fro?n Sparta — for he came with Orestes from Amyclae, conducting hither (to Tenedos) a bronze-mailed host of Aeolians — mingled near the sti-cam of Ismenus with the blood of his mother's ancestor Mclanippus. Schol. o~vp.f$a\e'iv \iav ev/xapis yjv ical (Ttjp.ei.ibaaa0at rhv Ibbvro. 'ApiffTaySpav oti to Trd\ai avrov alp.a Kal to 7^05 rjv dvb UeiaavSpov toO 'ZwapTia.Tov cus dwd twos UeiaavSpov twv TraKatutv ovtos tov 'A/h- OTaybpov. ovtos 8i, <py)al, avv 'OpiaT-Q d-rra)Ki]<T€V in 1,irdpT7]s Kal ttjv TiveSov Ka.TwK7)cre. TeviSws yap 6 'ApiaTaydpas. wepl Be tt/s K)pi<jrov els ttjv AloXISa dwoiKlas 'EWdi'iKos iv ry TrpwTip AIoXikQu iaToprjKev. 6 8i MeXdi't7r7ro5 ovtos Qrj- ftciios 7)v twl tov TroXipov avaTas T<2 Tl'Sff. K.T.X. [NEMEAN] XL 225 ai/jL dird ^Trapras — ^ApbvicXaBev yap e/3a avv 'OpeaTa AioXecov arpariav xnXfcevrea Bevp' dvdywv — 35 /cat Trap laprjvov poav iceicpapLevov €K Me\avL7T7roio piarpwos. apyalai S' dperal apcpepovr aXXaaaopLevai yeveals dvhp<2v crdevos' dvT. y' . ev a^epw o out oov pueXaivac Kapirov eSw/cav dpovpai, 8ev8ped t ovk eOeXei irdcrai^ erecov irepoSois 40 dvOos ei'wSe? (pepeiv ttXovto) tlcrov, aXX ev ap,e[/3ovTi. ko\ Ovarov ovrws eOvos dyei polpa. to S' €K Aids dvOpwirois aacpes ov% eTrerac err. 7'. This scholium recognizes the reading of the mss. Xlav. The metre requires a long monosyllable here and most editors read p.dv (due to Pauwius). The simi- larity of A I and M accounts for the cor- ruption. 36. poav] Bergk's correction of poav ; compare schol. wapa to. 'Ifffx-qvov pev/j.ara. The genitive is forcible and idiomatic (corresponding to dwd Hirdpras), and scribes familiar with napd nora/uov, etc., were tempted to alter the accent. 37. dp\aiai k.t.X.] This is the way of men's generations ; their original excel- lences change and then win strength anew, (yeveais is dative of those interested.) Aristagoras, Pindar implies, is the suc- cessor of Pisander and Melanippus ; the intermediate generations were obscured (tu>v Se piera^v ijfiavpw/j.e'viov, schol.). Schol. at apxaiai tuv irpoydvuv, (p-qcrlv, dperal varepov eKXdfnrovo~iv § rj ovtus' al 8£ iraXaial dperal dwocpepovrai odivos evaXXacraofievai rah tuv dvdpwirwv ye- veals. 39. «v ax.€pw] continuously, opp. to aXXao-ao/xevai. — jxeXaivai. is chosen with the purpose of pointing the illustration by a play on MeXdviiriros. 40. SevSped t' k.t.X.] Neither are trees fain to bear in each revolving year an equal wealth of floivery fragrance, out rather by turns. irepoSois, Aeolic for irepioSois. It is curious that B B omit B. ttXovtu) before Icrov (sic). Bergk reads ■jrXovruaiov, formed like x a P LT ucriov, a Rhegine adjective, see Ibycus, fr. 51 (P. L. G. ed. 4). 42. Kal GvaTov k.t.X.] On this wise the race of mortals also is driven by the tvind of Fate. The MSS. have oCrw crdevos, which Heyne corrected, with the help of the scholiast's words to twv dvOpu-rruv yivos. The scribe had cdivos in his mind from 1. 38, and when he came to the words OYT6OC60NOC he unhesitatingly read ovTwcrdevos, trans- posing two letters and violating the metre. A similar instance of contamination from the general context is the familiar Xvova 1 dv 77 '(pdiTTovcra in Sophocles' Antigone, 1. 40, where a scribe wrote ddirrovaa, because his mind was full of the idea of burial, the subject of the context. In the present case, the occur- rence of <r6ivos in 1. 38 would be a point against it in 1. 42, even if the metre were not decisive. ot"yei means drive, like a wind. Inter- preters have missed the felicity of this passage through not perceiving the meta- phor from sailing. 43. to 8' eK Ai6s k.t.X.] And as for Zeus, no clear sign in heaven accompanieth men on their course; but, albeit, we em- bark in vessels of proud designs, devising many works. For our limbs have been 15 226 [NEMEONIKAI] I A'. reKfiap' dX)C ep/wav fieyaXavoplais e/xfiaivofiev, epya re iroWd fxevotvwvTes' SeSerai yap dvaiSel eXirlSt yvla' 7rpo/u,a6ela<; S' diroKeivrai poai. fcepSewv 8e ^pr) fierpou d^pevep.ev' aTrpoaiKTOJV S' ipcorcov S^vTepai p,avlat. 45 fettered by importunate Hope ; and the streams of foreknowledge are situate far away, to 5' £k Atbs is more emphatic than ck Aios, pointing the antithesis be- tween Zevs and fxoipa. T«K|xap suggests a guiding star; cf. reK/xwp of the moon in Horn. Hymn. 32, 13 reKfxcop 8e /3po7-otcu TervKTai. The reading proposed by Christ k*v fiaivofxev for ifj.paivofj.ev surrenders the metaphor. For efxfiaivw in this meta- phorical sense Dissen compares Plato, Phaedrus 252 E eav ovv fxrf wporepov €f.ij3ej3Qai t£ iirLTrfb'evfjaTi.. Mr Fennell happily suggests that SiSerai 7wa may be "a metaphor from a slave chained to the oar ". — dvaiSei, exceeding dice measure, corresponds to a common use of impro- bus, as in Virgil's labor omnia vincit improbus. 45. ^p-ya t« iroXXci] B, D ipya re, B epya re, Bergk i'pya ye, Mommsen Zpy' are, Hartung epya ra. Schol. dXXd fxeya\r]yopovfj.ev /xeydXa re fj.evoivwvres /cat (ppovTifrovTes inrep eavrotis. The reading of the mss. is clearly correct. It is more difficult than any of the corrections, and that it is more logical than either they or /xevoivw/xev (which might have been easily written) would be, may be shewn by an analysis of the thought. The (1) central notion is, we are at sea ; and our position is defined by (2) the nature of our vessels and (3) the object of our voyage. The simplest grammatical connexion of these three moments would be: irXiofxev efifiaivovrh re /xeyaXavoplais epya re iroXXd fxevoiviovTes, but Pindar abbre- viates it by making the first participle do duty as a verb, e/x(3alvofj.ei>, zve are embarkers in. |A£voivaJvT€s] meditantes. 46. poat] pod is used metaphorically in 01. 11. 33, pool 5' d'AXor' dAXcu evdvfudv re /j.era Kai irovuiv es avSpas ej3av. Schol. ttJs 8£ irpoyvdocrews at 6S0I airodev Tffiwv Keivrcu. But 6801 (another metaphor) misses the point of poai. The rivers of foreknowledge do not flow into the sea, on which mortals sail. 47. K€p8e'wv 84 k.t.X.] It is good to observe a measure in the chase for gain ; sharp are the Jits of madness wrought by unattainable longings. Bergk charac- terises the last line by the words "sin- gularem audaciam sermonis Pindarici", and adds "nam poeta dicere volebat o'irives dirpocriKTWv epwcnv, tovtujp 6£. fi., qui cur dirpoaiKTWv 8' epuivTwv scribere noluerit planum est ". The comparative o£vTeptu suggests, more emphatically than 6£actt, its op- posite j3pa8vrepai or d/j.(3\vTepai ; and here, succeeding iXTriSt at such a short distance, it inevitably reminds us of the lagging hopes, eXwiSes OKvnpoTtpai., of 1. 22 (so Mezger). The use of the com- parative to suggest a correlative may be illustrated by drjXvTepos, £re/)os, Se^irepos etc. See further Appendix A, note 10. APPENDIX A. NOTE I. I. 58, 7raAiyyAwcroro9. In commenting on this word I omitted to refer to an Homeric expression which throws some light on it. In A 357 we read tov 8' €7rt|Ltet8^cra9 Trpo(r£<f>y] Kpctcov 'Aya/xe/moj/ (09 yva> xcoo/x.€voio • 7raAiv S' o ye Aa£eTO /xvdov. The most obvious meaning of the last words is ' he withdrew his remarks.' Agamemnon had chided Odysseus, and, when Odysseus replied angrily, he retracted his injurious words. But this meaning will not suit the passage in the Odyssey where the same phrase occurs, v 254. There it is used of Odysseus telling a false tale of his own life to Eumaeus. Commentators give no hint how the two passages are to be reconciled. In order to reconcile them, we must get rid of the idea that Aa'£eTo /xvOov means ' took back his word ' in the Iliad. Both there and in the Odyssey it means 'grasped' or 'laid hold of a word,' in accordance with the regular usage of Xd^o/xai. In both cases, moreover, 7raA.1v has the same sense : ' reversely.' The difference lies in the context. In the Iliad TrdXtv reverses what Agamemnon had said before, the 7raAiv fxv0o<; is a palinode ; in the Odyssey -n-dXiv reverses the truth, the irdXtv fxv9o<; is a falsehood. This apparent difference in the meaning of -n-dXiv, owing to a real difference in the things on which its sense operates, illustrates the two uses of 7raAtyyAa)crcros in Pindar, as pointed out in the Commentary. Note 2. 11. 9, aWo?. There are several passages in Pindar where the point obviously turns on a supposed connexion of aWos with a^/xi, cf. the Homeric aWew (aWen-e yXvKov virvov). Indeed it is not impossible that aan-os may have actually meant breath as well as gloss ; it is even conceivable that breath 15—2 228 APPENDIX A. was the primary meaning, and that awros is cognate to awrtw. In any case the Greeks connected them. In the general Introduction (p. xix) I pointed out a passage in the Sixth Isthmian where olwtos has a suggestion of this kind, and here I may call attention to other instances. Pytll. X. 51 sqq. Ktoirav (ryacrov, raxv 8' ayxvpav epecaov -^Oovi TrpwpaOe, ^otpa'Sos aA/<ap 7T€Tpas. eyKU>puu>v yap awros vp.vtav iir aXXor aWov cotc yu.eA«rcra 6vv€i Xoyov. Here aon-os vp.vuiv, joined with Ovvti and in collocation with a sea- metaphor, could not be justified, if it did not suggest gale of hymns, as well as fairest of hymns. Again in Isthm. 1. 51 the strange phrase 77-oAiaTav koI £eVwv yXwo-o-a? awTov is justified by the suggestion breath of the tongue ; and unless he intended to convey this suggestion, I cannot think that Pindar would have ventured on the expression yAwcrcras U.MTOV. The phrases £was aw-ros (Isth. iv. 12) and t^was acoTov (Pyth. iv. 131) obviously allude to the breath of life, cf. cugjv, and perhaps p.ovaiKa<; iv dojrw (01. 1. 14) suggests the breathings (irvoai) of flutes. Another instance of this secondary significance of awro? will be found in Note 3 of this Appendix. In the present passage the argument seems to turn on a similar allusion. It has been pointed out in the note on 1. 8 that aiwv ei8v- 7roju.7ros is metaphorical, a straight-ivafting breeze of time (or life). Now the strong verb SfaiXei, and the strong conjunction eiwep show that there must be a definite inference, and I have no doubt that the inference is from atwv to aWos. The Timodemidae had a fair wind (aiVv) ; we may infer that Timodemus will also have a fair wind (aWos). This etymological, allusory argument is highly characteristic of Pindar. A confirmation of this view is furnished by 1. 14. Al'avros aKovcrev responds to KaAAiorov dWov, and it has been pointed out (see note on 14) that Atas is conceived as a mighty wind, and that this is the justification and motive of uKovaev, in which commentators have found so much difficulty. If awTo? also alludes to a-qpu, there is greater significance in the comparison of Timodemus to Ajax. APPENDIX A. 229 Note 3. III. 26 sqq. Qv\xi, riva 7rpos aA.\o8a7raV aKpav i/xov ttXoov Tra.po.fii.t.ftea.1 ; AittKaJ crc (pap.i yei'ci re Moicrav ^epetv. 29 e7T€Tcu 0€ Xoyw Stxas aWos, ecrXos alvelv ovK aWorpLwv epojres aVSpi <pepetv Kpeaaoves. oiKodtv /xareve. Verse 29 is one of the most difficult in Pindar. There is a difficulty in the mere translation, and there is a further difficulty in discerning its connexion with the lines which precede and with the lines which follow. That a close connexion must exist in both directions is obvious ; for if we leave the line in question out of the context, the train of thought is consecutive. Pindar supposes that the Muse is in a ship, steered by his soul (Ovp.6%). He charges the steersman to come back from the pillars of Heracles, as it is for the sake of Aeacus and his race that the Muse is sailing. Then — if we omit the enigmatical line — he observes that we should not resort to foreign tales, when there are good tales at home ; the cycle of Aeginetan legend is ample enough. Or, in the language of the metaphor, desires of foreign things are not a good freight (<f>epeiv). Thus the connexion of thought between line 28 and line 30 is close. According to all hitherto proposed interpretations (criticised in note on 1. 29), the intervening words break this con- nexion with a frigid commonplace. We may conclude that if the line is sound Su<as aWos must bear some further significance than essence of justice. Now we saw in Note 2 of this Appendix that in Pindar's use aw-ros has frequently the secondary meanings of breath or breeze. The present passage is another instance. A blast of justice is just the expression required by the metaphor in the preceding lines. The poet's soul is compared to a craft, bearing the Muse and his tale (Xo'yos); its errand is to praise noble men (the Aeacids and Aristoclides) ; and it is escorted by a breeze of justice. Translate: My tale, on its errand to praise noble men, is escorted by a wind that blows fair. The justice consists in choosing the Aeacidae for the burden of the hymn, as explained in the following lines — olkoOcv /idreuc. In aiveiv the original dative sense of the infinitive comes out ; cf. Homer, v 33 ao"7racrt(J5 8' apa tw koltzSv c/mos tjcXiolo bopirov iiroL^ea 6 'at. 230 APPENDIX A. But it will be asked, Why should praise of the Aeacidae be called the perfection of justice ? — for ' breeze ' is only the less usual sense of awTos. It may be explained as a conclusion from Aia/co's to awros (cf. the inference from aiwv to aw-ros in n. 8, 9). This interpretation secures to the context a connected meaning. But it is strikingly confirmed by a subsequent passage in the Ode. The sailing of Achilles to Troy is introduced thus (1. 57 sqq.) — yOVOV T€ FoL <}>€pTaTOV driraXXev iv dpp.£voi(Ti irdvra Gvjjiov av£cov " o(ppa #aA.acrcrtais ave/xwv piiralcn Trep.<pOei<; k.t.X. These words are remarkable. In the metaphor of the ship, which we have been considering, the idea of burden or freight was emphasized by tplpeiv (1. 28), (pepuv (1. 30), noTLcpopov (1. 31) occurring in rapid succession. It is more than a coincidence that cpepTarov occupies the same position in the 7th line of antistrophos y as 4>€p<=iv in the 7th line of strophe ft. The recurrence of 6vp.6<> in the same connexion shows this. The soul of Achilles, figuratively, is a ship bearing him to Troy, just as the soul (0v|i€ 1. 