A Text-Book on Commercial Law, lameiital Principles Govern'mir Bi: - For Try Dge of < 'omnierrial Colleges, High *rvA'Ry ill( ' s ) '\ v SAI.TKK S. ( 'i, \KK, Counsel: " '-uunj's Government. ( 'lass- Book. Handsomely JJOO ]>] Tlnidosi?$Wf Offc(J0fhor|in this volumo has been ! aiply, ami rnmpTtrflVi till prj"' ''P^ 1 ' /"*' ' :lw all'eetintf the onlinary transact i commercial life, in the form of a hoo|s and < 'oinmercial The pla:i of the book is as follows : iort introduction upon the relations of Xatimml finrl State law, ami of constitutional, statute, and common law, it to divided into two parts. Tart I. treats of principles applicable to all kimls of business, in three divi- sions, treat:: Ively of Col ncy and 1'artnei-sliip. with a fourth division emtiracin^ tile subject of Corporations, and a few others 1 in their nature. Cart II takes up in order the most prominent i. -lions, paying chief attention to the subject >d roinmercial Taper, and is to a larffi- extent an application of tnc principles contained in the preceding part. ' n throughout to make it a book practical!] fill, an ijht. understood ami remembered. As subserving n ma.v be called to the followinir features nim.mr in irraded t.\ pe. which .summari/.ii upon the mind tliroiiffh the eye; the summaries of leading table of definitions: the forms of bu-ine-s most frequently met with; ami the frequent use of cxampi . it- s T 1 leading Commercial Codeoet 'nj. m I find tlic work fully iiil:ipic>-l for use in l>uin- -.1 hook, on . points forms, it i- omplete and concUe work (in tin- t J. J. SorilKR, I'rop'r. Uv.-inki-i'. \\"is . Am:. 1. forward inc. l>v < \piv-.-. K. C. SPK.NCF.I!. Trincipal. TIIK i . hy fixM^'lu. 1-JO Clark's Oommei Ml.I.i \ Al.ENTIM-:. I'rincipiilH. MKTKOPOI i merclal Law, llo\VK A I'OWEKS, Prop're, 'oiiuiirrniil I P.I n u; A M, II.K'AVV. Trop're. . a-J. 1882. Mil. I. K.K A DKAKK. Principals. CLARK & MAYNARD, Publishers, New York, A COMMERCIAL ARITHMETIC; DESIGNED FOR Academies, fligl Schools, Counting Rooms and Business Colleges. By JAMES E. THOMSON, LL.D., AUTHOR OF A MATHEMATICAL SERIES. This work Las been prepared with sole reference to a business education in its higher departments. To this end, subjects fully ex- plained in the author's elementary Arithmetic or an equivalent, and with which the student is .supposed to be familiar, are omitted. In thf fundamental rules, many labor-saving methods of operation arc given under the appropriate name " Counting Room Methods." Business forms in great variety are introduced, and their nature and uses explained. The manner of keeping Book Accounts, Averaging Payments, Partnership Settlements, etc., is fully explained and illus- trated. The chapter on the Metric System of Weights and Measures in- cludes all the latest recommendations of the Metric Bureau. The facts and methods, procured from reliable persons who are tJnn'injltli/ versed in their several departments, are authentic business facts, and in accordance with the present usage. KJK ri/tl care has been devoted to the chapter on Stocks and Bonds, and TO Stock Exchange business, which is a full and reliable summary of affairs as now conducted on the New York Stock Exchange. The examples embrace true specimens of daily operations in Wall Street. The chapters on Banking, Clearing Houses, and Custom House business have also been subjected to the most careful scrutiny, as also Life Insurance, Annuities, Sinking Funds, etc. The examples are all new, and have been selected with a special view to their practical application to business, and not as a trial of the mathematical skill of the learner. "It is doubtful whether a man better fitted than Dr. Thomson to write such a book could be found His books, as all wlio arc acquainted with them know, have always leaned strongly toward the prac- tical side of tli-.- subject treated, and when to a work like this he is at home. It is impossible to go into particulars without occupying too much space Suf- say that it is a complete business arithmetic for everybody, Diving all the short ways of computing employed by the well as the general rule- and bu Those of Lower Italy, edited by Mommsen in 1850 : the Sabellian and Oscan, by Huschke in 1856. and the Etruscan and Oscan, by Corssen in 1874. 3 Edited by Ritschl, Mornmsen, Henzen, and others, 1863-74. * Begun by Canina, but soon discontinued ; resumed by the Italian government, under the supervision of Pietro Rosa, in 1871. Overbeck. * Used by Dr Henzen and Jordan, the first part of the first volume of whose work on Roman topography appeared in 1878. * Mommsen, Lange, Schwegler, Clisoii, Rubino, Peter, and Bme. ' Drumauu, Mommsen, and Lauge. * Mommsen, Lange, and Rubiiio. Vl PREFACE. were governed, 1 of the influence of oriental conquests and of Hellenism on the Roman character, 8 of Grecian philosophy and the Roman religion, 3 of the provincial system 4 and the mili- tary organization, 5 of the history of the empire, 6 the revival of the study of philosophy, 7 the influx of oriental forms of wor- ship, the revival of Paganism and the spread of Christianity, In short, all who have busied themselves with the subject are aware how valuable and interesting the contributions to Ro- man history have been, and how few of them have found their way into our school-books on that subject. The aim of the present volume is to treat Roman history in the light of the most recent investigations, and to present the results so far ;is they have been unanimously accepted by scholars in a form suitable for school instruction. The various subjects have been worked up after a careful and critical study of the original as well as the latest and best modern authorities. Besides a general obligation to many works on Roman hi.-fory and antiquities, I am especially in- debted to the published works and the private instruction of Professors Ludwig Lange and Georg Voigt, of the University of Leipsic. Statements have often been substantiated by notes and references to ancient and modern authorities, but the object in these cases was more to suggest the means for additional reading and investigation than to introduce scientific informa- tion. The book has been prepared on the theory that history is something more than mere biography and the records of bat- tles ; that it ought to set forth the connection of events, show- ing how each was the product of what preceded and the cause of what followed ; that it deals with the inner life of the people ; that its aim is, as it were, " to penetrate into the workshop of the national mind and watch the operations 1 Mommsen and Marquardt. * Mommsen and Thne. * Prellcr. 4 Znmpt, Mommsen, Madvii', and others. Rfistow, fMHer, Lange. Marqnardt, an.', others. Walter, Kului, Rudorff. and MoinmseuV edition of the Monnmentmn Ancyrauum, 1865. ' Frit-dlJinder. PREFACE. Vll going on there.'* Hence an unusual amount of space for a book of this kind has been devoted to the study of the inter- nal government, the inner life, the religion, manners and cus- toms, the influence of foreign conquests and foreign religions, the provincial system, the military organization, military roads, etc. The space for this extra matter has been gained without enlarging the book so as to make it unserviceable for school use, by omitting details of battles and sieges and briefly indicating the results a plan that was made possible without detracting from the value of the book, by the use of engrav- ing?, plans and maps. The summaries have been prepared with a great deal of care, and although they have added somewhat to the size of the book, it is hoped that they will be found serviceable. If we leave the summaries, the space occupied by maps, engravings and notes, the chapter on military organization, which Avill be mainly for reference, except for advanced classes, and the chapter on man- ners and customs, out of consideration, the narrative is brought within the moderate compass of three hundred pages. Many interesting topographical details of the ancient city have been introduced, illustrated by maps, modified to cor- respond with what we have learned from the excavations. The whole book is amply illustrated with maps (mostly from Spruner's and Kiepert's Atlases), plans and numerous engrav- ings selected from Becker, Guhl and Koner, and others. The table of contents gives a complete analysis of the whole work. It is so arranged that it suggests topics as well as ques- tions for examination and review, and affords a full chrono- logical index of the whole volume. R R L. BROOKLYN, N. Y., March, 1879. viii LIST OF WORKS ON ROMAN HISTORY. For convenience of reference or for special study of Roman history and antiquities Ihe following list of the best modern authorities is subjoined: Abeken, Life and Letters of Cicero 1864 (Translated by Merivale.) Arnold, History of Rome 1846-1849 (To the Second Panic War.) Brlickiier, Leben d. Ciceros 1852 (Very valuable.) Brycc, J., Holy Roman Empire 1870 (The author has availed himself of the beat German authorities.) Becker, W. A., (Jallu-. or Roman Scenes of the Time of Augustus, with Notes and Excurses illustrative of the manners and m-tom- of the Romans 1847 De Coalmines, The Ancient City ; a Study OB the Religion, L.iws, and Institu- tions of Greece and Home. (Trans, by W. Small : n work of prat value, as giving the view of the ancients of then- own instil tit ions.) 1877 Dnimaitit. VV., Geschichte Roms, 6 vols .1834-44 A biographical history of the Fall of the Republic. (A copious citation of authorities.) Dyer, Kings of Rome 1868 (Written mainly from the old standpoint ; to be used with care.) Foray tit, Life of Cicero 1863 (Popular, but prepared with discrimination and care.) Frledlander, Li., SittengWChlcnte Roms, ;> vols 1873 (Indispensable; it covers the time from Augustus to the last Antoniiie.) Fronde, Caesar, a sketch 1879 Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Empire, 8 vols 1854 Giilil & Kouer, Life of the Greeks and Romans 1874 (Very valuable.) Hultsch, P., Griech. und ROm. Metrologie 1862 (The latest and best.) lime, History of Rome, 3 vols 1871 (This ia a very valuable work, although some of the author's views in regard to the earlv institutions are not accepted.) Jordan, Topographic d. Stadt Rom im Alterthum 1871 (The second volume containing a list of authorities appeared in 1871; the first part of the first volume, in 1877.) Kicpcrt, Atlas Antiquus d-> maps, with index) 1877 bailee , 1, -, Rom. Alterthttmer, 3 vols isrii (The tii si and third volume's \ven- revised in 1870; a new edition of the second volume has not yet appeared. The greatest living representative of the conservative echoolof Roman history.) Lecky, History of European Morals, 2 vols 1877 Lewis, Inquiry into the Credibility of Early Roman History, 2 vols 1855 (Destructive.) Liddell. History of Rome. 1 vol Liniii;, Decline df the Roman Republic, 4 vols ?872 Meri vale , History of the Kmpiru, 8 vols Merivale, (icnenl Hi -lory of Home, 1 vol Middle ton. Life of Cicero, 6 vols Mar<|iiarilt At, MomiiiHcii, Handbuch d. ROm. AlterthfliiHT, G vols 1871 Moimnseii, Roman History, I vols 187i (To the Establishment of the Empire.) " Gcsch. d. ROm. Mumzwesens. (French translation) ISfil " ROm. Forsclitingen, Vol. 1 1864 Niebuhr. History of Rome 1833 (Later researches have modified Niebuhr's theories, still his works are of great value.) Niebuhi-'* Lectures, ed. Schmitz (To the Fall of the Empire) 1870 Pnuly, Ueal-Kneyclopadie d. class. Alterthuinerwissenschaft, 7 vol.- ];*< Peter, C., (icsch. Roms. 3 vols 1871 Rom. Zeit-tafeln Prellcr, ROm. Myttiologit- 1865 Kaiusay, Manua"l of Roman Antiquities 1870 (Not reliable for the early institutions.) Schvregler, ROm. Gesch., 3 vols : continued by Clason 1873 (To the capture of Rome by the (iauls.) Smith, Diet, of Grecian and Roman Antiquities and Biographies 1858 Sprinter, Atlas Antiquus (27 maps) 1874 PAGB Roman Forum restored (Frontispiece). Map of N.Italy 2 Map of Latium Vetus..... 4 Map of Italy: No. 1 6-7 Diagram of the Indo-European Lan- guages 10 Diagram of Races in Italy 12 MapofRome: No. 2 16-17 Cloaca Maxima 17 Suovetaurilia 24 Temple of Vesta 44 Celtic Arms 77 Map of Rome and vicinity 94 Map of Naples and vicinity 98 Sarcophagus of Scipio 101 Plan of Tarentum 104 Via Appia in its present condition Ill Map of Italy: No. 3 112-113 Via Appia near Naples 113 Channel of an Aqueduct 113 Map of Carthage and her dependen- cies 116a Map of thu territory of Syracuse 119 Coiumna Rostrata 122 Map illustrating the H'.yrianWars 130 Route of Hannibal 136 Plan of Cannae 141 Map of t he city of Syracuse 146 Map illustrating the Wars hi the East, 157 Map of Spain ...... 175 Siege of Numantia 178 The Modern Capitol 199 Temple of Concord restored 213 Map of Numidia and the old Province of Africa 217 Map of the East in the times of Milhrl- dates: No. 4 248-249 Pompejus Magnus 867 Marcus Tullius Cicero 288 Temple of Jupiter Capitolinns restored, 300 Gajus Julius Caesar 301 BAG! Map of Gaul In the time of Caesar : No. 5 308-309 Plan of Csesar's Fortifications 309 Map of the Provinces of Gaul 314 Bmndisium 327 Gajus Octavius 345 Map of Italy : No. 6 346-347 Map of the regions of Italy S51 Marcus Antonius . . 351 Tactic Order of the Maniple 369 Slinger, Legionary., Lictor, Knight 371 Order of Battle 373 Order of the Centuries 373 Order of the Cohorts 374 Defensive Order of the Legion 874 Plan of the Camp 376 Plan of Camp in the time of Caesar 377 Plan of the Tents of the Cohorts 379 Catapiilta 881 Ballistic 381 Besieging Tower 380 Engines for Besieging a City 38i Plan of Roman Forum in its present condition 384 Plan of Roman Fornm in the time of the Early Republic 386 The Atrium 387 The Vestibule 388 Plan of a Roman House 390 Cooking Utensils 391 Implements of Writing 402 Tablets for Letters 403 Covering for the Feet 405 The Toga 405 Dress of Women 406 Empress Livla 406 Baths of Caracalla. 408 Racing Chariots 409 Gladiatorial Combat 410 Flavian Amphitheatre In Its present condition 413 GENEALOGICAL TABLE SUMMARIES. PAGE PAGE Theatre of Pompejns restored by Forum of Trajan 460 C'anina 414 Map showing the extent of the Roman Plan of Roman Forum in time of the Empire A. D. 120-170 461 Empire 416 Mole of Hadrian 4(13 Pantheon in its present condition 426 Antoninus Pius 465 Map of Germany 431 Aquedu-.-t Pont du Ganl 405 Mausoleum of Augustus restored 438 Marcus Aurelius 466 Map showing the extent of the Roman Alexander Severn* 481 EmpireA.D.23 439 Ruins of Palmyra 48? Tiberius 440 Map of the Roman Empire in the time Section of the Claudian Aqueduct com- of Diocletian : No 7. .. 486-"< pared with the triple aqueduct of Arch of Constantino 4S7 Agrippa 447 Map of the Roman Empire from the Hero 449 time of Constautine to that of Theo- FlaVian Amphitheatre 454 dosius: No. 8 492-3 Arch of Titus 455 Map of Ganl about A. D. 500 494 Trajan 458 GENEALOGICAL TABLE FAGE Of Demaratns of Corinth 45 Of L. Csecilius Metellus 124 Of Applus Claudius Ceecus. . . 125 Of^Emilius Paulus 140 Of L.Scipio M3 Of M. Porcius Cato Of Tiberius Gracchus 202 OfM:isinis-u 216 Of M. Metelius Calvus 219 OfM Antonius, orator 228 Of L. Licinius Cnissiis, orator 232 OfM. Livius Drusus 231 Of On. Pom pi-jus 252 Of Marcus Tullins Cicero Of A. Claudius Pulcher 306 OfM PorciusC:ito Uticensis... 334 Of M. Antonius, triumvir 343 Of G. Julius Caesar 34(j Of Augustus 434 Of Liv-ia Brasilia 440 Of Bassianus 480 SUMMARIES. PAGE I. The Settlement of the Latins 90-92* n. -Conquest of Italy 114-116a III. First and Second Punic Wars; Wars in Spain, Sicily, Italy, the East and the West 195-1986 IV. Civil DN-'-ii-ii'ii- 361-364* V. First and Second Periods of Imperialism 502-5U List of Magistrates 1166 ANALYSIS. INTRO I3UCTIO3ST. I. Geography of Italy. PAGE ftaly in early times 1 Its divisions 1 I. Northern Italy 1 1. Liguria 3 2. Gallia Cisalpina 3 3. Venetia . 3 n. Centralltaly 3 1. Etruria 3 2. Latium : it* two senses (see note) 3 S.Campania 4 4. Umbria 4 5. Picenum 5 6. Sabini 7. Marsi 9. Paelisjni 10. Vestini I 11. Frentani .... J 12. Samnium 5 III. Southern Italy 5 1. Lucania 5 2. Bruttii (see note) 6 3. Apulia 6 4. Calabria 6 Mountain systems of Italy 6 The Campagna 7 Its fertility 7 River systems of Italy 8 Islands of Italy 8 Position of Italy 8 Its climate 9 Its fertility 9 II. Early Inliatoitants. I. lapyffians 9 IL Italians ,, MM III. Etruscans 9 Italians 9 I.Latins 9 2. Umbro-Sabellians 10 Umbrians 10 Sabini... ] Samnites ! Sabellians 10 Picentes j Etruscans 11 Their name 11 Theircities 11 Their civilization 11 Their influence on the Latins 12 Their origin 12 Unity of the races in Italy 12 I. Foundation of Rome, B. C. 753. Latins 13 Their primitive civilization 13 Their language 13 Comparison of words (note) ....... 13 Latins enter Italy 14 Their social constitution 14 Households 14 Clans 14 Villages 14 Cantons 14 Alba Longa 14 Rome a Latin settlement 14 The Cantons Its location 14 The Palatine city 15 Square Rome 15 Pomerium 15 Sabine city IS Union of the two cities 15 Curia 15 Qnirite* (note) 15 Ri >me the capital of Latium 16 ANALYSia PAGE Theforam 16 Thehills 17 The streets (note) 17 Cloaca Maxima 17 The con i i t ium 17 The rostra 17 The capitol 17 The senate-house 18 Temple of Diana 18 Temple of Jupiter 18 II. Early Government of Route. Form of government 18 Modelled on the household 18 The clan 18 Tribes 18 1. Ramnes 19 2. Titles 19 3. Luceres 19 Theking 19 The senate 19 Comitia curiata 19 Thearmy 20 Patricians SO Clients 20 Slaves.... 21 Plebeians 21 The reform of Tarquinius Priscus 21 The reform of Servius Tullhw 22 Division of Roman territory 22 Clarification of the population 22 Thearmy 22 The census 22 Five classes 22 The armor of the different classes 23 Comitia centuriata 23 Thelegion 23 The chancier of the constitution 24 The Lustrum 24 III. Llvy's History of the Regal Period. Other authorities 25 Early records 25 Oral tradition 25 Origin of Rome 26 Story of Romulus and Remus 26 Rome founded 27 War with the Latins 27 War with the Sabines 28 Union of Romans and Sabines 28 Constitution ascribed to Romulus, 29 PAGE Numa Pompilius ..................... 80 Ancus Marcius ........................ 80 Tarquinius Priscus .................... 30 Servius Tullius ........................ 80 Tarquinius Superbus ................ . . 80 The value of Livy ' narrative ........ 30 Other sources ....................... 81 1. Excavations ................... 31 2. Comparative philology ......... 'A' 3. Physical geography ............. 81 The results ........................... 89 IV. Religion of (lie Roman*. Its general character : three periods '. Worship of Italian deities (Faunus)... Lupcrcalian ft.-ast ................. Various forms of worship ........ Jupiter and Mars ................. Quirinus ....................... . State religion ................... Wor-hi,) of Vesta ................ Jupiter Capitolinus .............. The Colleges of Sacred Lore ...... Second period : Grecian influence ____ Sibylline books ........... ....... Divination ...................... Auspices .......... ............. Art of the haru*pices ............. Other ceremonies ............... The character of the Roman religion . Causes of its decline ...... ............ :a S3 :;4 34 34 35 35 30 37 42 12 43 44 V. Attempts of Tarquinius to Regain I lie Royal Power. The legendary narrative (note) 48 First attempt 41 1 In the first period (from the foundation of the Roman state until the time of Tar- qninius Priscu-0 Italian deities alone were worshipped. The second period extends to nearly the end of the Second Punic War. During this period new forms of worship were introduced; the old patriarchal and priestly character of the constitution gave way before the influence of civilization and intercourse with foreign nations. The third period extended to the time of Augus- tus Durinir this time the state religion lost its hold ou men's minds. ANALYSIS. Xlll PAGE Second attempt 47 Third attempt... 48 Battle of Lake Regillus 48 Credibility of this narrative 49 VI. Establishment of the Republic. B. 0. 5O9. The power (imperium) returns to the fathers 60 Interregnum declared 50 Spurius Lucretius interrex 50 Consuls elected. 50 Publius Valerius 51 Comitia centuriata a legislative assembly 51 Comitia centuriata the army (note) 61 Patrician influence 52 Tributum 52 Popular measures. 52 Vacancies in the senate filled. .. 62 608. Valerian laws 52 First dictator 64 VII. Rich and Poor. Tribunes of the People. Condition of the plebeians ..... . The plebeians oppressed by debt, Patricians and plebeians ........ The con servative element ....... Claudian gens .................. Law of debtor and creditor (note, p. 56) ......... ............... Sufferings of the poor .......... Publicland .................... Right of appeal ................. The object of the plebeians .... The first crisis ................. Its cause ........................ First secession ................. M' Valerius ..................... The sacred mount .............. The lex facrata ............ Tribunes of the plebs ........... Their original powers (note) ---- The first plebiscitum .......... Second plebipcitum ............. Plebeian iPdiles ............... vm. Development of the Power of th Tribune g. Agrarian Agitations. B. C. PAGB 491. The story of Coriolanns ........ 69 TheVolscians .................. 60 The position of the tribunes. ... 60 The public land ................ 60 How managed .................. 61 486. The Agrarian law of 8. Cassius, 62 The three parties in the state ... 62 The policy of the Fabian house, 63 Their slaughter at the Cremera, 63 The Publilian law ..... ........ 63 Its importance (note) ........... 63 Arrogance of Appius Claudius.. f4 Legislation (note) Comitia centuriata.. Comitia curiata ..... Concilium tributum plebis ............. Comitia tributa ..... LeXt scitum, rogatlo^ 471. 64 (note), 64 494. IX. The Decemvirs and the Laws of the Twelve Tables. Efforts of the plebeians to obtain written code of laws 65 The Terentilian Rogation 66 64 Opposition of the patricians 65 54 Violence of Kseso Quinctius 54 (note) 6 64 Herdonius seizes the capitol 55 (note) 65 The Aventine given up to the 55 plebeians 66 66 454. Appointment of the commission- 56 era 67 56 ; They visit Athens 67 57 451. Decemvirs appointed 67 67 The Twelve Tables of Roman 57 Law 67 57 Their character 68 57 45O. Decemvirs re-elected 68 67 Then-tyranny 68 57 449. They continue in office .. 69 68 Murder of Sicinius Dentatus .... 69 68 Death of Virginia 69 68 Second secession 70 58 Resignation of the decemvirs ... 70 50 Valerio-Horatian laws 70 XIV ANALYSIS. 445 440. PAGE Increased powers of the trib- unes 71 Quaestors elected by the people, 71 X. The plebeian opposition. .... 71 The plebeian nobility 72 The Canuleian law.. 72 Military tribunes ' with consular power,' 72 Censors appointed 73 Their duties 73 Spurius Ma'lius 74 421. Qiuestorship opened to the ple- beians 74 XL Wars with Neighboring Nation-,. Sack of Home by the Gauls. Volscians and ^Equians 75 396. Conquest of Veji 75 Pay given to the soldiers 76 Gauls, or Celts '. 76 Their nomadic character ....... 76 They enter Italy 76 39O. Capture of Rome 76 The narrative of Livy ; that of Polybius (note) 77 Distress of the poor 77 Bate of interest 77 484. Death ( f Manlius 78 Further Gallic wars (note) 78 XII. The Equalization of the Orders. Condition of the plebeians 79 376. The Licinian Rotations 79 Opposition of the patridans .... 80 366. Ltefaka Bogatkns adopted ... 80 L. Sextius first plebeian consul, 80 The office of pr.rtor created .... 80 Hi< duties M Meaning of the word pr>f>nliix. . 81 Further progress of the plebe- ian* 81 The Temple of Concord 81 Rot;, 81 3.">6. Fir-l plebeian dictator 81 351. First plebeian censor 81 336. First plebeian pnetor 81 BOO. The Ogrnlnian laws . 81 PAGH Number of pontiffs and augurs increased 81 xm. Continued Agitation. Mutiny of II C. 342. The Puhlilian and Horteitaiun Laws. Political equality 82 Rate of intere-t 342. Mutiny of B. c. 342 82 The Genucian law (note) 82 The plebeians appeiwed 83 339. The Publilian laws 83 Their character 83 The changes effected by 11 laws (note) 83 The Hortensian law-t 84 The character of these laws ... 85 The nobility still,control legisla- tion 85 The plebiscitum Ma>nium (ne'e), 85 XIV. People and Government. The Rise of the .\. \v Nobility. The condition of the people .... 85 Commerce and war 85 Political equality 88 The new nobility 86 The popular as.-emblies 86 Coii.' >in 86 Camilla tributa 86 Con '"in ... 86 Thccitizens 86 The members of the tribes 87 309. Innovation of A. Claudius 87 304. His arranircmcnt reversed by Fubiusand Decius 87 The consular power 87 How weakened 88 The senate 88 Its powers 88 Its members 88 Vacancies 88 Its place of meeting (note). ... 88 How summoned (notel 88 How business was conducted (note) 88 It - original powers 89 Its aristocratic character 89 The general character of the government 89 ANALYSIS. :xv XV. Conquest of Italy. B. C. PAGE TheSamnites 93 Their history 93 The Yer Sacrum (note) 93 The Samnites of the mountains attack Teanum, a city of the Sidicini 95 The Campanians assist the Sidicini 95 They are defeated by the Sam- uites 95 The assistance of Rome is solic- ited 843. Tin- First Sam n itt- War... 05 Success of the Romans 95 3-11. Conclusion of peace 95 340. The revolt of the Latin League, 95 Treaty with the Samnites 95 The battle at Mt. Vesuvius. .. . 9ft Self-sacrifice of Decius (note) ... 96 Capture of Antium 98 338. Conclusion of the war 96 Terms of peace 97 326. The Second Stnnnite War.. 97 Its cause 97 War declared 98 The first period 98 321. The Caudine Forks 99 Success of the Samnites 99 311. War with the Etruscans 99 310. Battle at the Vadimonian Lake, 99 The Samnites defeated 100 304. Peace concluded 100 The results of the war.. 100 298. The Tttird Snniiiitt- War.. 100 Its cause . . 100 An alliance of the Samnites and the Etruscans 101 2*5. The battle of Sentinum 101 The epitaph of Scipio (note) ... 101 G.Pontius taken prisoner. .... 102 29O. The conclusion of peace 102 }M* 1 1* Colonies established 102 283. War with the Gauls and the Etruscans 108 283. Battle of the Vadimonian Lake, 103 War with the Lucanians 103 283. Most of the Greek towns sub- mit 103 Condition of the Italian Greeks, 103 Tarentum 104 Romans assist the Thurinians.. 104 282. Roman fleet attacked by the Tarentines , 104 B. O. l>.\ ' ; K Boman embassy sent to Taren- tum (note) 105 281. Wardeciared 105 The Tareutines apply to Pyr- rhus 105 280. The arrival of Pyrrhus in Italy, 105 Battle of Heraclea 105 Remarks of Pyrrhns on the bat- tle 106 Embassy of Cineas to Rome 106 279. Battle of Ascuhim 106 Alliance of Rome and Carthage, 107 278. Pyrrhus retires to Sicily 107 His arbitrary rule in Sicily 108 276. Returns to Italy 108 274. Battle of Beneventum .-... 108 266. Conquest of Italy ... 108 27* The manner in which Rome ruled her subjects 1C9 The population classified , . 109 I. Roman citizens 109 1. Of the thirty-three tribes, 109 2. Of the Roman colonies . n. Gives sine mffrayio... . 109 m. The allies 110 Colonization .- 110 Military roads Ill AppianWay Ill Flaminian Way Ill ^EmilianWay Ill Aqueducts 1*1 Appian Aqueduct 112 AnioVetus 113 The military system 113 XVI. First Punic War, B. C. 264-241. Carthage 117 Its prosperity .. 117 Its trade 117 Its government 118 Relative strength of Rome and Carthage 118 Conquest of Messana by the Mamertines 119 The Mamertines appeal to Rome, 119 Siege of Messana 120 264. Appius Claudius sent to Mes- sana 190 He defeats the Carthaginians and Syracusans 120 263. Hiero makes peace with Rome, 120 262. Capture of Agrigentum 120 26O. The first Roman fleet ... 121 XVI ANALYSIS. B. C. PAGE 260. Naval victory off Mylse 121 The plan of the campaign 120 256. Invasion of Africa 122 256. Naval victory 123 255. Defeat of Regu lus 123 Destruction of Roman fleet by a storm 123 254. The capture of Panormus 124 25O. The battle at Panormus 124 Embassy of the Carthaginian* toBome 125 Siege of Lilybsetim 125 249. Defeat of Claudius 125 Destruction of the Roman fleet by a storm 126 247. Haoiilcar Barcas appointed gen- eral 126 He takes a position at Mount Eryx 126 241. Battle at the JE-atian Wand*.. 136 Peace with Carthage 127 Terms of the peace 127 XVII. Events between the First and Second Panic Wars. The Pro- vincial System. The Illyriaii Wars. Wars willi the Gnuls. 240-238. War with the Mercenarie- l-r I] The Provincial System 128 238. Sardinia and Corsica a province 128 The praetor 128 It Taxes 128 Hamilcar Burcas goes to Spain 128 229-228. The tirst llhji-i,,,, "'" 128 Its cause 128 229. Queen Tenta compelled to sub- mit 120 JJ Demetrius of Pharos 128 232. The Agrarian law of G Flamin- ius 129 The senate resists the law 129 The Flaminian way 129 225-222. Ti,<- OmUieWar 129 i cause 131 Terror at Rome 1,31 223. The battle of Telamon 1!?1 318. Roman colonies 131 Cremona 1.31 Placentia 131 219. Tin- Srrninl Illi/finn Iftir l:W D mctrins of Pharos 1.32 B. C. PAGE Pharos destroyed 13* Demetrius iln- to Macedonia. .. KtJ xvni. Second Punic War, B.C. 218-2O1. Carthaginian policy I-'!.' The popular party 236. Hamilcur in Spain !:?.< 228. Hasdrubal in Spain ]:;:{ New Carthage founded 138 Rome forms an alliance with 2it Saguntnm 133 221. Death of Hasdrubal 133 219. Hannibal chief commander 133 Siege of Saguntum 133 Its capture 138 Roman embassy 133 War declared 133 Comparative strength of Rome andCarthage 134 Preparations of Hannibal 134 218. He crosses the Ebro 134 His march t<> the Rhone 134 Arrival of Scipio at Ma-silia 135 Hannibal crosses the Rhone ... 135 Scipio sends his brother to Spain 135 Hannibal's route 135 Hi- arrival in Northern Italy. .. 135 Skirmish on the Ticinus 136 Battle at the Trebia 137 217. Hannibal crosses the Apennines 137 The Romans defeated at Lake Trasimenus 137 Great consternation at Rome... 138 Fabius Maximus appointed dic- tator 13s Plans of Hannibal 138 The policy of Fabius 138 The Romans riin 143 Thr Scipios carry on the war with enerzy 144 The battle at Ibera 144 Preparations of the Romans 144 Plan of the war 1 1 } 21 I -21O. II a,- in sir//,/ MO ANALYSIS. xvn B. C. PAGE 212. Capture of Syracuse 145 215-2O6. War in XfHiin 147 llasdrubal forms an alliance with Gala " 147 Defeat of the Romans 147 21O. P. Cornelius Scipio sent to Spain 147 Success of Scipio 148 207. Capture of New Carthage 148 Departure of Hasdrubal 148 206. Conquest of Spain 148 Scipio and Syphax 148 211-206. H'H i- in Itolij 149 2 1 1 The war centres around Capua and Tarentuui 149 Romans recover Capua 149 209. Romans recover Tareutum 149 208. Defeat and death of Marcellus .. 150 Movements of Hasdrubal 150 407. He crosses the Alps 150 March of Nero 151 Rattle of Mi-taunts 151 Defeat and death of Hastiruhal 151 Hannibal retires to Bruttium. . . 151 Scipio elected consul 152 His plan to compel Hannibal to evacuate Italy 152 204. War in Africa 152 Scipio's first successes 153 Efforts for peace 158 202. Hattte itf' Xinna 154 Defeat of Hannibal 154 201. Terms of peace 154 Scipio's triumph 154 Results of the war 155 Roman policy 155 New colonies 155 Military roads 155 XIX. The Conquest of tlie East 214- 146. The condition of the East 156 Macedonia 156 Syria 156 Egypt 156 Free Greek cities 158 Byzantium 158 Cyzieus 158 Rhodes 158 The Achfpnn L*>acrne 158 The jEtolian League 158 B. C. P. 214-205. The first Macedonian n - Acha-an Win-.... 149. Corinth captured and destroyed Cause of its destruction Macedonia a Roman province.. 149-146. Tfie Third J'niiic War Roman policy f$4f' Condition of Carthage 150. War with Masinis=a Rome interferes Determination to destroy Car- thage Siege of Carthaee 146. Its capture and destruction Africa a Roman province The Roman empire Causu of Rome's success Situation of Rome Secondary causes 200-153. Spanish Wars 158 159 159 159 T60 160 160 161 161 161 161 162 162 162 162 168 163 163 163 163 164 164 164 164 165 166 1-X,,,n,iuHn<- Hat:. 177 Its cause 177 Its character 177 134. Scipio sent to S; ain 177 Siege of Numantia 179 133. Destruction of Nuuwntia 179 129. Province of Asia Increase of slavery 179 134-133. Sci-rilt- Hf> The initiative of th" a Curtiie magistracies lsr> External insignia 185 i Noble families 185 j The aim of the nobility 185 | The senate 186 The eqnites 136 The censors 186 The public assemblies 187 The voters 187 Tho rabble 1ST Condition of the people 187 B. C. PAGE The condition of the Italians. .. 187 Influence of foreign conquests, 188 Largei->i> uf corn 188 232. The Agrarian of Flaminiue 188 218. The Claudian law 189 Reform in the order of voting (notel 189 The number of centuries (note) 189 The ballot (note) 189 Cato's efforts for reform . . ... 18!) His early life 189 His habits 189 His service in the army 189 He resists the appeal of the Op- pian law 190 Prosecution of the two Seipios, 190 195. Censorship of Cato 191 His parsimony (n. 4) 191 The general character of the government 191 Its stability 192 The decline of the government gradual 192 Hellenic influences 292 The character of the Greeks . . 192 Luxury 192 Immorality 192 Indolence 192 Literature 192 Cato's opposition 192 Justness of Cato's opposition . . 192 Philosophy and religion 193 Epicurean philosophy 193 New Academy 193 Stoic philosophy 193 Compromise between philoso- 193 phy and religion 193 The ne.xv stat' 1 ivlii_ r ion 193 The " Scipionic " circle 193 Oriental forms of worship 193 Laws of repression 193 They become domesticated in 193 Italy 1C8 Slave labor 193 Farming on a large scale 194 The importation of corn 194 Price of corn (note) 194 The importation of corn com- pelled farming on a large scale to be abandoned 194 The Claudian law 194 Its effect 194 Roman merchants 194 The tendency of legislation 194 Moneyed aristocracy 194 ANALYSIS. XIX XXI. Th Gracchi, B. C. 133-121. B.o. 1*9 137 133. 129. 126. 125. i23. PAGE The condition of the state 199 The necessity for reform 200 The government controlled by the nohility 201 The aim of the nobility (note).. 201 The decrease in the population (note) 201 Tiberius Gracchus 201 His connections 202 Quaestor in Spain 202 His alienation from the oligar- chy 202 His measures for reform 202 Opposition of the landowners.. 203 Deposition of Octavius 203 The law enacted and commis- sioners appointed 204 Efforts to re-elect G. Tiberius . . 205 Murder of Tiberius 205 Death of Scipio 206 Expulsion of the allies from Rome 207 Revolt of Fragellse 208 G. Gracchus elected tribune. . . 208 His legislation 209 Largesses of corn 209 Change in the mode of taxa- tion in the provinces 209 Extension of the Agrarian law 210 Soldiers equipped at public expense 210 The judicial power transferred to knights 210 Limitation of the power of the senate 21Q Gajus re-elected tribune 211 He proposes to confer the fran- chise on the Latins 211 Reaction against his laws 211 Drusus outbids Gajus for the popular favor 211 Gajus declines in popularity. . . 212 His death 213 XXII. Rule of the Oligarchy. ' fft The Agrarian law not enforced, 214 Corruption of the government, 215 118. Troubles *n Numidia 216 122. B. 0. fa PAGE 117. Jugurtha usurps the govera- //y ment... 217 111. The Romans declare war 217 Jugurtha bribes the consul 218 Treaty 218 Indignation at Rome 218 110. Renewal of the war 218 1 09. Metellus defeats Jugurtha 219 Rise of Marios 219 108. Elected consul 22C The people give him the com- mand in Africa 221 107. He arrives in Africa 221 106. Jugurtha defeated and taken prisoner 221 Ihe condition of the provinces at the north 221 Incompetency of the Roman government 222 The Cimbri and Teutones 228 105. Battle of Arausio 222 , 1 04j^Marius re-elected consul 222 1 02.T 1 he Tentones defeated 223 101. The Cimbri defeated 224 The condition at home 225 Social distress 225 Slavery 225 The people look to Marins to remedy the evils 226 He is no politician He falls under the control of demagogues 227 100. The laws of Saturninus 227 f Reaction against Mari us 229 Saturninus put to death 229 QS Evidences of decline in the 03 state 229 Superstition 230 How the oligarchy governed the allies 231 The wrongs of the allies 231 The senate and equestrian order, 238 91 . The tribunate of Drusus 233 His measures for reform 234 His death 235 90. The revolt of the allies 235 They organize a new govern- ment 236 The first year of the war 237 90. The Romans make concessions, 237 The lex Julia 237 89. The lex Plautia Papiria 27 The Varian prosecutions 238 The allies lay down their arms, 239 The conditions of peace . . 