26) of the poet is a vessel of imagination, which bears the Muse. And the unique phrase iv dpp.evoiai points this allusion to the ship. app-wa was a vox propria for the rigging or gear of a ship, and could not fail to suggest a naval metaphor. I suspect that there is a similar double meaning in Theognis, 1. 695 : ov hvyapcai aoi, 6vp.e, irapaayexv appa.va iravTCf t£t\o.$i' tcoi/ Se k<i\<xv ovtl uv pLOVvos epa?, where the juxtaposition of KaXwv and app.eva suggests ropes (ko.\ol) and tackle. Now just as the craft of the poet is wafted by a breeze of justice on its way, so the craft of Achilles is wafted by sea blasts, tfaAao-o-uns avipnav pnralo-i. x*\nd the destinations of both voyages are similar, — to kindle lights of glory. At Troy Achilles slays Memnon and TTjXavyls apape </>eyyos AiaKiSav airoOev, 1 thereby a star of the Aeacidae shineth afar in the firmament.' apape shows that the (peyyos is a star. Cf. Aratus, Pliaenomcna, 453 ovpavu ev ivdprjpev dydXpara vvktos lovatj 1 ;, 482 dprjporos 'H^io^oio, etc. And Aristoclides, who is compared to Achilles, has his constellation too. 1. 83 tiv ye p.iv, eWpovov KAeovs We\oi<Ta%, deBXotpopov A.77/ACITOS evtKev Ne/u,£ttS 'Hin&avpoOev T airo «ut Meydpwv oeoopKtv </>uos. APPENDIX A. 231 There is a suggestion in these words of a star shining on a ship whose burden is the prize of victory. For de6Xo(f>6pov XrjpaTos is a phrase intended to recall Trori<popov Koa/xov eAa/?es (1. 31). The play on Xrjpa and Xfj/jL/xa would hardly be evident, if it were not more distinctly suggested in the immediate vicinity of Xrjparo<; ; but Pindar has provided for this. Two lines before e\a/3ev atya (81) is used of the eagle, to whom Achilles, Aristoclides and the poet himself are all likened. And thus Pindar has indirectly insinuated that his own hymn of victory has lit the light of fame for Aristoclides. But the eagle too has some bearing on the words (Stxas awros) which this note is intended to explain. (.Xa(3ev and /xeTa/x.ato/xevos in 1. 81 recalling c'Aa/Jes and fidreve in 1. 31 make us bring the two passages into connexion ; and we are reminded that cuVros is the omen of the house of AiaKo'?. These three words, Aia/cds, dwros and cue-rds are associated together (just like aim', cuotos and Ams in Nem. 11.), the link of meaning being wind or breath ; and this note of ivind is struck in taov dvip.ois (1. 45) of the flight of an Aeacid's javelin. The quality of the eagle which is emphasized is its swiftness, — that in which it resembles wind. Note 4. III. 62, ev (ppaarl ird^aiO' O7rojs. This expression excites suspicion, because no parallel can be adduced. But there are other reasons too for regarding the passage as possibly corrupt. (1) eVi/xt^ais AWLOTreaai ^ei^as is a solecism. iTnp.iyvvva.1 is used in this sense but not 1-mp.iyvvvai x e V> a ?> to which our familiarity with the Latin phrase conserere manus unconsciously reconciles us. (2) The whole sentence may appear rather forced. We are told that Chiron educated Achilles, to the intent that (oeppa) he should withstand the enemy at Troy and having engaged with the Ethiopians should fix in his mind the resolve to prevent the return of Memnon. It is certainly a strange way of putting the matter. We should rather expect the clause of purpose to cease at AapSaVwi/ -re, and a new indicative clause, stating what Achilles did or resolved, to begin at kcu eyxeo-^opois lirip.^aLs. (3) A stronger objection to the whole sentence may be based on the circumstance that in the extant works of Pindar there is no other case of oVo? or o7tojs /u.77 in a final clause. This conjunction occurs only in two other places : 01. X. 57 Kare(ppaaev — TrevTaerrjpLS' oVws apa eoracrev loprav. Frag. 61 ov yap taB' oVws Ta 6(.<Zv (SovXevp-ar' iptvi>d<rei fipoTea. <ppevL 232 APPENDIX A. In reply to these objections it may be said that none of them is conclusive ; and it may be urged in support of the text that the strange form of expression is designedly chosen to emphasize the attribution of the Fourth Virtue (cppoveiv to TrapKeip-evov 1. 75) to Achilles. This has been noted in the Introduction to the Ode. Note 5. IV. 93 oXov aivewv kc MeA/^criav epiSa (TTp£<poi, prjp.ara ttXckwv, a7raAcuoTos Iv Aoya> kXxziv, paXaKa pikv cjipovewv ecrXois, Tpa^us Se 7raXiy/<0T0ts ec^eSpos. The current explanations of this difficult passage cannot be regarded as satisfactory. It is generally supposed to mean nothing more than a compliment to Melesias, couched in terms borrowed from the wrestling school. If this was Pindar's sole intention, he cannot be congratulated on his language. ' How one would wrestle in a word-contest, if one were praising Melesias!' — this, if it has any meaning, implies that Melesias cannot be fitly praised, except in verses of a pugnacious or controversial character. But why not? Melesias doubtless had enemies; but it would surely be feasible to extol Melesias to the skies without engaging in an encounter with his rivals. Nor is anything gained by taking Euphanes as the subject of the sentence. The conceit that if Euphanes were alive again his occupation would consist in fighting the battles of the trainer Melesias against critics is frigid enough. But if Pindar had meant this, he would have used very different language ; he would not have used the present tenses alveiov kc arpicpoi without some introductory phrase to indicate that the dead singer was supposed to be alive. For example, in the first part of this ode the idea of Timocritus surviving to celebrate his son's victory is expressed in the clearest language (ci 8' en Wd\.TreTo...6dp.a kc KeXdSrjo-e). A reference to Eu- phanes here seems to me to be both irrelevant and not countenanced by the Greek. The subject of alviwv and o-rpifpoi is obviously tis, understood from the preceding sentence. There is another consideration which seems fatal to the received view. The language in these last four lines is strikingly forcible ; but if the received view were correct it would be at the same time in- expressibly weak. For nothing could be weaker than to use this strong language of a hypothetical case. It is almost as if, after composing eleven and a half strophes in honour of Timasarchus, the poet added, APPENDIX A. 233 ' But if I were charged to praise Melesias, then would I put forth my strength as a wrestler in verse.' Now Pindar leaves us in no doubt that so far from meaning this he regards the present hymn as a specimen of his skill in the art of poetic wrestling. For each of these carefully chosen phrases is intended to recall some phrase which occurred before. (1) p^paTa 7t\c'kwv answers to pina in 1. 6, according to the canon of Mezger; and this means that 'the word' which is to glorify Timasarchus is an instance of the wrestler's 'word-twisting.' (2) There can be no question that iv Ao'yw refers to the mythical tale, which was the special feature of Pindaric art. This, as we saw, was the meaning of Aoyov in 1. 31 and \6yov in 1. 71. But a danger threatens the teller of such tales. He is tempted to exceed limits and give the myth an undue proportion. Into this fault Pindar himself is said to have fallen in his youth, and to have been warned against it by the counsels of Corinna. We saw that he referred to the subject in 1. ^t, sqq. Professing to be unable to relate the story of the Aeacids at length, he feels nevertheless that a charm draws him to touch on it. The attractive power of the myth, to which the poet must only yield in measure, is expressed by the word e'Axw (SfX.Kop.ai 1. 35). This explains the second edge of a7raAa<.o-ros lv Adyw 'i\Ktiv. In relating a myth Pindar grips his subject, so to speak, and does not let it grip him. The point turns on the double meaning of eAxeiv, as a term in wrestling and as a term in magic. (3) paXaKct (<$>povlwv eo-Aois) is an echo of poAeaxd in 1. 4. And this clearly suggests that the hymn which is to soothe Timasarchus after his labours is an instance of to [xaXaKa <f)poveiv co-Aois. (4) We shall hardly be wrong in supposing that e</>€Spos, like c'Akciv, has a double signification. For otherwise e^eSpos would have no point, and the simple 7raXaio-T7/s would be a more suitable word. It is not fitter to compare a poet to a man who draws a ' by,' than to compare him to one of the paired wrestlers. But there is fitness in using the technical word if it has a second implication which is appropriate to the poet and not to the wrestler ; and I think it may be shown that ec/>e8pos is used here for the sake of such an implication. Pindar presented to us a picture of his Lyre weaving a song in honour of Aegina (1. 45), and I pointed out in the Introduction to the Ode that this picture is, so to speak, set by the side of another, in which the gods weave gifts of might for Peleus and his descendants. The prominent feature in the second picture is the cukukAos eSpa on which the lords of heaven sat (^e^o/xerot). And from this we may supply a defect in the first (a slighter sketch), and imagine the Phorminx and the poet himself sitting on a lopa, as the song is woven. Now iicptSpos may mean 'seated 234 APPENDIX A. on' as well as ' lier-in-wait,' and this secondary meaning justifies and explains its use in the passage under consideration. It is clearly an echo of KSpav (i-as) €<j>d;6|«voi, and suggests the poet seated at the work of composing his song. This conclusion is strikingly confirmed by yet another correspondence of words. (5) The song woven by Phorminx is described thus : AuSia avv dp/xovLa (At'Xos 7re<£iAr7/xe'iw in the 5th verse of the 6th strophe. It is no accident that MeX^o-iav echoes //.e'Aos in the 5th verse of the last strophe. This p.e'Aos is the work of the poetical 'wrestler,' who is none other than Pindar himself. We shall now find it less difficult to answer the question : What is the meaning of aiveW xe MeA^ow o-rptyoi ? We have only to remember that alviw does not always imply the praise conveyed by panegyric ; it may also express ' the sincerest ' form of praise— imitation. This is the force of the word in Isthmian VI. 32 paxa-rav alviwv MeAeaypov, aiveW 8« KaVExTopa, where it differs little from £ryAwi/. And this signification admirably suits the present passage. Pindar represents himself as imitating in his own art Melesias the master of another science. Pindar is the wrestling poet; Melesias is the wrestler with a poetic name. ' What a master in words would he be who should excel in poetry as Melesias excels in wrestling ! ' — this is, in effect, what Pindar says ; but he uses words which show that he meant to compare himself to Melesias, and to designate this hymn as a specimen of poetic wrestling, not without a glance at his rivals. It is hardly necessary to refer to the explanation of olov in the sense 'for instance.' There is no idea in the last four lines, however interpreted, which can be regarded as an ' instance ' of the preceding idea. Note 6. Lampon (Ncmcan v.). In Herodotus (Book ix. c. 78) we read of a certain Aeginetan, Lampon the son of Pytheas, who proposed to Pausanias that Mardonius should be impaled. It is clear that this Lampon (whom Herodotus calls Pdyiv-qriuv to. -rrpwra) was a member of the same family as the Lampon of whom we read in Pindar. For the father of Herodotus' Lampon had the same name as one of the sons of Pindar's Lampon— Pytheas; and this can hardly be considered accidental. But Muller went much too far when he proposed to identify the two Lampons. The father of Pytheas and Phylacidas was the son of Cleonicus {Istk. iv. APPENDIX A. 235 55, v. 16), and it is quite gratuitous to suppose either that Cleonicus and Pytheas were the same person or that Cleonicus was Lampon's true father and Pytheas his father by adoption. The only conclusion that we are entitled to draw is that the two Lampons belonged to the same ■n-drpa, namely that of the Psalychiadae, as we learn from Isth. v. 63. At the utmost we might venture to suppose with Mr Fennell that the Lampons were first cousins, called after their common grandfather. See Mr Fennell's judicious remarks in his Introduction to Nemea v. Note 7. vi. 64 sqq. The Introduction and Commentary on the Sixth Nemean had been finally printed, when I discovered, as I believe, the solution of a problem, which had hitherto baffled me, in connexion with that Ode. This solution, which I offer here, throws light simultaneously on some minor difficulties, and I must request the reader to supplement the explana- tions given in the Commentary by this additional note. The chief difficulty is the abruptness of the last three lines of the Ode, which seem to have no connexion with the remainder of the composition. Melesias was the trainer of Pytheas, and of course it was strictly appropriate to pay the trainer a compliment. But the introduction of this compliment as an appendix, in three lines whose absence would not detract from the artistic effect of the hymn, cannot be regarded as happy, and is certainly not in the manner of Pindar. In the Fourth Nemean Melesias was likewise referred to in the concluding verses, but we saw how this reference was carefully woven into the fibre of the whole work (above Note 5). Our doubts increase when we consider the form which the compli- ment to Melesias assumes. The trainer in wrestling is compared to a dolphin for swiftness. This simile may indeed be illustrated by the word SeA.c/uvi£<o which Lucian uses to express ducking in wrestling. But still, if Pindar merely wanted a poetical image to express the qualities of a consummate wrestler, his choice of a dolphin cannot be regarded as specially appropriate. Perhaps we may conclude that the dolphin was intended to suggest something more than the swift movements of a wrestler's limbs. Now the two things for which the dolphin was chiefly noted were its swiftness 1 and its love for music, exemplified in the story of Arion. The 1 Compare also Pylh. II. 51 feds da- 234 napa. vavv 8' iOvu rax'cra 5e\<pis. \acaalov irapa^ei/ierat SeXi/nVa, and Frag. 236 APPENDIX A. second quality is thus mentioned in a remarkable fragment of Pindar (235): dXtov 8' lpsB'itp\x.o.i SeX<£ivos xmoKpicriv ' tov fJiev uku/aovos ev ttovtov 7reA.ayei auA.u5v eKivqcr iparov /acXos. It may be shown, I think, that the characteristic of the mythical dolphin determined Pindar to employ the image now under con- sideration. He regards the zvrestler as playing the dolphin to his own Arion ; and the name Melesias (/xe\os) lent itself to the suggestion. The poet comes kcu auros t^coi' fxtXirav (1. 