239 ANALYSIS. 88. 87. 86. 120. 88. 8T. 86. 85. 84. 83. 82. 82. 81. f* 79. 78. PAGE The financial crisis 240 Dispute between Mantis and Sulla for the command in ibe East 241 Marius courts the favor of the allies 241 The Sulpician laws 212 Sulla goes to Koine to prevent thr pas-age of these laws 242 Sulpicius put to death 243 Marius Hies from Koine 243 Sulla's legislation 243 The wanderings of Marius 244 The Marian party regain powv Marius return> to Rome 245 The proscription of the nobles, 245 The seventh cousul.-hip of Ma- rius 246 His death 246 Valerius Flaccus consul 246 The condition of the East --'47 Accession of Mithridates. ... . 247 His plans of comitie- 1 *. . 2-17 His disputes with the Romans. . 24 s He invades Asia 248 Massacre of Romans and Ital- ians 249 Greece declares in favor of Mith- ridates 249 Sulla lands in Greece 249 Lays siege to Athens 250 Victory at. ChiL-ronea 250 Victory at Orcuomenus 250 TVrin-. of peace $X> Fimbria sent to supersede Sulla. 250 Death of Fimbria 251 Sulla returns to Italy Cm-dies the Marian party 252 Battle of C'liiMuin 253 Battle with the Samnitfs. 253 Sulla returns to Rome 254 Proscription 251 The rule of the senate restored. 25G Sulla dictator UN reforms in the constitution, 257 Tribunes deprived of power . 257 The fea- (innali* enforced 257 The number of pnetors ;uid <|U;e-tor- i IK T vi -I'd 257 Tin- -enate The popular a-seinbii,.* 258 The pi- 258 The judicial system 258 i MS the dictatorship 260 His death 260 79 72. 73 71. . 7*^ 7** PA The rule of the oligarchy grow- more scandalous ............. 2Ci Condition of Italy and the prov- inces ...................... 261 Increase of luxury ............. 261 The opposition ............... Iii-urrection of Lepidu.- ........ 202 Condition in Spain ............. 263 , The war with Sertorius ........ 263 Death of Sertoriu- ............. :y,i EDd of the war in Spain ....... 264 War with the gladiators . . . *;t Success of Spartac us .......... 265 His defeat and death ........... 266 Pompejus cuts to pieces a body of gladiators ................. 266 70. XXI IL Fall of 'the Oligarchy, B. C. 70. The popular party ............ 267 Pouipcjus and Crassus elected consuls ......... .......... 268 The powers of the tribunes re- stored ...................... 269 The rule of the oligarchy in the provinces ............. ..... 269 The abuses .................... 270 Verres . . . : .................... 270 Hi- -cam ialou- exaction^ ...... 270 His trial ...................... 271 The Aurelian law . ............ 271 The jurymen to be selected from the senators, knights and tribuni itrarii .......... 271 The popularity of Ponipcjus . . . v'72 The condition of Roman affairs, 272 The pirates ....... ............ 273 The Gabinian law .............. 273 Pompejus ends the war ........ 275 Roman power in the East ...... 275 Smnxl Mitln-iilntic tl'n r . . -^l\ Defeat of Murcna ............ 27fi Thi t-if Mitln-hldtic Mi r ... 276 Preparations of Mnrena ....... 276 Mithridates l>i-i. _'!- Cyxicns. .. 277 His defeat .................. 277 He retires to Armenia ........ 277 Lncullus settle^ the affairs of Asia ......................... 278 Unpopularity of Lncnllus ..... yfe 69. Battle of TisrannceHn ........ 27S 67. Mithridatos returns to Pontus.. 278 83. 82. 7 \. 74. ?A 1. ANALYSIS. XXI B. 0. PAGE Mutiny in the army of Lucnilus, 279 The command given to Glabrio, 280 66. The Manilian law 280 It is opposed by the oligarchy, 280 Pompejus appointed comman- der in the Mithridatic war 281 Defeat of Mithridates 281 Mithritlates retreats to the Cim- merian Bosporus 281 Pompejus pursues him 281 85, He returns to Pontus 281 64. He makes Syria a Roman prov- ince 282 He takes Jerusalem 282 Phoenicia and Palestine subdued 282 63. Death of Mithridates 283 Settlement of the East 283 Pompejus returns to Italy 283 XXIV. Internal History During Pompe- jns' Absence. Condition of Italy 283 Contests of parties 284 History of Catiline 284 His career 285 First conspiracy 285 Its failure 285 He lays his plant, more carefully, 285 s/'<-l Coim/iirticij 285 Consulship of Cicero 286 His birth 287 His education 288 His speech for P. Quintius .... 289 He studies at Athens 289 Impeachment of Verres 290 Cicero's political consistency. . . 291 Cicero, consul 291 His defence of Rabirius 292 Catiline prepares for war 293 First Catiliuian oration 294 Catiline quits Rome 293 The conspirators arrested 295 The conspirators condemned. . . 296 Efforts to implicate Crassus 296 65. 4*. 63. 106 81. 79. 63. The conspirators executed 297 62. Defeat and death of Catiline ... 298 The position of Cicero 298 Pompejus reruns to Italy 299 Position of parries 299 61 . Triumph of Pompejus 300 Rise of C*sar 301 102. His birth ..302 B. C. I-.M. K His early history 802 68. Quaestor 302 65. He restores the trophies of Ma- rius 303 Caesar, the greatest man of an- tiquity 303 61. Csesar propraetor in Spain ... 303 60. He returns to Rome and effects a coalition with Pompejus and Crassus 304 60. First consulship of Csesar 304 The Agrarian law Pompejus' acts in the East rati- fled 304 9l The equites gained over 304 5 8 . Caesar uses P. Clodius to humble the aristocracy 305 58. Clodins' legislation 306 58. Banishment of Cicero and Cato, 307 XXV. Conquest of the West,* B. C. 58-51. Condition of Gaul 308 Its civilization 308 Its climate 808 Roman merchants 308 Massilia, the centre of trade . . . 308 58. The first Ca.nipiilijn 309 Defeat of the Helvetians 309 War with Ariovistus 309 5 7. Second Campaign 310 The Belgic war 310 The Nervii defeated 310 56. Third Cantpaif/n 310 War with the Veneti 310 Great naval victory 310 The Morini defeated 310 55. Fourth Cfinr/ifiit/n 310 Invasion of Germany 310 Invasion of Britain 310 The effect of these victories in Rome 310 54. Fifth Cnmiin iijn 311 Revolt in Gaul 311 53. Sixth <' HI j>'i if/ii 311 The Eburones subdued 311 52. Seventh ('nin/miifit 311 The Gauls revolt again 312 Vercingetorix 312 Siege of Alesia 313 Caesar victorious 313 51. EiyhtU Campaign 318 XX11 ANALYSIS. B. C. PACK The Gauls submit 313 The Gauls conciliated 313 Organization of Gaul 313 Provinces 314 XXVI. Rule Of the Triumvir* Anarchy in the capital 315 57. Cicero's recall from exile 316 56. The triumvirate renewed 316 55. Pompejus and Crassus consuls, 317 Pompejus leans toward the sen- _ ate 31 ' T Crassus proconsul in Syria 318 53. His defeat and death 319 The aristocracy oppose Milo to Clodius 320 52. Death of Clodius 320 Pompejus sole consul 321 Trial of Milo 322 Pompejus allies himself with the aristocracy 322 His measures 822 Caesar's position 323 His action in Gaul 320 Pompejus precipitates a rup- ture 324 SO. The action of the senate 324 49. Caesar ordered to pive up his province 326 49. He crosses the Rubicon and com- mences civil war 825 xxvn. Great Civil War, B.C. 49-46. The legality of Ciesar's course.. 325 Cicero's efforts for peace 326 49. Caesar at Ariminuin 327 Caesar at Corfinium 327 Pompejus flees from Rome 828 Caesar has control of Italy 328 Caesar's return to Rome 328 He goes to Spain 328 Battle of Ilerda 328 Caesar dictator 339 Resources of the Pompeians ... 3 48. Caesar cro-si^ t.> Greece 330 Battle of Dyrrhachiiiir 330 Caesar retreats . 330 Htittii- ami Cassius 349 Thi-ir proceedings in the East.. 349 The action of Brutus 349 The triumvirs proceed to Greece 350 42. lidttlt- of l'/iilij>t>i 330 Defeat and death of Brutus and Cassiua 350 The republicans take refuge with Sextus Pompejus 351 Division of the Roman world. . . 351 Antonius and Cleopatra. 351 Octavius in Italy 353 41. Confusion in Italy 352 40. Treaty of Brundisium .... 352 New partition of the Roman world 352 39. The triumvirs treat with 8. Pom- pejus 353 38. The treaty of Tarentum 353 36. Sextus Pompejus defeated 353 The fall of Lepidus 354 Octavius in Italy 354 His prudent measures 354 His ministers 354 Antonius and the East 355 35. He invades Parthia 355 34. He invades Armenia 355 His infatuation with Cleopatra. . 356 The popularity of Octavius 356 He subdues the Dalmatians, Sa- lassi, and Pannonians 357 He rebuilds and beautifiVs Rome 357 33. Rupture between Octavius and Autonius 357 War declared against Egypt 357 31. Ktittleof Actiiim 358 Flight of Antonius 358 30. Suicide of Antonius 359 Suicide of Cleopatra 360 Octavins sole ruler 360 Egypt a Roman province 360 29. Triumph of Octavius 360 XXIX. The Military Organization. The military power 305 The legion 365 B. c. PAGE First Period 365 llastati 367 J*rincipes 367 Triarii 367 The equestrian order 367 The army in B. c. 840 36? The army in the time of Poly- bius 368 The tactic order 368 Offensive and defensive weapons 37C The Second I'ei-luU 370 Reduction of the census 371 The legion ia the time of Marias 371 The legion in the time of Cse^ar 372 Order of battle 373 The pay of the army 374 The equipments 374 The System of I'Jncaiiij)- tucnt 375 First period 375 ThPG uard of the Camp 877 The camp in the time of Ciesar 378 The tents 378 The camp in the time of the empire 379 Military I'.ngines 379 The besioging tower 380 The catapulta 380 The ballista 380 Manner of besieging a city 383 Manner of defence 383 XXX. Manners and Customs, Education, Private and Domestic Life. The city of Rome 385 Its streets 385 Its buildings 385 The forum 386 Roman houses 387 How constructed 387 Their interior 387 Theatrium 387 Changes Furniture 389 Wall-painting 389 Mirrors, dinner couches, etc . 389 Carpets 390 Plan of a Roman house 390 Method of warming 391 Furnaces 391 Cooking utensils 391 Method of lighting 892 xx n A N A I Meals Food Courses 393 Delicacies 393 Table usage 394 The Roman family .V.M Names 393 Marriage 3'.)5 Different forms 3% Ceremonies 396 The bride 390 Children 397 Medical men 397 Trades 398 Painting at Pompeii 399 Nine guilds 399 Implements of trade 399 Education 399 Schools 399 Teachers were .-laves 400 Greek literature * 400 Course of instruction 400 Methods of teaching 401 Holidays and punishments... 401 Implements of writing 401 Letter-writing 403 Stylus 403 Ink 403 Parchment, ivory, etc 403 Address 404 Dress of men 404 Covering for the feet 405 Ornaments 408 Dress for women 406 Baths 407 Baths of Caracalla 408 Games of the circus 408 Gladiatorial games 409 The origin 409 Schools of gladiators 411 How advertised 411 Amphitheatre' 411 Origin of the word 411 How constructed 411 The Flavian amphitheatre 412 The theatre 413 Dramatic entertainments 413 Beginning of the theatre 413 First regular plays 413 First Roman theatre 41:' The theatre of Pompejus . 414 Funerals 114 Funeral procession 415 The funeral oration 415 Cremation , . 4TB XXXI. The Empire Established by Au- gustus, B.C. 31 to A. D. 14. B. C. PAOE The policy of Augustus 417 !! proe 'Is cautiously 417 Hi- .-.\.-;.'in of administration .. 418 He disguises his rule under re- publican forms 418 The senate: its i: ... 419 The; emperor's artful policy ... 419 29. Augustus made president of the senate 419 The provinces 419 Tit.'es and powers conferred upon Augustus 420 Imperator ( , impe- rivm conferred B. c. 30) .... 420 Augustus 420 23. The tribunitian power 421 The aristocracy humbled 423 The policy of Augustus com- pared with that of C;e-ar 433 Augustus restores order Military roads 4S5 Commerce 426 The imperial city 426 The aristocracy 427 The equestrian order The people 428 Number of poor citizens 428 Largesses of corn 428 Population of Rome 428 The provincial senate 429 The army, where stationed 429 - The fleet 429 ** Militai-if 117. Accession of Hadrian 460 j He gives up the conquest* of Trajan 460 His travels 462 His buildings 462 Roman colony of *Elia Capito- Una. 468 Hadrian, emperor of the Roman world 464 XXXVL 4ge of the Antontnes. Prosperity of the I.uipire, A. D. 138-192. 138. Accession of Antoninus Pius.. . 464 His long and peaceful reign .... 465 Justin Martyr 465 161. Accession of Marcus Aurelius .. 466 His character 466 The barbarians 466 Aurelins adopts Verus 466 The plague 466 The frontier 467 Orphan schools founded 467 The prosperity of the empire. .. 467 180. Death of Aurelius 467 XXXVII. Internal Condition of the Empire. Symptoms of Decline. The prosperity of the empire. . . 468 Its boundaries 468 The barbarians 468 Symptoms of decline 468 The invasion of the Marco- manni 468 General prosperity 468 Causes ol decline 469 Luxury: meaning of the word. . 469 Its meaning changes 469 Amount of wealth in the Roman world 469 Great fortunes compared with those of modern times 469 The stories of Suetonius 470 They givean exasperated idea of the luxury prevailintrin Rome 470 Rich families and their incomes 470 The standard of luxury 470 Varro and Pliny 470 The standixiint from which they view their own age l~0 Pliny's idea of luxury 470 A D. PAGE Friedlander's opinion 470 Pliny depicts the prosperity of the empire 471 Causes of decline 471 Lack of industry 471 Idleness 471 Extent to which it can be safely carried 472 Gibbon's estimate -17^ Gap bet ween i he rich and poor . 472 Decrease of population Decrease of population in Cae- sar's time 472 Measures introduced by Auyu-- tus to check it 473 The cause of this decrease in population 473 The long series of w;ir>. .. . The importation of grain can farming to be abandoned 473 Slave labor 473 Disappearance of free laborer- . . 4T4 Exposition of children 471 Infanticide 474 The people practice no trades .. 474 The depression of the 'higher classes 471 The barbarians 473 Settled within the empire 475 The influence of civilization on them 475 Tin- plague 475 Philosophy 475 Religion 475 Worship 475 Christianity 475 All creeds and forms of worship allowed at Rome 473 IVr-ecution of the Christians. . . 476 Its cause 477 Infidelity 47f xxxvm. Period of Transition. A. D 180- 284. 180-284. The first period of imperial- ism 475 Character of the government 4T* The revolutionary age . . 478 The soldiery 478 Reforms . 478 lSO-19'2. Commouus emperor . . 479 Hiscruelty .479 ANALYSIS. XXV11 A. D. PAGE Is assassinated 479 193. Pertinax 4T9 Murdered by the praetorians 47!) Empire sold at auction 479 193. Julianus buys it 479 Revolt of the armies on the frontiers 479 193-211. 8. Severus emperor 480 His severe rule 480 The pr:i'torians disbanded 480 His campaign against the Par- thians 480 He visits Britain, dies at York. . 480 211-212. Geta 480 212-217. Caracalla 480 Cruelties of Caracalla 480 Murders his brother 480 Puts to death Papinian 480 Citizenship conferred on all free subjects.. : 480 217-218. Macrinus 481 218-222. Elagabalue, sun priest. . . 481 Disappearance of literature 481 222-235. Alexander Severus 481 His efforts to control the legions 481 Death of Ulpian 481 Dio Cassius, the historian 481 The emperor killed in a mutiny 481 235-238. Maximin 481 238-238. Gordian I., emperor 481 Gordian II., emperor ... 481 238-238. Papienus Maxim-is 481 Balbinus 481 238-244. Gordian m 481 244-249. Phillip, emperor, celebrates the thousandth anniversary of Rome 481 249-251. Decins emperor 481 Persecutes the Christians 481 251-254. Gallus emperor 482 253-253. ^Emilian emperor 482 253-26O. Valerian emperor ... 482 253-268. Gallienus 483 Revolt in different provinces. .. 482 Age of the Thirty Tyrants 482 Weakness of the empire 482 468-27O. Claudius II. emperor .... 482 Campaign against the Persians. 482 27O-275. Aurelian emperor 482 Surrounds Rome with a \vall . . . 482 Gives Daciaup to the Goths 482 The barbarians (note) 482 The tribes on the Rhine and the Danube (note) 482 Agri decumates (note) 482 I A. D. PAGE Invasion of Italy (note) 482 The Franks ; the Goths (note). . 482 The rise of the Persian mon- archy 482 Captures and destroys Palmyra. 484 Longinns, the critic 484 275-276. Tacitus emperor 484 276-276. Florian emperor 484 276-282. Probus emperor 484 282-283. Cams emperor 484 Carinus emperor 484 283-284. Numerianus emperor 484 XXXIX. Second Period of Imperialism. 2 8 4-3 O5. Diocletian emperor 484 2 8 6- 3 O 5. Maximian 484 3O5-306. Constantius 1 484 A new phase in imperialism 484 The military power 486 The army recruited from the barbarians 485 The tendency of the empire to break into fragments 485 Antagonism between the East and West 485 Changes made by Diocletian . . . 485 He divides the empire with Maximian 486 Subdivided with two Caesars. . . 486 Diocletian reigns over the East (note) ... 486 Maximian reigns over Italy and Africa 486 Constantius defends the Rhenish frontier 486 Galerius defends the Danubian frontier 486 Oppressive system of taxation . . 486 The price of articles of food (note) 487 Diocletian abdicates 487 Contest for the empire 487 305-311. Galerius 487 306-337. Constantinel 487 307-323. Licinins 487 Series of bloody wars 487 324-337. Constantine sole emperor, 488 He completes the revolution be- gun by Diocletian 488 Separation of the civil and mili- tary power 488 The people 888 The provinces ; how governed, 488 XXV111 ANALYSIS. \. D. PAGE The military power i- H .< The uew capital 488 Taxation 489 The army The organization of the court . . 489 Christianity l^.i Eusebius The pretended vision of Con- stantino I'.n 313. The edict of Milan 490 Arian heresy 490 323. The council at Nicsea 490 The character of Constantine . . 490 The result of his reforms 490 XL. Gradual Dissolution of the Em- pire. The fit-union of the East uuil the West. 337-84O. Constantine n 491 337-361. Constantly II 491 33T-35O. Constant 491 Series of bloody wars 491 Constantius sole emperor 491 361-363. Julian 491 His apostacy from Christianity, 491 His administration 491 Ili-i campaign in the East 491 363-364. Jovian 491 364-375. ValontinianI 491 The Huns appear in Europe 492 The Goths cross the Danube . . . 492 375-383. Oratian emperor 383-392. Yalentinian II . 4.2 394-395. Theodosiu- I appointed to rule the East 40-2 395-1*43. Honorius emperor of the West I! 1-2 Division of the empire . .. ... I!U The Goths defeated by Stilicho, -ill:! Fall of Stilicho 1 1 0. Sack of Rome by Alaric ... 412. Foundation of the West Gothic kingdom 493 Britain separated from the em- pire 49:i 4'43-l'i.V Theodo-ius IT em-N'ror .. 403 435-455. Valentinian III emperor, 493 The Vandai* 493 452. The \l\\n< defeated at Chalon-.. 194 \ ', :, . Sack of Rome by the VandaN I'.tl 1 5 .*> - I ." ." Maximu< 49 1 455- 1 5C. Avitus emperor 4ft* A. D. PACK He is dethroned by Ricimer 457--162 Majorian made eiiipi ror by Ricimer ................. . . 495 462- 167- 174- 4 7:*- 471- 475- 472. 476. 465. 172. 172. 17 4. 175. 476. Severn* ............. Anthemius ____ ......... 4;C, Glycerins .............. Xf])o- ................. 495 Romulus Angtii-tiilns.. Orestes succeeds Ricimer as pa- trician ..................... OdMoer depoM* .AugMtrihu . . . 495 Zfiio, tin- Eastern emperor, con- fers the Italian provinces on Odoacer ................... 49*. Reunion of the Ea>t and We.-t . . 4% Results that sprung from this reunion ..................... 496 XLI. Internal History. Fall of DM AV<-seril Empire. (. lirisl iaiiity. The Western empire ........... 400 The imperial government ..... 49ii Tlie barbarians ............... 497 Dismemberment of the empire, 497 The fall of the empire .......... 497 The cau-e ................... 497 The barbarians overrun and tie Italy nnd the provinces ____ 497 Character of the barbarians 498 Their civilization ............... 498 Chivalry .................... 4! Romance .................. The Romance languages ........ 499 Their origin ................... 499 Philosophy and religion ........ 500 Greek philosophy .............. 600 Eastern forms of worship ..... 500 Process of elimination ........ 500 The result of the comparison of religions ................... 600 Sim-worship ................... ROO Paganism ...................... 500 It- revival ............ ........ 500 ianity .................. 501 Per-eciition of the Christians. .. 501 ;utinn churches (note).. 501 Sunday and Sabbath (note) LIST OF ROMAN PROVINCES IN A.D. 117. TO MABQUABDT.) Vide Map, pp. 492-3. XXIX Hair nf Aiyuirition. Aih/nnistration. Div,sion.',f tktte Province* A.D.4M, 1. SlCILIA 3. SARDINIA BT CORSICA 3. HISPASIA TARBACONENSIS OR B.C. 241 B.C. 231 B.C. 197 Senatorial Senatorial, later Im- perial. 1. Sicilia. j 2. Sardinia. | 3. Corsica. 4. Tarraconensis. 5. Carthageniensis. 6. Galleecia et Asturia. 7. Insuhe Baleares. 8. Baetlca, to which belong 9. Tingitana. 10. Lusitania. (jcvtt Gallic Provinces.) 11. Lugdunensls I. 12. Lugdunensis II. 13. Lugdunensls III. 14. Lugdunensis Senonla. 15. Belglca I. 16. Belglca II. 17. Germania I. 18. Gennnnia II. 19. Maxima Sequanorum. 20. Alpes Grajas et Poenins. 21. Viennensis. 22. Aquitanica I. 23. Aquitauica II. 24. Novempopulana. 25. Narbonensis I. 26. Narbonensis II. [ 27. Alpes Maritimae. (28. Maxima Caesariensli. 29. Flavia Cajsariensls. 30. Britannia I. 31. Britannia II. 32. Valentla. j 33. Rhetia I. j 34. Rhietia II. )35. Nnricum Mediterraneum. 36. Noricum Ripene. {37. Pannonla I. 38. Pannonia II. 39. Savia. 40. Valeria. ( 41. Dalmatia. j 42. Pru-valitana. (43. Mcesia I. 44. Dacia Ripensls. 45. Dacia Mediterranea. 46. Dardania. 1 47. Mcesia II ) , [48. Sc-vthia ^nned to Thrace Given up by Aurelian (A.D. 270-275). 49. Europa. 50. Thracla. 51. Hscmimontm. 52. Rhodope. {53. .Macedonia I. 54. Macedonia II. 55. Theaalia. 56. Epirns Nova. 57. Achaja. 4. BAKTICA OK HISPAMA ULTE- B.C. 197 Separated from Hisp. Ulterior B.C. 27 .. B.C. 120 Conquered in B.C. 50; reduced to Pro- vinces A.D. 17. A.D. 17. A.D. 17. A.D. 14. 6. GALLIA NABBOXKNSIS In B.C. 27 Impe- *| rial ; siuce B.C. 22 Senatorial, inperial. niperinl. mperial. | mperial. mperial. mperial. inperial. J Imperial Imperial 11. GEBMAMA INFERIOR Under Nero. In 2d century. A.D. 43 B.C. 15 B C. 15 15 BRITANNIA 16. RH.ETIA ' A.D. 10; divided under Trajan .... Between B.C. 167 and B.C. 59. B.C. 29 ; divided under Domitmn . . AD 107 Imperial. . . Senatorial.after B.C. 11 Imperial. 19. PANNONIA INFERIOR ) 20. ILLTRICUM, later DALMATIA. . 11. Mcy.SIA SUPERIOR ) 22. Mice); Gallia Cispadana, i. e., Gaul on this (the Roman) side of the Po. " Interesting on account of the remains of an amphitheatre, which are in a good state of preservation. 1 Those towns were mostly Roman colonies. While the country remained in the possession of the Gauls it was almost wholly without cities. See colored map No. 1. 5 Latinm Vefm, or ancient Latium. See map, p. 4. 6 Lati'im niiji f! mil. or Latinm after the territory of these tribes was added to it. ' Latini Pj-isci. For a list of the thirty Latin cities see map, p. 94. TIN: GEOGRAPHY OF ITALY. 3. Campania extended along the roast from the river Liris on the north to the Silarus on the south, and was hounded on the south and east by Samnium and Lucania. The soil was ex- ceedingly fertile, 1 " the landscape beautiful, the climate mild, and the 'harbors excellent The numerous thermal springs in the neighborhood of Bajne 2 (Jiaja\ Puteoli 3 (Ft zziioli), and Xcapnlis (Naples), gave it an additional attraction to the wealthy classes, who crowded its shores with their villas. Capua,' the capital, was situated in the midst of a plain of great fertility and beauty. 4 4. Umbria extended along the Adriatic from the river Ru- bicon to the river .ZBsis, and was separated from Etruria by the 1 Hence call' fe&X. ' Horace t Fp I.. S.V oay: " Xothin" in the world can be compared with the lovely bay of Baj.T." Of the numerous bath" and villa-, whose foundations were often thrown far into the s<>a. nothing hut mere frairnr-!i!- t< mains. 1 The pozzolana earth from which n cement is manufactured derives its name from Pozznoli. Piiteoli was at one time the chief commercial city in Italy, and the principal depot for The vast traffic with the East. AS many as 10.000 slaves were sometimes landed here in one days : see map. p. 98. It was within the borders of Campania that Pompeji and Hercnlanenm were situ- ated. These cities were buried in A. D. 79 under a dense bed of ashes and cinders, bee p. 455. THE GEOGRAPHY OF ITALY. Tiber, and on the south and east from the Sabines by the river Nar. This fertile district had been in early times conquered by the Gauls, and was therefore called by the Komans the Gallic territory. 1 Among the numerous cities were Arimmum (Rimini), Sena Gallica (Sinigaglia), Sarsina, Seutinuin, and Narnia (Narni). 5. Pica num. extended along the Adriatic from the rivei vEsis to the Matrinus {La Piomba), which separated it from the country of the Vestmi. \In the interior the hills were cov- ered with extensive forests, while the slopes along the sea pro- duced an abundance of apples, olives, corn, and wine. The towns were Ancona, Hatria, Asculum, and Firmum. G. The Sabini inhabited the country from the sources of the Nar on the north, to the Tiber and Anio on the south. They were one of the most ancient races in Italy, and w r hen first known lived in the neighborhood of Amiternum, whence they spread to the south ad became the progenitors of the Mar- sians, Marrucinians, Paelignians, Vestiuians, and Frentanians, all of whom, including even the Sabines, are comprised under the general name of Sabellians. N ). At a very early time the Greeks founded in Southern Italy numerous cities, which became so powerful and wealthy that the whole coun- try was called Magna Graecia, or Great Greece. Tarentum soon became the most flourishing and powerful of these cities, and carried on an extensive commerce and inland trade that brought to it great wealth and prosperity. The situation was so delight- ful and the soil so fertile that even after the decline of the pros- perity of the city, and its conquest by the Romans, 3 Horace called it " the most smiling corner of the world, where the spring was long, and Jupiter vouchsafed mild winters." 4 6. The Mountain System. The mountains of Italy con- sist of two chains, tin- Alps and the Apennines. The Alps, which separate Italy from the rest of Europe, were the natural bar- riers against the barbarous nations on the north and west. The Apennines, extend ing from their junction with the maritime Alps (Col di Tenda] in a southeasterly and southerly direction, traverse the peninsula its entire length. Central and Southern Italy are thus divided into two parts. In the eastern part the 1 The city of Neptune ; in B. c. 273 the Romans founded the colony of Paestnm here. 1 The name Brnttium has been iriven to this country by modern geographers. The Romans called it Bruttius Ager or Bruttiorum Ager. See p. 149. * Cann. ii. 6 THE GEOGRAPHY OP ITALY. mountains approach nearer the shore, and lateral ranges branch off Avith considerable regularity. Therefore, the rivers, as the Aternus (A/erno), Frento (Fortore), and Aufidus (Ofanto), pursuing nearly parallel courses at right angles to the main chain, are swift, small, and unimportant. The valleys are small, and separated as they are, sometimes by narrow ridges of moderate elevation, sometimes by rugged ranges of consid- erable height, must have tended to isolate the inhabitants. Quite different is the case in the western part. Here between the sea and the mountains is an extensive tract of country consist- ing of large valleys and fertile plains, Avatered by the Arno and Tiber, the two principal rivers of Central Italy. Both taking their rise in the highlands of the Abruzzi, where the Apen- nines reach their greatest height, the one, winding westerly and then northerly, turns to the west and empties into the Tyrrhe- nian Sea; the other, breaking through the mountain chain at Perugia (Perusia), pursues its course in a southerly direction, but after receiving the waters of the Nar, turns in a westerly direction and falls into the Tyrrhenian Sea by two mouths forming an island sacred to Venus and still called Isola Sacra. 7. The Campagna. Here, on the western side, were the largest and most remarkable of the valleys of Central and Southern Italy, the present Campagna and the Campania of the ancients. The Campagna extends along the coast for about ninety miles, from a line drawn from Mt. Soracte (Monte S. Oreste) to Ostia on the north and to Tarracina in the south. The northern part of the Campagna is watered by the Tiber, on whose left bank about eighteen miles from its mouth is sit- uated the city of Rome. The view of the Campagna from the tower of the Capitol is unsurpassed. To the northwest across the Tiber lies Mt. Janiculus, and in the distance flows the Aro, shut in by the Etruscan hills. To the north rises, like a blue island in the ^Egean Sea, the summit of Soracte, rendered famous by the poet Horace, while to the eastward, just where the Anio breaks through the mountains, is Tivoli (Tibur), the home of the poet, and in the background lie the Sabine Apen- nines. Here was the home of the Latin race, with their sanc- tuary on the Alban Mount, and their "Long White City," Alba Longa, skirting its side. Far to the southward, over the line of the Appian Way 1 and the ruins of aqueducts 2 as far as the eye can reach, extends the bare, desolate plain, with no 1 See p. 112. * See pp. 113 and 113. 8 THE GEOGRAPHY OF ITALY. trees, no human habitation, until it sinks into the sea. In ancient times the country was exceedingly rich and densely populated, and even the I'oniptine marshes (I'oinjrfiitHx .!//'/') were celebrated for their fertility, and contained twenty-three flourishing cities. 8. The River System. -4-The rivers of Italy all take their rise in the Apennines, and all wash down from the mountains a slime that raises their beds and would spread them over the adjacent plains if they were not restrained by dikes. 1 Mo.-t of the rivers, with the exception of the Tiber and Arnns, particu- larly those on the east, having no great length of course, are swol- len and violent in winter and spring, but in summer are nearly- dry. The Tiber retains at all seasons a considerable body of water, and is navigable for large ships up to Rome, where it is about three hundred feet wide, and from twelve to eighteen feet deep. 9. The Islands. The islands about Italy are numerous and important. Sicily is triangular in shape, and therefore often called Trinaeria; it has no large rivers or lakes, but its mountain system traverses the island from east to west, the highest peak of which is ^Etna (10,874 ft.). There were many Carthaginian and Greek settlements, of which may be men- tioned Mcssana, Syracuse, (Jela, Agrigenlum, Egesta. Panormus, besides Enna, a native town. Sardinia was traversed through its whole length from north to south by mountains, and had but few rivers or towns. The capital was Caralis (Cdf/Htn /'). The climate was unhealthy, but still the country was noted for its abundant harvest of wheat and its rich silver mines. Cor- sica (Greek // Kipvog) is much more mountainous than Sar- dinia. The mountain districts afforded excellent pasturage for sheep, goats, and cattle, and were covered almost throughout the whole extent with dense forests of fir and pine. The two Roman colonies were Aleria and Mariana. Of the smaller islands may be mentioned llva (Elba}, Igilium (ftif/lio), Ca- preae (Capri). Li para (/>/wn), and the ./Egatian Islands. 10. The Position of Italy. The position < ( f [inly in the Mediterranean, on whose borders most of the civilized nations of antiquity lived, was peculiarly favorable. Italy possessed a 1 The Romans gave great attention to aqueduct* (see p. 112V construction of dikes, and the whole subject ol irrigation. "It WHS next propooedL Mjfi Tacitus, "whether it was not expedient, in order to restrain the overflowing of the Tib-T. to s_'ive anew course to the rivers and lakes by which it was fed. Upon this question the deputies from the several cities were heard. The Flop 'iitines besought that the bed of the Clanis might not be turned into the Arnns. for that would prove their ruin." THE EARLY INHABITANTS. 9 fertile soil and a delightful climate, tempered by the Apennines and the sea, and its rich alluvial plains on the Avest were well suited to agriculture, while the grassy mountain-slopes and highlands of the east afforded excellent pasturage for the rais- ing of cattle. The long extent of sea-coast gave it a favorable position for trade and intercourse with the peoples of the Med- iterranean. Still it was not, like Greece, broken up by bays and arms of the sea, nor had it so many islands around about it, which made the Greeks a seafaring people. II. THE EARLY INHABITANTS. 1. The Races in Italy. Central and Southern Italy were inhabited from the earliest times to which our knowledge ex- tends by three races. These were the lapygians, the Italians, and the Etruscans. 2. The lapygians. The lapygians were found in that part of Southern Italy which the Greeks called Messapia and which the Romans called Calabria. Their language has been preserved in the Messapian inscriptions, 1 and has been found to be more nearly related to the Greek than to the other languages of Italy. This suggests the probability that they emigrated from Greece to Italy rather than that they were the first of the various races to enter Italy from the north, and were after- wards pressed to the south by other tribes that entered later. 3. The Italians Proper. The Italians 2 entered Italy later than the lapygians, and occupied in historical times nearly the whole of Central Italy. They were of the same common stock as the Hellenes, both belonging to the Indo-European 3 family. They both wandered westward from the highlands in 1 The inscriptions were discovered in the Terra di Otranto, and have been edited by Mcnmnaea. " The term Italian or " Italic " is used to designate the races that chiefly peopled the Italy of the Romans. 3 Philologists have designated the table-land where the Indus, Oxus, and Jaxartes rivers take their rise the Bactrian platean as the place whence the different races were dispersed. The first which left the common centre settled in Phoenicia, Egypt, and Ethiopia. This race has been called Turanian. The next settled in the country extending from tlie Mediterranean Sea beyond the Tigris ; to this race the name Semitic has been given. The last race that left the common centre emigrated to the -south, crossed the Hindo Koosh mountains, and entered India, subjugating the earlier Tura- nian tribes, and advancing west over most of Europe, became the progenitors of the Greeks, Romans, Persians, and the Teutonic tribes. This race has been called Indo-Euro- pean, because different branches of it settled in India and Europe, or Indo-Germanic, because the Germans have been the foremost to investigate its affinities. The name Aryan is now, particularly by German philologists, applied to one class of the great Indo-European stock. The following diagram shows the order (according to Schleicher) in which the Indo-European race branched : 10 THE EARLY INHABITANTS. the western part of Central Asia, the Hellenes passing from Asia Minor 1 to Greece, while the Italians, pushing further \\v-t. crossed the Apennines into Italy. The Italian race was divided into two chief branches, the Latin and the Umbr&'SabeUian. The Latins occupied the central and southern parts of the peninsula west of the Apennines, i. e., Latium. Campania. Lncania. and Bruttium. The Latins came in contact first with the Greeks in Campania, and received from them the name of ()/ii<-{ (Osci), a name which the Romans gave to those Samnites \\h<> after- wards overran Campania. The Siculi (early pressed to tlie south, and finally crossing to the island of Sicily), as well as the J />'///'. v,2 sprang from the Latin race. These races came in contact at an early time with the Greek colonies in Southern Italy, and either completely yielded to their superior civiliza- tion or were so fur weakened thai they could offer hut little resistance to the Samnites. 4. Umbro-Sabellians. The TJmbrians entered Italv later than the Latins, and settled at first in Kiruria. They were after- wards pressed to the east by later incomers, whence they spread over the whole of the eastern part of the peninsula, under the name of Subini. >V//// /////>. and />/>/////... or Sabi'lUnax. a general appellation for the Sabinesand all the races or tribes f.hat have derived their origin from them. These Sabellian tribes de- scended from the mountains like streams that flood and fertilize These movements took place before the dawn of history. The earliest literary remains are found in the Iiido-Persian or Aryan branch, not far from two thousand years before Christ. It was formerly supposed that tin- Iialic branch had a more intiniate relation with the Hellenic than any other, because their ancestors lived IOIILT together, in what is called the Graeco-Italic time; but later researches have proved that the Italic and Celtic branches were the la-*t to begin an independent history. 1 Or the valley of the Danube. * See colored map No. 1. THE EARLY INHABITANTS. 11 the valleys. The Latins, who settled near the Tiber, belonged to the oldest of these successive migrations. Then came the Sabines, the yEquians, the Hernicaus, the Volsciaus, who pressed hard on the Latins, hemming them in on the east and south, so that they were confined to the small district between the Tiber and the spurs of the Apennines on the north and east, and by the Alban hills on the south. This plain, the home of the Latin race, was a district 1 of about 700 square miles, and was watered by the Tiber and the Anio. 5. The Etruscans. The Etruscans 2 entered Etruriafrom the north and either pressed the Umbrians who were already in possession of the country, and to whose further migration southward the Latins of Latium set a limit, to the east or subdued them. It was this conquered people probably that was called Tusci, and to them the Rasenna? owed their great ad- vance in civilization. The Rasennae assumed the name of the people whom they had enslaved and absorbed, and the whole were known as Tusci or Etrusci. They were a powerful people, extending from the Alps over the western part of Italy as far south as the Tiber. They were driven from the plains of the Po by the Gauls, and were finally subdued by the Romans. At an early period they carried' on navigation, trade, and manufactures, which called cities into existence in Etruria ear- lier than elsewhere in Italy. These cities were united in a league consisting of twelve communities, which recognized a metropolis especially for purposes of worship ; yet these con- federations, still more than the Italian leagues, were deficient in a firm and powerful centraF authority. 6. Their Civilization. The Etruscans were especially noted for their maritime ascendency, and they succeeded in founding towns on the Latin and Campanian coasts. Their religion was a gloomy and tiresome mysticism, delighting in wild and horrible rites. The Etruscans borrowed their arts from the Greeks, and the remains which exist (particularly at Perugia) of temples, roads, dikes, as well as the castings in bronze 3 (Tuscana *igna), figures in terra-cotta, 4 golden chains and bracelets, and other ornaments that have been found in the tombs, all attest that the Etruscans produced massive and 1 See map, p. 94, for the extent of this territory (ager Eomanus). * * They called themselves Rasennae; they were named by the Greeks Tyrrheni, and by the Latins, Tusci or Etrusci. s The orator and chimmra in the Etruscan Museum at Florence ; one found on Lake Trasiinene, the other at Arezzo. ' In the Mnseo Gregnriano in the Vatican are sarcophagi of terra-cotta, vases and bronzes, mostly fouud at Chiusi. at Voiterra. and at Corneto near Tarquinii. THE EARLY INHABITANTS. rich workmanship ; yet their works arc inferior to those of the Latins and Sabellians in appropriateneaa ami utility, no !>< than in spirit and beauty. The influence of Etruria on Latium, and particularly on Koine, has been very much over-estimaif! : while, on the contrary, too little weight has been laid upon the immediate contact with Koine of the original (Umhrians) Tus- cans, produced by their being pressed to the borders of Latium by the Rasenme. The origin of the Etruscans (Rasennae) is etill'a matter of controversy, but they are by many of the best authorities assigned to the Indo-European family. 7. The Unity of the Races in Italy. From this brief sketch of the different races that inhabited Italy, we learn that, in spite of many diversities, they all belonged to one and the same great family whose home wa< in the western part of Cen- tral Asia. We are unable to fix definitely the time when they left their home or when they entered Italy. There is no doubt, however, that it took many years for them to wander from Asia to Europe, and that their arrival in l Italy was very gradual and extended over a long period of time. RACES IX ITALY. INDO-ECKOPEAS IAPYGIAJT GREEK ITALIAN CELTIC ETBUBCAN mx LATIN UXBRO-SABELLIAN SICULI AUSONES UMBIUANS PICENTEB SABELUAN SABINE* SAMKITE8 (.OSCAN) MARSI YOLSCI JSqui UEUNICI RCTCLI PJJLIOWI FKENTAHI 1 It may be asViipiud to about B.C. 2000. 3- it" HISTORY OF ROME. i. THE FOUNDATION OF ROME. J.. The Primitive Civilization of the Latins. With this brief introductory sketch of the geography of Italy, and of the different races that inhabited it, we now turn to the Latins as historically the most important, and as the race with which our history has particularly to do. The degree of civilization and the social condition that the Latins had attained on their en- trance into Italy are questions of much importance, because, in the absence of all written records, 1 the answer gives us a starting point for our history. This information, combined with what we know of their social and political condition at a later time, enables us to derive a tolerably correct idea of how their insti- tutions were formed. A careful study of the words of their language has given the starting point for these researches. 2 Pursuing this investigation, we learn that the Latins be- fore they entered Italy, had learned the elements of agri- culture, how to manage the plow, sow the seed, cultivate the vine, and press out the oil from the olive. With the knowl- edge of agriculture arose the necessity, for a time at least, for a fixed habitation and the domestic hearth. Hence the basis of the family was formed and the elements of religion devel- oped. That the habitation was not permanently fixed was owing to the pressure of later migrations and the contests with 1 The whole history from the founding of Rome in B. c. 753 down to B. c. 390, when all the written records were burnt by the Gauls, is not derived from contemporary wit- nes.-es, but was composed at a later date. Some of the Roman historians, therefore, began their narrative at B.C. 390, instead of at the foundation of the city. What little we do know of the early history is mainly derived from inference. 2 If these words are essentially the same in both Latin and Greek, it is pretty certain that the Latins and Greeks, before their separation in what is called the Greece-Italian time, were acquainted with the objects that these words represent; e. g., Gr. 86(109 and Lat. domox, house ; apo-rpiv, aratntm, plow ; xopros. hortm, garden ; dypos, ager, a field, etc. ; hence, the house, the plow, etc., were nearly the same among both peoples. 14 T11E FOUNDATION OF Ito.MK. other tribes. Hence the knowledge of war, and the use of the spear, the bow, and the war chariot. 2. The Latins in Italy. The basis of the social constitu- tion of the Latins \va> the households, which cither by ties of blood or nearness of locality were united to r.irm clans, the dwellings forming the clan-villages. 1 These villages, although each had its own local government, were not regarded as inde- pendent, but as forming parts of a larger community, the can- ton. 2 Each canton had a local centre. 8 which was situated on some hill-top and was strongly fortified, where the markets were held, games celebrated, justice administered, and religious rites observed. The foundation of this clan-constitution was already laid when the Latins entered Italy and settled on the slopes of the Alban hills. Here, where the position was secure and the springs fresh, the oldest Latin towns, 4 such as Alba, Lanuvium, Tibur, Praeneste, Gabii, and Rome, were founded. How many cantons there were originally in Latium, it is impossible to tell ; tradition mentions thirty as forming the famous Latin league, at the head of which was Alba Longa, -the long white city," the oldest and most eminent of the Latin cantons. 3. Rome a Latin Settlement. Among the Latin cantons the Roman, or at least its capital, Rome, was destined to be the most eminent. On one of the isolated hills on the left bank of the Tiber, about eighteen miles from its mouth, settled a tribe of Latins called Ramnes or Romans. The Romans had their stronghold on the Palatine hill, and this was the founda- tion of Rome. Its territory extended at that time little more than five miles to the east and south, while it embraced the suburbs of the hill Janiculus on the right bank, and the whole course of the Tiber down to its mouth. 5 The right of trade, 6 and the home which it offered to adventurers, 7 combined with its favorable situation, account in a measure for the rapid growth of the city. Standing as it did on the Latin bank of the Tiber, three miles below its confluence with the Anio, it seemed admirably adapted to be the emporium of Latium. 1 T7d or pagi. * ririta*. or populus. ' Called capitolium, or "height." See map, p I. See map, p. &4. Ju* commei-cii. ' Jug exOii. THE FOUNDATION OF BOMB. 15 4. The Palatine City. The original city occupied only the Palatine hill, from the shape of which it derived its name of "Square Rome" or Roma Quadrat a. From the very first the city, according to the custom of the Latins, was en- compassed by a ring-wall 1 and the sacred belt of the pomerium? which could be extended only by those whose victories had enlarged the Roman territories. Under the protection of the stronghold on the Palatine, suburbs grew up, forming almost from the first a city of seven hills, 3 within and distinct from the more famous seven hills of historic Rome. The Palatine city, even in its first beginning, was increased in power by its union with a Sabine canton. 5. Sabine City. On the Quirinal hill, which lay entirely beyond the bounds assigned to the circuit of Rome, was an independent city of Sabine origin. We have already learned that the Latins and Sabines were nearly related, and that the latter, issuing from their mountain home, had hemmed the Latins in on the east and south. A body of these bold adven- turers had settled on the Quirinal, and after coming in contact with the Romans, had finally gained possession of their strong- hold on the Capitoline. This compelled the Romans to form an alliance (foedus) Avith the Sabine city, by which the two races were united and both helped to form the Roman state. After their unifln the people were divided into two divisions or tribes, Ramnes and Tities, as they were called, and each tribe was divided again into ten curies or wards; and as the curia formed the basis of the union, the people were called Quirites.* Their common place of meeting was in the comitium, between the Palatine and Quirinal hills. Tradition relates that the rule was to choose the king in turn from the Romans of the Pala- tine and the Sabines of the Quirinal. 6. The Union of the Romans and Sabines. By the incorporation of the Sabine city, a conservative element was 1 The recent excavations have brought to light portions" of the original wall in five different places, enough to trace its situation with considerable precision. Of the three gates which penetrated the wall, the sites of but two have been found, Porta Mugtonls and Porta Eomatta. " See colored map No. 2. 3 Palatinns, Germain^, Velia, Fagutal, Oppius. Cv-pius, Subura. ' By some I he word l^uirites is derived 1'roin quirte, & spear. Quirites and curia are probably from the same root, sku, cover ; cf. xupios xvpia, curare with A. S. hus, house. 16 THE FOUNDATION OF ROME. introduced into the Roman state. From the situation of Rome, so favorable for trade and intercourse with foreigners, the Romans had made greater uduimvs in civilization, while the Sabines, loving agriculture and the rearing of the flock, held firmly to the pious customs of their ancestors. After the union of the two cantons, Rome was so much increased in power, that she was able to subdue the surrounding tribes and extend her boundaries. The Latin communities 1 on the upper Tiber, and between the Tiber and Anio, early forfeited their independence. A long contest was carried on with Gabii : and Alba, the ancient metropolis of Latium, was subdued and destroyed, and the conquered population was moved to Rome and settled on one of the hills around the Palatine, called Mons Ccelius. Some of the most distinguished Alban families 3 were admitted into the Roman state on a footing of equality, and formed the third tribe, called Lucercs. They were admit- ted to the curia and the senate, thus completing the number thirty and three hundred respectively. 7. Rome the Capital of Latium. Rome, after the destruction of Alba, the head of the thirty Latin cities, became the leading community in Latium and the recognized head of the Latin confederacy. The leadership of Rome over Latium was the more readily recognized from the fact that it was only by this means that the Latins could defend their coast against the Carthaginians and Hellenes, and their ex- tended frontier against the Etruscans and Sabellians. Rome was now able to extend her power over the ^Eqni and Sattini, and to form an alliance with the Ilernici. On her southern l'rn tier she carried on a long contest \\ith the Rutuli and Volsci, and in this direction the Latin colonies, as they weio called, were planted by Rome and Latium. 8. The Forum. While the Latin stock was thus becoming united under the leadership of Rome, the city itself had been converted from a small commercial and agricultural town into the capital of a flourishing province. The intrenchments of the 1 See map, p. 94. 3 The origin of the Luceres is very doubtful ; see Schwegler, Rom. Gtesch.. I. 505. r* 1 / 0! 1 < OQ ^ a* fe 3 1 ? / <>/ / / 3 o 1 1 ; ^. a. L . . X^* 1 5=-^ '''//'/ / THE FOUNDATION OF HOME. 17 seven hills now seemed inadequate for the defence of the capital of Latium, and hence was constructed the fortification ascribed to Servius Tullius, which enclosed not only the Palatine and Quirinal, but also the heights of the Aventine, Capitoline, Es- quiliue, Viminal, and Cgelian hills, with a great ring-wall. 1 After the city had been protected from foreign foes, the neces- sity for internal improvement became more apparent. Hence the cloaca? or sewer, was constructed for draining the marshy valley 3 between the Palatine and Capitoline hills down to the Tiber. Here in this valley was located the comitium, the assembling place of the people, and in the comitium were the tribunal or judgment-seat, and the rostra (vetera) from which the people were addressed. The prolongation of the comitium towards the south and east formed the forum, which afterwards became tne centre of the civil and political life of Rome. The forum was cut by streets, the most important of which was the via sacra* or Sacred W a y, ascending the declivity 5 of the Capitoline hill to the capitol, and along its sides were butchers' shops and traders' stalls. 6 On the north 1 The wall is computed to have been about seven miles in circumference ; remains of t are found on the Aventine and Esrjuiline ; see colored map No. 2. " The cloaca maxima is still to be seen under the platform of the Basilica Julia, and empties into the Tiber near the temple of Vesta. Several canalicolae, or tributary drains, have been recently discovered. The Forum Velabrum and Forum Boarium. * The course of the via sacra has not yet been satisfactorily determined. It probably entered the forum at the temple of Antoninus and Faustina, and continued on the north side of the forum to a point a little beyond the temple of Julius Caesar, then turned directly south toward the temple of Castor and Pollux, and thun turued at right angles running alon^ the front of the Basilica Julia. When the arch of 8. Severus was erected, the i:\n sacra was probably continued alonx the northern side of the forum ; this, how- ever, cannot be determined until the forum is excavated between the temple of Julius Caesar and the arch of 8. Severus. a Clivus ' TaberruE tetcres et nova. See map, p 386. CLOACA MAXIMA. (In its present condition, 1879.) 18 THE FOUNDATION OF ROME. side of the forum was the senate house, called from the builder curia Hoxtilia. On the south side, beneath tin- Palatine hill, rose the temple of Ye.-ta with its eternal lire, and the regia or the official dwelling house of the king. 1 9. Growth of Rome. In the valley between the Pala- tine and Aveutine hills 2 a spa;r was set aside for the r/'/w/.v^ where games, chariot-racing and boxing were celebrated once every year in honor of the three gods to whom the capitol was built. Temples and sanctuaries arose on the other summit-, as the temple of Diana, the representative of the Latin confed- eracy on the Aventine, and above all, on the summit of the Capitoline, the temple of Jupiter Oapitolinus. 4 dedicated to the three great gods of the Latin and Sabine races, Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva. CHAPTER, II. THE EARLY GOVERNMENT OF ROME. 1. The Form of Government. The government of the people of these three cantons at this early time was very simple. It was modeled on that of the Koinan household, in which the father 5 ruled over all its members and descendants with absolute authority. 6 As the union of several households formed the clan, 7 so the union of several clans formed the tribe. 8 After the admission of the Sabines 9 and the Albans 10 into the com- munity on a footing of equality, the number of tribes or parts 1 The other building attributed to this period, remains of which still exist, is Career Mamertlmtf. or prison, built over the well, or TiiU'mnmit. 1 VattisMurda. Thi- was the circus maximus, and the beginning of the great Roman games (ludi iml Romani). The exact location of this temple has been in modern times a matter of dispute; tic Italian topographers placing it on the northern summit, which is now occnpitd by the church and monastery of Aracrsli, and the nr.r with the temple of Juno Moiieta on the southwestern point of the hill. German scholars have reversed ihis order. The recent excavations for the new (Jerman Archaeological building and inscriptions discov- ered by Dr. Henzen have set this question at rest, fixing the site of the temple definitely on the SOUth western summit nr:ir where the Callarelli palace is. See p. 37. 5 PtiftrfuHii'i'ix. " /'tit/in / ' <;> us. or house. That is. p;>rt i///';*i of the whole community. This division had reference prima- rily to the people, but it wti- al-o applied to their 'lands so far as they were divided. As the curies were made up of the fimtfx (theoretically ten in each curia), there is not much doubt that the curies Lad their own lauds. This division into curies had a religions a- well as a politic-il -ocrnific nice The two peonies met a"d voted by curie- for judicial purposes, and the levie- ai d valuations wen- made by curi<-s. Eacli cmia \va< under the charge of a special warden (curio), and had a prie-st of its own (flu:. >. See p. 34. " See p. 5. 10 See p. 16. THE EARLY GOVERNMENT OF ROME. 19 of the community, was increased to three, named respectively J!tt in ><(>*, Titiex, and Litceres, each of which was divided into ten curice, or wardships, and each curia into ten houses or gentes. 2. The King. To rule this enlarged family or household of the Eoman state, there was selected one from its own ranks, called the king ; l who ruled for life and exercised the same unlimited authority over the community that the father exer- cised in the household. The king possessed the supreme civil 2 and military 3 power ; that is, he commanded the army, admin- istered justice, and presided whenever he summoned the whole community 4 or the heads of the different clans 5 to consult them concerning any measure of public policy. He Avas also the high-priest of the nation, for he alone could mediate between the gods and the people, and perform the sacrifices for the state. 3. The Senate. Just as the father of a household could call the different members of the same clan together in case of need for consultation, so the king, in matters pertaining to the interest of all the clana collectively, or that of the whole community, selected the clan-elders, or heads of the most influential families 6 to form a state council, called the senate 7 or " council of elders." The senate consisted of three hundred members, because it was intended that each of the three hundred houses composing the community should be repre- sented in the senate. The senators held their seats for life, and in case of death the king filled the vacancy. The senate was merely a consultative body, free to give advice, but with no means to enforce its acceptance. 4. The Comitia Curiata. The king could summons the members 8 of the different families that formed the state to a popular assembly called comitia curiata, to decide such matters of general importance as he chose to lay before them, The king presided, and the voting was done by curice, that is, there were thirty votes, as the members of each curia formed one vote. This 1 Rex, leader, or dictator, commander^ or magteter populi, master of the people. ' Regiajxjt- * Regium imptrium. ' CoiiMia curiata, i. ., the heads of the faniilieb and their grown-up gems. 6 Regium concilium. The number in the senate corresponded to the number of clans. * Senatus. /',///.< i's patriciarum gentimn it fllttfamUtqi, i. ., the chiefs of the ;ind tbtur sons. 20 THE EARLY GOVERNMENT OF ROMK. assembly confirmed the election of the king, 1 the declaration of war or peace, enacted laws, and, when the king allowed, judged all matters pertaining to the liie or privileges of the people. 5. The Army. In case of war each tribe furnished, under the command of an officer called the tribune, for the common defence, 1000 foot-soldiers, and 100 horsemen or equitcs. The quota from the three tribes, the 3000 foot-soldiers and the 300 horsemen, formed the army or legion. 6. The Patricians. The members of those families form- ing the state, exercised exclusively all the political power and enjoyed all the honors. They alone rendered service in the army and constituted the people or popuhis? They guarded their privileges with great jealousy ; and that these might be enjoyed by them and their descendants alone, they denied to all foreigners the right of intermarriage. 3 When any member of one of these clans concluded a marriage in the usual form, the children received the same rights that their father enjoyed, and hence they were called "fathers' children," or patricians. 4 All others were not regarded as members 'of the community, and were entirely destitute of political rights. 7. Clients. By the side of the patricians there existed an inferior class, the clients, to whom the patricians stood in the relation of patron. 3 They were probably prisoners of war, subject not as the plebeians were to the state, but to the dif- ferent heads 6 of the great patrician houses, whose lands they cultivated, or under whose protection they carried on trade. It 1 It was to the head* of all the families, the pfitrfx. and not to the few represented in the pennte, to which the full power <'///////<< /*//< .>Yf/* i returned in ca-e the king died. All the head^ of familio (patrtafamUias /,>ifri<-iirt< mbk'd on the death of the kiiii: in a council (i-o/n-t'inin i/nlfinin and chu-c from their number a temporary king dn- terrex) for five day-, and he nominated hi- succe-sor. To the second Werrexor hi- ,-uc- cessors belonged the duty of nominating a kini: for life. Thi- new kint; mu-t. however, before beintr in-tailed in ofiice. receive " the authority from the fathers'' i /in trii in auctoritat) to convoke th. . e., the body of patrician* before which he laid for their approval the rto, by which the people (i. e , the fathers and their grown-np MM,- ;> him the power to command the army, impose taxes (fnfitum) or tines (i,,>i>t,t ,f;,-f;/,\, and decide absolutely in regard to the life ordeatli (jus ;'/<- i of a member cf the community. By soiiie authorities the right of electing the kini; i- a- -iiri.ed to the senators, ;. , ., to those head- of the families represented in the senate, instead of to the head* of all the families assembled in a council. Mommsen. who thinks that plebeian families were represented in the -eiiaie. a--igns the election of the kinw to the patrician part of the -enate. The view presented in the text accords with the tradition, and seems more sati-faerory. because the full power ought to return, on the death of the kint:, to the heads of all the families, and uot to those who happened to be represented in the senate. See p. 50, n. 3. ere called Popvli Rrmnni O>/in'fx. bnt in their civil capacity simply Qui rite. Miinubii. /',/ ' /'/">. Patres feu THE EARLY GOVERNMENT OF ROME. 21 was the duty of the patron to protect the public and private interests of his clients, and they in turn were obliged to aid and support in every way the patrician to whom they were bound. 8. Slaves. There were also the slaves, 1 who had no per- sonal and political rights, but were the mere property of their makers, and could be bought and sold at pleasure. 9. Plebeians. In addition to these three classes, there gradually grew up another class, the plebeians, 2 as they were called, from not being, like the patricians, members of the rnri(t>. This class was composed of the former inhabitants of conquered towns, 3 particularly the members of the Latin communities and the Tusci in Etruria, who sought protection in Rome from the victorious Rasennse, 4 and of others who had fled to Rome for refuge. 5 They were personally free, could acquire and bequeath property and engage in trade, but were entirely without political rights. 10. The Reform of Tarquinius Priscus. In consequence of the rapid growth of territory and the removing of large masses of population to Rome, the plebeians constantly in- creased in numbers and soon demanded a share in the political privileges of the state. This demand was met first by the reform which tradition attributes to Tarquinius Priscus. 6 The reform was brought about by inserting into the existing tribes and curies the most important plebeian families, 7 not on a footing of equality, but in the subordinate relation of the second Ramnes, Titles and Luceres. The king, by virtue of his power to fill up the senate, 8 added a number of new mem- 1 Servi. * Plebs, multitude. ' Pereyrini dediticit. _ * Vicvs Tutcus. * Transfvgce. The king wished to incorporate the plebeians with the state by adding three new tribes ; but as every change in the constitution must receive the sanction of the patres (pu'rum anctori(a*) in their assembly by curia, (concilium curiatum), and this must be ratified by the whole people (juasux iiopuli) in the comifia curiata, he was unable to accomplish it. This opposition tradition has expressed in the story of the Sabine augur Anus Navius. who said that the pat res (i. ., the Sabines) refused their authority, and that the auspices were unfavorable. The story runs that the king, in order to test the aiiLjur. a-ked him if what he was thinking of could be done. The augur replied, after consuitinsr the auspices, that it could. Thereupon the king said. " I was thinking that i huu shouldst cut this whetstone with a razor." Navius took the razor and imme- diately cut the stone in two. In consequence of this miracle the king gave up his design. The knife and the stone were buried in the forum, and a statue of Attus Navius wftf erected there to commemorate the miracle he had wrought. * Lectio senatuq- 22 THE EARLY GOVKKNMKXT OF HOME. bers, called patres minorum gentium, to distinguish them from the old senators who were termed patres majorum gentium. The number of eqiutc* was increased to six hundred. 11. The Reform of Servius Tallius. The reform begun by Tarquinius is said to have been carried out by his successor, Servius Tullius. His object was to incorporate the whole body of plebeians with the state. This he did by a new division of the people, in which he assigned to property the influence which formerly belonged to birth. The reform was based on the principle that taxes 1 and military service should devolve upon the freeholders 2 or the wealthy, 8 whether they were patricians or plebeians. He divided the whole Roman terri- tory into four tribes, and the whole population subject to military service and possessing two or more jugera* of land, into five classes, according to their property. The position of every citizen in the classes was determined by a census, which was a register of the citizens and their property. There were 170 centuries of infantry SO from the first class, 30 from the fifth, and 20 from cacli of the other three 18 of cavalry, and 5 of musicians, armorers and carpenters, in all 193 centuries. 12. The first class embraced those who possessed a normal farm 5 of about 20 jugera; 6 the other classes possessed respec- tively |> , \, ^ as much. The first class was divided into infantry 7 and cavalry, 8 as were all five classes into seniores and 1 7*ributiim. Astft?i/l. Lo&rplete*. Jiiqerum, abont ? of an acre. The MIUIU of the tir-l cla-s 100,000 HM-fx or more, and of the others 75.000, 50,00f. ?5,000, and 11,000 respectively \va-< not until the time of Appius Claudius (B.C. 313) expressed in money. The following table will show the census of each cla-ss,and imuiLi of centuries it contained : I. HORSEMEN, on KNIOHTS. 1. fi old centuries. K.X fujf'rtujia . . .census.... first class. 2. 12 new centuries, ' " n. FOOT. 1st class, 80 centuries (40 of sen lores, 40 jnniores). cen-ns 100.000 asses. 2d " 30 " (10 " 10 " V, " 78,0 8d 20 (10 " 10 " ), " 50.000 " 4th ' 20 (10 " 10 " ), " 2T,(ino " 5th " 30 " (15 " 15 " ). " 11,000 " 1 century of proletarii, census under 11.000 n~so- 4 centuries of imiMcinns and workmen, cen.su> none. Total, l!Ki centiinc-. Dionysins crive- the rensn* of the 5th class 12,500 a-- PS. At the time IB. c. 268) silver coinairc wa> introduced. 10 assos- = 1 silver denarius = bout 20 cents. This is about the time that the census was expressed in money : 1,00? - - $20. >'' THE EARLY GOVERNMEITT OP ROME. 23 juniores. The younger men, from seventeen to forty-five years of age, were employed for service in the field ; the elder, from forty-five to sixty, were retained at home for the defence of the city. All the classes had to provide their own arms and armor. 13. The Armor. The first class appeared in full armor, with shield of brass, 1 helmet, 2 cuirass, 8 greaves, 4 spear 9 for attack, and sword, 6 and fought in the front rank of the pha- lanx. The second class 7 was placed behind the first They wore no cuirass, but had instead a large wooden shield 8 cov- ered with leather. The third class had the same except the greaves ; and the fourth carried only the shield, spear and sword. The fifth class did not serve in the phalanx, but fought outside with darts and slings. 9 Besides these classes, there were the non-freeholders, 10 who furnished four centuries of workmen and musicians, and one century of substitutes, who marched with the army unarmed, 11 and, when vacancies occurred, took their places in the ranks. These five classes formed the infantry and cavalry. The cav- alry was taken from the first class, and twelve new centuries were added, thus increasing the number to eighteen. 14. The Comitia Csnturiata. This was the military order of the people. The same order was observed when the king summoned them from time to time to meet outside of the city, on the campus Martins, to consult them concerning war or peace, laws or elections, or other important matters. This assembly was called the comitia centuriata, afld each cen- tury had one vote, which was decided by the majority of indi- vidual voters. The tendency of this system was to place in the hands of the wealthiest who formed the eighty centuries of the first class, and the eighteen centuries of equites whether patricians or plebeians, the chief power. In case of war the levy, 13 sufficient to form two legions of i,250 men each, was made by tribes from the 85 centuries of juniores. Of the 8,500 men, each tribe furnished 2,125. * Ocreri.fa*. ' Lex curiata 'le i/p' r'i<>. SuoretaurUia (train sut, pig f . ' Hence called TER III. THE HISTORY OF THE EEGAL PERIOD ITS LIVY'S NARRATIVE OTHER SOURCES. 1. The chief authorities for the history of the regal period are Livy and Dionysius of Halikarnassus. They both wrote their histories in the time of Augustus, and, so far as this period is concerned, nearly one thousand years after the events they relate. It is true they gained their information from the annal- ists ; but the oldest of these, Fabius Pictor and Cincius Alimen- tus, did not live earlier than the time of the second Punic war. 2. Early Records. For the time after the regal period they no doubt made use of contemporary records, as the annales maximi, chronological lists of events kept by the pontifex max* imus ; of the inscriptions 1 in the houses of the great families, enumerating the magistracies they had held; or of other archives, which were preserved with great care at Rome. But for the regal period there were very few public documents of any kind. This is not surprising, for the art of writing was not introduced into Rome until the time of Tarquinius Prisons, and probably for many centuries after its use was confined to the few; and further, most public and private records were destroyed in the burning of the city by the Gauls (B. c. 390). 3. Oral Tradition. The only information, then, which the historians and annalists had of the regal period was, in the main, oral tradition, which in the lapse of time became so changed that but little reliability could be placed in it as a groundwork for history. 2 This unwritten tradition, however, which had 1 These were inscriptions under the wax portrait* which stood in the Atrium, record- ing the masri-tracie-' held by the distinguished member* of the family. * Livy (vi. 1) realized this, for he say* : The history of this i>eriod is obscure, partly from great antiquity, like objects rendered almost imperceptible by their distance, partly because in these times the use of letters, the only faithful guard'ian of flic mem- ory of events, was inconsiderable and rare, and besides whatever was contained in thi commentaries of the pontiff*, or other public or private records, perished for the most Vilrt iu the burning of the city. 26 THE HISTORY OP THE REGAL PERIOD. grown up in the course of so many centuries, and which often gave contradictory narratives of the same event, the early his- torians accepted without hesitation. In this way it came to pass that even in regard to the foundation of the city no less than twenty-five different accounts were developed. The one that was accepted with the most favor, attributing the origin of Rome to a Trojan colony, was reduced to its present form by Fabius Pictor, the first prose writer at Eome, and adopted by Vergil and Livy. 4. Livy's Account of the Origin of Rome. According to this legend, JEneas, the son of Anchises, having collected a few friends, fled after the fall of Troy to seek a new home. After various adventures he arrived on the coast of Italy, and was hospitably received by the king Latinus, who made a league with him and gave him his daughter Lavinia in mar- riage. ^Eneas then built a town and called it in honor of his wife Lavinium. After the death of .ZEneas, his son Ascanius became king. He left Lavinium and built a new city on Mt. Albanus, which he called Alba Long a. The succession con- tinued in his family until the time of Numitor, the son of Procas, who was deprived of his throne by his younger brother Amulius. Amulius, that he might retain the government, killed the son of Numitor, and made his daughter, lliea Silvia, a vestal virgin, in order that she might remain unmarried. But when she bore the twins, Romulus and Remus, to the god Mars, the king ordered her to be killed and the twins thrown into the Tiber. 