54)> — a strange phrase which arrests the attention, — and the /xcXeVa is for the benefit of wrestlers typified by MeX^crias. For if Melesias is a dolphin, it follows that the wrestlers whom he trains to excellence, are as dolphins too. In support of this explanation there are several points to be urged (besides the fact that it solves the difficulty). (1) It has been pointed out that in the Fourth Nemean there is a similar play on the name of the Aeginetan trainer (McXrjo-tav in 1. 93 responding to p.£\o<i in 1. 44). (2) If p-eXeTav (1. 54) is intended to prepare for the allusion in MeA^o-ias, the introduction of the metaphor from the ship in 11. 55, 56 is explained. For this metaphor requires some explanation. It interrupts the metaphor of the 686s dixaicros, and it was difficult to see for what purpose it was introduced. But if we recognise that it antici- pates the simile of the 8e\<pLVL St dA/ms, the whole passage begins to become intelligible. Pindar stands in the ship (like Arion) with his fjieXeTOL, and the dolphins are in the circumfluent waves, which beat against the vessel (1. 56). (3) The expression sacred games occurs more than once in Pindar. As it was an ordinary term, which required no apology or explanation, one is rather surprised at the strange form of expression in 1. 59 aywojv, tovs Ivzirotcnv tepovs. Why 'games which men describe as sacred? Why not ayw'vwv Upwv? Unless Pindar intended to draw special attention to the epithet sacred, the words tous IvIttoktiv are an objectionable superfluity. There must have been some purpose in introducing upous with such emphatic formality. I believe that this purpose is closely connected with the simile of the dolphin. It is worthy of observation that an extant APPENDIX A. 237 fragment of a lost Isthmian Ode (Frag. 1) compares the Aeginetans to dolphins and connects this comparison closely with song and games. otot o aperav SeAcpiVts iv 7TOVTO) Tap.iai T£ tro<£oi Motcrav aywviW T aiOXoiV. These words are an excellent commentary on the passage before us. In both places, Aeginetans are compared to dolphins ; in both places (according to my interpretation) the dolphins are associated with ay<3vcs and with song. Now the dolphin was sacred to Dionysus, and in this circumstance may be found the explanation of that puzzling Homeric expression Jcpos ix^ s > which should be taken as meaning the dolphin and not a fish in general. This consideration seems to explain the purpose of Pindar's carefully chosen words. As the aX/xa is the leaping ground (Pindar probably connected it with aXXo/iat rather than with aX<;) of the sacred fish, so the sacred games are the element of the human dolphins. And the association between the dolphin and the sacred games is rendered unmistakable by a verbal echo, if my restoration of 1. 65 be correct; air 01/11 echoes IvIttoio-iv. 'Men call those games sacred; and so it is not unfitting that I should call Melesias a dolphin (the sacred fish).' But we may go yet further. The simile is woven still more deeply into the texture of the hymn. In 1. 28 we read of the oupos eTreW, and in 1. 29 how songs and tales ' waft home ' (iKo/xio-av) the fair exploits of the Bassidae, and in 1. 31 of the ships which they have chartered. Now the word iKo/uo-av does not receive its due until we recognise that it means gathering home to the storehouse of the Bassids,— their storehouse of victories. This is suggested by the notable expression in the pre- ceding lines erepov ov tlvol Foi/cov aTrecpdvaro 7rvy/x.a^ia 7rXeova)v ra/xtav <TTccpa.V(i)V. Here is a remarkable coincidence, if it be nothing more. The Bassid house is called a Tcyuas oTe</>ouw, in the immediate context of a metaphor from the sea; and the Bassid wrestlers are afterwards (through Melesias) likened to dolphins. In the Fragment of an Isthmian Ode, cited above, the Aeginetans are called ra/xiat aywviW aWXoiv, and compared to dolphins in the same breath. Are we entitled to infer that there is some link of connexion between the simile of the dolphin and 'the house dispenser of crowns'? If any such connexion exists, it must lie in some technical use of ra/xias in dithyrambic worship or the mysteries of Dionysus. It is at least worth recalling that the god 238 APPENDIX A. with whom dolphins were specially associated is described in the well- known choral song in the Antigone by the mysterious title tcV rafxiav "Ia.K X ov (1. 1 154). There are, I believe, similar allusions to the worship of Dionysus in Isthmian v., and they may be briefly indicated here. That Ode opens with a simile from the wine-bowl : OdWoVTOS dvSp<2v COS OT€ (TVfXTTOaLOV Sevrepov KpaTijpo. MoicratW jaeAe'cov KLpvafxev K.T.A. In 1. 9 we read cx7rei/S€iv p.t\i(p6oyyoi<; doiSai?, in 1. 40 oivoSokov (pidXav, in 1. 64 dpSovTi KaXXtcrTa Spo'o-w. In 1. 73 the strange simile of the Naxian tvhctstone was chosen, I believe, with the special purpose of alluding to the Naxian god. But the phrase which concerns us at present is that which occurs in 1. 57 : <$>v\a.KL&a yap rj\6ov, co Mouru, ra/Ata? Uv8ea. re Kwpnov. The felicity of this phrase lies, I would suggest, in its harmony with the Dionysiac undercurrent which runs through the Ode. Note 8. ix. 17, 18. Since the note on 1. 17 was printed, the difficulty in the text has been discussed by Mr W. R. Hardie, of Balliol College, in the Classical Revieiv (June 1890, p. 269) \ He holds with Kayser that eWav p.iyicrroL is right, and that the lacuna is in 1. 18. In the mss. a new line begins with £irTcnrv\ov<;, and Kayser reads /cat ttot es eTTTairvXovs WeXov k.t.X. Mr Hardie compromises. He leaves kcu ttot€ in 1. 17, but carries on es to 1. 18, and proposes two alternative readings : KCU TTOTi AeKTOv ts €7TTa7rvXovs ©r/'/3a<j, or KCU 7TOTC 0ry/3as €S €7TTa7ruAoi;s Acktgov (-as as in Hesiod). The introduction of Ae/a-oV (Xcktwv) was suggested 1 It is satisfactory to me to observe coincides with mine, tint Mr Hardie's view (//'.) of x. 61 APPENDIX A. 239 by E. Schmid's e7rra7n;Xovs KptTOv es &rjf3a<; and Beck's €7rra.7rvAous ®rjf3as Acktcov. The first conjecture of Mr Hardie may be right, though there is nothing to confirm it, and the cause of the omission of XektoV is not apparent 1 . But I find it difficult to believe that eo-o-av (mss. rjaav) Hcyio-TOL is genuine. Note 9. X. 2 <p\eyeTai 8' apeTdts fxvpiais efpyojv Opacrew eveKev. Besides the meaning which it usually bears, dperrj is occasionally, though rarely, found in the sense fj.vrffj.rf nepl dpeTrjs. A passage in Plato's Symposion excellently illustrates this usage. 208 D : ewe\ olei crv, e<pr), " KXurfcmv VTrep 'ASfxrfrov aTrodaveiv av, r) 'A^iXXc'a narpo'/cXa) evaTToOaveiv rj 7rpoa.Tro60.veZv tov ifxerepov KdSpov virep rrjq /?ao~<.Xaas twv 7rai8wv, fir) olofievov; aOdvarov fivrfp\rfv apeTrjs irepi cavTcov <io~eo-8ai r/i/ vuv T^peis e^opev; 7roXXou y€ Set, e<f)rj, aXX oipai i>7rep dperrj^ ddo.va.Tov koI TOiavTrfs &6£rf> evKXeous 7rai'Tes Trai'Ta 7roiovo~iv k.t.X. Here ape-r^s bears in the answer the same meaning that fj.vrjjj.rjv dperrjs irlpi bears in the question. But it is well worthy of note that both here and in the other passage where this meaning is most clearly marked, Pliiloctetcs 1420, dperrj is accompanied by the same epithet. Heracles says dddvarov dperrjv lo-)(ov, cos rrapeo-B' opdv, — I loon immortal quality. These two passages suggest that this expression dperr) d6d- varo<s is the link connecting the usual sense of dperrj with that which belongs to it in the line of Pindar quoted above. In dperrj dOdvaros the word may be said to preserve still its proper force (excellent quality), but it is on the road to a new meaning, dperd, memorial of excellence in Pindar, is, I am inclined to believe, the dperrj dOdvaros clipped. Thus apcTcus pupi'ais are countless monuments, which im- mortalise the glories of Argos. There is another passage in Pindar which supports this explanation. In Isth. IV. 17 we read r\v 8' cv 'l<T#pw SnrXda 0aXXoirr' dperd, <&t.'Xa/a8a, kcitou Nepc'a 8e kcu TrperreL YlvQea re irayKpariov. Here 6dWour dperd seems to be a resetting of the phrase dddvaros 1 If I were convinced that 1. 17 ended prefer irpaaaere to irpaacrerai. in 1. 3. with /cat 7rore I should be inclined to 240 APPENDIX A. apcra. We may remember how 6aXep6<; is used of the eternal youth and beauty of the gods, and we may compare such passages as Isth. III. 6 7rXaytats Se (frpeveacriv ov\> ojuws Ttdvia xpovov OdXXwv cp.iXel, and 22 (iv. 4) dperd<; — cuon KXcwvi'/Ai'Sat 6dXXovre<; alei. We find ddXXeiv in conjunction with dperd also in CV. ix. 16, 0aAAa 8' dperalo-w (yj '07rous). In any case, however apery acquired its secondary meaning, it is clear that it might be applied as fitly to a monument in stone or bronze, as to a record in writing or to fame in the mouths of men. Note 10. XI. 48, 6£vTepai. Mr Postgate has kindly allowed me to print the following note, which however does not coincide with my own view. ' 6£vTepai means " passing fierce." The comparative here approxi- mates to a superlative. To understand this, it must be remembered that the comparative simply asserts that something possesses a quality in a greater degree than other things. So the extent to which this quality is possessed will manifestly depend on the number of these other things, ofrorepos TrdvTm', -iroXXwv, iviwv denote very different degrees of " keenness." Hence the comparative, besides its proper use for the comparison of two things, has two absolute uses, one (a) "intensi- fying," and the other (/;) "qualifying." The context, of course, must decide which is to be taken, (a) is the use here : so also in the well-known meaning of vewTepos " out of the common," whence vewrepl^eiv, although this may be a euphemistic use. It is clear where a negative is added ; ov xeipov "not very bad" &c. ; though, had the negative been actually compounded with the adjective, the meaning of the comparative would have been "somewhat." Compare Plato Thecet. 177 ovk d-yoearepa Ae'yeiv (nearly = ^'Sin-cpa). A good example of (b) is Herod. 11. 18, T17V Sc Ai[3v-qv ISfieu epvOpoTeprjv re yfjv ko.1 viro\pap.p.orepriv rrjv Se 'Apafiirjv T£ kcu 'Svpirji' dpyiXitioeaTeprjv re koX viroTrerpov eov<rav, "reddish, ...inclining to sand" &c. as is shown by vTroVcrpos.' APPENDIX B. THE GRACES IN PINDAR. The poems of Pindar 'burn bright,' to use an expression of his own, with the presence of the Graces. Xa'pis may sometimes be translated the spirit of art, but the sphere of the Charites was wider and cannot be better defined than Pindar has defined it himself: (XVV VfXp.IV rd Tepirvd re kcu yAi>Kea avaTeAAerai 7ravra /SpoTois, K€i <ro<f>6s, el KaXo?, ci Tts ayAaos avrjp. It was natural that they should be the sovran ladies in a world of art, which was conversant mainly with ' the delightful things in Hellas ' ; and I propose to show here that in all his epinician hymns, except three (possibly only one) of very small compass, Pindar either mentions the Graces or alludes to their influence. Nemean Odes. I. X' x P lv 1- ^ (see note); dyXaCav 1. 13; 0aAos 1. 2; 6a\(po<s 1. 71. Thus the presence of the Charites and especially of Aglaia and Thalia is suggested 1 . II. In this short Ode there is no mention of the Graces nor even an allusion to them. (But see below p. 244.) III. ^apteira 1. 12; X a W e ^ 7^j ayAaaicri 1. 69; dyXaoKpavov 1. 56; ayaAyaa 1. 13. 1 It is worth observing that the as- \eirra re kcu x a P' UVTa KaL a7^aa gpya. sociation of the words x a P^ €ls arR l a^Xaos j n Homer x a P^ evTa ^P7 a means works is as old as Homer: cf. k 223 of art. cf. j" 234. B. l6 242 APPENDIX B. IV. The XaptTts are mentioned in 1. 7 ; and the note of the hymn is ei(}>po(Tvva 1. 1 ; but the other sisters are also alluded to in dyXaov 1. 20, and ddX-qo-e 1. 88. V. This Ode concludes with the words a-vv iavOaU Xdpurcnv. Aglaia is suggested bydydXpuzTa 1. I, and dydXXei 1. 43; Euphrosyne by ev<f>pove<; 1. 38. Cf. x at 'p w I* 46* VI. The Xdprre? appear in 1. 37 (XapiVwv 6p.d8w (pXe'ycv). VII. X^P iV 1- 75> X"P/ xa 1- 84. J dyXadyinov I. 4; ev<ppu>v 1. 67. Charis, Aglaia, and Euphrosyne are thus suggested. VIII. In this hymn we have only dyaXpo. (1. 16) to suggest Aglaia. But the very name of the clan to which the victor belonged, XdpidSai, might be considered a gracious one ; and "Clpa iroTVLa, who is invoked in the opening lines, was a being of kindred to the Graces. Cf. also Xaipoi 1. 48. IX. The Xa'ptTcs are confederate with the poet (1. 54) and Aglaia is honoured by dyXaiaLo-iv in 1. 31. X. In this hymn the Graces are prepotent. In 1. 1 they are invoked, Xdpn-cs, and in 1. 38 their name recurs XapiVco-0-1. x a '/ 3lv !• 3°- Aglaia is suggested by dyXaoOpovwv 1. 1 ; Thalia by OdXrja-ev, 1. 42 and OdXeLav 1. 53- XI. This work is not an epinician, but Aglaia is not forgotten in it ; cf. dyXaa) 1. 4, dyXaai 1. 2 0. Isthmian Odes. I. xapiTW 1. 6 ; x a W €T€ !• 3 2 - II. xapiTcacnv dpapws 1. 19. dyXaCav, 1. 18. III. dyavais xapiVcaortv 1. 8. OdXXwv 1. 6. tvcppoavvav 1. 10. IIP. £7rio-Ta'£wi/ x<*P LV 1- 9° (7 2 ) J X^/ 30 " 1- 47 (29)- OdXXovTc; 1. 22 (4). IV. <rvv Xdpia-LV 1. 21; x^Pt 1 "-^ 54- OdXXota-a 1. 17. V. XapiVwi/ 1. 