5. Romulus and Remus. At this time it happened that the Tiber had overflowed its banks, forming shallow pools. In one of these the servant of the king placed the cradle with the children, thinking that it would float down the stream and then sink. The gods watched over tin 1 children, and the cradle was wafted to the foot of the Palatine, where it was overturned by the roots of a wild fig-tree, near the cave of the god Lupercus. The water subsiding left the boys on dry land. Here they were suckled by a she-wolf from the cave of Lupercus until they were found by the shepherd Faustulus, who took them to his T1IE HISTORY OF THE REGAL PERIOD. wife, Accu Larentia, to be brought up with his own children, and called them Romulus and Remus. The two brothers dis- covered the mystery of their birth by accident, and restored the throne to their grandfather, Numitor. 6. The Foundation of Rome. They determined to leave Alba, and found a city on one of the hills by the Tiber, where ;hey had been brought up. But as neither of the brothers ivould yield to the other, there arose a quarrel between them and their followers, who should give a name to the new city and govern it. It was agreed to let the gods decide the question by a sign from the sacred birds. Romulus and his followers took their station on the Palatine, and Remus on the Aventine. Remus first saw six vultures, but Romulus straightway after saw twelve. Each claimed the augury in his own favor, one on account of the priority of time, the other on account of the number of birds. The shepherds, however, decided in favor of Romulus, who built the town on the Palatine 1 and called it Rome, from his own name. He then drew a furrow round it with the sacred plow, and along by the furrow he built a wall which marked the line or sacred belt of the pomerium. Remus, in derision, leaped over the new built wall, whereupon Romulus slew him, saying: "So shall every one die who dares to leap over these walls." 7. The War with the Latins. In order to people his ni'\v city, Romulus opened an asylum 2 or place of refuge on the Capitoliue hill, to which he invited the lawless and discontented from all the country round. These he received, protected, and made citizens of his new town. Women were wanting, and he applied to the neighboring cities to give their daughters \i\ marriage. This they scornfully refused. When Romulus heard this, he concealed his anger, .but presently invited the dwellers round about to come to Rome, with their wives and children, to see the games which he was going to celebrate in 1 According to the Varronian era, Rome was founded April 21, 73S, on the day of the Pali'ia. Thi> i* generally accepted. The other principal era* are those of Cato. 751 B.C.; of Polybius 75'tB.c.; and of Fabius Pictor, 747 B.C. In practice the era of Varro is reckoned from Jau. 1, 753. " Plut Rom. 28 THE HISTORY OF THE REGAL PERIOD. honor of the god Census. The Sabincs and Latins came in great crowds, and when all were intent on the games, the Romans^rushed on their guests and carried away the young women. The parents returned home and prepared to take vengeance on Romulus and his people. First, the men of the Latin towns, Caenina, Antemnas, and Crustumerium, rushed to arms, but these were defeated by Romulus, who slew with his own hand Acron, king of Caenina, and dedicated his armor, as spolia opima, to Jupiter. 8. War with the Sabines. The Sabines, who lived farther up the mountains, next raised an army and marched to Rome, and encamped on the Quirinal hill, directly oppo- site the capitol. Now one day when Tarpeja, the daughter of the warden of the capitol, went out to draw water, the Sabines begged her to open the gate to the citadel. This she promised to do if they would give her what they wore on their left arms, meaning the gold bracelets and rings. When they had penetrated into the citadel, they threw their heavy shields, which they wore on their left arms, on Tarpeja, and crushed her to death. The Romans attempted to recover the hill, and the two armies met in the valley between the Palatine and the Capitoline. The champion of the Romans was Hostus Hostilius, and that of the Sabines Mettus Curtius. The Sabines prevailed and were pursuing the Romans from the Velia up the hill, when Romulus vowed a temple to Jupiter Stator, 1 the Stayer of Flight. The Romans stopped and renewed the battle, and drove the Sabines back towards the Capitoline hill. Then it was that Mettus Curtius sank with his horse into the marsh and nearly perished. The place where this happened was called the Lake of Curtius. At length the Sabine women rushed between the combatants and prayed their hus- bands and fathers to be reconciled. The prayer was heard, and the chiefs of the two peoples made peace. 9. The Union of the Romans and Sabines. It was agreed that the Sabines should remain in Rome and the two 1 The temple of Jupiter Stator was situated near the Porta Mugtonis. Remains of tufa blocks belonging to an ancient restoration of the temple have been fouud. THE HISTOKY OF THE REGAL PERIOD. 29 peoples form one nation. The Eomans still occupied the Palatine, and the Sabines the Quirinal under their king Titus Tatius, who reigned jointly with Romulus. The united people were called Eomans and Quirites, 1 because Tatius came from the city of Cures. The two peoples met to transact their affairs in common in the valley between the two hills, which was called Mini t in m, or the place of meeting. Titus Tatius quarreled with the men of Laurentum, and while offering sacrifices at Lavinium was slain. From this time Romulus reigned alone over the two peoples, and made laws to govern them in peace and war. 10. The Constitution of Romulus. First of all he divided his people into patricians and clients. He then divided the patricians into three tribes, the Ramnes, Tities and Luceres, and each of the three tribes into ten curies. The patricians, when they assembled to vote or make laws, came each in his curia, and each curia had one vote decided by the majority of voters in it. The curia was composed of the beads of the houses, which also had their own laws, customs, ana sanctuaries. The clients were the dependents of the patricians, whom they were to protect in every way against injustice. From the patricians he chose three hundred of the oldest and wisest to be his council of senators. Out of the young men he chose a legion of 3,000 foot- soldiers and 300 horsemen, according to the number of the three tr'lies and thirty curies, out of every curia 100 foot-soldiers and ten horsemen. The story goes on in the same mythical vein to tell how, after a reign of thirty-seven years, Romulus was suddenly removed from the world while reviewing his people on the campus Martius. There arose suddenly a fearful storm, the sun was darkened, but when daylight returned Romulus had disappeared. His father, Mars, had carried him up to heaven in a fiery chariot. His people mourned for him until Proculus, a senator, said that on his way to Alba Romulus had met him and promised to protect the Romans under the name of Quirinus. 1 For the derivation, see p. 15, note. 50 THE HISTORY OF THE REGAL PERIOD. 11. The Legend attributes the introduction of the religious institutions, the reformation of the calendar, the formation of the guilds,* and the erection of a temple to Janus, at the entrance of the forum, the gates of which were opened during war and closed in time of peace, to Numa Pompilius. 1 Tullus Hostilius broke the power of the Latins and destroyed Alba Ancus Marcius, the grandson of .Xuma, built the port of Ostia. the fortress on the Janiculus, a bridge across the Tiber, and laid the foundation of the plebeian order by the settlement he gave to the conquered people on the A veil tine. 12. The Etruscan Dynasty. After this, the state assumed a new character from the accession of an Etruscan dynasty of three kings. The first, Tarquinius Priscus, defeated the Sabines ind took Collatia, subdued the Etruscans, doubled the number of noble houses in each tribe by enrolling plebeians, commenced the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, built the cloaca maxima, laid out the circus in the valley of Miirdu, and introduced gam< s from Etruria. The second, Servius Tullius, devised the new roii.-titution, concluded a treaty with the Latins, and erected a temple of Diana on the Aventine as a federal sanctuary of the Latin am' Roman people. The third, Tarquinius Superbus, formed an alliance with Octavius Mamilius of Tusculum, estab- lished the Latin games on the Alban Mount to .Jupiter Latiaris. waged war on the Volscians, took their most important town, Si'x*a Poniefiii, from the spoils of which he finished the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, completed the sewers begun by Tar- quinius Priscus, obtained the Sibylline books from Cumae, sent his two sons to consult the Delphian oracle, and finally ruling with insolence, and endeavoring to build up his arbitrary power on the destruction of the nobility, was driven from the throne, and the monarchy which had endured two hundred and forty-four years ended with his reign, and the era of the republic began. 2 13. The Value of this Narrative. However much the story of the expulsion of Tarquiuius and all his house may have * See p. 398, n. 8. ' pint. Numa. * See j). 45. THE HISTORY OF THE REGAL PERIOD. 31 been interwoven with anecdotes, it cannot in its leading outlines be called in question. There can be no doubt that the last king was a cruel and arbitrary tyrant ; that he neglected to consult the senate and complete its numbers ; that he unjustly pronounced sentence of death and confiscation against the lead- ing members of the great houses, in order to Aveaken them in influence and numbers, that he might the easier build up his 3Avn arbitrary power; and that he finally exacted from the peo- ple military labors and task-work beyond what Avas due. These measures, which threatened to coiiA'ert the government of the state into an arbitrary despotism, united the two parties, patri- cian and plebeian, against him. The exasperation of the peo- ple Avas attested by their VOAV never again to tolerate a king. In regard to the other events, the acts of each king, how many kings there Avere, hoAV many years each reigned, and hoAV long the regal period lasted, the tradition, interwoven with inconsistencies and improbabilities, at one time attributing institutions to one person and then the same to another, is utterly untrustworthy. The full extent of these inconsisten- cies, and the A'ast number of traditional histories, entirely incon- sistent with each other, are not generally known, because the history of the regal period is usually learned from LiA-y. When we, however, compare Livy's narrative of eA^ents with those of other writers, AVC then become aAvare of the uncertainty which prevailed even among the Romans themselves. 14. Other Sources. Still, Avhile rejecting the traditional history in the main, AVC must remember that it is essentially of Sornan origin, and closely interwoven Avith Roman manners, customs, and localities. This fact, taken in connection with Avhat we learn from other sources in regard to the Roman people, enables us in a measure to eliminate much that is uncertain, and deduce a tolerably true and consistent history of the political and civil institutions, and of the religious and social customs of the Romans, even in that early period of their history. These other sources are: (1) the excavations which have recently been made in the very locality where the events were transacted; (2) the study of comparative philology, which has discovered 82 THE HISTOEY OF THE EEGAL PEKIOD. that the different races in Italy belonged to the Indo-European family, that the Romans, when they first appeared on the stapv of history as a separate people, had already in the Graeco-Italian time passed through a long period of development, and that the groundwork of their religious, social, arid legal life had already been formed; (.'*) the physical geography of the country, which teaches how far the development of peoples is influenced by climate and the peculiar formation of their country; (4) the later history, which enables us in some instances to draw infer- ences in regard to the earlier history. 15. The Results. From a study of these sources, certain broad conclusions have been arrived at, the chief of which have already been indicated. They may be summed up in the steady growth of the city until it became the head of Latium, and derived wealth and commercial importance from its favorable position. A constitution based on a patriarchal aristocracy, with an elective monarchy at its head, was modified by the introduction of new elements, chiefly from the conquered states. Soon the necessity arose for incorporating this new element, with the state. This was done by organizing a new military system, which made property instead of birth the principle of division. From this time the plebeians could no longer be kept separate as a distinct and inferior class, but under the new constitution they won after long and weary contests a position in the state. The last king, seeking to convert his government into an arbitrary despotism, was expelled by both patricians and plebeians, whom the common danger had for the moment united, but who differed again as soon as the peril was over. This change in the government, originating in the desire to limit the power of the chief magistrate, at least in point of time, was the result of the natural development of the consti- tution. For not only at Rome, but in the other Latin states, and even in Greece, at about the same time, the rulers for life were superseded by annual magistrates. THE RELIGION OF THE ROMANS. 33 TV. THE RELIGION OF THE ROMANS. 1. It is necessary before passing to the history of the Repub- iic, to glance at the religion of Rome, because it exercised a decided influence on the government of the state. We have already learned that the groundwork of the religion of the Greeks and Romans was laid 1 before their separation. The Romans brought their own gods and own form of worship with them into the valley of the Tiber. The elements, then, of their religion, like their clan-constitution, were older than the state; the development was peculiar and characteristic of the Roman mind. 2. The Worship of Nature. The Roman was eminently religious. He saw the agency of the gods in everything. To him all nature, the heavens, the earth, the mountains, the rivers, swarmed with divine beings. Wherever he turned, whatever he undertook, whether at home, on his farm, or in the forum, he sought with scrupulous care to learn the will of the gods by prayer and offerings. The Roman, on his entrance into Italy, had the home and the domestic hearth, and had learned how to till the soil. The gods, then, whose protection he especially sought, were those of nature of the forest, the field, the grove, the mountain, and the home. Hence the honor early paid to Jupiter and Juno, the god and goddess of the clear sky; to Saturnus, the seed-sower; to Tellus, the nour- ishing earth; to Ceres, the goddess of germination and growth; to Census and Ops, the god and goddess of the harvest; to Pales, the goddess of the flocks ; and to Jupiter, 2 the god of the vine. These were all worshiped with festivals, 3 each in his own proper month. 1 Page 11. Jupiter was worshiped under name* according to the matter for which his aid was needed: as Jupiter Terrnin .'/., the god of boundaries; Jupiter JSliciug, the god of light- ning ; and in the Capitol as Jui/iter Oi>tinvi* J/rt.w/c/x. a The Saturnalia in December, the TellUia, Cerialia. Paltiia. and Vinalia in April 34 THE RELIGION OF THE ROMANS. 3. The Lupercalian Feast. The Romans heard, espe- cially, the voices of their gods in the stillness of the forest. Pliny calls the groves the first temples of the gods. Here before the trees, as before the altars of their gods, the Romans offered their devotions. The oak was sacred to Jupiter; the olive to Minerva. The tig-tree was an object of especial wor- ship, for it was near the fig-tree at the foot of the Palatine that the twins Romulus and Reintis were found. Xear by wa.- the Lupercal, where the god Lupercus dwelt. His festival, called Lupercalidy was celebrated every year, on the 15th ot February. After sacrificing to the god in his cave, the priests ran through the streets dressed in goats' skins, beating all whom they met with strips of goats' leather. The year closed with the festival to Terminus, called the Tenninalia, the god of boundaries. 4. Other Forms of Worship. The Roman gods loved to have their thrones erected on the lofty hills, as Jupiter Latiaris on the Alban Mount, from the sacred summit of which he could survey the whole plain of Latium, and as the old Italian deity Apollo Soranus. the god of the sun, on Mount Soracte. In addition to these there was the worship of Vul- can, the god of fire and the forge; of the Arval Brothers, who invoked in May the creative goddess Dea Dia to bless the growth of the seed; that of Neptune, the god of the sea, by the sailors, and of Volturnus, the god of the Tiber. In fact, every person, house, curia, and tribe, had its own god, to whom each offered sacrifices and prayers. Particularly dear to the Roman was the worship of the godti a, with her eternal fire burning on the household hearth, the living symbol of the goddess. Her worship was intimately connected with that of the Penates, the protectors of the house, and of the Lares, the departed spirits of ancestors who watched over the family. 5. Jupiter and Mars. Besides these deities who watched over the fields, the flocks, and the house, the Romans also paid worship to Jupiter, the protector and preserver of the state, whom the Latins worshiped on the Alban mount as Jupiter La- 1 in ri* } and the Romans ou the Capitoline as, Jupiter Capital mix. THE RELIGION OF THE ROMANS. 35 The Ides* of each month were sacred to him, and a great fes- tival, the FericB Latina, was celebrated once every year on the Alban Mount. By his side stood Mars, the protector of the citizens, the father of Romulus and the Koman people; to whom March, the first month of their year, was consecrated, and to whom a great war festival was celebrated at the begin- ning and end of every campaign. 6. The Worship of Quirinus. After the union of the Palatine Romans with the Sabines on the Quirinal, the Roman religion, influenced by the addition of new and conservative elements, 1 entered upon a new period of development. Both tribes before their union had worshiped Jupiter and Mars as their supreme gods, and now in common they paid their devo- tions to Quirinus, the god of the united Ramnes and Tities. The point of union for the two tribes was found in the curia*, which had a religious as well as a political significance. Each curia had its own place of worship, under the direction of the curio and his priest, the flamen curialis, and out of the thirty curicB one was selected, called curio maximus, who presided over the whole. 7. The State Religion. We have learned that the Roman government was modeled on that of the family. The state reli- gion also found its counterpart in that of the household. As the family had its own domestic altar, so the state had a com- mon altar 3 in the temple of Vesta, the goddess of the house. Just as the family offered sacrifices on the domestic hearth, so the state offered sacrifices to the gods either in this temple or its rotunda, the so-called domus regia. In the regia were wor- shipped the two gods of the Ramnes and Tities, Jupiter and Mars, and that of the united people, Quirinus, and the old Latin deity Janus, god of the beginning and end of everything, and the one whom the Romans invoked before any other god. To Janus all gates and doors were sacred, and he therefore car- ried a key in his hand to open and lock them. He is always represented with two faces, one before and one behind, and * See p. 259, u. 3. > Page 15. ' Focus publicus. 36 THE RELIGION OF THE ROMA N hence called Bifrons, or Biceps. As the god of beginning he opened in the morning the gates of Olympus and closed them at evening. To him the month of January 1 Mas sacred, and the first day of that month, when the labors of the husbandman began anew, sacrifices of wine, incense and fruit were offered to him. He was invoked particularly at the beginning and end of every war. When the two cities on the Palatine and Quirinal were united, a gate called the Janus was erected in the comi- tium, through which their armies passed going to or returning from war. This was always open in time of war and closed in time of peace, to signify that in peace the two communities were separate, but in war united for mutual protection. 8. The Worship of Vesta. In the temple of Vesta were worshiped Vesta and the Penates and Lures. The house near by was called the regi'a, because the worship due to the gods hon- ored there belonged to the king as high-priest of the nation. In order that it might never be neglected, on account of the other duties of the king, three priests, eattedjfomMMt, were nominated for life to assist the king, viz. : the fiamen Dialis, the priest of Jupiter, the god of the Kamnes, and his wife flaminica, corres- ponding to the pater fanulin* and mntcr familias of the family ; flanien Martini is, the priest of Mars, the god of the Tities, and ftamen QnirinnHs, the priest of Qirir'unix, god of the united community. In the temple of Vesta were six virgins, virgines Vextales, daughters of the household of the Roman state, to -correspond with t\\Q filial f ami! ins, the daughters of the family. They kept the fire always blazing on the common household hearth. This was considered the most sacred worship in Rome. The king also had charge of the worship of the curies (and hence flamines curiales), and also general oversight over the college of Salii and Fratres Arvales. To the custody of the Salii was entrusted the care of the sacred shields, ancilia, which were kept in the temple of Mars on the Palatine, and every year, on the first of March, they made a solemn procession through the city, chanting hymns and dancing. There were 1 When January became the flr-t month, the opening of the yea' wa also ascribed to him. THE RELIGION OF THE ROMANS. 37 two sets of Salii, the Salii of Palatine and Quirinal, which com- memorated the union of the Romans on the Palatine and the Sabines on the Quirinal. The Salii were twelve in number, and were always selected from the patricians. The unity of the Roman state after the banishment of the king was preserved by conferring those priestly duties which the king alone performed, upon a rex sacrorum or rex sac- rificulus and his wife regina sacrorum, both of whom performed their sacrifices in the reyia, he to Jupiter, she to Juno. He was nominated by the pontifex maximus, and inaugurated in the comitia curiata calatn^ just as the king was. He ranked higher than all other priests, but in influence and power was inferior to the pontifex maximus. He held his office for life like the king, but was not allowed to hold any political or military office, and was exempt from all civil and political duties. He lived on the via sacra in a domus publica. 9. Jupiter Capitolinus. Soon Rome extended her power over Latiiim, and, as a common centre of worship for the enlarged state, dedicated the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus. Here the unity of the new nation was symbolized by the com- mon worship paid to Jupiter, Juno and Minerva. In the building of the temple tradition relates that it was necessary to remove ancient shrines and altars erected there by the Sabines. The gods to whom these had been raised were consulted by auguries if they would give place to the new deities. All con- sented except Terminus and Youth, who refused to retire from the sacred spot. This gave Rome the assurance that her bounda- ries should never go back, and that her youth should ever be renewed. Here in his temple the statue of Jupiter himself was erected, with his face turned towards the forum, that he might look down upon his people. Until then the Romans had made no ideal pictures or statues of their god. They bad only sym hols, as a stone for Jupiter, the holy lance for Mars, the fire for Vesta, the altars and the consecrated space, 2 but now they learned from the Greeks how to represent their gods as men. 1 Calata from the manner in which it was called. ' Templum. 38 THE BELIGION OF THE ROMANS. 10. Grecian Influence. Another evidence of Grecian influence was the introduction of the Sibylline books, as tradi- tion relates, from Cunw. The story runs that a strange woman came to Tarquiu and offered nine books for sale. The king refused to buy the books. The Sibyl departed and burnt three; then returned offering the remaining six at the same price. The king again refused. The Sibyl then burnt three more, and demanded the same price for the remaining three. The curi- osity of the king was aroused; lie bought the books, and the woman vanished. The books were kept in a stone chest under the capitol in charge of two men, called duoviri sncrorum. They were consulted by the order of the senate in time of great emergency or of public calamity. Through their influence the worship of many Grecian deities was introduced, as that of Apollo, Latona, Mater Idrea and others. 11. Divination. The Romans sought in many ways to know the wills of the gods. Besides consulting the Sibylline books, they had omens, prodigies, and divinations. That form of divination which was peculiarly national and characteristic of the Roman ; was the observation of the auspices. No trans- action, public or private, took place without first consulting the auspices. The auspices were the signs from Jupiter to his people telling them what to do or not to do. For private acts the auspices could be taken by any one who belonged to the people; but for the state tiny could only be taken by some one who represented the state and who had been empowered to act as mediator between the state and the gods. This was at first the king, and in c;ise of his death the patricians' and the interivx, and after the establishment of the republic the higher magistrates. The gods of the Roman state then were the gods of the patricians, and they alone could mediate between them and the state. 12. The Auspices. In the regal period the auspicia* belonged to the king alone, and in the times of the republic to 1 When the king died the auspices returned to the patres (i. e.ipatretfamillcu gen- tium patriciar urn), and they in concilium C'li-intum nominated the internes. '* I. ., ex ccelo and ex avibus, the other forms (ex tripu/tiis, de calo sen are, ex quad- rvpedibus and ex diris) being later. THE RELIGION OF THE ROMANS. the magistrates, by virtue of election. The augur was only the assistant of the magistrate ; the lightning and the birds were not sent to him but to the magistrate ; he only interpreted them. In taking the auspices considerable technical knowl- edge was necessary, as the consecrated space ' had to be marked off with the sacred wand, 2 the tent to be pitched, 3 and certain prayers and formulae repeated. Then the person taking the" auspices waited for the favorable signs. If an interruption of any kind occurred, if the sacred chair rocked, if the wand fell, the auspices were rendered invalid. Great importance was attached to the phraseology of the prayer, for a mistake here, even in a single word, might call down the vengeance of Jupiter upon the state. Hence it was necessary that men particularly skilled in sacred lore should be appointed to assist the magis- trate and dictate the proper form of prayer. This led to the formation of three colleges of sacred lore, that of the augures, pontijiccs and fet tales. The College of Augures 4 was nominated from the patri- cians by the king ; and the number, consisting at first of four, was increased to six, then to nine, and then to sixteen. As no public act of any kind could be performed, no election held, no law passed, no war waged, without first taking the auspices, the augurs, as interpreters of the will ot the gods, in whose hands the exclusive right was to declare 5 whether the omens were favorable or unfavorable, acquired great influence and soon exercised vir- tual control over every^ act of the state. This power they natu- rally used in the interest of their own order. In the great contest of the plebeians for equal rights in the state, the augurs not unfrequently used their power unfairly to render void the elections of consuls, the acts of the comitia, or any measure not in the interest of their own order, on the ground that the auspices had been irregular. 6 As there was no appeal from their decision, their veto was absolute. 1 Templum. * Wir.m Taternaculum capere. * Or ampices (from mis and gpec-trt), in so far as they made the observation ; or augures (from avis, and a root which means to announce), in so far as they announced the result. Nuntiatio. * Vitium. 40 THE RELIGION OF THE ROMAN>. 13. The Influence on the Government. One of the arguments most strenuously urged against the admission of the plebeians to the consulship, was that the privilege of taking the auspices belonged to the patricians alone. On the same grounds the intermarriage of plebeians with the patrician order was opposed because the auspices must ever remain in the patrician families. The patricians alone knew the days 1 when civil suits could be heard, or when it was lawful to transict business with the people, 2 that is, when the comitia could meet. 3 On the morning of the day when the comitia centunata was to as- semble, the magistrate who was to preside consulted the auspices. For this purpose an augur 4 must be present, and if he an- nounced by the words die alia that they were unfavorable, 3 the comitia must be postponed. If, however, the auspices were declared favorable 6 by the words silent ium esse i'ini>. not in the sense of bridge, but of way, road ; they were called pomiflces because they must keep iu order the roads, especially the pans wblicius for the priestly processions. THE RELIGION OF THE ROMAN'S, 41 of the festivals depended, and with them rested the exclusive knowledge of the forms of procedure in the civil and religious courts. They not only determined what gods should be wor- shiped, and in what manner, but they exercised a general supervision over priests, magistrates, and even private indi- viduals. From their power to regulate the calendar, they added to or shortened the year, so as to lengthen the term of a favorite sonsul or to shorten that of one who displeased them. At their head stood the pontifex maximus, who was at first elected by the college itself, and in the time of the republic by the people. It was his duty to record the most important events of the year, to appoint the famines, vestales, and rex sacrificulus, and exercise a general supervision ' over the worship of the state. His official residence was in the domus regia on the via sacra. 15. The College of Fetiales 2 was the guardian of the public faith in all matters pertaining to foreign nations. It was their duty in case of dispute with a foreign state, to demand 3 satisfaction. This was done by electing one from their number called j)ater patratus, whose duty it was, first, at the confines of the enemy's territory ; secondly, of the first native of the country whom he might chance to meet; thirdly, at the gate- of the city, and finally in the market before the magistrate, to demand satisfaction. If this was not granted, then the king, first consulting the senate and then the people, again sent the pater pair at us to the hostile country, who pronounced a decla- ration of war and hurled a spear tipped with blood across the boundary. The Fetiales were the first of the three great colleges to decline in influence, because the foreign relations of Rome soon extended beyond the confines of Italy. In the war with Pyrrhus, as the spear could not be hurled into the enemy's territory, to preserve the form a subject of Pyrrhus, a prisoner of war at Rome, was compelled to purchase a piece of land in the circus Flaminius. This was declared to be hostile terri- 1 Judex et arbiter rerum divinarum et humananim. Fe?t. s. v. ordo. p lo. 1 Prom the old stibstantive/g&v cf./ari, fas. 3 Re< repetere. 42 THE RELIGION OF THE ROM A tory, and the pater patratus hurled here the hostile spear. Later the preliminary arrangements were made by ambassadors' sent by the senate, while the hostile spear was hurled over the pillar in front of the temple of Bellona, for the area upon which this temple stood was regarded as a symbolical repre- sentation of the enemy's country. 16. The Art of the Haruspices was another pecu'iar form of Koman worship. It was of Etruscan origin, and on important occasions haruspices were often summoned from Etrnria. It consisted in interpreting the will of the gods from inspection of the entrails of victims offered in sacrifice. It was customary here to continue the sacrifice until the desired result was obtained, and in a measure, as with the auspices, to compel the gods to give favorable signs. The same was the case with the so-called prodigies 2 by which the gods unsought indicated the approach of evil by some strange incident, as when it rained stones or blood, when the lightning struck, when the holy lance of .Mars trembled. In these cases it was believed that the wrath of heaven might be appeased by cer- tain forms and ceremonies, which would be announced, either on the burial of the stones, the erection of an altar 3 where the lightning struck, or on consulting the Sibylline books or even the Delphic oracle. In all these cases they made no effort to comply with the will of the gods, they changed none of their plans or views, but simply sought by external ceremonies 4 to avert the anger of the gods. 17. Peculiar Ceremonies. The state religion of the Romans was connected with a dreary round of ceremonies which none but the priests knew. As to the priests, they formed no exclusive class, no qualifications of age or expe- rience being required. They were generally elected for life, and often at the same time held sacred and civil offices. In rank the rex sacrificulus took the precedence, then came the three famines. The pontifex maximus occupied the fifth place, but in power and authority stood over all the others. 1 Legati ' Prodiyium. * Pitlealia. ' Procurare prodiyium. THE RfcllGlOK OJ 1 THfi KOMANS. 43 The priests were subject to some curious regulations which existed down to later times, and which, in the case of the flamen Dialis, have been accidentally preserved. 1 It was un- lawful for him to ride upon u horse, to look upon an army equipped for battle, to take an oath, or to wear a ring unless it was hollow and perforated with holes. A prisoner who entered his house was free, and his chains must be hurled from the house over the roof. He could have no knot in his whole attire ; he was forbidden to touch or name raw flesh, a she-goat, ivy, or beans ; he could not take off his head-dress in the open air, nor sleep three nights in succession out of his own bed, nor could he be out of the city a single night. If his wife, the flaminica, died, he was obliged to resign. 18. The General Character of the Roman Religion. A religion like that of the Eomans, so severe, so anxious in the fulfilment of dreary ceremonies, so narrow in its purposes and aims, so intimately connected with the machinery of the state, must necessarily have exercised a decided influence on the ear- nest, practical minds of the Eomans. At the same time it is clear that it was exposed to misuse for political purposes, and when this once happened, when its narrow limits were once broken through, its decline was sure and rapid. In the regal period, however, the priests were regarded as the mere servants of the king. His control was supreme, not only over the worship of the state, but over that of the curia, of the gens, and even of the family. The signs came to him as the high-priest of the nation and not to his servants. lie alone could perform certain sacri- fices for the state, 3 for which, after the banishment of the kings, the rex sacrificulus was appointed. The priests acknowledged that they were instituted by him, and that from him they learned their sacred rites. Still the other duties of the king, as commander of the army and administrator of justice, com- pelled him to transfer many of his religious functions to others. He, too, was liable to change, while they were permanent and handed down to their successors the various rules of their 1 Aulu* GeHius, x. 15. Sacra publioa. 44 THE RELIGION OP THE ROMANS. science. They, too, as sole interpreters of the auspices, pos- sessed a virtual veto on every public act. The result was that their dignity in the state was constantly on the increase. By this transference of religious duties to the priests, it was not intended to separate permanently the civil and religious func- tions of the king; but this transference contained tbe germ of euch a separation. Its development is really the internal his- tory of Rome in the time of the republic. The state incorpo- rated new elements, and entered upon a career of progress, while the religion, incapable of growth, remained stationary. For the present, however, the priests acknowledged their depend- ence upon the magistrates, and religion remained serviceable to the state, and not the state to religion. ts present condition.) This temple stood in the forum Bwrlwn It is sometime* called a temple of Her- cules, because Livy fx. 23) speaks of such a temple being in this vicinity. One of the original twenty Corinthian columns !. ejor.e- The roof is modern, the ancient entabhv tare a:-.'J roof having disappeared. llli: ATTEMPTS OF TARQUINIUS TO REGAIN POWER. 45 CHAPTER V. THE ATTEMPTS OF TARQUINIUS TO REGAIN THE ROYAL POWER. 1. The Legendary Narrative Tradii ion relates that when Tarquiuius ' and all his house had been banished from 1 The legendary history of the last king is so interwoven with the literature of Rome, that every one ought to be familiar with it. A brief sketch condensed from Livy, is therefore annexed : Lucius Tarquinius, called Superbus on account of his pride, was a genuine tyrant. It is related that Servius Tullius had two daughters ; the one quiet and gentle, the other naughty and imperious. In like manner the two sous, Aruns and Lucius, of Tarquinius Priacus,* the predecessor of Servius, were of different disposition. These eons Servius Tullius married to his own daughters ; but they were ill-mated, for the cruel Tullia was married to the gentle Aruns, while tne wicked Lucius was the husband of the gentle Tullia. The wicked ones longed for the society of each other, and it soon came to pass that the wicked Lucius murdered his wife and brother, and united himself with the one who had a disposition like his own. This wicked pair desired to possess the royal power and encroached on the authority of their father-in-law. Lucius entered the market-place clothed in the royal robes, attended with armed men, and summoned the senate. When Servius heard the reports, and hurried to the senate-house, a quarrel arose and liis son-in-law hurled him clown the steps of the senate-house, and dispatched me_n who overtook him on his way home and slew him in the street. The ambitious Tullia hastened to salute her husband as. king. As she was driving her carriage home through the street where her father's body lay bleeding', she gave orders not to turn the carriage out, but to drive over the body of her father. From this action the street was called ever after the street of crime ( Vicus Scderatus). After Tarqn'n gained the throne he ruled with insolence. His will was the sole law. He surrounded himself with a body-guard, refused to consult, the senate, and banished or punished with heavy fines all who were against him or whose wealth provoked his avarice. The poor he compelled to work at his buildings beyond what was lawful. He married his daughter to Mamilius of Tuscu- lum, and, strengthened by this alliance, he made the forty-seven Latin towns subject to himself (see p. SO, note 5). The people of Gabii resisted bravely and he could not prevail against them. Then Tarqnin pretended to banish his son Sextus ; he fled to Gabii as if from his father's wrath, and begged the people with tears to give him refuge * The following genealogical table will be convenient for reference : DEMARATUS OP CORINTH. LUCUMO, afterwards L. Tarquinius Prlscus. TARQUINIA, m. S. TuUius. TARQUINIA, m. M. BRUTUS. L. Tarquinius Superbus. ARUNS. M. BRUTUS, put to death by Tarqninius. L. BRUTUS, Consul. TITUS. SEXTOS. ARUKS. AHUNS. EGERIUS, tommander of Collatia. TAHQUTNIUS COLLATINUS, m. Lucretia. 46 THE ATTEMPTS OF TARQUINIUS TO IM-iiAIN POWER. Rome he did not give up all hope of recovering the throne. He had still a strong party of patricians in the city. He therefore sent messengers to Rome on the pretence of asking for the restoration of his private property, but really to consult with his friends in the city how the king might be restored. and receive him into their town. The Gabians were deceived, and befriended him and made him a commander. The Romans Ik-d when Sex us appeared, because it hud been -(I upon between Sextus and hi- father. At length Sextus had MI Drained iho contidciice or the people of Gabii that the whole power in ilie city was entrusted to him. Then he >ent secretly a messenger in hi- tut her in ask what he should do. The king happened to be walking in his garden when the envoy came, and instead of giving an answer in words he cut oft' with his sijek the beads of all the taHi When the messenger returueut one day a prodigy happened that frightened the tyrant. A serpent crawled out from beneath the altar and devoured the 1 entrails of the victim. This alarmed the kiiiic and he determined to send his two sons and his nephew. Junius Brutus, who had for some time pretended to be half-witted, to Delphi to inquire the cause of so fearful a portent. The kind's son- hrouizht coMly presents, but Brutus L'avo only a simple stall'. The others ridiculed him, but they did not know that the stall' was hollowed out and filled with gold. Alter they hud made their inquiries they ai-ked who would reiirn in Koine alter their father. ' lie," replied the god, who shall lirst ki-s his mother." The pi hid s agreed to di aw lots which of them should first kiss his mother on their return. Brutus, hf/wever. better understood the meaning of the oracle, and when he had left the temple, fell, as if by chance, and kissed the around; for the earth he thonirht was the common mother of all. About this time it happened that Tarqitin was l>e>ie::ii;:_ r Ardea. a town of the Rutuli. In Latium. The city could not be taken by storm. ai>d the Roman army enc. imped nnder the walls. One evening, when the son of Tarqiiin were supping with their cousin, Tarquinius Collat'mus of Collatia, a dispute aro-e as to which of their wive- was the most virtuous. They agreed u> settle it 07 going and peeing which of 'he ladies deserved the highest prai-e. They mount d their horses and tirst rode to Rome, and then to Collatia. They found the princesses at a splendid least, but Lucretia. the wife of Collatinus, busy among the maidens spinning, though it was late at ni^ht. The prize was conceded to Lucretia. The beauty and virtue of Lucretia excited the evil passions of Sextns, and be returned a few days alter to Collatia, where he wa~ kimih received. In the middle of the night he rose and entered Luciviia's chamber and nupriMd her aione. When she refused to yield herself to him he threatened to murder her and to put a murdered slave beside her in the bed, and thru decla-v to her hu-baml that he had found them so together. Then Lucretia resisted no longer. As -non a- Sextus had returned to the camp before Ardea, she sent lo Rome and to \nle-i for her father and husband. These hastened to Collatia, accompanied by Jmtius Brutus and Publins Valerius, and they found Lucretia clad in deep mourning. When she had told her story she drew a dagger and plunged it into her heart. Brutus snatched the da^er from the wound and swore to avenge her death. They bore the corp-e to trie market-place of Collatia and told the people what had happened : me > wa- chosen. Noi'nin^ else in the laws or ordinances was altered, hut everything remained as it had been under the kins. Rome endured the kingly rule for two hundred and forty-five years (B.C. 753-509). In memory of the king's banishment an annual festival was celebrated on the 24th of February, called the Rcfd'nrfinrn. * gen* ; it is not quite correct to render yen* by house, for this implies relationship, which was not essential in the gens, neither is the term clan nor family synonymous. THE ATTEMPTS OF TARQUINIUS TO REGAIN" POWER. 47 The plot was discovered, and the property of the king was divided among the people. Among the conspirators were the two sons of Brutus, the consul. He would not ask the people for mercy for his own sons, but ordered the lictor ' to bind them to the stake before his own eyes and to put them to death like the other traitors. 2. Tarquinius now endeavored to regain the throne by arms. He prevailed upon the people of Tarquinii and Veji to espouse his cause. The Romans inarched out to meet their foes. The battle was fought near the wood Arsia, and was fierce and bloody. Both parties claimed the victory, but in the night the voice of the god Silvan us was heard from the woods, saying that the Romans had conquered, because among the Etruscans one man more had been slain than among the Romans. In the battle Brutus had been killed by Aruns, the king's son. The Roman women mourned for him a whole year, because he had avenged the death of Lucretia. 3. The War -with Porsenna. Tarquinius now applied to Lars Porsenna, of Clusium, who ruled over the whole of Etruria. Porsenna collected a powerful army, inarched to Rome, took possession of the hill Janiculus, and would have entered the city over the wooden bridge 2 if it had not been for one man. This was Horatius Codes, who with two comrades kept the whole Etruscan army at bay, while the Romans broke down the bridge. Horatius then sprang into the Tiber, armed as he was, and swam safely to the opposite shore. The Etrus- cans now laid siege to the city. The people were hard pressed with famine. Then Mucius, a noble Roman, went to the Etruscan camp to kill the king. By a mistake he slew the treasurer of the king, who was distributing pay to the soldiers. He was seized and led to Porsenna, who threatened him with death. Mucius, to show that he feared neither pain nor death, thrust his right hand into the names that were burning on the 1 The lictors were sen-ants of the magistrates. Each consul had twelve. They carried the fasces, or rods, bound in a bundle, from the middle of which an axe (securw) protruded. 9 Pens sublicius. 48 THE ATTEMPTS OF TARQUINIUS TO REGAIN POWER. altar until it was burnt to ashes. Astonished at the courage of the youth, the king forgave him, and allowed him to depart in peace. And Mucius, in gratitude, revealed to him that three hundred Roman youths had sworn to take his life, and that they would not rest until they had accomplished the deed. Porsenna, alarmed for his life, made peace with the Romans, He took no land from them except the seven Vejentine vilht-. >. which the Romans in former times had conquered. After taking hostages, he withdrew his forces from the Jauiculus. Among the hostages was a noble maiden named Cloelia. She escaped from the Etruscan camp, reached the Tiber, and swam across the river to Rome. The Romans, although they honored her courage, sent her back to Porsenna, who so admired the faith of the Romans that he not only released Cloelia but as many of the other hostages as she selected. 4. When Porsenna made peace with the Romans, he returned to Clusium. He sent his son, however, with an army against the Latin town Aricia. The Greeks of C'unue helped the Latins, and the Etruscans were defeated in a great battle, so that few escaped. These fled to Rome, where they were hospitably received. The fathers gave them a dwelling in a part of the city that was called, from them, the Etruscan quarter (vicus Tuscus). At this time Attus Clausus 1 migrated to Rome with his three thousand clients, and founded the great patrician house of the Claudii. 5. The Battle of Lake Regillus. The king made one more attempt to regain his throne. This time he applied to his son-in-law, Octavius Mamilius, of Tusculum. The Latins espoused his cause. A great battle was fought near Lake II 'irillus. The Romans were commanded by a dictator, Aulus Postumius, who was appointed for six months to rule over Rome like the king, and to be the sole leader of the army, for it was feared that the two consuls might not agree. Titus, the son of the king, perished on the battle-field. The king him- self fled to Cumae, where he soon after died. The tradition relates that the battle was long and bloody. The Roman army began to give way. The dictator vowed a temple to Cas- ~ i Sc " THE ATTEMPTS OF TARQUINIl/S TO REGAIN POWER. 49 tor and Pollux, 1 if they would assist the Roman army. Then two youths rode on white chargers at the dictator's right hand. The Romans pressed again on the Latins and overthrew them. The same evening the two youths appeared at Rome to an- nounce the victory. After they had washed their horses at the spring Juturna, in the forum, they disappeared and were never seen again. Then the Romans knew that they had seen Castor and Pollux, and they huilt them a temple where they had washed their horses. With the battle of Lake Regillus closed the period of mythical Roman history. Although the vein of poetical fable often reappears, even to the time of Camillus,* still in the main the narrative is reliable and trustworthy. 6. The Credibility of this Narrative. It is difficult to determine from these legends what the actual course of events was. There is little doubt that Rome was conquered by the Etruscans and lost all her territory on the right bank of the Tiber. This war, however, can not be regarded as an inter- vention of Etruria in favor of the Tarquins ; for the reason that notwithstanding the complete success of the Etruscans, they made no effort to restore the Roman monarchy. Neither was the war with the Latins an effort to restore Tarquin, for he had been their oppressor, and his banishment must have been welcome to them ; but in this war probably was disguised the fact that the neighboring tribes seized this opportunity to throw off the hated yoke of Roman supremacy which Tarquin had laid upon them. Another evidence that Rome was hard pressed, is that in order to strengthen the unity and power of the government, the kingly office was temporarily restored. The consuls were superseded, and a dictator with supreme power 2 was nominated. The first dictator is said to have been Titus Larcius (B. c. 501), and his master of horse, 8 Sp. Cassius. 1 This temple vowed by the dictator is said to have been erected by his son. It was in the forum east of the basilica Julia, and separate;! from it only by the vicus Tuscus. It was rebuilt by Tiberius, and the three columns still standing are of his time. Part of the foundation is tufa and is of the time of the kings. A little farther on, nearer the rostra of Julius Caesar, are the remains of a fountain, which by some has been identified as the fountain Juturna. 2 Imperium plenum. * JIagister equitum. See p. 54. * Scj p. 76. 50 THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE REPUBLIC. 7. The result may be summed up by saying that Rome was reduced almost to her original limits. She became again a Latin town. For nearly the next two hundred years she was engaged in conquering what had been lost by the revolution. CHAPTER VI. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE REPUBLIC. (509 B. i.) 1. After the banishment of the king, the power 1 thnt had been delegated to him returned to the fathers. 2 The forms of the constitution were strictly observed. Under the direction of Brutus, or of the pf>ntif<>.r nxtrimus, an interregnum* was declared and Spuri;i.s Lucretius was nominated inter rex. The constitution was so amended 3 that instead of a king two magis- trates, called consuls, were placed at the head of the state. They were not elected as the king had been, in the count ia en rin id, an exclusive patrician assembly, but on account of the rising influence of the plebeians, in the corn-it ia coihiriulu, where they too had a vote. 4 The consuls, like the king, were to rule the state, 5 administer justice, 6 and lead the army. Certain priestly functions which the king alone could perform were transferred to an officer called the king of sacrifices, 1 who was appointed for life. 8 It was not lawful for him to hold any political office nor to address the people. He must always perform his sacrifices in the comitiian in the first half of the day, din-ing which all public business \va- pended. The power of the consuls was equal, 9 and neither 1 Imperium. a I. e., Pat.re* familia* ;/////''///< ixitriciarnm. * By the so-called /.. llrnt<> repetita: a proposal t<> change the constitu- tion iiiu-t be sanctioned in a conci'i'in. .. in a meeting composed of the heads of patrician families only : then It most be incorporated in th< <<' imiin'm. winch was laid before th f>.r ratification. In the time of the republic all the head- of patrician families i.e.. />im natrifiarum, were in the senate ; hence the concil. popitli became confused with the patrician part of the t;eiiate. * The consul;', just as the kinj; had done, laid the lex curlafa de imperio before the assembly of curies to ratify their election. ' Hence called prcetores. * Hence called judices. ' Roc facrfflculus. ' See p. 36. Par poUittU, * See p. 20, n. 1. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE REPUBLIC. 51 could take any step without the consent of the other. 1 The result was that either consul could veto the acts of the other. 2. The first consuls were Lucius Junius Brutus and Tar- quiuius Collatinus. The name of Tarquinius was, however, so hateful to the people that he was obliged to resign his office, and was banished, with the whole Tarquinian gens, from Rome. Publius Valerius 2 was elected in his place. 3. The Dictatorship of Valerius. Tradition relates that Valerius remained alone in office 8 for some time after the death of his colleague. This excited the suspicion of the people that he was aiming at the royal power. This fear, however, was groundless ; for he only remained in office in order to carry a number of laws limiting the power 4 of the consuls. These laws Valerius laid before the people assembled in the comitia ccnturiata. This assembly, 5 it will be remembered, was founded on the classification of Servius Tullius, which was planned purely for military purposes. Under the kings it had had the right of deciding on the declaration of war. Now its jurisdic- tion was so enlarged that it exercised nearly the same functions which had formerly belonged to the comitia curiata. In it was vested the right not only of electing all the higher magis- trates, but that of legislation, in so far that it could adopt or reject all proposals laid before it by the presiding magistrate. These measures, however, before they became valid, as well as the election of the higher magistrates, required the sanction of the curies. For the comitia curiafa 6 alone could confer the 1 From their equal authority they were called consuls. 5 Plut. Poplicola. ' Consul fine colltga. * Imperium corwtlare. 8 In order to understand the history of this assembly in the time of the republic, it is necessary to keep in mind that it was frequently reorganized on the basis of the census ; that the number of men in a ceafvria was not alway-~a hundred, but often thirty, sixty. or even one hundred and twenty ; that iiie numoer of men between forty-six and sixty was equal in influence to those between seventeen and forty-six, though less numerous ; that it was so arranged that in the lower classes the number of men in a century was far greater than in the fir-t. The result was that the first class, including the knights, had a majority of the centuries, although by no means a majority of voters. b it must be remembered that before any measure pertaining to the imperiinn could be laid before the ;<. i-nr'tata, it must first receive the patrutn auctorilax, i. ., the sanction of the piitir* fnitul'in* ;ti? They ranked only as equites, and had no right to the insignia of senatorial dignity the purple-bordered robe, the red shoe, and the golden ring. 1. The first laiv 6 carried by Valerius prescribed that every Koman citizen against whom sentence of capital or corporal punishment had been pronounced should have the right of appealing 7 to the people in the comitia centuriata. This tion that they were entitled to vote when the lex cttrinta \yas to be ratified. (Of. die. ad .iff.. {., 18,4.) If the plebeians could vote in the comitin i-uii'i/a. there would be no propriety fa Cicero's writinsr that the adoption of Clodins \va- to be voted on in the "iininiK Miu-tiiix. where the whole people (tmiMrvtM /mpnti/n) could vote. i Ice inferring the /'////*/;///. the <-i>u>itiu rii,in/ii (n/l,i> n exercised jurisdiction over the internal affairs of the curies, inaugurated certain priests, and before it wills were made and the ceremony of /inn'iniiii, by which a man adopted any person as his HJII who was xi/ijiirix, that is who had been freed from the. (paMa) potesta* of his father. " Ati eapUar&tm. * This was at first a land-tax. It was raised in the tribes by officers called curators tribunal, later tti//i//ii ifnirii. * J'rrrtoria. * The senate was henceforth addressed as pfifrtx (ef) conxcripfl. There are said to have been as many as 1C4 added, a clear majority of the whole number. These were by no i :'-:IM- ;ill plebeians. fwit moffiftratiaebm Romanumadi'ersusprmocatianemnecaretnevevtrlxra.ret,. ''"'"'- * See p. 210. ii. fi. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE REPUBLIC. 53 was a direct limitation of the power of the consul ; it was the Habeas Corpus Act of the Romans. As an outward sign of the limitation of the official power of the magistrate, Vale- rius caused the fasces to be borne in the city without the axes, and to be lowered before the people. Outside of the city the consular authority was still supreme, and the axes were bound up with the fasces. 1 2. The second law 2 placed a limit to the fines 3 which the magistrate could impose. 3. The third law was also a limitation of the power of the consul, in that it prescribed that two qucestors* should be appointed annually to manage the finances, of the state. The management of the finances was a question of less importance at this time in Rome, where no public officer received a salary, and where military service was exacted from every citizen. The consuls, as has already been said, were elected for one year, yet they did not abdicate until their successors were appointed, for they must nominate and preside at the election of the latter. 4. T/te fourth law 5 of Valerius compelled the presiding magistrates to nominate and receive votes for all suitable candidates proposed by the people. 6 5. The fifth law 7 threatened any one with outlawry who should attempt to assume the highest magistracy without the consent of the people. 5. These are the laws attributed to Valerius, henceforth called Poplicola, " the people's friend." It is evident that they helped to settle the new order of things, and by limiting the power of the magistrate made the aristocratic rule of the patricians less intolerable to the plebeians. They offered to the plebeians, both in the senate and comitia centuriata, a 1 This led to the distinction between imperium doml and imperium militice. * At least it is generally ascribed to Valerius. * MuKce dicfio: the limit was five cattle and two sheep. 1 The qucRiitor?* jmriicidn were magistrates under the king. By the law of Valerius they became qiiceftore.* pnrriridii and ccrarii. ' Lex Valeria de candidate. ' The patricians could render the election invalid by refusing to empower (pafrwn auctorUat) the candidate to lay the /ex curiata de impeno before the rmnifift curiata. 7 I&K de gacranclo cum bonis cajAU yu-s, qvi regni occupandi concilia inlsset. 54 THE RICH AND POOR. THE TRIBUNES OF THE PEOPLE. share in the government, and thereby helped to strengthen the unity of the state. 6. The Dictatorship. The repeated re-election of Vale- rius, and the popular tendency of his laws, created a reaction and led to the establishment of the dictatorship. This was a temporary restoration of the full power which the kings had possessed. By a decree 1 of the senate one of the consuls was. empowered to nominate a dictator for a period not exceeding six months. All the other magistrates remained in office, and continued to discharge their duties, but they were all subject to the dictator. The guarantees by which Valerius had sought to protect the liberties of the people were all in abeyance. The dictator appointed as second in command a '/////-/ fo p. 48. ' Consul *"? THE RICH AND POOR. THE TRIBUNES OF THE PEOPLE. 55 Clatidian gens, which migrated to Rome with three thousand clients. About this time the population had so increased that the Roman territory was divided at the next census (B. c. 498) into twenty tribes, 1 of which four were the ancient wards formed by the Servian constitution. With the death of Tarquinius 8 vanished all fear of the restoration of the monarchy, and at the same time all regard for the welfare of the plebeians. 2. The Condition of the Plebeians. In order to under- stand the condition of the plebeians, it is necessary to remember that the management of the government was almost exclusively in the hands of the patricians. They alone could be dictators, consuls, quaestors, or priests. The plebeians, it is true, had a vote in the comitia centuriata, where they even formed a majority. This assembly, however, had been remodelled in the interest of the rich, so that here also the influence of the patricians was predominant. Further, no measure could be laid before this assembly until it had first received their sanction. The comitia then could only decide with yes or no on the question laid before them. All emendation, discussion, and debate were excluded. The measures, after their adoption by the people, must come once more before the patricians for confirmation L in the comitia curia fa. In the popular assembly, fhen, the plebeians could make no successful resistance to the well- organized rule of the patricians. Marriage between the tw6 orders was unlawful. Neither wealth nor service to the state opened to the plebeian the prospect/ of rising above his order and sharing in the government. 3. The Law of Debtor and Creditor. Another circum- stance aggravated his hardships. The wars that had followed the banishment of the king had pressed hard upon the ple- beians. They had to render military service without pay, and to provide their own arms. Rome had to surrender her terri- tory beyond the Tiber 3 to Porsenna. The ravages of war ruined the crops. The enemy destroyed the farm buildings and drove away the cattle. When the poor plebeian returned, 1 The twenty-first tribe was added at the next census, five years after (B. c. 493). ' p. 48. > Srnlem pagi. 56 THE RICH AND POOR. THE TRIBUNES OF THE PEOPLE. either his farm had been left untilled or his crops were de- stroyed, and lie was without means of subsistence or of pur- chasing seed for the next year. He was then obliged to incur debts. If he failed in paying the large interest ten or twelve per cent he was seized by the creditor and imprisoned, or sold as a slave and his family left to starve. 1 These wars, while they were the ruin of the plebeians, benefited the patricians ; for they alone could 2 occupy the land acquired by conquest. Under the kings the plebeians had been admitted to a share in its use ; but now the patricians divided the land among themselves and the wealthy plebeian families represented in the senate, and paid to the state only a nominal rent for its use; and as it was exi-mpted from taxation an unfair portion of the taxes 8 fell upon the poor, while their means for bearing the burden were narrowed. This led to a distinction between rich and poor, by no means identical with that between patricians and plebeians. 4. The Right of Appeal. The Valerian law had guar- anteed to the plebeians the right of appeal to the popular assembly against the hard sentence of the patrician consul. This right, however, the senate could at any moment render void by authorizing one of the consuls to nominate a dictator, 1 When a plebeian at Rome found himself involved in a debt which he could not pay, his bc^t re-ource was to sell himself to his creditor, on the condition thai unless the debt were previously di-charged, the creditor, at the expiration of a stated term, should enter into possession of his purchase. This was called, in the language of the Roman law, the entering into a nerum, and the person who had thus conditionally sold himself was said to be nexus. When the day came, the creditor claimed poM-esi-ion, and the magistrate awarded it ; and the debtor thus given over to his purchaser. m/(/,V/v,., pa-x-d, with all that belonged to him, into his power; and as the sons were considered their father's property, they also, unless previously emancipated, were included in the sale, and went into slavery with their father. Or'if a man, resolved not by his own act to (sacrifice his own and his children's liberty, refused thus to sell himself, or. in the Roman language, to enter into a nt-rmn. and determined to abide in his own person the conse- quences of his own debt, then he risked a fate still more fearful. If. within thirty days after the justice of the claim had been allowed, he was unable to discharge it. his creditor might arrest him and bring him before the court: and if no one then offered to be his security, he was given over to his creditor, and kept by him in private custody, bound with a chain of fifteen pounds weight, and fed with a pound of corn daily. If he still could not, or would not. come to any terms with his creditor, he was thus confined durint; >ixty days, and during this period was brought before the court in the comitinni on three successive market-days, and the amount or his debt declared, in order to see if any person would yet come forward in his behalf. On the third market-day, if no friend appeared, he was either to be put to death or sold a* a slave into a foreign land beyond the Tiber. ArnoUTt Sigt. Home, p. 52 ; see also Liry ii. 23. 4 Afffr p>iblicn*. ' TribHti/m. This was a tax assessed by tribes only on landed property. The wealth of the patricians consisted mostly in their occupation of the public land, which was exempt from this tax. The burden then fell more heavily upon the plebeian. THE RICH AND POOR. THE TRIBUNES OF THE PEOPLE. 5? whose power was not limited by the Valerian laws, but was supreme both in and out of the city. The only way for the plebeians to gain a share in the management of the govern- ment was to organize themselves as a separate political body. 5. The First Secession. The first crisis, however, came not from those who resented their political disabilities, but from the poor. They saw in the frequent wars the real cause of their poverty. When the levy of the state was . called out for a dangerous war against the Volscians, the plebeians refused to serve. Then the consul Servilius, who was friendly to the people, suspended the severe law of debtor and creditor, and liberated the imprisoned debtors on condition that they should take their place in the ranks and help to secure the victory. The enemy was driven back, and the army returned victorious to Rome. But the distress began again, for the law was enforced by his colleague, Appius Claudius, in its former rigor (B.C. 495). The next year the enemy appeared again, and it was not until the senate appointed M'. Valerius dictator that the farmers yielded and took their place again in, the ranks. On his return as victor, the dictator tried to carry his measures for reform. When these were rejected, the army, which stood in array be- fore the gates of the city, abandoned its general, and headed by the military tribunes, who were at least in part plebeians, marched away to the district between the Tiber and Anio, and there determined to build a new city 1 (B.C. 494). The patricians were compelled to yield. They saw plainly that they and their clients could not carry on the government alone. They sent Valerius to make terms with the leaders. He was accompanied by ten senators, at whose head was Agrippa Menenius, who is said to have overcome their obstinacy by relating the fable of the belly and members. Henceforth Valerius was called Jfaximus, and the mount beyond the Anio the Sacred Mount, 2 and the law the lex sacrata. 3 1 This was called the xecesgto plfbts In facntm montem, or secessio Or"*trrfn i. ITie statement on the authority of Piso (Lie. ii. 32), that the Aventine \va- occupied, relate? to a later secession. ' It was 3 Roman miles, or 2% English miles, distant from Rome. ' That Is the covenant or terms upon which jionce \va* made. 58 THE RICH AND POOR. THE TRIBUNES OF THE 6. The Tribunes of the People. The conditions of their return were, (1) the cancelling of old debts, and (2) the election of two plebeian tribunes. The tribunes of the people took their names and were elected, not from the military tribunes, but from the tribunes 1 who managed the local n flairs of the tribes. Their office was purely civil, and was designed to protect the plebeians from the severity of the consular power. They had no military force at their disposal, but their authority was strengthened by placing the tribunes themselves under the special protection of the gods. They were declared to be sacrosancti, that is, consecrated and inviolable, and whoever injured one, or hindered him in the exercise of his authority, was threatened with the curse of the gods, 2 and might be killed by any one without fear of punishment. The recognition of these laws, wrung from the patricians, was the first plebiscititm? This was the beginning of a new form of legislation, which led in the course of years to absolute democracy. 7. The Original Power of the Tribunes. The preroga- tives of the tribunes were at first simply to protect any plebeian who appealed to them for protection against the consular authority. 4 In order that every injured person might place himself under the protection of the tribunes, it was enacted that they should not go more than a mile from the city, 5 and 1 Curatorex trVnnim. or tribvni ararii, as they were called. Each tribe had five, making in all one hundred and five Plebeians were eligible to tlii- office, and it was * from the plebeian members ihat the tribunes were elected. Their number waa at lirst two, but was Immediately increased, by cooptatlo d. e. the two who had already been chosen selected their eoungWW), to live, to correspond to the, live elas-e-. According to Mominsen their number was increased to five by the Pnblilian law of Volero (471 B. c.); see page 63. * Consecratio caintta ft bonorvm. ' Aptebiacitum was any measure adopted by tbe plebeians. In tin- ca-^e the tribunes were elected and the Ir.r taerala carried in a meeting of plebeians held by tribe-^ \t> >>/>/- tim), i.e., in a concilium hilmt'tin. Henceforth the tribune* were elected in the comitia curiata. According to Mommeen they were elected in & concilium ciirintnm : but this is connected with another view of Momjiiscn. viz.: that the plebeians ueip admitted to the curies. It is in any ca.-e mere supposition : the ancients give no -ati-factory informa- tion on the subject ; ne n<>te ,-j. \n\e M. * J'/.