63; aSeta xdpis 1. SOJ X a P« l 's L IO - OaXXovros 1. I. VI. X"P ts 1- r 7- ^"^°5 1- 2 4- €*>(£pavas 1. 3. VII. XapLTUtv ttwTov 1. 16. dyXaoV 1. 3. dyXaos 1. 27. APPENDIX B. 243 Olympian Odes. I. Xa'pis 1. 31. ayXai^cTtu 1. 143 ayXaoTpi'cuvav 1. 4 1 ; ayXacucri 1. 94; aya'XXcov 1. 89. ei<j>pocrvva<; 1. 60. II. Koivai Xapires 1-55; X°P lv ^ IX J X^P' 5 ^ T 9J X a P/ xaTt0V ^ 2I j €)(aipov 1. 72. ayXatoV 1. 80. 6d\o<; 1. 49. ev(f>p(i>v 1. 16; ev<ppova 1. 40. 7rupaXvei 8vcr<ppova.v 1. 57. III. ^dp/xara 1. 1 09. ayXaoKCopov 1. 5. e^aXXev 1. 23. IV. XaptTwv 1. 10; \aipovTa 1. 13. cixppiuv 1. II. V. No mention or allusion. VI. Xapts 1. 76. #a'Xos 1. 68. <pi\o<ppo(Tvvai<; evr)pa.TOi<; (1. 98) suggests Euphrosyne. VII. Xapti £<D#aXpios 1. 1 1 j x a P tT€cro ' t,/ 1. 93; X a P tv ^ 5 5 X"PP aTa 1. 44. 0aXias 1. 94. evcf>pova 1. 63. VIII. X^P lv 1- ^°5 X ( * / P LV ^ ^" ayXaov 1. II. IX. XaptVaJV 1. 27. ayXaiaicriv 1. 98; ayXaoSevSpov 1. 20. t^aXXti 1. 16. ev(f>pdv8r) 1. 62. X. X a P tv 1" I2 » X a P u/ !■ x 7 J X^P lv ^ 94 J X a PP a !• 22 - ^aXiat? 1. 76. XI. No mention or allusion. XII. No mention or allusion. XIII. xaptTes 1. 19. ayXaicxv 1. 14; ayXaoKoupov 1. 4; dyXaoOpdvoLS 1. 96. XIV. This hymn is addressed to the Graces. Xapires 1. 4 ; Xapirwv 1. 8. Their names are mentioned 1. 13: w 7TOTVL AyXata </>tX^crtpoX7r€ t Evc/)po(rwa ©aXc'a re €paO"tp.oX7T£. Also a'yXao? 1. 7. Pythian Odes. I. X"P ts 1- 33' X"P lv '• 7^5 X"PP a ^ 59- ayXai'as 1. 2. Oa\tai<; 1.38. II. Xapirwv 1. 42; x a P ls '• x 7 > X a P tv ^ 7° j X a W € ^ ^7- 16 — 2 244 APPENDIX B. III. SiSupis x a P lTa 5 1- 72; xap^l- 95- €vcf>po<rvi'a<; 1. 98. IV. x"P lTCS 1- 2 75; X at P cl,/ !• 6l - ayXaot 1. 82. 0a'XXei 1. 65. evcppocrvvav 1. 129; ev<ppova 1. 196. V. r/vKOfiot Xdpires 1. 45; x a V ,lJ/ 1- io2 j /«Xos x a P tcl/ 1- io 7- ayXawv 1. 52. VI. XapiVw 1. 2. ayXa/av 1. 46. VII. x at P w Tt 1« J 6. 0aXXoi<rav 1. 21. VIII. XapLTwv 1. 21; x"P tv ^ ^6; x a Pf JL ° LTOiV !• 64; \aipiav 8k /ecu avTos 1. 56. cf>i\6(f>pov 'Acrvxta 1. I. IX. Xapireo-cri 1. 3; XapiTwv 1. 89; x^Pf 10 - ^ 64. 0aXXo«rav 1. 8« €V#aXet 1. 72. evcppoiv 1. 73; ev<ppa.i>6etora 1. 16. X. X < */ MV !■ ^4j X ai P ct !• 36. ayXaiais 1. 28. 0aXiais 1. 34. €vcf>po- i/a>s 1. 40. XI. X"P tJ/ ^ 5^j X a P tl/ !■ I2 - T£0aAora 1. 53. tvcppoavva 1. 45. XII. XapiVtoi/ 1. 26. (piXdyXae 1. I. Thus Pindar in all the odes in which he does not pay a direct tribute to the Graces, makes us aware that the air is permeated by a literally ' gracious ' influence. There are four exceptions ; but of these it is possible that one is only apparent, as there are grave reasons for suspecting that the Fifth Olympian is not a work of Pindar. The Eleventh and Twelfth Olympians and the Second Nemean are such short hymns that they cannot fairly be said to invalidate my generalisa- tion. And even of these exceptions two may be only apparent. In the Second Nemean, in honour of an Athenian victor, Pindar may have considered that he had done due homage to Charis, by using a verb (ae'lei 1. 13) which the Athenian Grace Av£u might take to herself. The Twelfth Olympian, consisting of a single system, is possibly only a fragment of a longer ode ; on me, certainly, it has always produced the impression of incompleteness. If it is a fragment, I have no doubt that the Graces were mentioned or alluded to in the lost part. APPENDIX C. PINDAR'S VISIT TO SICILY. In connexion with the dates of the two odes to Chromius, Nemean i. and Nemean ix., the question arises as to the chronology of Pindar's visit to Sicily. On this point no direct statement of any ancient writer has been preserved to us. The work of Antiochus, where there was some notice, no doubt, of the Theban poet's presence at the court of the Syracusan sovran, is lost, and Diodorus does not help us. From the Lives of Pindar we only learn the fact that Pindar was at the court of Hiero. Boeckh and Dissen however have approxi- mately determined from internal evidence the time of Pindar's departure for Sicily. The reasoning is based on data furnished by Pythian m. and Olympian i. Pythian in. celebrates victories won by Hiero's horse Pherenikos. This horse won two victories at Delphi, according to a scholium on Pyth. in. (Dissen's ed. of Boeckh, n. p. 327), which gives us the dates 01. 73, 3 and 01. 74, 3. But the ode was composed much later, not only after the accession of Hiero to the sovranty of Syracuse (01. 75, 3) but after the foundation of Aetna (01. 76, 1), cf. 1. 69. As it must have been written for an anniversary of the victories, we get as the earliest possible date 01. 76, 3 (474). But in this year Hiero was proclaimed victor in the Pythian chariot race (which Pindar soon after- wards celebrated in the First Pythian ode), and as there is no allusion to this brilliant success, it would seem that Pythian in. was written and dispatched to Sicily shortly before the celebration of the games at Delphi in 01. 76, 3 {i.e. July or August 474), so as to be sung at Syracuse or Aetna on the day of commemoration. Now when Pindar wrote this ode it is clear that he was in Thebes, not in Sicily. This follows from 1. 68 sqq. : 246 APPENDIX C. K.a.1 K€v iv vavalv uoXov 'loviav T€fiV(OV 6a.\a<T<rav 'Apedovaav ctti Kpdvav Trap AtTvatov ££vov ******* 76 i^LKO/xav K€ fiadvv 7tovtov 7T€pao-at9. Hence Pindar did not go to Sicily before the summer of 474. The First Olympian celebrates a victory won by the same horse at Olympia in 01. 77 (July or August), 472 B.C. If it could be proved that Pindar was in Sicily when this ode was written, it is clear that we could fix the time of his going there between the limits of summer 474 and summer or autumn 472. Boeckh and Dissen infer from 11. 8 — 11 and 1. 16 that Pindar was then with Hiero. 8 o$€v 6 TroXvcpaTOS upvos a/A<£i/3aA/\eTcu crocjiwv (JLvp-Ucrcri, KeAaSetv Kpovou 7rcuS' es dcpveav iko/a€vovs [AaKaipav Ie'pcovos eoTiav. 16 ota 7rai£o/A£V <pikav a'vSpcs dfi(pl 6ap.d r pa.tr ztp.v. It cannot be denied that these verses go very near to proving that Pindar was in Sicily when he wrote them, ota Trai^opiev are hardly the words of a man who had not yet been on a visit to Hiero. They are not quite as clear perhaps as i^LK6p.av kc in the Third Pythian ; but I think we cannot fairly get out of Boeckh's conclusion. The going of Pindar to the west is thus narrowed down to the limits of two years. We can hardly compress the limits more with anything like certainty. If the chariot of Chromius was victorious at Nemea in 01. 76, 4 (July 473), and if the First Nemean ode was composed immediately when the news reached Chromius, then it follows that Pindar went to Sicily between summer 474 and summer 473. But (1) Boeckh's view assigning Nemean 1. to 01. 76, 4 is not certain, for the victory might have been gained in summer of 471 (beginning of 01. 77, 2), or (2) the ode might have been written for performance on an anniversary of the original victory. In any case Nemean 1. was written either when Pindar was still in Sicily, or after his visit. This follows from 1. 19 lorai/ k.t.X. The past tense rather suggests that he was not actually present at the performance of the hymn, and is referring to previous hospitality afforded to him by Chromius. But it does not follow that he was not in Sicily at the time. I feel pretty certain that Boeckh, Dissen, Mezger and most Pindaric commentators are right in teaching that the Sicyonian ode to Chromius is later than the Nemean ; though APPENDIX C. 247 it is assuredly odd that in the hymn on the lesser victoiy at the games of Apollo, no reference is made to the greater victory at the games of Zeus. But it is by no means clear in what part of Greece, proper or improper, Pindar was, when the Sicyonian ode was written. It is generally assumed that he was still in Sicily, and present at the festivities, which he encourages in the last strophes. But there is not a word which really supports the assumption, and I own that the first lines of the ode seem to me to suggest, if they suggest anything, that they were written out of Sicily. We can determine then approximately the date of Pindar's going to Sicily, but for the date of his return we cannot get anything nearer than the likelihood that it took place before 01. 78, 1. For that year is probably, though not certainly, the date of Olympian vi., which was not written in Sicily (the other possible date being 01. 76, 1). Perhaps this is all one is strictly entitled to say. The interpretation however which I have given of Nemean 1. suggests a conjectural restora- tion of the chronology. I have pointed out that Pindar holds out to Chromius the prospect of an Olympian victory. This suggests that Boeckh's date is right, that the Nemean wreath was won in 473 and that Chromius intended to compete for the Olympian olive in 472. If he did actually take part in the chariot race then, he and his horses were not as lucky as his sovran Hiero and the famous steed Pherenikos at the same festival. A few years later, perhaps when Pindar has returned to Greece, he is asked by Chromius, then -installed at Aetna, to celebrate a victory gained years ago at Sicyon. The poet writes now in a different strain, no longer making allusions to a possible Olympian victory, but speaking as if the active career of Chromius were well-nigh over. There is one thing about these two hymns to Chromius which has always struck me as strange. That is the absence of all reference to Hiero. This silence stands in marked contrast with the Sixth Olympian hymn to Agesias, where the poet takes the opportunity to sing the praises of the Syracusan sovran. But we shall doubtless be in a better position to judge of the politics of Syracuse and Aetna, and the relations of Hiero and Dinomenes to Chromius when Mr Freeman's work on Sicily appears. APPENDIX D. ORIGIN OF THE GREAT GAMES. It has always been recognised as a patent fact that the great games celebrated at Olympia, at Pytho, at Nemea and on the Isthmus, were a most important bond of unity between Greek-speaking peoples. But it has not been recognised that these Panhellenic festivals were only an outcome of a fact more general still. In order to explain this, it will be necessary to search for the origin of these festivals in the obscurity of early Greek history. The clue to the ramifying history of the centuries preceding the Persian War has always appeared to me to be the struggle towards a Hellenic unity, which, politically at least, was never destined to be realized. It was found impossible to blend thoroughly the Ionian aAei<£a and the Dorian o£os ; or, in the metaphor of a recent German writer, the Ionian horse and the Dorian ox would not pull together. Yet the sum of Greek history was a series of attempts to solve this insoluble problem, and sometimes the solution seemed not far off. Delphic influence was exerted in this Panhellenic direction, and the Delphic amphictyony did important work in promoting the unity of Hellas. But besides the religious authority of Delphi, there was another power that represented the spirit of Panhellenism and furthered its cause. This power was the rvpawU. Greece owed to the great tyrants of the seventh and sixth centuries far more than she confessed or knew. The despots, doubtless, were not fully conscious of the great historical meaning of their policy, even as Sparta was not conscious of the significance of hers. But as Sparta represented the principle of narrow provincial isolation, the despots were essentially the champions of a wide and expansive Hellenedom. This, I conceive, and not any minor differences as to the best form of political constitutions — was the deepest cause of the eternal feud between Lacedaemon and the iyrannis. The work of the tyrants was to tame the Dorian ox; APPENDIX D. 249 and Sparta, herself untamable, tried to hinder the accomplishment of such bold designs. It is well-known that the commercial and social intercourse of Greek nations was encouraged and promoted under the rule of the tyrants, in Hellas proper as well as in Hellas beyond the seas, and that the courts of the despots were centres of Hellenic culture. But one work of the tyrannis, a work of the highest importance for the history of Greece, has not been recognized as such. I refer to the founding of the Panhellenic Games. The foundations of three of the great agonistic festivals are generally admitted to fall in the early part of the sixth century. (1) The Pythian aywv o-Tc^aviVr/s was inaugurated by the Amphi- ctyons in 586 after the conclusion of the Sacred War 1 . But the chief promoter of this inauguration was Clisthenes, the tyrant of Sicyon, who had been one of the leaders in the conquest of Cirrha. It was through his influence 3 that the Amphictyons decided to introduce at Delphi gymnic and curule games in honour of Apollo on the model of those which were celebrated at Olympia in honour of Zeus. The feast took place at the beginning of the 3rd year of each Olympiad, that is in the late summer of every even year (b.c.) which is not divisible by 4 (586, 582 &c). The prize was a wreath of laurel. (2) About the same time the Isthmia were founded by Periander, the tyrant of Corinth. A panegyric in honour of Poseidon and some local games, doubtless, existed already, but this provincial festivity was now exalted by the great despot into an aywy o-re^aviV^s, which was celebrated in April every second and fourth Olympiad (every even year b.c. 586, 584, sqq. 3 ). The victors were rewarded by wreaths of dry parsley. Both Eusebius and Jerome testify that the Pythia and Isthmia began in the same year. If this statement is correct the games of Corinth were a few months older than the games of Pytho. Duncker, however, who places the first Pythias in 590, assigns the foundation of the Isthmian Games to 587. He thinks that Periander owed the idea to Clisthenes. ' Was Periander,' he asks, ' to remain behind the neigh- 1 The Pythia were renewed after the war in 590, but the addition of curule and gymnic contests was not made until 586, which is rightly called by Pausanias the first Pythias. It seems however that the dyuiv did not become arecpauiTTTS until 582 (in which year Clisthenes was victor in the chariot race). In 586 it was still an dywv xP 7 H J - aTlTr ls- 2 This is amply admitted by Duncker, History 0/ Greece (Eng. Tr.) 11. 360, 37°- 3 More precisely (Schomann, Gr. Al- terthiimer, II. 69) 'auf der Grenzscheide zwischen dem vierten und ersten wie zwischen dem zweiten und dritten Olym- piadenjahre begangen, so dass es bald in den letzten bald in den ersten Monat des Olympiadenjahres fiel.' — The Eleans were excluded from the Isthmia. 250 APPENDIX D. bouring king of so small a town as Sicyon ' ? ' I cordially concur with Duncker's view (at which indeed I had arrived independently), that Periander 2 inaugurated the Isthmia, but I am not sure that he is right in assigning the priority to the Sicyonian tyrant. He is certainly not right in fixing the date of the first Isthmia as 587. This dating seems due to a miscalculation. The end of 587 and the beginning of 586 belong to the same Olympiad, 48, 2 ; and if Duncker had named 01. 48, 2 as the date, he would have been right, for this would have implied April 586. If we regard 586 as the first Pythias, we must conclude that the first Isthmias was nearly four months older ; and, in any case, the Isthmia as an aywv crrc^ai/tT^s were older than the Pythia. We can hardly, I think, draw any definite conclusion from the official order of the games, in which the Pythia came second, the Isthmia third ; for this may have been due to the circumstance that the Pythia like the Olympia were a pentaeteris. And against this we have to place the tradition that the Isthmia were even older than the Olympia. Grote thought that the foundation of the Isthmia must be placed before 594 B.C., because it is recorded that Solon instituted valuable rewards for Athenians who should win victories at Olympia or on the Isthmus. But any date before 580 is compatible with this circumstance. In the same connexion it is to be observed that the Athenians had a share in the Isthmian sacrifice. Theseus was supposed to have taken part in the legendary foundation of the Isthmia. (3) The first Nemead fell in 573 (01. 51, 4)- The circumstances of this inauguration can only be inferred indirectly. The agonothesia or administration of these games was vested in the citizens of Cleonae. But we cannot ascribe the transformation of local games, which may have been celebrated in the vale of the lion, to the sole, unaided energy of that little city, which never possessed independent political impor- tance, at least since the days before Phidon. Now we know that during the reign of Clisthenes, Cleonae was made subject to Sicyon ; on this fact, vouched for by Plutarch, Curtius has rightly insisted 3 . We know also that Cleonae must have thrown off the yoke of Sicyon before the death of Clisthenes, which probably took place about 565. For Clisthenes would never have consented to the inauguration of the Nemean festival, supposed to have been founded by Adrastus, the hero whose memory he had treated with such marked contumely at Sicyon. The natural conclusion is that Cleonae celebrated her de- liverance from the rule of Sicyon by inaugurating the Nemean aywV. 1 11, 3-0. ascertained — 585. 2 The date of Periander's death is well 3 Curtius, GHechiscke Geschichte, i 5 . 658. APPENDIX D. 251 There was thus a certain element of truth in the theory of Hermann (accepted by Curtius) that the Nemea were instituted in memory of the fall of the Orthagorids. The fall of the Orthagorids had not yet taken place, but an event had happened which marked the decline of the Orthagorid power; and this event led to the institution of the Nemea in 573. But in rebelling against Sicyon and in founding the new games, Cleonae must clearly have been aided by some state stronger than herself. This state can only have been Argos, to which she had been formerly subject, in the "days of Phidon, the despot. Argos and Sicyon were rivals. The power of Argos had waned since the death of Phidon; the power of Sicyon had waxed under the rule of Clisthenes. This tyrant had shown his hatred for the Dorian spirit rudely enough in his renaming of the Dorian tribes, and for Argos especially by his treatment of the memory of Adrastus. We may be sure that the liberation of Cleonae was wrought with the help and countenance of Argos, and that the Argives were deeply interested in that event. It is certainly in accordance with the historical probabilities of the case that the city of Hera should have promoted the new inauguration, on a grand scale, of the festival associated with Cleonae, and that the Nemean aywv o-Te^aviVr/s should have been first celebrated under the Argive shield. But a record which has been fortunately preserved leaves us in little doubt that this is the true combination. Eusebius states that the Argives usurped the conduct of the Nemean games in the 53rd Olympiad (567 B.C.). That the men of Cleonae were the presidents in the days of Pindar we know from passages in his Odes ; but they did not retain this prerogative permanently, for Strabo 1 speaks of the sacred grove iv <t) kou t<x Ne/xea avvrektlv e#os tchs 'Apyctots. Eusebius had got hold of a fact, but he distorted it. His statement really proves the close connexion of Argos with the Nemean games in the earliest stage of their history. We may infer that the Cleonaeans administered the agon under the patronage of Argos. But there is no reason to suppose that Argos and Cleonae quarrelled for the presidency, like the men of Pisa and Elis. This is confirmed by the argument, which Grote adduced to overthrow the statement of Eusebius, and which really supports a modified acceptance of it. Grote acutely observes that in the Tenth Nemean Ode (not really a Nemean) in honour of the Argive Theaeus, the Nemean prizes gained by ancestors of the victor are called 'prizes received from Cleonaean men,' and that if there had been a 1 Bk. vin. 377. Pausanias II. 15. belonged to Corinth (see introductory Holm, Gr. Geschichtc, 1. 291. In later scholia on the Nemean Odes of Pindar), times the agonothesia seems to have 252 APPENDIX D. standing dispute between Argos and Cleonae on the subject of the administration of the games, such a designation would have been conspicuously unhappy. The question touching the successors of Phidon who ruled at Argos is obscure, but it is perfectly certain that in the sixth century the government was carried on by kings or despots who had inherited the traditions and ambitions, though not the power, of the great tyrant of the seventh century. Herodotus mentions among the suitors of Agariste, Leocedes son of Phidon of Argos. This statement has caused great perplexity. A son of the great Phidon could hardly have been a suitor for the hand of Agariste, nor is it likely that any Argive prince would have appeared for such a purpose at the court of Clisthenes. It seems clear that there is a chronological mistake. In order to make the visitors of Clisthenes completely representative of Hellas, Herodotus (or rather his authority) introduced an Argive prince who really lived in the preceding century. This is a more simple ex- planation than to assume a second Phidon, confounded by Herodotus with the more famous despot of the same name. I shall have some- thing more to say on the Phidon question presently; but it appears that we cannot attempt to identify the sovereign who governed Argos m 573- ^ i s however quite enough for the present purpose to establish that the Nemean games were celebrated in 573 under the auspices of an Argive ruler. The feast recurred every second year 1 , in summer, and the victors were crowned with fresh parsley. But in connexion with the Nemea a further question arises to which we shall have to return presently. Was the event of 573 a new foun- dation or a revival? Is it possible that an dywv o-Te^ai'm/s was celebrated at Nemea before Cleonae passed under the power of Sicyon, and that Clisthenes suppressed it, in accordance with the rest of his policy? It will be convenient to reserve this problem for a later stage in our discussion. Before proceeding to consider whether any conclusion can be drawn 1 Scaliger started the idea of summer tememeen,' xxxvn. 524 sqq.) showed and winter Nemea celebrated alternately, convincingly that the winter Nemea were basing his view on two passages in Tail- a late institution (in imperial times) ; and sanias, where winter Nemea are men- also proved that the month Panemos, on tinned (n. 15, 1 and VI. 16, 4). In this the 1 8th of which the summer Nemea he was followed by Boeckh, Hermann, were celebrated, corresponds (not to Schomann {Or. Alterthiimer, II. 68), Metageitnion, as Boeckh thought, nor but Unger in two important papers in to Boedromion, as Hermann held but) rhilologus ('Die zeit der nemeischen to I Iecatombaeon. Thus the Nemea spiele,' xxxiv. 50 sqq., and 'Die win- fell in July. APPENDIX D. 253 as to the origin of the most ancient and august of all the agonistic festivals, I would direct attention for a moment to the Panathenaea at Athens. The foundation of the Great Panathenaea as a pentaeterid, on the model of the Olympia and Pythia, belongs to the second half of the sixth century and was due to Pisistratus. Gymnic games had been introduced at Athens in 566 B.C., six years before the elevation of Pisis- tratus, but this tyrant was the first to establish in his city games of Panhellenic fame and importance. It is strange that Pisistratus did not constitute this contest an aywv o-Te^avtVr;?. In that case, the Panathenaea would probably have ranked with the four great agonistic festivals of Greece. Thus all the states of Hellas, which were ever first-rate powers in those early times, founded Panhellenic festivals, — with two remarkable exceptions ; Sparta in the Peloponnese and Thebes in northern Greece, the two great cities where, in that period, the tyrannis was never introduced. The Isthmia, the Pythia, the Nemea, the Great Pana- thenaea were all established under the influence or auspices of despots. Thus the theory put forward by Hermann, rejected by Grote, and revived by E. Curtius, that the games, at least the Nemea and Isthmia, were a demonstration against the tyrantiis, is so far from being true that it exactly reverses the truth. Hermann thought that the Isthmia celebrated the fall of the Cypselids, the Nemea the fall of the Orthagorids ; that the Spartans had taken a leading part in pulling down both these ruling houses ; and that Sparta's influence was active in promoting the institution of the agones. The chronological data alone suffice to refute this theory. The hypothesis that Sparta intervened has no foundation; the hypothesis that she helped to found the festivals is contrary to all a priori probability. No Panhellenic agon was likely to be inaugurated through the influence of that state ; it was notorious that the games on the Eurotas were never thrown open to the rest of Hellas; and the sole exception which Sparta made in favour of the Olympia was due to a political necessity. The Greek agones were truly the visible memorial of the beneficent effects of the tyrannis. (4) If these considerations are just, an important principle has been established, and it remains to consider whether the Olympian games form an exception to that principle. In examining this question we must disregard the chronology of the Olympian register which was compiled about 400 B.C. by Hippias of Elis on uncertain data 1 . In a 1 The words of Plutarch (JVuma, cap. xp&ov* ^a-Kpt^Sxrai x a ^ e7r ° v tcrrt, teal 1) are highly significant: toi>$ /xif ovv /.cdXicrra rovs ex tup '0\v/mtti.ovi,ku!v 254 APPENDIX D. remarkable paper which appeared nine years ago in the Journal oj Hellenic Studies (vol. ii.) Mr Mahaffy disputed the authenticity of the Olympian register, bringing forward arguments which have never been answered, and which to me appear cogent. The arrange- ment of events in the eighth century from 776 downwards was a construction of the fancy and ingenuity of Hippias, based on a priori considerations; and the reckoning by Olympiads did not come into general use until the 3rd century B.C. 1 . It was always a tendency of the Greek mind to assign an imaginary antiquity to the events of their ancient history. Some accounts place Phidon of Argos in the ninth century 2 : most modern historians have followed the statements which place him in the eighth ; but it has been shown beyond reasonable doubt that he really lived in the middle of the seventh 3 . This is an instance of the tendency to push back events into an earlier epoch. It may be affirmed with certainty that Greek chronology begins for us in the seventh century ; and it is probable that almost all the historical events which, according to the Register, took place in the first twenty Olympiads, really belong to the following generations. This is not the place to enter into the vexed question about Phidon's date, but as the most recent German historians, Busolt, Holm and Duncker, have declared themselves for the old date in opposition to the view first propounded by Weissenborn and made current by the approval of K. F. Hermann and Ernst Curtius, it is necessary to say a few words on the subject. As I cannot profess faith in the early Olympiads, I am not going to contend with Weissenborn that there is a mistake in the text of Pausanias and that in the passage where he speaks of Phidon at Olympia, we should read the 28th for the 8th Olympiad 4 . It would be hazardous in my opinion to suppose that dvayofjiivovs, w tt)v dv ay pacpijv otyi 285,' Die allgemeine Benutzungder Olym- (pa<TLi> 'l-rnriav eKdovvai rbv 'HXeioi' an piaden fur die griechische Chronologie ovdevbs 6p/ju!)