-i inttrc"lmtii, or a- it wa- at flr-t called. ;. tuiri'ii. In order to understand the position of the tribune-, it i- nrvesary to remember that their legal power constated simply in suspending an act. not in annul ling it. and that tho coercion exercised over the con-nl was simply a u-urped power. Eigenbrodt ha- proved that iheir power '.tii'junicia potes(as) was not. as Momm-en -uppo-es. Miperior to that of the con-ul (major potestas), nor their veto like that of the dictator o-i iii<\)orix pottxtatte), but sprang simply from their inviolability, i.e., from their jt/tcrwanctn imfi*tn*. * That is, that they should not RO oiit-idc of the pomerium, for so far the right of ap- peal and the power of the tribune extended. I>KYKI.OI'MKNT OF THE POWER OP THE TRIBUNES. 59 that the doors of their houses should be open night and day, that any one might find refuge with them. From the right of intercession was developed the power by which the tribune could place his veto upon the execution of any law or measure of the consul injurious to the interests of the people, and for a time, at least, prevent its execution. This \vas a direct limita- tion of the consular power. 1 8. The Icilian Law. The tribunes also had the right of summoning 2 the plebeians 3 from time to time to consult them on their affairs. In these meetings the tribunes addressed the people and carried resolutions. These, however, when they pertained to the affairs of the state, were mere petitions, or had but little more effect than the resolutions of our modern public meetings. Their validity, however, was asserted by the plebeians from the first, and in this way the Icilian resolution, 4 which punished with death any one interrupting a tribune while ad- dressing the people, was adopted and became a law (493 B. c.). Two plebeian sediles were elected at the same time with the tribunes, 5 whom they were to attend and to assist. 6 CHAPTER .DEVELOPMENT OF THE POWEK OF THE TRIBUNES. AGRARIAN AGITATIONS. 1. The powers of the tribunes developed rapidly. They soon usurped the right to summon any patrician before their assembly, and to punish him with fines or even with death. The first instance of the kind is said to have been in the case of Coriolanus 7 (B. c. 491). I. e., imperium doml. " ConHUa pldix. TvK c'/m plebe aqendi. * Plebixcitum Icilhmi. At, the same time probably ten men for lawsuits ( judicfa decemviri^ were elected, Wbose dutv was to investigate cu>cs which came under the jurisdiction of the tribunes The tribunes entered each year upon their office the 10th of December. Plut. Cor. 60 DEVELOPMENT OF THE POWER OP THE TRIBUNES. 2. The Story of Coriolanus. The legend runs that, there was a famine at Rome. The distress was great among the poor. Corn was bought in Etruria and distributed among them. This was not sufficient, and the suffering continued, till Gelon, king of Syracuse, sent ships of corn as presents to the Roman people. Then Gajus Marcius Coriolauus, a brave patrician who had fought at Lake Regillus and Avon the civic croun, proposed that none be yielded to the plebeians until they consented tc give up their tribunes. Thereupon the tribunes impeached him before the assembly of tribes 1 of having broken the peace be- tween the two orders, and of having violated the sacred laws. The patricians could not protect him, and he was compelled to flee from Rome. 2 He betook himself to Antium, the capital of the Volscians, and persuaded them to make war on Rome. Commanded by their king and Coriolanus, they penetrated within five miles of the city and laid waste the land of the plebeians for miles around. The Romans sued for peace. Cori- olanus demanded the restoration of all the towns that had been taken from the Volscians. .These terms seemed hard, and the ambassadors came again to ask fur more favorable con- ditions. Coriolanus would not even see them. But when a procession of Roman matrons came, and Coriolanus recognized his mother Veturia, his wife Volnmnia, and his little children, he was induced to yield. He withdrew his army, and gave back the conquered towns. Some say that he was put to death by the Volscians, others that he spent his life in exile. 3. The Position of the Tribunes. The prerogatives of the tribunes were now secure. The discord between the two parties, rich and poor, or what at this time was nearly the same, between the patricians and plebeians, was legally organized. The struggle of the plebeians henceforth was for a further limi- tation of the consular power, and for a legal position in the state. 4. The Management of the Public Land. The meas- ures thus far adopted afforded only temporary relief for the 1 That Is, the assembly of plebeians by tribes, concilium tributum pleiAs. 1 The judicial power of the tribunes in capital oftences was regulated and defined by the lex Aterna Tai-peja (B. c. 464). DEVELOPMENT OF THE POWER OF THE TRIBUNES. 61 poor. Their condition could never be permanently bettered until the injustice which lay at the root of the civil dissensions was removed. This was the management of the public land. 1 This land had been acquired by conquest, and so long as the patricians alone formed the people, 2 they jealously excluded the plebeians from all share in it. But when the plebeians were admitted to military service, and when new lands were acquired, in part at least, by their blood and toil, they too claimed a share in its use. This the patricians denied, and claimed and exercised, for the most part, the exclusive right of inclosing and occupying it. For its use they were to pay 3 to the state either a small tax, 4 or a tenth of the income 5 of the soil. After the banishment of the king, in order to con- ciliate the favor of the plebeians, the patricians allowed them also, on giving a tenth of the income, 6 to drive their cattle upon the common pasture. 7 When in course of time larger tracts were conquered, portions were also parceled out to the plebeians, in a manner, however, by no means satisfactory to them. Small farms 8 were given to them in the newly acquired territory, on condition that they should settle there and de- fend it. 5. Its Occupation. But as population increased and agriculture was developed, the occupation of the land fell more and more into the hands of the rich. For when the senate authorized the consul to offer new tracts of land for occupation 9 and possession, 10 only the rich who had herds of cattle and households of slaves, could make its cultivation profitable. Hence the public pastures were brought more and more into cultivation, and the grazing laud for the use of the poor became smaller. The poor plebeian could not even obtain work on this land as a day-laborer, for the patricians pre- ferred slaves, because they were cheaper, and the slaves were not liable, like the plebeians, to military service. By admitting the rich plebeians to a share in the public lands, the senate Ager pnblicus. * Populm. * This was not strictly enforced Scriptura. ' Vectigal. ' Vectigal. Pastua. ' Bina jugera. ' Occupatlo. 10 Possessio. 62 DEVELOPMENT OF THE POWER OF THE TRIBUNES. identified their interest with its own, and deprived the poor plebeians of the aid of those who ought to have been their pro- tectors. The patricians then claimed the exclusive right of oc- cupying the public lands. This claim the plebeians resisted. 6. The Agrarian Law of Cassins (B. c. 486). To rec- tify this injustice Spurius Cassius, 1 a noble patrician, proposed to the comitia centiiriata the first Agrarian Law. He was the most renowned of his order, and had formed a treaty with the Latins in his second consulship (B.C. 493), and in his third with the Hernicans. He now came forward as the protector of the plebeians, and proposed that the newly-acquired public land should not be offered for occupation, but be divided among the plebeians and Latins, 2 and if this was not sufficient a part of the public land already occupied should be taken. Against this proposal the patricians rose as one man, and the rich plebe- ians took part with them ; first, because the consul had laid a matter relating to the civil administration, Avhich properly belonged to the senate, before the people ; and secondly, be- cause the bill threatened to deprive those already in possession of the public land of their rights. The plebeians themselves were dissatisfied, because the Latins were to have a share in the land. The patricians allowed the law to pass, but prevented its execution. Sp. Cassius was accused the next year, at their insti- gation, of aiming at kingly power, and condemned to death. 7. The Three Parties. Thus far the struggle had been chiefly between the rich and poor. Still all the rich plebeians had not taken sides with the patricians, and there were many rich patricians who favored the poor. It Avas these rich patri- cians and plebeians who formed the third party, a party which had the welfare of the state in view and counseled conciliation and unity. 1 By a strange compensation of fortune, the flr-4 Roman whose greatness is really historic'il. i- [lie man whn-c d'-ed- no poet -ani;. and \vh'i-f memory the early annalist*. repeating the !;iM<_ni:iu'e <>f the party who de-rroyed hi:n, have branded with the charge of treason and attempted tyranny. Amid the silence and the calumnie- of hi- enemies, he is known a- 1 the author of three work- to which R'>ine owed all her future grcatnes- : he Concluded the league with the L'ltins in hi-, -econd consul-hip ; in his third he concluded the league with the Hernicans. and pnriuv'l. although with the price of his own life, the enactment of the first agrarian law. Arnul.i'g History, p. 57. - According to the treaty. DEVELOPMENT OF THE POWER OF THE TRIBUNES. 63 8. The Fabii and Vejentines (B. c. 485-477). The death of Cassius, however, so strengthened the patricians that the Fabian gens, contrary to the law of Valerius, usurped the consulship for nearly ten years. Oppression fell heavier than ever on the poor plebeian. When he refused to serve in the army the consul made the levy outside of the pomerium, where the intercession of the tribune was of no avail. The patricians had also learned to make use of the veto of some tribune to neutralize the acts of his colleagues. It seemed as if the Fabian gens, as the senate recommended from year to year one of their number for the consulship, would gain supreme control of the state. In order to win the favor of the ple- beians, Kaeso Fabius, the same who had impeached Cassius, even proposed to carry into execution the agrarian law. The government took the alarm, and the Fabian house, of three hundred and six males of full age and four thousand clients, were compelled to leave Eome. They marched to the river Cremera near Veji, and established a fortified camp. For two years they sustained the whole of the Yejentine war, but at length were enticed into an ambuscade. All were slain. One boy only, who had remained at Eome, preserved the name and race of the Fabii (B. c. 477). 9. The Publilian Law of Volero (B. c. 471). After the banishment of the Fabii, the contest for the execution of the agrarian law was waged more fiercely. The tribune Genucius accused the consuls for the year B. c. 473 before the assembly of tribes of not having made the promised assignments of land. On the night before the trial, the tribune was murdered in his own house. This so terrified his colleagues that they did not even dare to make use of their power of intercession. Then the plebeians became convinced that they must have men for tribunes who were politically independent, 1 and ready, under any circumstance, to lend their aid to the poor. Their tribune Volero Publilius proposed to transfer the 1 The patricians exerted indirectly an influence on the election of the tribunes by peeing that suitable men were elected fur enratnrf* fnff""m. from \vh'ch the tribune* of the people were selected. The c>irrtff>r(s frifyin/m were elected by members of the tribes ; patricians, plebeians, and clients voting on a footing of equality. 64 DEVELOPMENT OF THE POWER OF THE TRIBUM .-. election of tribunes to the plebeians themselves. The patri- cians, under the lead of Appius Claudius, resisted ; they pressed into the assembly of the plebeians, 1 and delayed the adoption of the measure. Volero rallied the people ; he was re-elected. Notwithstanding the disturbance of the patri- cians, he carried the measure, and it became a law. 2 Hence- forth the tribunes were elected in the special plebeian as- sembly. 3 10. This was a great gain for the plebeians. To their rights of meeting together and discussing their own affairs and pass- ing resolutions free from interruption, secured by the Iciliau plebiscitum, was now added that of electing their own officers free and independent of patrician influence. 1 The patricians, like the plebeians, were included in the local tribes, and both voted together in electing the officers of the tril>e and managing its local affairs. When ap assembly from all the tribes was -nmmoned by the tribune, it was natural that the patri- cians should lay claim to admittance also. They may have pressed into tlie assembly to enforce this right. A few years afterwards (B. c. 447' the <-oniitin Iriftulu was organized, in which both patrician and plebeian voted on a footing of equality. This law was a j>t--l>i.--ritinii. but the patricians were compelled to recognize its validity. Rome had now the following public assemblies : the con -idcd over by the consul, in which both patricians and plebeians voted accoidiiii: to u classification that gave the greatest influence to wealth and age ; the -pedal a emhly of plebeians by tribes (fnnriliiini tr'iliutiiiii i/lit/i" , pre-ided over by a tribune, where all voted on a foot- ing of equality; the co>/i't rurintu. compo-ed (inly of patricians, in which the people voted in mriii each curia had one vote, determined by the majority of votes in that curia ; when the lex ctiriata (if iin/-r! fame before the a embly, a consul, praetor, or dictator pre-ided: when ca-es of adoption or religious matters, t'he /-//i^/'-./ / presided ; the connl'ium i-nnniuin, compo-ed of the j>r\f: in which the whole body of citizens, patrician-, plebeian* and clients, voted on a footinir of equality, was not organized till a later period (B.C. 447>. It was employed to enact some laws, elect the inferior magistrates, and decide the less important judicial processes. The word fear, by no means synonymous with our word " law." was applicable to whatever the people commanded (quod jinfinfux ,)'ili,t aii/m m>ix/itnif\. which did not consist in an election or judicial decision. The word was particularly applicable to a rex/alto (a bill) proposed data est) in a comitia, an assembly of the whole people. A fcittiin was a resolution carried in iconc'iti'iin ftft?>i. and only became a law after it had been recognized by the people. Concilium Inhalant jJfti'tn ; this law Monmisen I voi. i.. p. 8117) calls one of the most momentous in it- consequences with which Roman hi-tory has to deal ; for two of the most important arrangement)* the introduction of the plebeian assembly of tribe- i p. 58, noteSi and the placing of the ji'rf'i.-ri/iini on a level, although conditionally, with the formal law sanctioned by the whole community are to he referred, the former cer- tainly, the latter probably, to the proposal of Volero Puhlilius, the tribune of the people, in B. c. 471. The plebs had hitherto adopted their resolution* by curies ; here the voting had been by mere numbers, without di-tinction of estate or freehold property, and the clients of the great patrician families had voted together in the a^ombly. Tiii- hrd civen the nobility an op|>rtnnity of exercising influence on that assembly, and especially of man- aging the election of tribunes according to their views. According to Momm-en. to the twenty districts into which the Roman territory had already been divided, namely the four Servian wards and the sixteen new wards added in B.C. 4J5 (-ee p. 55 and note 1), was now added in con-equence of the Publilian law and with a view to bring about the inequality which was de-irable for votinir purpose- in the total divi-ions the twenty-first, tribe, the Crustuminian. which derived its name from the place where the plebs had con- etituted itself as such and had established the tribunate (see p. 57 and n. 1). THE DECEMVIRS AND LAWS OF THE TWELVE TABLES. 65 *>/} CHAPTER IX. THE DECEMVIRS AND THE LAWS OF THE TWELVE TABLES. 1. Efforts to obtain Equal Laws. The contest now assumed a new form. The aim of the plebeians was unmistaka- ble. They were struggling to limit the power of the consul, and to secure for themselves a separate, clearly defined, and legal position in the state. The first step was taken by the tribune G. Terentilius Arsa, who, in the year B. c. 462, laid a proposal 1 before the assembly of tribes that five men be ap- pointed to draw up a code of laws by which the consuls should be bound in the exercise of their judicial functions. It will be remembered 2 that the patricians had exclusive knowledgo of the law and the forms of procedure in the civil courts. This they guarded as a sacred mystery from the plebeians. By care- fully preventing the laws from being written down and pub- lished, they kept the plebeians in a state of dependence from which even the tribunes could not deliver them. With the advance in civilization, cases arose to which the common law did not apply. 8 The decision of these cases depended wholly on the will of the magistrate. Under these circumstances the only course for the plebeians was to have the laws revised, written down and published. The proposal of Terentilius was adopted at once by the plebeians, but the patricians were de- termined not to yield and consequently refused to ratify it. 4 2. Concessions. The contest over the rogation* lasted for ;en years. The old party violence broke out anew. 5 Foreign 1 Ut yuinqxeviri creentur legibus de imperio consulari xcribendis. * See page 40. 3 -Tun incertmii . * As this proposal limited the consular imperium, it required the sanction of the patri cians before it could become a law. * See page 64. n. 2. s The younger patricians organized club-* for the perpetration of every kind of vio- lence. Among these Krcso Quinctius. the son of the celebrated Cincinnatus, brought upon himself an impeachment by the tribune Aulus Virginius (B. c. 461). Kseso flea to Etrnria before the day of hi-* trial. A conspiracy was formed for effecting his return. In the following year a band of exiles led by the Sabine Appius Herdonius, surprised the capital by night, and attempted to assassinate the tribunes and restore the constitrv 66 THE DECEMVIRS AND LAWS OF THE TWELVK TAIU.E*. enemies seized this opportunity to press hard on Rome. The Volscians penetrated into the heart of Latium, and tlie ^Equians even defeated a Roman army on Mount Algidus. The patricians would not yield. In B. c. 457 they conceded, how- ever, that the number of tribunes should be increased from five to ten, two from each of the five classes. The result of this was that a greater number of plebeians came within reach of the tribune's protection. 1 In B. c. 454 the tribune Icilius carried a law 2 that the public land on the Aventiue should be tion as it was before the secession to the Sacred Mount. The cry rc-ounded through the city, " To arms ! the enemy are in the city." Ann- were {riven out ; the vomit; men were enrolled. As-i-tance mine from Ti^culum. The consul led the allied forces up the Capitoline hill. The citadel was recovered, hut the coiiMil was Main. The patricians elected in his place (Juinctius Cinciimatns, the father of K;v-o. The plebeians were di mayed. Ciucinnatu-, however, was not more severe in re-trainint; the plebeians than in reproving the senate. A truce was concluded with the ,Kquians. The next year in. c. 458) the^Equians broke the truce, invaded the conn try of Tii-cuhim, and pitched their camp on Mount Algidus, the eastern spur of the Alban hills. The Roman consul was defeated, and his camp bc-iegcd in one of the defiles of the mountain. Five kniirhts e-caped and brought the news to Rome. Terror prevailed in the city, for the other consul with his army wa- tight ing with the Sabines. The senate decided to appoint Cincinnati^ dictator. He was living on his little farm on the right bank of the Tiber, and, like tie noble Romans of the good old time, was cultivating it with his own hand-. When the ambas- sadors came, Cinciunatus quitted his plough, and put on his toga that he mitrht receive the message of the senate in a becoming manner. When he heard the errand he accepted the office, and appointed Tarquinius Flaccus, a noble patrician, but fiuiral like himself, as his master of horse. He ordered all courts of justice to be clinew- suspended, and summoned every man of military age to meet him on the Campus Mai 'tin.- before sunset, each bringing twelve stakes and rations for live days. IJcfore midnight the dic- tator had reached Mount Algidus and reconnoitred the enemy's portion. He ordered his soldiers to throw down their baggage; and surround the camp of the .-Kquians with a ditch and drive in the stakes, \\iih a >hont the Romans began their work and an- nounced their presence tothe^Equiansand their countrymen at t lie same lime. Thecon-ul and his army recognized the war cry, seized their arms, and renewed the battle. Tho .1v|iiiun-. hemmed in between two armies, surrendered and prayed for mercy. C'incin- na'ii- spared their lives but made them all paion- of ihe detail- of the 1. historian- : it is enough to say that at Ihe clo-e of the third century of Rome, the v.-n fare which the Romans had to maintain ajrain-t the Opican nations was treneia' y lefen-ive ; and that the .K|iiiau- and Vol-cian- had advanced from the line of tiie Ancnnine-. and e-tablHied themselves on the Aiban hill* in the heart of I.atium : that of the thirty Latin Mates which bad formed the league with Rome in. e. 493>, thirteen were either now de-troved or were in po e ion of the Opicans ; that, on the Alban ea Tii-cuhim alone remained independent; and that there was no <.iher friendly city to obstruct the irruptions of the enemy into the territory of Rome. Accord- ing t'hal territory was plundered yt IT, and whatever defeats the plunder- ers nriy at lime- have -u-tained. yet 'they \\cre "never deterred from rerewing a contest which 'they found in Ihe main profitable and glorious. So greatly had the power and dominion of Rome fallen since the overthrow of the monarchy. Arnold, vol. i. p. 78 f. ' This was the third />/M."ri'"/i> recoirnixed by the pati ;' * Lfjr /ft/in ill .1 1; nl'niii /1'ililiC'iiiii'i : t hi- //. i,;.*i-itn,ii did not require to be ratified by the i-ninltin <-';h parties they continued their rule of undisguised tyranny until two acts of infamy united 1 See pages 23 and 21 '- The assembly <>f plebeian* !<>!! their ; jurisdiction in criminal cases. All case* involv- ing tin- lite of a Roman ehizen (decapiu i-ifi* Hnnnin'n inn-t b <1 ride.1 in tho comifia centtiriutd a Tiie election \v;is regarded as illegal, for the fathers -arould never errant the pc/rum luctorifa*, wuicb empowered the decemvirs to lay the lev cvrlata before thewii?t "vriata. Tilt: DKCK.MVIK-i AND LAWS OF THE TWELVE TABLES. 69 patricians and plebeians to take up arms against them as they had once done against Tarquinins Superbus. 6. The Murder of Siccius Dentatus. The news came that the Sabines were plundering the Roman territory and the /Equians had encamped on Mount Algidus. The danger was great. The decemvirs now, for the first time, called the senate together. The moderate section of the aristocracy, headed by Valerius Potitus and Horatius Barbatus, sought to carry energetic measures against them, but in vain. The patri- cians wished to overthrow Appius Claudius and his colleagues, but were opposed to the restoration of the tribunes, which was unavoidable, if the decemvirs were compelled to resign. The senate declared war and the levy was called out. The plebeians could not resist, because there was no right of appeal nor were there tribunes to protect them. While Appius and one of MB colleagues remained in the city to repress all signs of discontent, the others led the armies against the enemy; but the soldiers allowed themselves to be defeated; Rome itself was in danger. In the army that fought against the Sabines was a brave sol- dier, named L. Siccius Dentatus, a former tribune of the people, whom the decemvirs caused to be murdered because he had spoken loudly against the usurpation of the tyrants. 7. The Death of Virginia. Meanwhile discontent had already broken out on account of the outrages of Appius Claudius. He had conceived a passion for Virginia, a beautiful maiden, the daughter of Virginius, a plebeian hero. In order to get possession of her he suborned one of his clients to de- clare that she was the daughter of one of his slaves. As she came one day into the forum to school the tyrant had her seized and brought before his tribunal. Appius heard the claim of his client and pronounced the decision that put Virginia in his own power. Virginius, seeing that there was now no way of shield- ing his daughter from dishonor, hastened to the spot, plunged a knife into her breast before the eyes of the people, and, with the bloody weapon in his hand, escaping from the lictors, he rushed to the gates of the city and fled to the army. The storm now broke forth. The army espoused his cause, and 70 THE DECEMVIRS AND LAWS OP THE TWELVE TABLES. marched to the city and encamped on the Avcntiiu-. where it was joined by the other army. Both armies withdrew to the Sacred Mount. The decemvirs were compelled to resign. An embassy, headed by Valerius and Horatius, who had ever counseled measures of moderation, was sent to treat with the army. It was agreed that amnesty should be declared, and the tribunes of the people and the right of appeal should be restored. The first step of the tribunes was to take measures against the decemvirs. Appius Claudius and Oppius were im- peached and thrown into prison, where they put an end to their own lives. The other eight went into exile. 8. Valerian and Horatian Laws 1 (B.C. 449). Valerius and Horatius were elected consuls, 2 and their first act was to carry a number of laws, called the Valerio-lloratian Laws, 3 which more clearly defined and further limited the consular imperilling These laws were : 1. The restoration of the lex sacrata, which guaranteed the inviolability of the plebeian tribunes and a formal recognition of the lex Icilia. 5 2. That every Ifoman citizen should have the right of ap- peal against the sentence of any magistrate. 6 And 3. That the plebiscita, or resolutions passed by the plebeians in the concilium tributnm plebis, should be binding on the whole people. 7 9. The Tribunes Co-operate in Legislation. The last law was a great gain to the plebeians, for it gave them, al- though with limited power, an opportunity to co-operate in '- After the abdication of the decemvirs, there was an interregnum. An interrex gammoned tb- ''i/iatu for tlie election of con>ul-. In due form they laid the lexcuiiti/'i ili: ii/i/H r'i. mow modified by the laws of the Twelve Tables), after the pa- n Hi/I-/,, riiiin had been irranted. for ratification before the fumi/ln ';/,*,// iu>t come before the comltiu curiata for confirmation, before they were binding on the people. Liv. Hi. 53 : see also p. 59. ,\'f ij ")'- nil inn magutratwn *i<" \ <'rfirft. r/ni creaszet, eum jus fasque esset oc< n/iii'it'i* noara ///*/////. Thta right, In case of the ordinary magistrate-. wa<. it will be remembered, established by the Valerian law in the first year of the republic : it ,va- now extended to the dictator. * n qnn<> trt/intniii / j njinln/it lein-ut (Liv. iii. 5T>>. Tlie^e resolutions must, like the law- na<-ed in the coinitia centnrinta. if they pertained to the imntrium, be fir^t sanctioned by thepatrum ai/ctoritat, and then ratified by the comitia cunata, and THE DEVELOPMENT OF PLEBEIAN EIGHTS. 71 legislation. Of this privilege they eagerly availed themselves. They soon claimed jurisdiction over matters of civil and inter- nal administration, matters that legally belonged to the senate, and must come before it for confirmation. Hence the practice arose for the tribunes first to submit their proposition to the senate, and then bring it before the people. In this way "lifv gained admission to the discussions of the senate, at first only as listeners, sitting on benches before the doors of the senate-house. They were soon, however, admitted to the hall, and could not be prevented from placing their veto on any measure that displeased them. The validity of the veto was naturally denied by the patricians. 10. The result was that when the senate apprehended the opposition of the tribune to any measure, it was met in advance and a compromise effected, or the measure was given up. The power of the tribunes, now considerably enlarged, was completely restored, and instead of being an instrument for the protection of the plebeians, it aimed to secure equality of civil and political rights between them and the patricians. 11. Quaestors Elected by the People. In the following year (B. c. 447), the election of quaestors, 1 whom the consuls had hitherto nominated, was committed to the comitia tribnta, an assembly in which all the people in the tribes voted 2 on a foot- ing of equality. T CHAPTER X. THE DEVELOPMENT OF PLEBEIAN RIGHTS WARS WITH NEIGHBORING NATIONS MILITARY TRIBUNES WITH CONSU- LAR POWER. (B. c. 445.) 1. The results gained by the decemvirate had fully or- ganized the plebeian opposition. For once the claim of the 1 The qusestors now became magistrates in the proper sense of the word, because they received their potestas from the people. They were elected from the patrician order only. ' Each tribe had one vote, the vote of the tribe bein? decided by the majority of voters in the tribe, and the majority of the tribes decided the question at issue. 72 THi: ItKVl.Loi'MKNT OF PLEULIAN KHillTS. plebeians had been admitted, and they had sat in the curule chairs by the side of the proud ])atricians, and worn the in- signia of the highest office. The agitation which .sprang from the social condition of the poor plebeians, the political tendency which the agitation had assumed since the time of Volero I'nb- lilius, were only aimed to secure protection against the severity of the consular power. The plebeian nobility, who were a? indifferent to the social condition of the poor plebeians us the patricians were, had hitherto stood firmly by the side of the patrician order. They now saw in the restoration of the tri- bunate with increased powers, and in the decrease of the patri- cian families, whose rule approached more and more that of an oligarchy, the means of obtaining complete political equality. The united strength of the plebeian order was directed against two exclusive privileges of the patricia;i<. 2. Military Tribunes with Consular Power (B.C. 445). The tribune Canulejus proposed two bills at the same time, one legalizing intermarriage 1 between the two order-, and providing that the children should follow the rank of the father, the other opening the consulship to the plebeians. The first became a law, but a compromise was eifected in respect to the consulship. It was provided that in the future the people should be free to elect either consul < ~ or military tribunes " with consu- lar power," to be selected promiscuously from the patricians and plebeians. 3 In the first year (B.C. 444), the election of the three military tribunes 4 was annulled on account of a defect in the auspices, and their place was supplied by consuls. It was not- till B.C. 438 that three military tribunes 5 were elected, and such 1 It will be remembered (p. 38) that the patrician? claimed the exclusive possession of the auspices, by moans of which the divine protection wa- -ecured for the state. Thev had resisted Intermarriage with the plebeians, not only because they and their descend- ants alone could take the an-pic ,i-rinii>. * That is, patricians ; for they alone were eligible to the rr>H<'t/*/i/>i. 1 Pi' I \v. iv. i). Tin- M-nate was to decide whether con- mis or military tribunes were to be elected. ' It was probably designed that they should be six in number, to correspond to the itary tribune- in earh legion. It is uncertain whether one was a plebeian or not ; according to Schwegler two were plebeians. DEVELOPMENT OF PLEBEIAN RIGHTS. 73 were the influence of the patricians in the comitia centuriata, and the indifference of the poor plebeians, who felt little inter- est in promoting the ambitious schemes of the rich plebeians, that it was not till B.C. 400 that five plebeians were elected mil- itary tribunes. 1 3. The Censorship. The plebeians then gained little from this reform. The patricians even devised a scheme to deprive the consular tribunes of an important part of the functions which had belonged to the consulship. Hitherto the census on which the rank of every citizen in the state depended had been taken by the consuls. This duty was now (B.C. 445) committed to two new magistrates, styled censors. 2 They were chosen from the patricians by the comitia centuriata, and held their office until their duties were completed. 3 The censors ranked in dignity next to the consuls. The importance of their office consisted in the fact that the censors revised from time to time the register of the tribes, which regulated not only the military service of every citizen, but determined his position in the comitia centuriata.* It was their duty to fill up vacancies in the senate and equites, and, on the revision of the register of the tribes, to remove individuals from the list of senators, cqnites, and citizens. They subsequently exercised a general control over the finances of the state the management of the public land and public works, the farming of the indirect taxes, and a general supervision over the public and the private life 1 It is difficult to discover in what the consular tribune* differed from the consuls. That they had the right to summon the senate and command the army is certain. They therefore possessed the consularls potestas and the imperivm mUitian. It seems probable that the patricians possessed the full imperium dqmi and milittce ; the plebeians the full imperirtm militia but the imperium domi, so far limited that they could not exercise judi- cial functions. They could not triumph, for this presupposed the full hnperi'im dorm; as their impfriitm was different, so were the iitsirtnia and anirpicin. They had the lictors and the #fll(t curuli*, for these were tlio insignia of the magistrate's potestas ; but not the jii* 'imwiinum. In regard to the taixpieiit. it had already come to pass that the wtsjncia outside of the pninriinn were different from those inside. The plebeians possessed those outside \\\epomem/m. the auapicia c-.r tripwliis in full, but inside the pomgrlttm (the aus- picii urbana) not, in the same manner as the patricians. For Mommsen's view, see his history, vol. i., p. 318. a This is the view of Sehwegler : according to Mommsen. the censorship was estab- lished in B.C. 433; according to Livy (iv. 8>, in B.C. 443. Schwegler has satisfactorily proved that it was a part of the reform of B.C. 445. 3 From the (bet that when they had completed the census they held a solemn puri- fication of the city and people, called lustrum* their term of office was styled a luffrum* which in later tinie-- was five years. Their term of office was limited to eighteen months by the les .Emilia, B.C. 433. See page 51, note 5. 4 ' J 01. I'Ll.lJhlA.N KK.HT-. of every citizen. The plebeians were admitted to the censorship ' B. c. 351. 4. Increase in the Number of Quaestors. In the year B. C. 421 another concession was made to the plebeians. The number of quaestors AVUS increased from two to four. Two were to remain in the city, 2 and the other two. who could be elected either from patricians or plebeians, accompanied the army as paymasters.