/j.evov dvayxaiov ivpbs ist aber viel spater, besonders durch iriariv. Two points strike one here. den Historiker Timaios von Tauromenion (1) Plutarch is not proving any theory of im dritten Jahrh. v. Chr. gebrauchlich his own, and therefore his scepticism in geworden.' respect to the early Olympiads is not 2 The Tarian Marble, biassed. (2) There seems little doubt :; Weissenborn, Hellen (Jena 1844). that he echoes the censure of some much This date is accepted by E. Curtius older critic, perhaps of a contemporary (668 — 660 B.C.), I. 656, but rejected by of Hippias. The register of Hippias Duncker and Busolt (after linger) and can hardly have passed unchallenged at by Mr Evelyn Abbott. the time of its publication. * vi. 2?, 2. 1 So Holm, Griechische Gesckichte, I. APPENDIX D. 255 Pausanias knew the right date. I shall confine myself to three remarks. (1) The placement of Phidon in the eighth century (770—744, nearly) was not due to any positive knowledge derived from records, but was determined by the calculation that he was the tenth from the semi- mythical Temenus. (2) According to Ephorus 1 , silver coinage was introduced into Greece by Phidon. There seems no reason to question the truth of the record, and here one may judge the champion of Phidon's early date out of his own mouth. Unger is supposed by those who hold to the eighth century to have decided the whole question by his elaborate arguments in Philologus 2 . Now Unger speaks of Ephorus with the utmost respect as ' eine autoritat ersten ranges auf dem gebiete der alteren hellenischen geschichte.' There is therefore on his own showing no reason to doubt the record of Ephorus. Now all the best authorities on numismatics are agreed that money was not coined in Greece until the beginning of the seventh century 3 . It follows that Phidon cannot have lived so early as 770—745. (3) One of Weissenborn's arguments for the later date of Phidon was that Leocedes, Phidon's son, appears at the marriage of Agariste in Herodotus 4 . The argument, as Weissenborn puts it, is worthless, and his opponents easily upset it, pointing out that the marriage of Agariste is romance (perhaps Herodotus derived his account of it from a poem) and adding that in any case, even with the later date, Phidon's son could hardly have been a suitor of Agariste 5 . But Leocedes supplies us with an argument notwithstanding. If Phidon lived in the first half of the eighth century, as Busolt and Holm believe, it is perfectly incredible that Herodotus (or the sixth century poet from whom he drew the story) would have made him the father of a contemporary of Clisthenes. The discrepancy would have been too great and too obvious. If on the other hand he lived in the first half of the seventh century and was perhaps really the grandfather of Leocedes, 1 Strabo vni. 376 (and 358). See also as 'ein keineswegs zuverlassiger Zeuge,' Marm. Par. Ep. 30. although in the same breath he accepts 2 B. xxvni. and XXIX. the conclusions of Unger, in whose 3 See Holm, Gr. Gesch. 1. 256 'die arguments the statements of Ephorus griindlichsten Forscher sind sich gegen- play a conspicuous part (see Busolt, Gr. w'artig dariiber einig, dass man sie nicht Gesch. pp. 143, 144). wohl vor 700 setzen kann' (and Ilultsch 4 Herodotus vi. 127. therefore places Phidon in the seventh 5 So Holm, I. 256 'Aber erstens hat century). Money was doubtless coined die Geschichte von den Freiern der in Lydia first, but there is no reason to Agariste keinen Werth als Grundlage question the statement that Phidon first chronologischer Forschungen, und zvvei- introduced minting in Greece. Busolt tens ware fur den Vater einer dieser however rejects it and speaks of Ephorus Freier Ol. 28 noch zu friih.' 25 6 APPENDIX D. the apparition of 'the son of Phidon ' at the court of Sicyon about 570 is less startling. We can understand Herodotus passing over the difficulty in this case without comment. Herodotus was in a position to have quite as trustworthy information touching the date of Phidon as either Hippias of Elis or Pausanias, and if he had been taught that Phidon lived two hundred years before Clisthenes he would not have omitted to call attention to the glaring chronological inaccuracy in the tale which he tells about the suitors of Agariste. The revision of chronology — to which the first step was taken by the recognition of Phidon's true date — will clearly affect the received view touching the foundation or revival of the Olympian festival in the eighth century. If we look merely at the probabilities of the matter, it is not easy to believe that any great Panhellenic institution was founded in the eighth century. We may readily grant that there were local games connected with the worship of Zeus on the banks of the Alpheus as early as 776; but the received view that 776 meant for the Olympia anything like what 586 meant for the Pythia, is, I submit, incredible ; and even the cautious Duncker makes an admis- sion which if logically carried out confirms my position. ' The Spartans,' he says, 'relying on their close connexion with Elis now [end of seventh century] adopted a legend which ascribed the institution of the common sacrifice at Olympia to Lycurgus and IphitusV Thus the foundation of Iphitus is as legendary as that of Heracles or those of Oxylus and the other mythical heroes to whom revivals of the Olympia are ascribed by Pausanias 2 . Now it appears to me of the highest significance that the first historical personage (in the strict sense of the term historical — the personality of ' Lycurgus ' is doubtful) whose name has been associated with the Olympian games is the despot Phidon of Argos. In the eighth Olympiad, according to the text of Pausanias (in the twenty-eighth according to the emendation which some accept) Phidon espoused the cause of Pisa against Elis, and the Olympian games were celebrated under his presidency. The Argive power was at this time at its height. When we reflect that the personal names which Greek writers connect with the administration of the festival in days earlier than Phidon, are all mythical like Heracles or semi-mythical like Iphitus, it seems a legitimate historical inference that Phidon did for the Olympia what one of his successors did for the Nemea, what Clisthenes did for the Pythia, and Periander for the Isthmia. 1 11. ■246. 2 v. 8. APPENDIX D. 257 There are special considerations which confirm this view. (1) It is recognised that Phidon fixed the length of the stadion, the Olympic race-course'. This seems to point to a complete remodelling of old local games at Pisa. (2) If Phidon established the Olympic agon, we have at once a definite explanation of the legend that Heracles was the original founder. For Phidon, in pursuing the policy of expanding the Argive power, posed as the successor of Heracles. He professed to be reconquering lands and cities which had been subdued of old by the great Dorian hero 2 . Thus the mythical con- nexion of Heracles with the Olympian games accords with the theory that Phidon was the original agonothete. It may be added that, as Duncker properly points out, ' the worship of Heracles was an addition and not a very early one 3 .' This is shown by the statement of Pausanias that ' Iphitus persuaded the Eleans to sacrifice to Heracles, for the Eleans before deemed Heracles their enemy 1 .' This was the Elean way of putting it. According to my guess it was Phidon who did what the Eleans attributed to Iphitus. In this connexion the conjecture that Heraclea, a town five miles west of Olympia, may have been founded by Phidon is noticeable 5 . The oldest building discovered by the German excavations at Olympia is the temple of Hera, which, according to Pausanias 6 , was built by men of Skillus about 8 years after the beginning of the reign of Oxylus in Elis. The archaeologists agree that the remains point to an earlier date than the oldest temple at Selinus ; this brings us to 630 B.C. as a minor limit. Greek architecture was not slow in developing, and it would hardly be sober to assert that the Heraeum was necessarily older than 660. Some omniscient Germans would fix the date at 1000 B.C., but few will be bold enough to venture without a light into the ages before ' Homer.' It might be a safer guess that Phidon had something to do with the Heraeum which men of Skillus built, and that the cult of Hera came across to Olympia from Argos, her own special city, in the middle of the seventh century. It certainly seems to me impossible that the Olympian games, as a 1 Duncker, 11. 245. dort nicht einmal ein Temenos gehabt zii 2 Strabo, VIII. 358. haben scheint [the Italics are mine], und :i II. 252. Holm, Gr. Gesch. I. 284; der wohl erst spiit als (minder des Festes 'Da Pelops der Ahnherr der durch die betrachtet word en 1st.' But Holm's Herakliden verdrangten Fiirsten eines ' spiit ' is too early. grossen Theiles des Peloponnes war, 4 v. 4. muss audi in Olympia sein Kultus alter 8 Duncker, II. 252. gewesen sein als der des Herakles, der i; v. 16, 1. B. 17 258 APPENDIX D. Panhellenic festival, should have been started without the influence, money and enterprise of a great power. And from the origins of the other great ayaJve?, we are perhaps justified in inferring that, in all probability, the Olympia too were inaugurated by a 'tyrant.' It is clear that the only possible tyrant who could have been associated with their institution was the first and perhaps the greatest of all, — the earliest pioneer of Panhellenism, the Argive Phidon. This is the a priori argu- ment, and perhaps it is not too much to say that it is supported by the scanty evidence of the records. Phidon, I repeat, is the first historical person associated with the Olympian agon ; and Phidon identified his exploits with the career of Heracles, to whom the institution of the Olympia was attributed. Such a work was thoroughly worthy of the enlightened policy and manifold activity of the Argive despot, of whose acts indeed we know far too little. It would hardly have been achieved by any man of less note. And it certainly would not have been either achieved or conceived in an earlier period. Curtius justly observed that what is recorded of Phidon ' passt nur in das siebente Jahrhundert v. Chr." I feel convinced that the same remark is true of the institution of Panhellenic games. It is not difficult to discern the general outline of the early history of the Olympia. Perhaps in the year 668 B.C., perhaps earlier, perhaps later, Pisa became dependent on Argos, which then, under the guidance of Phidon, was pushing her power towards the west of the Pelopon- nesus. It is probable that Pisa had been before subject to her Elean neighbours, and that she gladly exchanged dependence on Elis for dependence on more distant Argos. Struck by the situation of the Altis — and of this there will be more to say presently — Phidon conceived the idea of elevating the local games, which were cele- brated there, into a Panhellenic agon, and, while the men of Pisa were permitted to enjoy the privilege of the agonothesia (owreAeti/ tov aywi/a), the festival was celebrated under Argive auspices and started with Argive money. So it continued in the 'days of Phidon and until the power of Argos declined. Then the jealous men of Elis, when Argos no longer held them in check, hastened to share or usurp the privilege of their weaker neighbours, and were cordially supported by Sparta, which was always interested in opposing Argive influence. The tradition which recorded the existence of the Olympia in the eighth century is a simple consequence of its history in the seventh. It was the cue of the Elean usurpers to base their act of might on a plea of right, and they pretended that they had been the agonothetes in 1 Griechische Geschichte, i. 656. APPENDIX D. 259 olden times, and were only recovering a privilege of which Argos had forcibly deprived them. It need hardly be remarked that such an invention was thoroughly characteristic of Greeks. The Elean kings, Oxylus and Iphitus, were brought into connexion with the agon ; while at the same time the associations with Heracles, initiated by Phidon, were not discarded. The struggle between Pisa and Elis for the agonothesia in the seventh century was represented as the continuation of a struggle which had taken place in the eighth, and thus it was made to appear that the claims of Elis reached into remote antiquity. The connexion of Lycurgus with the Elean king was merely a reflexion of the bond between the Spartans and Eleans in the last years of the seventh century. There is a further consideration which may be adduced in favour of the guess propounded in the foregoing pages as to the origin of the Olympia. It has been observed 1 as a somewhat curious fact that the games of the Olympic agon present no likeness to the contests described in the 23rd Book of the Iliad. One might have expected that the Greeks, who had such a profound reverence for Homer, would have framed their athletic contests on the Homeric model. Mr Mahaffy has pointed out to me that if, according to the view put forward in these pages, the Greek games of historic times were the creation of the iyrannis, the anomaly is explained. The Homeric contests were only intended for the nobles ; whereas the tyrants were not concerned to promote the interests of the nobles who were their political foes, but, on the contrary, the interests of the demos. The sports of Olympia were designed to be open to every Greek, whether of noble or of vulgar birth ; and therefore the agon of Homer could be no model for the agon instituted by Phidon and copied by his imitators. Chariot races were only for noble competitors, and it is significant that the early contests at Olympia, according to our Greek authorities, were foot-races. In the days of Pindar the Sicilian kings and nobles were frequent competitors at the Olympic games, and it may well strike us that Olympia was a remarkably convenient centre for a Panhellenic festival, as far as Sicily was concerned. Situated near the coast of Greece, facing the island of the west, the Altis seemed to invite the lords of Syracuse and Acragas to cross the Ionian iropo% and contend for olive leaves on the banks of the Alpheus. If it was merely by accident that the most important festival of Greece was celebrated on a spot whose geo- graphical position rendered it so admirably suited to be a connecting link with western Greece beyond the seas, it was by an accident 1 By Mr Mahaffy, op. cit. 17 — 2 26o APPENDIX D. which certainly had important results. The games at Pisa were frequented by the Sicilian and Italian Greeks. Thus the Olympian celebration was adapted, through geographical circumstances, to promote intercourse between the Peloponnesus and the West, whereas it did not tend, in the same measure, to encourage communication with the East 1 . Of the ten treasure houses at Olympia, which we know of, five belonged to Sicilian and Italian towns. That this was the result of an accident I can hardly believe. I would maintain that it was the result of design. The man who conceived the idea of the Olympian a'yojv crTc^ai/tVv/s and inaugu- rated one of the most remarkable and permanent institutions of the Hellenic world, was not likely to be blind to the geographical aspect of the place which he selected ; nor could he have failed to consider the political bearings of his choice. We may be sure that Phidon of Argos was wide awake to the probable results of a Panhellenic festival near the western shores of the Peloponnesus ; and that those results harmonized with the rest of his policy. The choice of Olympia was plainly the choice of a man whose eyes were turned to the west rather than to the east ; and if it can be shown that Phidon had reasons for desiring to promote intercourse with Sicily, it is clear that this will be an additional confirmation of the view urged in the foregoing pages, that Phidon was the founder of the Olympian games. The great object of Phidon's policy was to promote free traffic and intercourse among the Greeks, in opposition to the narrow Dorian principles so obstinately upheld at Sparta. Curtius has brought out this feature in words which are worth quoting : ' Statt der Concentration im Binnenlande die Richtung auf das Meer, statt der Trennung der Stande Vermischung und Ausgleichung, statt des Abschlusses gegen aussen freier Verkehr, und dieser Verkehr wird nun in demselben Grade erleichtert wie Lykurg ihn erschwert hatte.' Such was the program of Phidon, and such the motive of his most famous measures. ' To facilitate the traffic between the opposite coasts of the archipelago was the essential aim of his legislation touching coins and weights.' 1 The westward aspect has of course been noticed by others, and, since writing the remarks in the text, I have found it well stated by Holm (Gr. Gesch. I. 290): 'Schaut doch Olympia, wie mit Recht gesagt worden ist, nach Westen. Nach Western weist der Alpheios, der auf dem sicilischen < (rtygia wieder /.urn Vorschein kommt ; im Westen, in Sicilien, hat die Freude an olympischen Siegen auf den MUnzen mit den Viergespannen einen charakteristischen Ausdruck gefanden. So ist Olympia das vornehmste Band das die westlichen Kolonien an Griechen- land knupfte.' Was all this the result of chance? APPENDIX D. 261 But the cities in the west must have attracted the attention of Phidon as well as the cities in the east. In his time the settle- ments of the Greeks in Sicily had just begun and the colonisation beyond the seas was progressing briskly. I find it hard to believe that the foundations of the Greek cities in Sicily are more ancient than the seventh century. It is difficult to give any credence to the chronology which Thucydides derived from the history of Antiochus of Syracuse, for all the dates depend on a preconceived numerical system l , and were clearly invented for the purpose of exalting the age of Syracuse. The antiquity of his native city was one of the great vanities of every Greek ; and therefore, as Antiochus was a Syracusan, we are compelled to be distrustful. I strongly suspect that in the earlier part of his history, Antiochus was as little trustworthy as Hajek for the history of Bohemia, or the ' nameless scribe ' of king Bela for the doings of his Magyar forefathers. But as the work of Antiochus is lost, there is no chance here for a Palacky or a Roesler. We may regard it as highly probable that Archias of Corinth laid the foundations of Syracuse in the seventh century, and it seems likely that he was a contemporary of Phidon. Archias, like Phidon, was said to be the tenth from Temenus 2 , and perhaps we may accept the synchronism, as long as it does not commit us to a definite date. However this may be, — whether Phidon was actually acquainted with the founder of Syracuse or not, — the conclusion that Phidon, when he chose Olympia for the dyo)v o-Tc^a- ra-rys, had his eyes on Sicily, is thoroughly in harmony with all that we know of the aims of his policy. He doubtless regarded also other western islands nearer home. We may well suppose that the enemy 1 Cf. the remarks of Mr Mahaffy, The Olympic Register in Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. II. p. 124. It is to be observed that the sources of Antiochus were confessedly oral; see Busolt, Gr. Gesch. 1. 224. Dionysius Hal., Arch. I. 12, quotes Antiochus' own words about his history of Italy, 'Avrioxos aevo<pdveos rade o~vveypa\pe irepl 'iTaXlrjs eK rwv \6yuv to. ■Kiurora.Ta. ko.1 ua^iaraTa. k.t.\. Thus the credibility of Antiochus depends on the validity of his conception of to ttkttov. For his Sicilian history, from Kokalos king of the Sicanians to 424 B.C., see Diodorus xil. 71.— Of Hippys of Rhegium, who wrote on Si- cilian affairs shortly before Antiochus, we know nothing. 2 See Ephorus, fr. 15.— The relations of Phidon with Corinth are obscure. It has been inferred from some statements that Corinth was dependent on Argos in his reign (Busolt, Gr. Gesch ichte I. 68). For the tale of Abron and Phidon's death see Plutarch, Am. Narr. 2 (for Actaeon and Archias, see Diodorus vm. 7). — In Philologus XXVIII. Unger discusses Phidon's connexion with Corinth, and argues that what is recorded of this con- nexion does not square with 668 B.C. This is true, but only on the assumption that 734 is the date of Archias. 262 APPENDIX D. of the Corinthian aristocracy took an interest in Corcyra, which was then disputing the naval supremacy of her mother city (664 ?). This effect of Sicilian colonisation on the origin of the Olympian aywv is of course a theory which does not admit of proof by docu- mentary evidence. But a curious legend has survived which may be invoked in support of this theory. Just as the story that Heracles founded the Olympian Games really supports the view that Phidon was the true founder, so the strange fable of Alpheus travelling under the sea to Ortygia points to an early historical link between Olympia and Syracuse, and even suggests some more definite con- nexion than a political design in the brain of Phidon. It suggests at least that Sicilians were formally invited by the founder to take part in the first celebrations of the Olympian panegyris. But we cannot draw any conclusions as to early relations between Syracuse and Olympia (or Arcadia) from that obscure passage in Pindar's Sixth Olympian Ode, where Agesias is called a o-vvoiKLo-njp of the Sicilian city : y8cD//.u> tc fiavreiio Tcuu'as Atos iv Ilicra (TVVOLKMTTTqp TC TO.V kXcIVCIV "2,VpaKO(T(Ta.V. Before we take leave of Phidon there is another question which must be briefly touched on. There is a passage in Strabo which seems to show that the Olympian was not the only agon founded by him. Strabo professes to speak on the authority of Ephorus : 7rpos toutois (<&ei8tora) eiriOiaOat kou tol<; v<j> 'HpaxXeovs atpefleurais TroXecrL kcu tous aywvas d^iovv TifleVcu olvtov ovs cKetvos ZOrjKe' tov'tojv Bk etVCU TOV 'OXv/A7TiaKOV . Here the Olympian is mentioned as only one of certain agones, which Phidon, as the successor of Heracles, administered (e0r/Ke). The only other agon in the Peloponnesus which had any associations with Heracles was the Nemean. The Nemea were said to have been founded by Adrastus, and afterwards celebrated by Heracles. Hence we might venture to conjecture that Phidon founded the agon which was conducted by the Cleonaeans, as well as that which was con- ducted by the Pisatans. When Cleonae fell under the power of Sicyon, Clisthenes would not have failed to suppress a festival which was associated with Adrastus and owed its origin to Argos. In this case the year 573 would mark, not the first foundation of the Nemean Games, but their renewal after a temporary disuse. If the conclusion, which I have endeavoured to establish, is well founded, a new feature emerges in the history of the Greek tyrannis. ' 11k. viii. 358. APPENDIX D. 263 (1) Phidon, the founder of the tyrannis, is also the founder of the earliest Panhellenic games, the Olympia. (2) Periander ' der System- atiker der Tyrannis ' institutes the Isthmia. (3) Clisthenes, the despot of Sicyon, initiates or promotes the institution of the Pythia by the Delphic amphictyony. (4) The Nemea, whether originally founded by Phidon or not, owed their first historical importance to an unknown ruler of Argos, who plays the same part in relation to Cleonae that Phidon had played in relation to Pisa. (5) Pisistratus, the last of the great tyrants of Greece's early period, institutes the quadriennial Pan- athenaea, clearly in imitation of the Olympia and Pythia. Thus the history of the origin of the great Games has more than a merely external bearing on Pindar and his Epinician Odes. The poet of this Panhellenic institution was filled with the spirit of Pan- hellenism (or should we say Panhellenedom, and reserve Panhellenism for the coming of Alexander?), and he was a friend and admirer of the potentates who preserved the traditions of the tyrannis, no longer indeed in old Greece, but in Sicily and Cyrene. In the anecdote that Alexander the Great spared the house of Pindar from the destruction which befel Thebes, we may see a deeper meaning than admiration for the memory of a great poet. For when we take a wide view of Greek history, we must recognise that Alexander of Macedon was the true successor of Phidon, Periander, Pisistratus and Pericles. Pericles, who, though not a tyrant, really carried on the policy of the Pisistratids, made Athens the school of Hellas ; the work of Alexander was to make Hellas the school of the world. In Pindar the Macedo- nian conqueror might well have recognised a tt/oo^^'t^? of Hellenedom in a really wide sense, — one who looked beyond the needs and interests of a single city, and who, while he glorified the Dorian hero, Heracles 1 , was far from sharing that Dorian spirit of exclusiveness which animated Sparta. We might say that Pindar exalted Heracles from a Dorian to an Hellenic ideal. 1 Wilamowitz-Moellendorff (Euripides' hat er es wenigstens nicht sein wollen, Herakles, 1. 165) writes: 'Pindaros ist und da sein name ausser auf Thera auch clem herzen und dem glauben nach ein in Ephesos widerkehrt, so war sein hlut Boeoter gewesen ; aber der abkunft nach wol wirklich Kadmeisches. ' INDEX. I. GREEK. aftoari 152 <*/V J 133 dyaXp.a 152, 211 dydvwp 177 dyXata 12, 178 dyXaodpovos 197 dyXaonapTTOs 56 dyXaoKpavos 56 dypav 60 dYwi/ xdXKeos 202 ddeX<pe6s 128 d5ue7r?}s 10 d&aos 221 diOpodiKCLS 25 At'Sws 165, 178 ai'erds (emblem of Aeacids) 43, 60, 85, in. 231 Alfioves 74 altreivos 93 aiea 48, 106 alros 213, 214 aiXMa T as (0i'M&) 179 aiuu (spirilus) 33 d/cd 1 12, 209 dKa/jias dKa,u.ai>Tos, see list of Addenda an [id 53, 76 duovrev 35 dXeOjlujipoTos 154 'AXKifxlSa (110m. ) 1 1 2 d\ua 237 dnjHoXadav 204 a/xirvev/Aa 9 d/x7ro\eiV 144 djit0t 18 (tlat.); 23 (accus.) ; 198 ' AiA<pidpt]s 171, 176 dva(3dXXoiJ.cu 140 duayopefiu (dvepet) 138 dVa^tai 152 dcaxd j'w 211 dv5po5dp.as 163, 172 dfe<o-#cu (<w'aJ'«o"0ai) 30, 35 dveXfodai 136 dVia (quantity) 22 avreivu 154, 155 doidLfios 60 OTrdpxw 73 dn-as 26, 107, 129, 136 direlpdros and dwdpdros I 5 direipoftdxas 71 diro^Xdirro} 137 dwdKei/xai 226 dwpoffiKTOs 226 dv-rop-ai 152, 154, 155, 158 dpape 58, 96, 230 dperd (= manorial of dperd), 239 dpiyvibs 90 dpiueea 56, 230 dppiooios 14 dp/xoj-w 143 dpxa, dpxop.0.1. 1 1 dadfiaivu) 55 darepoird 174 darvvofios 178 drpf/xia 217, 222 drpo7ros 144 at)5d i69sq. auSdeis 170 aiVo's (.va/«<r) 89 ai ! X<* 224 266 INDEX. I. GREEK. d<pap 2 1 o ' Atpaprjridai 2 I 1 ' A(ppo5l<jios 123 'Axaios 137 duTos 33, 87, 227, 228, 229 B j3a.8vKpy]fjivos 180 fiadv/ArJTCi. 55 fiadtj-rredos 48 fiadvaTepvos 177 /Saffrdj'w 151 /3eXos 21 /3tdfw 172 Piaras 183 /3idw 172 /3X- (vowel short before) 151 /3oii/3ot7;$ 74 j3paxvcrL5apos 54 fiptneadai. 220 /3pi0w 53, 152 pp6/Mos 170 7<x\a 60 Y e 35 7e jute 158 ytvirupa 128 OaiSaX^eira 223 AatSdXou fMaxaipa. /,=; Oaivvfxi 1 76 SdlXKlOS 1 1 o dtdopKe 61 oeicos (in Pindar) 172 OeX</>t's 1 13, 235 sqq. Aeii/caXicuf (Aet>s) 48 oexop-ai 33 5r)piao) and drjpio/xai. 224 0ict7rX^KW 143 5ta7rpi/<nos 74 Aids K6p»>0os 144 56/ctjuos 47 8o\o(ppad^s 155 Socei*' 141 5i^ar6s (feni.) 35 E ey/cara- 20 eyK0V7]Ti 51 €K<t>aiVb3 76 &? 59 'EXeiflma 128 eXeX^w 1 74 eXtft/w 89 £Xkw 72, 80, 233 'EXXdwos, Zei/s 90 i\iri8es (/topes and fears) 19 tfi^aivu 226 i/xiredouOevris 143 &» 133 (with accus.); 221 ^Sop (with dat. and gen.) 56, 135 2vtos (instrument) 174 tto X os 74, 80 i^iKpaivu 73, 76 ^7raXro 1 1 1 iwaffKeiv 171 ^Trecrn r 3 f tV^eraTOS 105 ewifiaivo} 49 em/ii^ai (x"P*s) 57-231 ewofiai (uses of) 17 iir6irT7)s 1 70 epeiad/jLtvot (al. epi'ccrd/Liei'oi) 174 fyvos 106, 109, 224 &rxaTos (play on) 203 erepos (untoward) 151 eTTjTV/jLos 137 6t6j 132, 141, 200, 206 iroacre 106 eC nadetv 18 evdvup 36 evduTrvoos 134 ei'ipt''KoX7ros 134 tvpv<j$(.vr]s 57, 89 ei)pw7ros 77 ei'cpopos 202 evwi>vp.o$ 135, 141, 158 '{(ptdpos 8o, 113, 233 i<piw(a 204 fa/uecTjs (meaning of) 57, 69 J-1/76V 143 INDEX. I. GREEK. 