* 5. Spurius Meelius. During these struggles the patri- cians did not scruple to resort to \ iolence. In the year B.C. 140 there was a great famine in Rome. 1 Spurius Ma-lins, one of the wealthiest of the plebeian knights, in order to relieve the distress, bought up corn in Etruria through his friends and clients, which he sold at a low price or distributed gratuitously among the poor. In this way be acquired great popularity among the people. The patricians were alarmed, and he was accused of aiming tit royal power. The danger was said to be great, for in the house of Ma?lius arms had been collected, and the tribunes had been bribed to betray Hie liberty of the republic. In this emergency the senate authorized one of the consuls to nominate a dictator. The a;.;vd Cincinnatns. who had saved the Roman army on Mount Algidus. was appointed. On the following morning he mounted his tribunal in the forum, and summoned Ma-lins to appear before him. Maslius knew the fate in store for him, and implored the protection of the people. Then G. Servilius Ahala, the master of the horse, drew his dagger, and killed Ma-lius on the spot. The dictator commanded his property to be conliscated, and his house lev- ellcd to the ground. The patricians, as we know from Cicero and others, always spoke of this deed in the highest terms, but the people regarded it as an act of murder and threatened ven- 1 The censors did not possess the imperium. and therefore had no lictors, and could not command an army nor summon 1 <' rdatiinr to th census), therefore their election was not continued bythr/w ciiria'n > * Quaestores nrbanl. ' It was not until 4C9 that plebeians were actually elected. lavy, iv. 12. \\AUS \\1TI1 NEIGHBORING NATIONS. 75 geance, because Maelius had been put to death without a trial. Their anger was turned against Servilius, who was compelled to go into exile, and his property was confiscated. CHAPTER XI. WABS WITH NEIGHBORING NATIONS SACK OF ROME BY THE GAULS. 1. Wars with the Volscians and JEquians. While these struggles were going on in the city, the Koman armies fonght with less vigor in the field, and even allowed themselves to be defeated, in order that the consul might lose his triumph. The ^quians and Volscians pressed hard on the Koman allies 1 and even entered the dominion of Home. The ^Equians 2 en- camped again on Mount Algidus and laid waste the plains of Latium. The Latin towns could look only to Rome for assist- ance. The concessions granted by the decemvirate and by the Canuleian law seem to have pacified the people, so that they once more made head against their old enemies. These were success- fully driven back, and colonies were planted in the conquered dis- tricts. These colonies were mainly military settlements, which enabled Eome to secure her conquests, and from which, as from a series of military posts, she could extend her dominion in Italy. 2. The Conquest of Veji (B. c. 396). The Romans now turned their arms against the Etruscans on the north. The long feuds with Fidenae were ended by the conquest and de- struction of that city. Its territory 3 was added to that of the Roman people. Next, Veji, 4 the most important town in 1 The Hernicans and Latins. " Livy, ii and iii. s Ager publicux. About all that is known of Veji is that it was one of the most powerful of the Etrus- can cities ; that after a contest protracted for centuries, which at first centered round Fideiue, the city was at length taken by Camillus (Pint. Cam.). According to the ainsali:-tic accounts, the siege of Veji, like that of Troy, lasted ten years. In the eighth 70 \\A1IS WITH NEICIIBOIMM. NATIONS. southern Etruria was attacked, and after a siege of ten years, taken. In order to conduct a siege of a well-fort ilied town like Veji, it was necessary for the Koman army to remain in the field summer and winter, year after year, until its object was attained. To secure this it was necessary that the soldiers should receive regular pay, a regulation that exerted a benefi- cial influence on the organization of the army, but gave a new turn to the struggle between the patricians and plebeian-. 1 The conquest of Veji added so considerably to the Roman territory, that four new tribe* were formed, and the wealth ac- quired from the captured city must have given a neAV impulse to industry and trade, and Rome seemed to have entered upon a career of prosperity. This, however, was checked by the in- vasion of the Gauls, who dealt Rome a blow that almost put an end to her existence. 3. Rome taken by the Gauls (B. c. 390). The Celtic or Gallic nation had in early times spread over the western part of Europe. Some had settled in France and Britain, while others crossing the Alps, had penetrated to the valley of the Po,and given their name to the country. 2 On their plundering excursions, t he Gauls laid waste wit h tire and sword the provinces of Central Italy. year of the war, the waters of the Alban lake rose suddenly to such a height as to overflow the rurroonding country. The Romans sent an emba y to consult the Delphian oracle. In the meanwhile a voice was heard from the walls of Veji, say- ing that the city could only be taken when the waters of the Alban lake found an out- let. When this reached the ears of the Roman-, they cut a tunnel through the side of the mountain which bounded the lake, and thus let the water flow into the plain. This siiL'L'v-ted to the Itoinans the mean- of taking the city. Meanwhile M. Fnrius Camillus had been appointed dictator. He had a tunnel cut from the Roman camp under the wall> tn the eit'idel of Veji. When the mine was tini-hcd. Camillu diverted the atten- tion of the V"jentines by a feigned attack on the walK ami entered (he tunnel at the head of a picked body of men. When he arrived at the end of the tunnel under the temple of Juno, he heard the priest saying to the king that whoever should complete the -aeriliees he wa- otVering would be victor. At that moment the Roman- burst through and -ei/cd the victim, which Camillus offered on the altar. The troop- di-per-ed through the city and opened the irate-, and Veji fell into the hands of the Roman-. The bootv was im- mense. Camillus. on his return, celebrated the ino-t magnificent triumph Rome had aver -i-en. In his chariot drawn by four white hor-e-. he advanced along the -acred street, followed by his army flushed with joy and -inging song- of victory, to the temple of Jupiter Capitounns. In the hour of victory Camillus had vowed a tenth of the -poll- to the Delphian Apollo, lie now demanded from each soldier a tenth part of all the booty he had taken. This seemed unjust to the people. The tribune impeached him becau-e he had not fairly divided the spoil-. Seeing that he was sure to be condemned by the people, he left Rome, and retired to Ardea. 1 For the pay was to come from the city treasury (the ^Erariitm), i.e., from the taxes. in the public lands. - Uallia Cisulpina. * Added in ii.r ::-'T. making 25. WARS WITH NEIGHBORING NATIONS. 77 The Roman army was defeated by them, and Rome itself laid in ashes. As the Gauls were merely on a plun- dering expedition and were not prepared to make permanent con- quests, after collecting their booty they retired, according to Polybius, unmolested. 1 4. The Distress of the Poor. After the enemy had departed the Romans returned to their homes. Their houses and temples had been burned, their farms laid waste, their cattle driven off, and their farm-buildings destroyed. THE CELTIC Anns. It is no wonder that the poor 1 Polybins ii. 22, 5; according to Livy (v. 33 ff.), the Ganls were indnced to cross the Alps by a citizen of Ciusium, who wished to avenge himself on his enemy. The Gauls, under their leader. Bromine, laid siege to the city. The Chilians applied to Rome for as- sistance. The senate sent three envoys, the sons of M. Fabius Ambnstiis, 10 warn the Gauls not to attack the friends and allies of the Roman people, from whom they had received no harm. The Gauls in reply promised peace if the Clusians would grant them land to settle upon. All efforts to effect a reconciliation were in vain, a battle was fought, in which the three Romans, contrary to the laws of nations, took part, and riding beyond the line, even slew a Gallic chief and took his armor. The Gauls then gave up the attack ag ii:ist the Clusians and sent ambassadors to Rome to complain of their injuries, and demand the surrender of the three Fabii. The senate wavered, but the people not only refused satisfaction, but elected the three envovs as consular tribunes for the next year. This so incensed the Gaul* that they left Ciusium and marched with all their force to Rome. On the river Allia. only eleven miles from Rome, the two armies met. The Romans were put to flight and fled 'in all directions. This was the most disastrous day for Rome, and the anniversarv (July 18) of the battle was ever regarded as an unlucky day. The city was even deserted. The fugitives fled in crowds across the Tiber. The sacred ufen heavily on the poor plebeians. They were compelled to borrow from the patricians. The rates of interest were high, military service and taxes oppressive; all their old distress returned, As in former times it had sometimes happened, a noble patri- cian espoused their cause Manlins, the defender of the capitol, the hero of many battles. One day when he .si\v a debtor, a centurion of the army, carried away to prison, he paid his debts and set him free. He sold his estate near Yeji and advanced money, free of interest, to more than four hundred poor plebeians. 5. Manlius Condemned. This aroused the patricians. The senate nominated a dictator who summoned Manlius be- fore his tribunal. The excitement in the city was great. The senate was compelled to yield, and Manlius was liberated. At length, like Sp. Cassius, he was accused of aiming at royal power, and was brought to trial before the count in ccnturiata. In sight of the capitol which his valor had saved, the people could not condemn him. Shortly afterwards he was again brought to trial in the grove of Pcetelius, where the capitol was not visible. He was condemned and hurled from the Tarpeian rock 2 (B. c. 384). senate recalling Camilla* and appointing him dictator, returned the prime way. The next morning the Gauls saw the marks of the ascent and determined to surprise the cit i'ii'1 in tin- same way. A Gaul had almost reached the summit when the ueese sacred to Juno roused the garrison, and Manlius hurled his -hieid against the foremost Gaul, who. in his fall, overthrow the others behind him. The Gauls hegan to weary of the .OIILT si- _'' and wished to withdraw. Negotiations \\ere opened and it was agreed Ihat Rome should pay oive thousand pounds of i_ r oid as a ransom. When the gold was being weighed nut. in the forum. Brennus, the leader of the Gauls, is said to have increased the amount by throwing hi- -word imo the -cale. At this moment Camillas appeared in the forum with a large army, and ordered the i_ r oM to he taken away, saying that Rome mu. when Marcu- Valerin- accepted a challenge to siiiL'le combat with a gigantic Gaul, and a raven |-rched on the helmet of the Roman and flew in the face of the Gaul. Valeriu- -lew the Gaul and received the name of Corvus. The story about Camilla.- wa- invented at a later time to celebrate the Furian house. 1 See p. 81. 1 It is generally agreed among modern historians that Manlius was condemned by the THE EQUALIZATION OF THE ORDERS. 79 CHAIPTISR XII. THE EQUALIZATION OF THE OKDEES. 1. The Political Condition of the Plebeians. During these struggles no action had been taken in regard to the public lands, and no reform was made in the system of credit. The acquisition of new territory after the conquest of Veji had re- newed the agrarian agitation. The social condition of the ple- beians, on account of their long service in the army, had been by no means improved. The colonies planted in the conquered territory had given only temporary relief. After the burning of Eome by the Gauls, the plebeians sank deeper than ever into distress and poverty. Individual tribunes attempted from time to time to revive the law of Cassins, and some of the patricians, like Manlius, attempted to remedy the social distress, but without avail. But few plebeians had been elected to any of the higher magistracies open to them. If, under circumstances of great excitement, a plebeian was elected, the colleges of sacred lore might be called in to see if there were not some informality in the auspices which would annul the election. Besides, the poor plebeians felt little interest in advancing the plebeian nobility so long as their own distress was unrelieved. 2. The Licinian Laws (B. c. 366). Under these cir- cumstances the plebeian nobles were convinced that the only way to wring from the patricians the recognition of their claim to an equal share in the government, was to secure the co- operation of the poor plebeians by first introducing measures to relieve the social distress. For this purpose G. Licinius Stolo 1 comi/ia centunata or comitia curia/a ; Livy, however, calls the assembly a concilium populi (Liv. vi. SO, 11) ; was not this probably the assembly of the patres gentium patri- ciarum ? See p. 50, n. 3. 1 Livy (vi. 34\ after relating the apathy into which the plebeians had Punk, introduces the following incident as the cause or the reform. The two daughters of M. Fabius Am- bustus had been married, the elder to the patrician. Servins Sulpicius. the younger to the plebeian, G. Licinius Stolo. It happened that the two sisters, the Fabise, were one day sitting in conversation in the hoi^e of Sulpicius. who at that time was consular tribune, and a lictor of Sulpicius, when he returned from the forum, rapped as usual 80 THE EQUALIZATION OF THE ORDERS. and Lucius Sextius, tribunes of the people, brought before the plebeian assembly of tribes two measures for relieving the dis- tress of the poor and one to advance the claims of the plebeian nobility. These were the celebrated Licinio-Sextian rogations. They enacted : 1. That the interest already paid on borrowed money should be deducted from the principal, and the balance paid in three yearly instalments. 1 2. That no person should possess more than five hundred jugera of the public land. 2 3. That in future, consuls and not military tribunes should be elected, and one of the two consuls miix/ be a plebeian. 3 3. The Office of Praetor Created. The struggle for these reforms lasted ten years. 4 The senate impeded the measures by making use of the veto of some one of the tribunes. Then Licinius and Sextius prevented the election of all patrician magistrates. In order to overcome the people the aged Camillus was appointed dictator. All, however, was in vain. The ple- beians even increased their demands by asking admission into the priestly colleges, the sacred citadel of patrician exclusiveness. 5 with hi-*. fa*ff* loudly on the door, to announce the arrival of his master. Frightened ;IT the noise, which she wa- unaccustomed to. tin: younger sister -tailed, and excited the mirth ,ind derision of the elder, who Informed her of the cause of the i.oi-e. Wounded in her pride and humbled that -he. the wife of a plebeian, wa- to forego the pomp and honor (if ollieml rank, she re-ted not till she had instigated her father. MS well as her hus- band, to change the order of things in Koine, and to bring about a reform by which she would lie able to -how her-elf ei[nal to the nob!e-t matrons. Tbia story does not -tand examination. How could the daughter of M. Fabius Auibustus, who himself 1 ad been consular tribune four year- before, have been frightened at the knocking of the lie lor at tin' hoove-door, or have felt her-Hf degraded by marrying a man WBOM family had already hold the chief magistracy in the -late, and who could expect the Mime distinction for himself ? The story is out- of ihat ela-s by which the vulgar attempt to discover the 'f great events in trivial or accidental circumstances. It is characteri.-tic of the ancient historians that this ab-nrd story is repeated by I. ivy nr.d his -uccc-soi> without the least hesitation, as if it were perfectly authenticated. l)nn'n I/i*t.. vol. i., i . 318. ' I't (ledncto eo lie cajrito, Q>" . !'/ *//i>>i/.< j* /xti/i-i /t> / t.r plfte crearetiir. 4 Only the flr-t article fell within the jurisdiction of the plebeian as-embly of tribes ; the other, which pertained to the /////* i-'mm. belonged to the a/mifia ctnturiala, and before it could become a Kw required tlie sanction of the piitrum aiictoritas and then the ratification of the "iii/iifin cut That the care of sibylline books -hotild be taken from the two patricians and en- trusted to ion men composed equally of patricians and plebeians. THE EQUALIZATION OF THE ORDERS. 81 The bill was at last carried, and Lucius Sextius was elected the first plebeian consul. The patricians attempted even then to nullify the election. The plebeians threatened another secession. The- the aged Camillus saw it was too late, and came forward as a mediator .ind peace-maker. A compromise was effected. The consular impcrin/ii was limited, under the pretext that the nobility alone could declare the law and preside at the tribunal, by conferring its judicial duties on a new patrician magistrate called praetor. 1 Then the election was ratified and the plebe- ians were admitted to the highest honors of the state. Hence- forth the word populits had a new import; it embraced the citizens of both orders. The long struggle between the orders would have ended here, had there not been some among the patricians who could not regard their defeat as decisive, and hence sought to regain their privileges. For the present, how- ever, there was peace, and Camillus commemorated the close of the long era of civil strife by dedicating a temple to Concord and by adding a fourth day to the great Koman games. 4. Further Progress of the Plebeians. The patricians still retained certain exclusive privileges, but the plebeians were finally admitted to these to the dictatorship in B. c. 356, to the censorship in B. c. 351, to the praetorship in B. c. 337. By the Ogulnian law in B. c. 300 the number of pontiffs was increased from five to eight, and that of the augurs from six to nine, and it was enacted that four pontiffs and five augurs should be taken from the plebeians. 2 The ad- mission of the plebeians to the sacred colleges was necessary in order that they might be free from patrician influence in taking the auspices and performing the sacrifices for the state. 8 1 The praetor was attended by six lictors ; the number of praetors was soon increased to two, viz.: the praetor urbanus, who administered the law between citizens, and the praetor ix>rfr/rinu*, who took charge of all cases in which foreigners were concerned. Another concession to the patricians \\as that two new magistrates called curule aediles to (li-tintriiish them from the plebeian aediles were appointed to superintend the public games ; but the ottice was soon open to plebeians. " The religious privilcires o f the patricians that had no political importance were not interfered wiih. such as exclusive eligibility to the office of the three supreme jlamines, that of rex (HKrorum. and the guilds of Salii ; se>' pp. 3(i. 37. 3 Henceforth it was to no purpose that a patrician augur detected secret flaws in the auspices, and that the patrician censor did not permit his colleague to present the solemn sacrifice with which the census closed. It became the custom also for the patrician presi- dent- of the senate iprincf-i># i-ennini't. nt the pa'rieinn members, but those wiio had at- tained to the consul-hip, pr.vtor.-hip. an I curule ;edile,ship to give their opinion in order and without distinction of class, while the senators who had held none of these offices still even now took part merely in the division (see also p. 88, n. 2). 82 CONTIMKI) CHATTER, XIII. CONTINUED AGITATION THE MITINV OF IX f\ .,42 THE PUBLILIAN AND IIoRTENSIAN LAW-. 1. The Licinian laws had brought about political equality. A certain reaction set in. The patricians once more thwarted the claims of the plebeians, and elected both consuls from their own order. 1 This produced violent discontent. The patricians sought to pacify it by concessions. The rate of interest estalv lished by the Twelve Tables was not only renewed, but in B.C. :>4T was reduced to five per cent The dictatorship and censor- ship were opened to the plebeians. 2. The Mutiny of B. C. 342. Still the state of affairs was unsettled and discontent widespread. In the year n.r. '!4'. ) , when the army was wintering in Campania, it "broke forth. The con- suls perceived the danger and tried to avert it by granting fur- loughs. The army mutinied and marched to Rome. The gov- ernment had to yield. The Licinian laws were re-established. It was further a- 1. That both consuls might be plebeians. 2 2. That no Roman soldier when in actual service should be discharged from the army without his consent. 3 3. That no one should be re-elected to the same magistracy within ten years. 4 4. All interest on loans was abolished. 3 3. The Publilian Laws (B.C. 339). Still there was a strong party among the nobility, which was constantly at- 1 The consular Fasti for fourteen years (332-339), show the names of twenty-one patricians and only seven plebeians. - UK '"> /,,. 'in-. Liv. vii. 41. \, miteundtm magittratvm i/,tin ./* magistrate* anno gerere. Liv. vii. 42. * This is the so-called plebtecttum <* -"'i-inin. and \va< carried during this year. Liv. vii. 42. Ii is hardly to be supposed that the intention of this law was to abolish interest altogether. The intention probably was to forbid an illegal rate of interest ; this view is supported by the proceeding \\lie;; revived the law (jj. *MO) ; see Lunge, I.e. vol. ii. p. 08 : for Ihue's view, -ue his hi.-tory, vol. i. p. 348. CONTINUED AGITATION". 83 tempting to regain its former power. The senate managed the new acquisitions of land not according to the Licinian laws, but according to its own interests. The patricians still possessed the right to nullify the action of the people by refusing their sanction to the resolutions carried in the comitia. Under these circumstances the dictator, Q. Publilius Philo, in the year B. c. 339, proposed three laws which stand in close connection with the revolt of B. c. 342, and which were intended to abridge still further the privileges of the patricians. 1 It was enacted: 1. That the resolutions carried in the plebeian assembly of tribes should be binding on all the people. 2 2. That all laws passed in the comitia centuriata should re- ceive previously the sanction of the patrum auctoritas.* 3. That one of the two censors must be a plebeian. 4 4. Changes in the Constitution. The first law is but a re-enactment of the Valerio-Horatian laws of B. c. 449. The patricians had from time to time prevented the law from being carried into effect, and succeeding in this, had finally ques- tioned the validity of the law itself. Hence its re-enactment. The second law, by requiring the previous sanction of patrum auctoritas to the action of the assembly of centuries, effectually abolished the veto power of the patricians over legislation. 5 TJte third law secured to the plebeians a share in one of the most important offices of the state. 6 This was an important gain for the plebeians, for it gave them a voice in determining 1 Livy (viii. 12) characterizes them as secundixinmas pkbi, adverga* nobUitati. ' l~t plei/isci'ti onn.f t^/'ti it- . tenerent. Liy. viii. 12. Mominsen (ROm. Forch, p. 200) thinks that this clause, a< well a-; that in the Valerio-Horatian laws, applied to measures tarri d in the comitia Mhiiin ; and the Hortensian law, to those carried in the concilium // 'it---. This supposition involves a very material emendation of the text of Livy, with- out which it is unsupported. 3 Ut legum guce comltiis centuriatls ferrentur ante initum gvffragium patres auctorea flerent.Liv. vni. 12. 4 I't alter iitli/in LI- jili-'/'i cum eo (ventum sit), ut utrumque. plebtjum (consulem) fieri erearetur.IAvy, viii. 12. 5 The result of this law was to transfer the control over legislation from the patricians to the nobility, i.e., from the cn/ieifii/i/> patrum ftaaUieu gentium patriciarum, which be- stowed the patrum auctoritas upon the senate (to the senatus consultim which preceded the rogations), which henceforth exercised the patrum uuctoritas. As this was an impor- tant change of the constitution, it needed the sanction of thepatnim auctoiitas, which it could never have secured had ir not been felt that the new nobility in the initiative of the senate and the magistrate (l-lie sanction of the patmm auctoritas for the election of magistrates was not repealed) still held control over legislation. As this law only related to the ceiisoria jnteslas and not to the imperivm, it did not require the confirmation of the patrum auctoritas or any change in the lex curiata de irioerio. 84 CONTINUED AGITATION. who should be senators and I'ljitifi'x, and preventrd the patri- cians from managing the proletarians and freedmen in the in- terests of their own order. 5. The Hortensian Laws. After the successful conclu- sion of the third Samnite war, the nobility attempted to draw the reins of government a little firmer, as they felt secure in their power. In consequence of the tribute of B.C. 293 and the pestilence which continued for several years, the plebeians 1 fell into debt again, and the conflict between the nobility and ple- beians, between the rich and poor, was renewed with its old fierceness. The tribune proposed a law 2 for the relief of the poor debtor, which led to a violent contest between the senate, as the organ of the nobility, and the people. This caused the people to secede once more this time to the Janiculus and they were not induced to return until the proposals of the dic- tator, Q. Ho^tensius, were adopted (about B. c. 286). Besides amnesty and relief from their present indebtedness, the dicta- tor carried the following laws : 1. That the resolutions of the plebeians should be binding on all the Quirites. 2. That all laws passed in the concilia plebis should receive previously the sanction of t\\Q patrum auctoritas? 3. That the concilia plebis, like the comitia centuriata, could not meet on market days. 4 6. Further Changes in the Constitution. The first law seems to be only a re-enactment of a measure already twice guaranteed. We must consider, however, that the- senate was in no way bound to execute the measures carried in the ple- beian assembly, and that it had just failed to execute a law for the relief of the debtor class. 5 The second provision defined 1 Inflma plebs. ' De cere alleno. s This law placed the resolutions of the people on the same level as those carried in the oo//" ' .' fr:n this time the legislative power- of \ht: coHeilium plfbis were recognized ; see note 2, pit !' ,'. With the Romans the days ,>n which the )rr*t., vol. iii., i>. I'iut. and Arnold (I.e. vol. ii. p. 377). assume that the movement which led to the I*.'' Hurt' iiyl-i was connected with the agrarian law of Manius Curius, the con- queror of the Sa"iiiites. ' About thi< time the ))f.ebi.-'dfm M(r.ninm was carried, which compelled the patricians to give their sanction to the election of magistrates beforehand, as they already had to do lation. i. i . tlir i-ni -! pfi'r-/i fa "Hi /.- [/'-i^ium pafrir. must, before the elec- tion. 'jrant thepatntm auctoritas which empowered the candidate, in ca-^e f ejection by >ple, to lay the Iff enriafa tie imperio before the mwif'xi evnatafot their approval. 86 THE PEOPLE A:N T D THE GOVERNMENT. began. The equality it is true was only formal. A new no- bility arose. The rich plebeians, after the Canuleian law legal- ized intermarriage, raised themselves above their felloW-plebeian& It was no longer the plebeians, but the common people, that were treated as an inferior class. The old nobility melted away. A new nobility, founded on office and wealth, sprang from it The germs of a new aristocracy and a new democrat were formed ; but for the present all contest was suspended. The glorious victories and their grand results silenced faction. 2. The Popular Assemblies. The result of the long struggle had changed considerably the relation of the assemblies to each other and to the senate. The comitia centuriata, with their system of auspices and complicated classification, still re- tained the right to vote on a declaration 1 of war and to elect the higher magistrates, but were superseded for legislative purposes by the comitia tributa. To the latter was assigned the election of all the newly established magistrates except the censor and proetor, and it even assumed functions legally belonging to the comitia centnriafa, and in course of time questions involving peace and war came before it. The decisions in this assembly fell more and more to the four city tribes because the vast extension of Roman territory had so increased the number of tribes that it was impossible for them to act in concert, especially since the rights of initiation and of discussion were not allowed. 2 The rn/i- ciliuin tributum plebis hud been placed, in regard to legislation, by the Hortensian law, on a footing of equality with the comi- tia centuriata. As only plebeians could vote in this assembly, the patricians were excluded from taking a part in the enact- ment of some of the most important laws. 3. The Composition of the Body of Citizens. Appiue Claudius attempted to introduce a radical reform not only in 1 It must be remembered that this vote of the people did not actually declare war but imply empowered the senate to declare and wa_v war. The nciuul declaration of war must be made by the/' ti'i/ii -auctioned by ',t. THE PEOPLE AND THE GOVERNMENT. 8? the plebeian assembly of tribes, but in the other assemblies as well. Hitherto only freeholders 1 could be members of the country tribes, 2 while in the city tribes 3 not only tradesmen and artisans, but the clients and freedmen had been enrolled. For- merly the freedmen had constituted an unimportant part of the population, but after the conquest of Veji the number of slaves had largely increased, and, as manumission was frequent, the number of freedmen became very numerous. When Rome be- came the capital of Latium it was a centre to which more and more tradesmen, artisans, and adventurers flocked. Although enrolled in the tribes, they were excluded from the classes and from military service. They enjoyed all the private rights but none of the political privileges of Roman citizens. 4. The Innovation of Appius Claudius. This class began to show symptoms of discontent, and Appius Claudius, regarding them as a real danger to the state, or to increase his own influence, as censor enrolled them in any tribe they wished. The result was that not only the concilium tributum plebis but the comitia tributa and the comitia centnriata, since the freed- men who possessed landed property were admitted to the classes, were rendered more democratic than ever. This arrangement, however, was reversed by the censors, Fabius and Decius (B.C. 304), who confined this class to the four city tribes. Still great powers had been committed to the assembly of tribes. How easy was it for the demagogues to avail themselves of this favorable state of things to carry laws for grants of land, for distribution of money or reduction of debt. No effort, however, was made in this direction for the present. The danger was afar off. The republican spirit and love of country were too strong. For the present all parties united in bringing to a successful issue that r-areer of conquest on which Rome had now embarked. During this period the public assemblies were only the means which the nobility used to govern the commonwealth. 5. The Weakening of the Consular Powers. At the beginning of the struggle the consul was the chief magis- 1 Assidui. * Tribus runticce. * Tribus urbarus. 88 THE IVOI'LE AND THE GOVERNMENT. trate in the state. At the end of the contest his powers had been so weakened that the most important functions the ad- ministration of justice, the election of senators and cqnites, the classification of citizens, the taking of the < naton /" /I'trii because they a ented to the opinions of the C " . etc., and when the divi- sion wa- taken voted with their feet i , . The order in which the senators ranked \\-.\- ,i\/o/-;; an.! u,//.,-t; -iho-e who had never held any office which entitled them to admi-sion to the senate'. From the olde-t foiixiilitri't the /// ;/ /** \. mitux wa- -elected by the censor. The senators hud seats reserved for them in that part of the theatre called the nrchrxtra, a!-o at the celebrations of the public games. The senate could only meet in a place consecrated by the augurs ior to/i/i'"i). The ordinary place of meeting for many centuries was the curia ll*til'ni (until B. c. 215>. erected on the north side of tl.i OH a part of the Vulconal. Later the senate had many other places of meeting. !>> the temple of Apollo. JupiterCapi- tolinus, Bellona, in the magnificent curia J>//i>i and others. The magistrates who had a right to summon the senate were tip- 'lator, maf)iJ>- usular tribunes. i>i,itoi nrfinn'/f iaftern.c. StVli. and the trib- unes of the plehs about n. c. -Jlii). In the earliest times the senator- a einbJed on the iiftii Vnli'it/,1 and were -ummoneil by a /-/:iiu. or In I'nlil ; in later times public notice was po-tt'd ii]) a few days beforehand. It dc|Mided wholly upon the presiding magistrate what busine-s he would lay before the i /vt. The senators, in speaking, could expre-s their opinion on other siibje. \ ays added, at the conclusion of his opinim. . ' ndam :' when the final vote was taken the senators separated and stood on different, sides of the house (discessio). THE PEOPLE AND THE GOVERNMENT. 89 public affairs into its own hands. Even the tribunes of the people bowed to its authority. The noble houses in the senate could control legislation, since no measure adopted by the peo- ple could become a law unless they sanctioned it. In fact, in regard to war and peace, the management of the finances and the control of the public land, all depended upon the senate. The senate issued instructions to the consuls, assigned the provinces,* fixed the number of troops, provided supplies, and voted or withheld the triumph. 8. The Senate a Consultative Body. Still it must be remembered that the original and legal powers of the senate 1 were to advise and not to command ; that it could exercise the functions of government only so far as the magistrate volun- tarily submitted to its authority. It had no means of enforcing submission except by appointing a dictator, and this was only possible when one of the consuls lent his aid. Still so long as it governed with wisdom and moderation it kept its place at the head of the state. 