267 H "H/3a 128 'Hpa/cX^s (declension of) 49 e OdXap.os 20 0aXe'w 78 ddXos 9; daXepos 27, cf. 239, 240 0<x/jid 13, 15 Oapuvd ^4 Qedpiov 59 deXyw {charm forth) 68 04«.ei> 69 deplirXeKTOS 183 diaaavro 82, 90 Ge'rts (etymology) 90 diyydrw 72 dpaavtxdxa-vos 76 6paavfJ.rjSijs 172 i€pofi7]i>ia 45 iepos i'x^t''S 237 ip.as {caestits) 34 loXas 53 i7nratxAtos 13 (a7T. e/p.) icrr; (tVapi) 79 laoSaifiuv 78 ">>£ 67, 72 'IwXkos 52 KXur6/cap7Toj 77 ko^uj 36 Koif6s 19 koivou) 47 KOfllfa IO8 KOftOS l8l Kopv(pai 4, 13 KOlHpOS I53 Kpayircu 61 Kpavabs 152 /cpaT77<n7r7Tos 169 KpOKWTOS I9 Kpoetaw (quantity) 13, 174 KiAiVSw 154 Kw/j.d£w 37 (with ace); 169 \a£po5 157 XaYxa^w 91 Xarptos 74 Xelptov 123, 141 XevKavdrjS 164, 174 Xei/pos 132 Xt'0os Mouracos 158 Xiirapapirvt; 130 Xitrapos 70, 143 X6>oy 71, 153 X0170S 179 Xt'a 172 Xirypds 154 Atkaiof 207 K Ka/3as 1 1 2 KaK07rotos 155 KavaxySd 152 Kairvos (of envy) 1 5 Kapirbs (ppevwv 200 Kapxd&iov 97 Karapaivo: 50 Kara^oXa 32 Ka.Tidpa.Ktv 70 Kcu'xa 1 70 KtKpip.ivos 68, 103 KeXaSTjTts 66 KeXaii^x^s 213 KXapos 113 KXetw (*X<?os) 48 KXiOeis 69 M p.a.Lofxa.1 46 IxaXaKOXtip 40 p.apyovp.ivov% 174 p.arp6SoKOS 14 1 fidrpus 78 p-axaras (0i>p.6s) 177 p.a^t'Xa«as 126, 144 (see also Addenda) p.eyavxys 223 p-eWn-w 106, 112 pAea (limbs) 21 peXira 112, 236 p;eX£yapvs 46 p.tXLydoviros 223 p.iXi(ppuu 129 fj.iXirop.ai 14 /.uvoivaoj 226 268 INDEX. I. GREEK. ixipipva 58, 59 tyOierat|acrat 95 piyvvpu (in Pindar) 13, 23 plrpa 152 puaarrjp 13 p.ov6\pa<pos 199 Mvppi56i>es 47 pvxfc 107 N Nep^a (vep.0)) 48 vipopai 61 ve6yvios 176 eocros 30 i>ocr<plfa 113 vovpr/vios 72 vwSwos 158 ijwoU' 92 U oi (/bt) 12 WKodev 49 oiVa 156 Oivwva (olvos) 73 6pa8os 109 6pa.Lp.10s 106 'Opr/plSai 32 opdKKapos 1 70 6/x6(/)otTos 155 6/«</>d 204 o^vrepai 240 07rd56s and 07rdj w 46 oVajs 231 6p7d 93 6pd6pai>Tis 24 opKOj/ (vat /xd) 223 Opcrorplaiva 78 orpvviii 19 ocpe'CKu) 33 II irayiws 57 7raXa£a> 154 7ra\dju.»; 2 1 1 7ra\i77Xtc , cr(ros 23, 227 7ra\i'7/v'OTos So wanfiLas 164, 1 76 TrapiroiidXos 204 wavSo^ia 1 2 7rd|aiTo (tV <ppao~L) 57 irapaire'iodai. 203 wapapfLpopai 50 Trapapevopai 222 Trapair\afa 199 wapao-(pa\\u) 224 Trappovos 153 7ra/)7r65ioj 1 79 Trdp<paaLS 154 irarpa 157 7re5ai7di"w 210 7reXe/u'fto 154 IleXadSes 34 IIeXo7r?;i'd5a: 152 7re'Xos 22 irepLffdevqs 48 TrepiareWw 222 irepodos 225 irecpupcrecrdai. 26 7rXa7eVres 1 34 Trvoai {regions of breath} 212 Troiprjv 1 5 1 TTOlI'd 2 7 iro\lapxos 141 7roXw^i'C»' 45 7TOpOS ISO, l82 TTop<pvpeos 224 ttoti crraOpav 104 iroTl(popos 5 1 7r6r/xos dca^ 73, 104 7roTcia 150 7T017S 112 7rpa70S 46 wpacaeLv (agere) 17; (facere?) 169 Trpopds 140 TrpOTT€T1]S II3 7Tp07ToXoS 78 TTpowpewv 142 Trp6a<popos 158 ■n-poarid-qpi {marry) j8 irpoffTptwu) 74 irpoa<pipo3 104 irpocppwv 92 Trpi'Tavera 220 7ru5(reif 2^ I' l'aodyttae^i'S I 7 pawra tirea 32 INDEX. I. GREEK. '69 P^aj 7ropos (6", 180 JHTTT) 26 aidapiras 91 aweipu) (ayXatav) 12, 27 (nripxoiJ-ai 20 <T7rot/« 113, 237 ffTadfJLa, 104 <jTa.dfi.6s 27 crroXos 48 arpi(pu 80 at'^7reipos 129 <xiW7ra£e 92 (rxafw (meanings of) 76 o'XeSoi' 2 1 1 ff X e PV (*") 2 ^> 22 ? T to. kou ra 18 rafiias 237 rid/jitos 224 Te0/x6s 72 reK/J-aipu) 105 rite/map 226 T^KTOVeS (KUlfJLWf) 45 rAetos 201 repays 50 ripua 138 TTjXai'yijs 58 Ttdrjixi (of hymns) 10 TifJi.aXcpe'iv 184 T uypos 156 uWp 137 vntpaXXos 51 uirepeicrat. 158 viripraros 107 L-7TO(7*fa7rTW 91 <I> (paidifios 1(1 (pafxi 51 tpdyyos 161, 180 4>ep<T€(/>o»'a 1 2 (p^pw (?w«) 49 (piKoras [50 (pXauav 2 1 1 <pX£yw 109, 197 tpotviKoaroXos 165, 177 <ppa8a£o) 50 0ua 16 </>i5(Tts 104 <pvTdi<i) (met.) 75 XaX/cecTTjs 13 XaXKOfAiTpas 215 XO-Xkos 188 X^P'S 241 sqq. Xdp«rcrti' 97 Xapp-a 58 XaOfoy 157 Xdpwv (x e fy>) 4° X^ptros 18 1 Xpao/xat 75 X/io/ios 5, 20, 2 1 Xpi'<raXaKaTos 93 Xpt'ffos (symbolic) 78, (i») 140 * i/'ai'w 94 xf/evois 135 xf/evaryjs 92 \f/€(p-qv6s 53, 54 \poXoeis 2 1 1 wyirytos 1 1 o tows 20 "Qpa 150 fi II. ENGLISH. A Acastus 74, 93 Achamae 36 Adrastus 158, 162 sqq., 171 Aegae 93 Aegina 69, 81 ; games at, 96 ; history, 145 Aetna, town, 2, 159, 169 Ageladas 185 Ajax 117, 11 8, 147, 154 Alcimidas 98 sqq. Alcyoneus 71 Alpheus 9 Amphiaraus 162, 164 sqq. Amphitryon 70, 200 Amyclae 216 Arethusa 9 Argos 185 sqq. Aristagoras of Tenedos, 2 16 sqq. Aristoclides of Aegina 38 sqq. Artemis 10 Athens 152 Atlas 34 B Bacchylides, alluded to, 6 Bassidae 100 sqq. Chiron 40, 41, 42, 75 Chromius, see Introductions to Odes i and ix, and Appendix C Cinyras 153 Cleonae 70, 206 Clitor 207 Corinth 107 Cos 71 Creontidas 1 10 Cyprus 73 D Daedalus 75 Deinis 145 sqq. Delphinius (month) 96 Diomede 199 Dioscori 187 E Endais 90 Ephyra 120 Epidaurus (games at) 61, 97 Eriphyle 163, 172 Euphanes 79 Euthymenes 82 sqq. Euxenids 139, 141 Callicles 78 Castor and Pulydeukes 185 sqq. Catana 159 Gadira (Gades) 77 Cigantomachia 26 INDEX. II ENGLISH. 271 II Haemones 74 Hector 179 Helenus 57 Helorus 2, 166, 167 Heracles, in Pindar, 1, 201, 208 Hermes 208 Hesiod 103 Hestia 220 Hiero 6, 162 Hippolyta 74, 92 Hypermnestra 199 Idas 192, 209 Io 198 Iolaus 53 Iolcus 52, 74 Ismenus 174 Korax and Tisias 1 7 Lampon 81, 234 Leuke 63, 73 Lynceus (brother of Idas) 192, 210 Lynceus (husband of Hypermnestra) 200 N Neoptolemus 114, 115, n8sqq. O Oenone (Aegina) 73, 91, 151 Olympia, at Athens, 38 Olympic games, legends of, 1 ; gold sym- bolic of, 2 Ortygia 2, 9 Pamphaes 185 Peleus 52, 74, 81 sqq. Pellene 207 Periclymenus 177 Perseus 198 Philyra 54 Phlegra 26 Phlius 100 Phocus 84 Phorminx 85 Pindar, in Sicily, Appendix C Pisandridae 216 Pleiads, Peleiads, 30, 34 Polytimidas 113 Praxidamas 106 Psamathea 84 Pytheas 8 1 sqq. R Rhea, passage of, 167 M Machaereus 135 Medusa 198 Megara (games at) 61, 96 Megas (Meges) 145 Melanippids 216 Melesias 80, 113, 232 sqq., 235 sqq. Memnon 57 Menander (trainer) 96 Meropes 71 Molossia 134 Mycenae 186 Myrmidons, agora of, 47 Mysteries 160 Salamis 35 Scyrus 119, 134 Sicyon 159, 169, 183, 207 Simonides, alluded to, (\ Soclides 107 Sogenes 1 14 sqq. Sparta 152, 208 Talaus 172 Tegea 207 Telamon 84 Tenedos 216 272 INDEX. II. ENGLISH. Theaeus 185 sqq. Timasarchus 62 sqq. Theandridae 77 Timocritus 63, 69 Thearion 1 14 sqq. Timonous and the Timodemids 29 Thebes 174 Tyndaridae 187 Themis 221 Themistius 96 Therapna 209 U Thero 162 Ulias 202 CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY C. J. CLAY, M.A., & sons, AT THE UNIVERSITY PKKss. A History of the Later Roman Empire from Arcadius to Irene, a.d. 395 — 800. By John B. Bury, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of Trinity College, Dublin. 2 vols. 8vo. 32^. The Edinburgh Review says : "Mr Bury's estimate of the different literary works which come into his history is marked by adequate knowledge and sound critical judgment It only remains, before summing up our subject, to add a few words on Mr Bury's qualifications as an historian. His historical erudition and literary equipment seem to us fairly adequate, and the importance of this remark will be best recognised by those who are aware of the enormous scope of research which the history of the later Roman Empire involves His illustrative matter is, on the whole, ample and correct With regard to Mr Bury's style, the extracts we have had occasion to make from his volumes will suffice to reveal its character. It is almost invariably intelligible, unaffected, and perspicuous A word of praise is also due to Mr Bury's generally shrewd insight into the causes which determine political conjectures and events Summing up our subject, the importance of which has carried us beyond the bounds we at first allotted for its consideration, we can heartily congratulate Mr Bury on the creditable achievement of an arduous but much-needed task. His erudite and carefully executed work has gone far to restore the later Roman Empire to its true position and importance in European history." The Guardian says : " He has thoroughly grasped the great central fact of the world's history, which to so many, to all who talk about 'Greek Emperors' in the eighth century, remains an impenetrable mystery. If Mr Bury will allow us to use King Harry's homely proverb, he has most distinctly 'got the sow by the right ear.' When Mr Bury sees an Emperor he really knows who he is. And to learn so to do would seem to be, next to learning the alphabet, the hardest lesson that anybody can be set to learn. . . . Mr Bury's great merit lies in his wide and bold grasp of oecumen- ical history. Nobody has better taken in the nature of that 'eternal question,' the first stages of which are to be found recorded in the opening chapters of Herodotus, and the latest (as yet) in the morning's news from Armenia or from Crete. There is no need for any one to teach Mr Bury the root of the matter. . . . Mr Bury shows else- where that he has well grasped the cycles of Sicilian history. . . . Mr Bury has some tilings to mend, perhaps some things to learn. But he has thoroughly grasped the true substance and meaning of his vast subject. May he go on and prosper." The Saturday Review says: "Mr Bury is a loyal follower of Mr Freeman, and the main object of his book is to enforce his master's conclusions in detail by exhibiting them in their full application as capable of giving unity to a period which was once abandoned to confusion. . . . Mr Bury's merits are his grasp of the structural methods of history and the copious erudition which a right knowledge of method is sure to call to its equipment. . . . We recognise in Mr Bury a well-equipped student, with a firm grasp upon the essential points of his subject. . . . His volumes are the fruit of diligent and independent work amongst a mass of difficult materials, and will have to be reckoned with by all who follow in his steps. Moreover, Mr Bury shows a commend- able resolve not to accept traditional views as a way out of difficulties. He is the first English writer who has tried to take a really critical view of the characters of Justinian and Theodora, and has seen, without trying to shelve, the difficulties in the way of reconciling the 'Secret History' of Procopius with his 'History of the Gothic War.' . . . But he shows how the Empire, in spite of difficulties on every side, held to its principles, and was capable of infinite readjustment to meet the needs of its position. He has taken a larger view than any previous writer of the lives and characters, the resources and dangers, of the later Emperors. He has followed them into the details of their policy, and has not considered anything undeserving of his attention. Still more, he has done his best to reproduce the life, the art, and the learning of Byzantium. Perhaps his chapters on the literature of the times and his estimates of the authorities whom he follows will have the most enduring influence on English scholars. Anyone who looks into this book will recognise that, in spite of obvious signs of immaturity, Mr Bury has in him the promise of a distinguished future." The Oxford Magazine says: "Mr Bury's solid work — it consists of two stout octavo volumes and iooo pages — is a decided acquisition to our historical library. . . . the great merit of Mr Bury's work is the clearness with which he brings the divergent tendencies of the different centuries, which Gibbon and all his followers represented as one monotonous time of barbarian invasions, theological wrangles, and successful or unsuccessful usurpations of the imperial throne The bright and attractive chapters on literature and on social life, which are scattered among the more solid matter, deserve a word of special praise." The Classical Revietv says: "Mr Bury's volumes are an important and valuable contribution to our knowledge of a period, the history of which has been too much neglected by scholars We conclude, as we began, by commending to the attention of all historical students, but especially of those who may have been chiefly occupied hitherto with the fortune of Athens and the Elder Rome, this careful and patient survey of the history of the Roman Empire during a period which witnessed changes of the most momentous import to the nations of Europe and Asia, the effects of which we are continually feeling in the political controversies of our own day." The Academy says : " This is a most creditable piece of work, and fills a gap in the cycle of English books dealing with the history of the Early Middle Ages Eor the five chapters which deal with the literature of the time we have nothing but praise. They are thorough and sound, without ceasing to be bright and interesting. .... The sections dealing with the social life and manners are equally meritorious, that treating of the rise and development of the Iconoclastic movement is particularly worthy of notice." The Journal of Education says: "Any chapter of the book is enough to give us confidence ; we can feel that we are in the hands of a guide who knows his business, a scholar who is at home in his authorities, and knows how to use them Our total impression of the book is one of intense admiration." MACMILLAN AND CO., LONDON. UIW3 University of California Library Los Angeles This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. i . M jui Hi 519991 Fl 415/ y< w t 2'90 2 3 l-URL )993 J993 1993 D S 1 1995! j J«L. m yi_ CFLfx 5 > (5 ^MAINfl-Jtlv in iwv* n mwo/: ■S/A ) V^ni 1158 00753 0511 <*HIBRARY0/\ « 3 «% CD £• ^OF-CAllFORfe y <?Aav ,\tiEUNIVERS/A ^WE-UNIVERS/a. C ^ III J. k \ ?— • ^ "%J3AINfl-3V\V Bffe J/A ) s o 2*10*, *— ' t a A^-l -&HIBRARYQ? V^/V *0F- ^UIBRARYfl/- qV" ^fOJIWD-JO 5 ^ vvlOSANCElfr.x <Til30NVS01^ "%3AIN()-JW \UIBRARY0y ^»0JITV ; OFCALIF0% 5^ y 0AraiH^ ^ihnv-soi^ *WEUNIVER%. ^lOSANGEl/ ^OFCAI ^mainihw^ ^10S-ANCEL£j> ^E-LIBRARYQ^ ^t-HBRARY^ ^EUNIVER^ ^ V " 4