9. The Aristocratic Character of the Government. Rome was a complete aristocracy and wielded that concet trated force which springs from an aristocracy. The upper classes were reinforced and reinvigorated by the infusion of new blood from rich plebeian families. Tho exclusive aristocracy of birth had been broken down ; the aristocracy of wealth took its place and wielded an overwhelming influence. A stable centre for that influence was provided in the senate, 3 whose great powers gave it a preponderating weight during the long career of military conflicts on which Rome had now embarked. The time came at last, however, when the senate had to abdicate. The empire became too large even for that, and the nobility, thoroughly corrupt and selfish, used its great powers for their own advantage ; then the monarchy stepped in and transformed the freedom of the few, which had become a sham and nuisance, into an equal slavery for all. 8 1 See page 19. ' The prominence of the senate at Rome is indicated by the official designation of the Roman government, S. P. Q. ., i. e. Senatus populusque Quirites Bomanm, the tenate and Roman people. * Ihne, 1. c. vol. i., p. 45L * See p. 128, n. 8. Races in Italy. The Latins. Their Civilization. Latin Cantons. League of the Thirty Latin Cities. Foundation of Rome, B.C. 753. The Government. King. Senate. Comitia Curiata. Army. Origin of the Plebeians. SUMMARY. THE SETTLEMENT OF THE LATINS. In Italy proper (see p. 108, n. i) there were three races, viz., Etruscan, lapygian, and Italian, all of which were probably (certainly the last two) of the Indo-European stock. Of the different branches of the Italian race, the Latins were historically the most important. They set- tled in the plain between the Alban hills and the sea ; they had before their entrance into Italy attained to a con- siderable degree of civilization had laid the foundation of their social and civil constitution. The households (via or pagi) were united by ties of blood or bv nearness of locality into clans, and the householders' dwellings formed the clan-villages, which were united, and all formed a canton. Each canton had a common centre, where justice was administered and the markets were held. Around this central town, which was always situated on an elevated and easily defensible position, suburbs grew up, which formed the nucleus of the early Latin towns. The different Latin cantons united into a league, with Alba Longa at their head, known as the league of the thirty Latin cities. One of these cantons, the Roman, with its capital, Rome, situated on one of the hills on the Tiber about 18 miles from its mouth, was destined to be the most eminent. The Ramnians, or Romans, as they were afterwards called, were not the only dwellers on these hills, but two other cantons were here, that of the Titles and that of the Luceres ; these three united for mutual protection and formed the Roman common wealth. The government of these three cantons after the union was like that of all the oilier Latin cantons. All the heads of families were citizens, and were politically on a footing of equality. They chose the king, or leader in war, who held his office for life, and he nominated a council of elders, called the senate, and all the citizens met at his bidding in a public assembly called comitia curiata to enact laws or give their assent to war or peace The citizens or householders were divided into 3 tribes each tribe into 10 curiae, each curia into 10 gentcs, and each gens in theory into 10 households ; therefore 300 gciitts, or 30 curijc, or 3000 households formed the pop- uliis, cin'tas, or community. Every household had to furnish one foot-soldier, and each ^ens a horseman and senator. The army thus consisted of 3000 foot-soldiers and 300 cavalry ; the senate of 300 members. The union of these three cantons gave the people a great superiority over the isolated cities of Latium, and one after another was subdued, and in some cases de- SUMMARY. 91 Reform in the Constitution. stroyed, and the people moved to Rome. These peo- ple (plebeians, as they were called) were entirely without political rights. Their efforts to obtain a share in the government led first to the reform of Tarquinius Priscus and then to that of S. Tullius, by which wealth and not birth was made the basis (or the taxes and military ser- vice. This was a very important change. Hitherto the king, as high priest, had been all-powerful ; now the military and civil power, which gave Rome a superiority over the Latin cities, became predominant. The terri- tory was divided into four tribes or wards, and the pop- ulation that possessed land into five classes, and these classes into 193 centuries, which formed the comitia cen- turiata, as the people were called when summoned in military order on the Campus Martius by the king. The power of the king was carefully limited, and when, therefore, one of the kings, called Tarquinius Superbus, oppressed the members of the great houses and de- manded more than was right from them, they rose in rebellion and expelled him from the throne. Hence- forth, instead of entrusting the supreme power to one of their number for life, they determined to exercise it themselves in turn. According to tradition there were eight kings, but their history is almost fabulous. Regal period ended B. c. 509. Expulsion of the King. End of the Regal Period, B.C. 509. No. of Kings. Character of the Roman Religion. Not Mythological. SUPPOSED CHRONOLOGY OF THE KINGS. Romulus and Titus Tatius, B. c. 753-716; one year interregnum ; Numa Pompilius, 715-676 ; two years interregnum ; Tullius Hostilius, 674-642 ; Ancus Mar- tius, 642-618 ; L. Tarquinius Priscus, 618-578 ; Servius Tullius, 578-534 ; Tarquinius Superbus, 534-509. RELIGION. The groundwork of the religions of the Romans and the Greeks was substantially the same. Both nations wor- shipped the powers of nature the sun and moon, the earth and sky, water and air, light, darkness, health and sickness, were all objects of special worship. Most other nations invested their gods with human passions, and worked out a system of genealogy, but the Romans regarded their gods as spiritual beings. They told no myths or stories about their gods before their contact with the Greeks. In fact, the Romans were little in- clined to enter into speculations concerning their gods, but they were very solicitous to perform the practical part the prayers, vows, offerings, and ceremonies this was their religion. 1 It had little to do with a spir- 1 The word religion comes from the same root as obligation ; obligation denotes the service due from one person to another; religion the service that man owes the gods for the protection they give. SIMMARV. eaiiiiieof the Woril Id It- n>ii. Religion* Observances. The Four Sacred Colleges. The Auspices. Their Abuse. The Answer to the Augurs a Simple YI-;I or Nay. The I! 0111.111 Religion National. State Religion. itual life, with morality, with right doing, with the con- science. It simply demanded the performance of certain services to the gods, and this entitled the Roman to an equivalent general protection and assistance. No enterprise was ever undertaken, either in public or private life, without first consulting the will of the gods. No battle could be fought, 110 war dec'ared, no act of any kind performed, until the assent of the gods had been obtained. Unlucky omens did not, ho\ve\ 1 1 , deter the Roman from undertaking any enterprise ; he simply repeated the process of divination until favora- ble signs appeared. For these reasons the observances of their religion became very numerous, and the least oversight or mistake in one of these might draw down the anger of the gods. Hence it was necessary to have men thoroughly versed in the divine rites, that the cere- monial might be performed with scrupulous accuracy. For this purpose four sacred colleges were established ; pontiffs, augurs, fetiales, and later the keepers of the Sibylline books. The head of every family was a priest ; every house, getis, curia, tribe, and finally the state, had its own sanctuary. The augurs assisted the magistrate when he wished to consult the will of the gods, i.e., take the auspices ; the augur simply interpreted the signs, and if he announced signs that he did not see, the magistrate was justified in acting as if he really had seen them. This gave the augurs great power, and they soon began to use it for political purposes, and an- nounced favorable or unfavorable auspices as the in- terest of their party demanded. In this way elections were annulled, la%vs rejected, and consuls recalled. On this point the internal history of the republic for many centuries turned, for the argument of the patricians was that the plebeians could not take the auspices, and therefore could not hold the highest magistracy. The gods declared to the augur their simple appro- bation or disapprobation of the enterprise concerning which they were consulted. When the gods signified that the undertaking was acceptable to them they gave no directions, neither did they guarantee success ; all was left to the discretion of men. The authority of the Roman gods extended no fur- ther than the state. Their religion was strictly national, and no god outside of the state could claim worship It wa-i a duty to worship the national deities, and trea- son of the worst kind to pay homage to foreign gods until their worship had been permitted by a public resolution. In the temple of Vesta was the symbolic hearth for the whole state. The state worshipped Jupiter, Mars, and Quirinus, and the enlarged state Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, while the Romans and their allies united in worship in the tem- ple of Diana on the Aventine. SUMMARY. Political and Social Dis- tinctions at Rome. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE REPUBLIC. THE INTERNAL HISTORY. For several hundred years after the establishment of the republic the history of the Roman state is iittle more than (i) a struggle between the rich and poor ; (2) a con- test of the plebeians for equality of rights with the patri- cians ; (3) an effort to limit the power of the patrician consul, for the plebeians as yet had no share in the government, and they were often badly treated by the patricians. LAWS CARRIED TO ALLEVIATE THE CONDITION OF THE POOR. B.C. Old Debts were Cancelled (p. 58) 494 The Agrarian Law of Spurius Cassius (p. 62). . 486 The Licinio-Sextian Law (p. 80, s. i and s. 2). . . . 366 The Rate of Interest was limited in B. c. 351 to 10 per cent, and reduced in B. c. 344 to 5 per cent. In B. c. 349 a commission was appointed to make advances from the state treasury to needy persons who could give security. The Legislation of B. C. 342 forbade illegal rate of interest. The Various Colonies planted to secure Ro- man sovereignty in Italy improved the condition of the middle class. LAWS PASSED TO ESTABLISH POLITICAL EQUALITY BETWEEN THE PATRICIANS AND PLEBEIANS. Plebeian Tribunes appointed 494 The Icilian Law (p. 59) 493 The Agrarian of S. Cassius (p. 62) 486 The Publilian Law of Volero (p. 63) 471 The number of Tribunes increased to ten (p. 66). 457 The Terentilian Law (p. 65) 454 The Icilian Law (p. 66) 454 The Valerio-Horatian Laws (p. 70, s. 3) 449 The Canulean Laws (p. 72) 445 Military Tribunes, "with consular powers" (p. 72) 445 Sextio-Licinian Law (p. 80, s. 3) 366 The Publilian Law (p. 83, s. i and s. 2). 339 The Ogulnian Law (p. 81) 300 The Hortensian Law (p. 84, s. I and s. 2). 286 These laws established complete equality between the two orders. LAWS CARRIED TO LIMIT THE POWER OF THE CHIEF MAGISTRATE. Valerian Laws (p. 53, s. 3) 509 The Law of the Twelve Tables (p. 67) 450 Quaestors appointed (p. 71) 447 Censors appointed (p. 73) 445 Praetors appointed (p. 80) 366 SUMMARY. Regal Period, B.C. 753-509. "\Vai-H of the l.:n I. V Republic. League with the Latins and Hernicixus, B. C. 493. Fabian House. Coriolanus and the Ki|iii.in>, B.C. 488. Cliiclniiatus and the .TCeriod ; those to tbe plains of Latiui.i earlier. See p. 12. * gee ,>. ". 7. 94 THE FIRST SAMNITE AVAR* This li. GJ) ; others as Mmnmseii (1. c. I). 382); and Ihne (Hoin. Forscli. p. 53) think Dial it was made up from a list of those places that were afterwards regarded as members of the Latin confederacy; or by some annalist, from various sources. That the revolt had nothing to do with the restoration of Tarquinius is tolerably certain ; see p. 49. B.C. 340.] THE FIRST SAMNITE WAR. 95 3. The Cause of the War. It happened that another Samnite migration issued from the mountains to the plains of Campania and threatened Teanum, a city of the Sidicini. Being unable to withstand the attack of the Samnites, the Sidicini ap- plied to the Campanians for assistance. This was readily granted, but even then the Samnites were victorious, and having occupied Mt. Tifata, from which they issued as their stronghold, they defeated the Campanians as often as they appeared in the field. 1 The latter, in their distress, turned to the Romans for assist- ance. The Romans had a few years before formed a treaty with the Samnites (B. c. 354), and therefore had no excuse for meddling in their affairs. This, however, was of little conse- quence to Rome when she had an opportunity to extend her territory. War was declared and the Romans seemed in a fair way to gain possession of Campania, when an insurrection 2 in their own army and the threatening attitude of the Latins compelled them to pause 3 and form a hasty treaty with the Samnites. 4. The Great Latin War 4 (B.C. 340-338). During the regal period Rome attained her position as head of the Latin league. Thus far the Latins had fought on the side of Rome, and helped secure the victory. The conquered territory, how- ever, was not incorporated with the Latin league but with the Roman state. 5 The manner in which Rome had subdued the 1 It is not probable that the Capnans, a Livy relates, offered to place Capua in the hands of the Romans, because it remained after the war an independent town. 3 See page 82. 3 Little Ts known of the details of this war, and still less of the terms of peace. The account of the war by Livy (vii. 20 ff.) is filled with descriptions of bloody battles and hand-to-hand conflicts, and" all kind~ of improbabilities. * Livy (viii. 8 ff.) relates as a cause of the war that the Latins sent two praetors, who were their chief magistrates, to Rome to demand a share in the government that one of the consuls and half of the senate should be Latins. The request excited great indigna- tion at Rome. The senate met in the temple of Jupiter Capltolinoe. In the discus>im: which followed, the Latin praetor scorned the power of Jupiter Capitolinus ; then an awful peal of thunder shook the temple, and as the praetor was leaving the temple he fell down the steps and died. * The threatened revolt of the league in B.C. 384 caused the Romans to prevent any more cities from joining the league. Hitherto every city founded by Rome and Latium had enjoyed this right, but according to Latin usage the number of citie< having the right to vote could never exceed thirty ; the others were without this right. In this way it happened that thirty cities had the right to vote, but seventeen others had the privilege of participating in the Latin festival without the riirht of voting. The communities founded later, as Sutrinm. Calcs, &c.. were not allowed to vote. This fixed the limits of Latium. So long as the Latin confederacy had continued oj>eii, the bounds of Latiuin advanced with the founding of new cities. The later colonies not being entitled to vote jn the league were not regarded as belonging to Latium. See map No. 1. 96 THE FIRST SAMN'ITE WAR. [u. C. ooS. Latin towns after the Gallic invasion had filled the Latins with discontent. The frequent acts of injustice on the part of Rome increased, from year to year, this discontent. The revolt of the league might be expected at no distant day. The war with the Samnites was in progress. Koine seemed in a favorable way to acquire new r territory. This she had no intention of sharing- with her allies. Then the ferment broke out into open ins 11 rection. 1 The peoples, too, south of the Liris, had discovered the in- tention of Rome, and were prepared to fight for their inde- pendence. 5. The Battle of Mt. Vesuvius. The danger was great. The Latins alone were equal to the Romans in courage and military experience. Against such a combination the Romans looked about for aid, and even formed an alliance with their old enemies, the Samnites. The Roman army, joined by the Samnites, entered Campania by a circuitous march through Samnium. The battle was fought near the foot of Mt, Vesu- vius. 2 The Romans and Samnites were victorious. The Latins could no longer keep the field, but. shut up in their fortified towns, they protracted the con-.est, for nearly two years. Town after town, however, fell into the hands of the Romans, and finally, on the capture of Antium (B.C. 338), the Latins laid down their arms. The Latin confederacy was dissolved, and all 1 Every Latin town except Laiirentum joined the insurrection. * It wa* in this war that the annalist* told the story that the con-ul. T. Manlm* Tor- nuatus, ordered his own son c<> be beheaded for engaging in single combat with Mettiii*, Die leader of the Tnscnlan cavalry, contrary to the orden of hi* father. It i- al-o re- lated that t! tierce and long undecided. The two con-uls. \\lio liud been i by a dream that victory should be with the army w!i nonld devote himself to death, had agreed tliat he who-e legion- Bnt wavered in the baitle should sacrifice his life for hi- country. At length on the wing where the plebeian con-nl Deciu* Mus commanded, the Roman line fell into disorder. The moment had come, and the consul, calling the nonM(r. veiled \ } \.i head with hi" gown, and repeated after the nriest the sacred prayer: "O Janns, Jupiter, father Mars. Quirinu*. Bellona, ye Lares, ye u'od* Novensjles, ye gods Indigetes. ye divinities under whose power we and our ene- inic* are, and ye spirits of the departed dead, to ye I priiy, ye I worship. I a*k your favor, that ye will gratit strength and \ ie:o; y to the Roman people, the Qtiiiites ; and that ye may strike the enemies ( if the Komim people with rerp'r. di-may. and death. As I have pronounced in word*, so do I now. in behaif of the commonwealth of the Roman people, i he (Juirite*. of the army, of the legion*, of r the Homan ]>eojile. so do I devote, with myself, the legions and allie* of the enemy to the -j/irit- of the departed, and to tiie earth." When he had uttered thi* prayer and ordered the lictor> to announce to his colleagues that he had devoted himself for the army, he girded himself with his toga, and, fully anned. plunged into the thickest of the battle, to seek death for himself and victory for the army. B. C. 326-304.] THE SECOND SAMNITE WAR. 97 general assemblies were forbidden. Rome henceforth was the common centre. Here the Latins could settle, buy and sell, and marry ; but all intercourse and intermarriage between the different Latin cities were prohibited. Large tracts of their land were incorporated with the Roman state, and two new tribes * were formed. 1 CHAPTER XVT. THE SECOND SAMNITE WAR (B.C. 326-304). 1. The Policy of Rome. Rome busied herself in secu> ing the territory she had conquered by planting colonies alon^ the frontier. Cales was conquered. and a Roman colony estab- lished there (B. c. 334). A colony was planted at Fregellae (B.C. 328), the most important locality on the Liris. With un- deviating energy Rome pursued her policy, until her territory reached even to the Samnite border. A contest between the two nations was inevitable. 2. The Cause of the War. The city of Palaeopolis was the immediate cause of the war. The senate complained that the Pal aeopoli tans had committed outrages upon Roman citizens settled in the vicinity of Cumae. In Palaeopolis, as everywhere in Italy, there was an aristocratic and a democratic party ; one party was favorable to the Romans, the other sought aid from the Sammies, who at once dispatched a strong garrison to the city. When this force entered Palaeopolis the war was really begun, not between Palaeopolis and Rome, but between thejrwo great rival nations. The Romans without hesitation resolved on war, and sent Q. Publilius Philo, the same who had carried the important laws 1 Tibur and Praeneste renewed their old alliance with llome on a foqtinsr of equality. The citizens of the other towns did not have the franchise ; they received the right of intermarriage with the Romans (rnniiiilivnn . :md the ri<_ r ht to buy and pell in Rome (eorrUMTchtm) : the town* were railed municipia (bound to wrpfesw); they were subject to the jurisdiction of the Roman praetor, who appointed a prefect i prcefectwjuri dicundo) to exercise the jurisdiction. * Making 2* in n.r. 332, 98 THE SECOND SAMXITE WAR. [B. c. 326. which bore his name, into Campania with an army. As he was not able to reduce the city before his year of office expired, the senate prolonged his command under the title of proconsul. In the following year the city submitted, although the garrison still held out, and the Romans succeeded in winning over the other Greek cities by granting them favorable terms of peace. 3. Declaration of War. In the mean time the Samnito were called upon in regular form to withdraw their garrison from Palaeopolis. This they refused to do, and the Roman fetialis declared war in due form. 1 During the first five years of the war the Roman arms were generally successful. Rome placed three armies in the field ; one continued the siege of the garrison in Palaeopolis and the other two invaded Samnium, fighting and pillaging as far as Apulia. Once more discontent broke out among the Latins. A truce was concluded with the Samnitcs. Two Latin towns 2 revolted and the rebellion threat- ened to spread, but Rome, by wise concessions, appeased the discontent. The next year the Samnites sued for peace. The Romans would hear of nothing but submission ; so the war was renewed. 4. The Caudine Pass. In B. c. 321 the two consuls, Veturius and Postumius, advanced from Campania with the See page 41. Privernnm and VcHtr??. B. C. 321.] THE SECOND SAMNITE WAR. 99 purpose of relieving Luceria, which, it was reported, the enemy had besieged. Their route led x through the defiles of the mountains near Caudium into the enemy's territory. The army entered the pass, the celebrated Caiidme Forks? but found to its surprise that the Samnites awaited it here and not at Luceria. The Romans attempted to force their way, but in vain ; meanwhile the enemy had taken possession of the pass by which the Romans entered, and nothing remained but to capitulate. A treaty was signed by which the Roman con- suls and all the superior officers bound themselves by a solemn oath to give up all conquests and colonies in the territory of Samnium. Then the brave Samnite general, Gavins Pontius, set the Roman army free, after each soldier had given up his arms and passed under the yoke. 8 When the news reached Rome the senate very naturally * refused to ratify the treaty. Pontius demanded that either the terms of the treaty should be carried out or the Roman army should be returned to the Cau- dine Forks. 4 5. War with the Etruscans. The war was renewed and the experienced Papirius Cursor was placed at the head of the army. The army entered Samnium and appeared before the walls of Luceria. The town surrendered, and on account of the importance of its position was strongly garrisoned. The Samnites now looked about for allies. The Etruscans, whose forty years' truce with Rome had expired, came to their assist- ance, and, in order to create a diversion, attacked the fortress of Sutrium. Fa bins Maximus Rullianus boldly entered the country through the Ciminian forest and defeated the Etrus- cans at the Vadimonian lake 5 (B.C. 310). 1 Between the present Arpaja and Montesarchio. * Furculce. C'audlnae. 3 That is, subjiigum; hence the English word subjugate ; see p. 66, note. * Livy (ix. 8ff.) relate* that when the question of the ratification of this treaty came before the senate, Postumius declared at once that it ought not to be kept, but that he himself and his colleague, with the other officers, ought "to be delivered to the enemy, because they had promised what they could not perform. This proposal the senate ac- cepted, nnd'all the officers who had bound themselves to the Samnites were delivered to them. No sooner \va~ the surrender made than Postumius si nick the Roman fetiali* who had conducted him and cried out : ''I am now a Samnite citizen, and as f have done Violence to the sacred envoy of the Roman people ye will rightfully. Romans, wage war with u* to avenge this outrage." Pontius refusftd to accept Poetomlos and his compan- ions, and they returned unhurt to their own army ; see Ihne, vol. i., p. 397 ff.; Arrtotd, P. 296 and note 52. ' See map ^ * See p. 89, 7. 100 THE THIRD SAMNITE WAR. [fi. C. 304. 6. The Samnites Subdued. In the south the Samnites were repeatedly defeated. Finally, after the capture of their capital, Bovianum, they were compelled to sue for peace. They were obliged to give up their conquests beyond Sain- nium. They formed, on an equal footing with Rome, an alliance which secured them their independence. 1 7. The Results of the War were great. Four new tribes were formed, 2 eight colonies were planted, and the large num- ber of citizens who settled in Campania spread Roman influence throughout Central and Southern Italy. The country to the north, between Samnium and Etruria, was secured by fortresses, while Samnium on the east and west was hemmed in by a whole line of fortifications. Rome was unmistakably the first power in Italy. CHAPTER XVII. THE THIRD SAMNITE WAR (B. c. 298-290). SUCCESS IN ETRURIA AND SOUTHERN ITALY. 1. Cause of the War. In the last war the Lucanians had sided with Rome. The garrisons which the Samnites had to keep in Lucania had been a serious drawback to their suc- cess. They therefore determined to seize the first opportunity to supplant the influence of Rome in that country. It hap- pened that in internal dissensions among the Lucanians one party applied to Rome for assistance, the other to the Samnites. The Samnites immediately dispatched an army into Lucania in order to bring their party to the head of the government. Rome renewed her alliance with the Lucanians and ordered the Samnites to desist. This they refused to do. Rome imme- 1 Livy, is. 45. Fcedus anliquum Samnitibus redditum. * Two foroied in B. c. 818; two in B. c. vW-makin" ibirty-three in all. B.C. 298-290.] THE THIRD SAMNITE WAR. 101 diately declared war. Since the year B. c. 301 the Romans had been at war with the Etruscans, who just at this time entered into negotiations for peace. This enabled the Romans to send both armies into Samnium. The Samnites were defeated and Roman influence was re-established in Lucania. 2. War with the Etruscans. In order to induce the Etruscans to continue the war, the Samnite general, Gellius Egnatius, promised to render them assistance in their own country. The Samnites placed three armies in the field, one to protect Samnium, one to invade Campania, and the other Egnatius himself led through the Marsian and TJmbrian terri- tories to help his allies in Etruria. The Romans saw their efforts to sever northern and southern Italy frustrated. Nearly all Etruria 1 was in arms, and an invasion of the Gauls, whom the Etruscans had taken into their pay, was threatened. The Romans made great efforts and placed larger armies in the field than ever before, with the two most eminent generals at their head, the aged Q. Fabius Maximus Rullianus and Pub- lius Decius Mus. They met the enemy at Sentinum, near According to Livy (x. 12) Scipio fought SARCOPHAGUS OP SCIPIO In Etrnria ; he make? no mention of the towns of Taurasia and Cisauvta which Scipio Is said to have taken, nor of a defeat of the Lucanians. Ritschl (Rhein. Museum, 1854, p. 1 fl.l thinks that the epiraph was not composed immediately after Scipio's death ; is in fact not older than the first Punic war. Ihne (I.e. vol. i.. p. 46) thi)iks that the whole Etruscan campaign was a fiction, that the Samnite army was sent to Etrnria to join the Gaul* it, % \va- airainst Rome. AaainsT this coalition A. Claudius was sent in B. c. 296. but the campaign was unsuccessful, and the danger became so serious that in B.C. 295 Rullianus and Decius were dispatched with two consular armies of four legions. 102 THE THIRD SAMNITE WAR. [B. C. 290. the pass where the Via l-'lnnnina afterwards crossed the moun- tains. The battle was long undecided until the consul, Decius Mus, like his father in the battle near Mi. Vesuvius, devoted himself and the hostile army to the infernal gods. The victory was complete, the coalition was broken; the Gauls dispersed, and all Umbria submitted. 3. Exhaustion of the Samnites. The Samnites re- treated, to continue the war in their own country. There with the courage of despair they fought and even defeated the consul, Fabius Maximus Gurges, the son of Rullianus. The aged Rullianus consented once more to take the field, as legate, under his son. Then the Samnites were defeated, and their general, the brave Gavins Pontius, who had commanded at Caudium, fell into the hands of the Romans and was killed m prison. 1 Still the spirit of the Samnites was not broken. In their mountains they protracted the struggle until both parties were weary of war. They concluded an honorable peace which secured them independence and the entire possession of Sain- nium, though they were compelled to give up their foreign conquests. 4. Colonies Established. Rome now bent all her ener- gies to secure the territory she had gained. The Campanian coast was strengthened by two fortresses, Minturnae and Sinuessa, and the colony of Veuusia was planted on the bor- ders of Samnium, Apulia and Lucania to command the south. About this time the Sabines were finally conquered and became subjects of Rome. 2 The fortress of Hatria was established on the Adriatic to secure the territory there. 3 5. War with the Gauls and Etruscans. After the conquest of the Samnites the only peoples left unsubdued were the Lucaniaus and Greeks of the south. Ten years elapse* 1 The following description of the consul's triumph is from Dr. Arnold'* History of torn, his old Rome, ii.. p. 365. While he was ben father rode on horseback behind hii the honors of his -on. 15m at the rived at the end of the Sacred Wuy. t G. Pontius, the Samnite general, wh e along in his chariot, according to cu of his lieutenants, deltelitiiij: himself with minont when the consul and his father, having ar- irned to the left to a-cend the hill of the capitol, i. with the other prisoners of rank, had thus far followed the procession, was led aside to the right hand to the pn-on beneath the Cap'- toiine hill, and \vs there thrust dowu into the underground dungeon of the prison and was beheaded. ' Civeg fine svffragio. * See colored map No. 1. B. C. 283.] THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS. 103 between the close of the third Samnite war and the commence- ment of the next great struggle in which Rome was engaged. In the meantime the Senpnian and Bojan Gauls were defeated at the Vadimonian Lake (B.C. 283) and the fortress of Sena Gallica (Senegaylia) was established. In Etruria the fortune of war was tried again, Volsinii was taken and destroyed, Falerii subjugated and the Etruscan power completely crushed. 6. War with the Lucanians. In the third Samnite war the Lucanians had rendered Rome important aid. They no doubt thought that Rome in return for this would look quietly on while they plundered the Greek cities. They had already laid siege to Thurii, which being hard pressed applied to Rome for assistance. The Romans did not hesitate to es- pouse the cause of the Thurinians and to declare war against the Lucanians. The latter, however, effected a union of the Samnites and Bruttians, 1 but Gajus Fabricius defeated their united armies, relieved Thurii, received the submission of most of the Greek towns 8 except Tarentum, and after having gar- risoned them, returned to Rome laden with spoils (B. c. 282). Tarentum was now the sole obstacle to Rome's entire mastery of Italy. XVIII. THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS. THE WAR WITH PYRRHUS. 1. The Condition of the Italian Greeks. In early times the Greeks had founded colonies on the coasts of Sicily, Spain and France, and particularly in southern Italy where the Greek cities were so numerous and powerful that the country was called Grcecia Magna. Many of these cities, such as Agri- 1 According to Mommsen the Lucanians effected a union of not only the Bruttians and Samnites but also of the Etruscans, Umbrians and Gauls, and this led to the battle of the Vadimonian Lake. Deprived of the narrative of Livy for this period (the narrative ends B. o. 292) the -uccession of events is exceedingly doubtful. 3 Locri, Rhegium, and Croton were garrisoned. 104 THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS. [B. C. 280 .''..'. TARENTUM gentum, Syracuse, Croton, Sybaris and Tarentum attained great prosperity, and extended their power from the coast inland and ruled over the native raci-s. The Greek cities in Italy, however, owing to civil dissensions, jealousies, and hostil- ities with each other, had very much declined in power and prosperity. At the time when Rome came in contact with these cities Tarentum was by far the most powerful. 2. War with Tarentum (B. c. 280-272). Favorably situated on a splendid harbor, Tarentum grew rich by com- merce and industry. Una- ble to defend their indepen- dence against the Lucanians, the Tarentines had summoned Archidamus, the Spartan king, to help them. In the interval between the first and second Samnite wars Alexander of Epirus had been invited to assist them against the Lucanians and Samnites. The second Samnite Avar gave the Tarentines an opportunity to form a league to check the ambitious schemes of Rome. But with their usual indolence they left the Samnites to struggle alone, and assuming to act as umpires, they sum- moned both parties after the battle of Caudium to lay down their arms ; the Romans replied by an immediate declaration of war. Even then the Tarentines took no decisive step. At the close of the war the Tarentines and Romans concluded a peace, 1 the terms of which were that the Romans should not sail beyond the Lacinian promontory. This was the condition of affairs when Thurii fell into the hands of the Romans, and a fleet of ten vessels was sent to protect Thurii and at the same time to watch the Tarentines. When the fleet appeared off Tarentum in open violation of the treaty, the Tarentines quickly manned their ships, sailed out, attacked the Romans, and gained an easy victory. 2 After this, 1 Probably about B. c. 304 : according to Niebutir. B. r. 301. * Momnueo and Niobuhr condemn the attack of the Tarentines Ihne thinks that a Roman party in Tarentum had agreed to deliver the city to the Romans. B.C. 280.] THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS. 105 Thurii was attacked, the Koman garrison expelled, and the town plundered. 3. The Arrival of Pyrrhus in Italy. War was de- clared, 1 and the Tarentines, accustomed to lean on Greece for support, invited Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, to conduct the war against their enemies. Pyrrhus eagerly seized the opportunity, and in the winter of B. c. 280 landed 2 at Tarentum, and took the reins of the government into his own hands. The Taren- tines were effeminate, and cared little for war. They soon found, however, that they had a master. The clubs and thea- tres were closed, and the young men were pressed into military service. 4. The Battle near Heraclea (B. c. 280). The Roman army under the command of Valerius Laevinus soon appeared and commenced hostilities. The two armies met at Heraclea. 3 Seven times the Romans attempted to break through the Grecian phalanx ; then Pyrrhus brought forward his cavalry and his elephants against the exhausted Romans. This decided the contest ; the Romans fled, and their camp fell into the hands of the enemy. Discontent was now silenced in Tarentum, and all southern Italy rose against Rome. The victory was great, but it had been dearly purchased. Nearly four thousand of Pyr- rhus's best soldiers strewed the field of battle. This battle taught the king the difficulty of the task he had undertaken, for he knew well that the contest was only decided by the sur- prise produced by the attack of the elephants. Before the battle, when he saw the Romans forming in line as they crossed 1 It is related that before declaring war, the senate sent an embassy to Tarentum to complain of the attack on the fleet and demand satisfaction. L. Postumius. who was at the head of the embassy, was beset by the rabble. His purple-bordered toga was jeered at, and when he began to address the people in Greek, his mistakes and accent were laughed at. He still continued stating his demands release of the captives, the restora- tion of Thurii, and the surrender of the author* of the outrages when a dninken buf- foon bespattered his white toga with dirt. The whole assembly applauded, but Postu- mius, holding up his sullied toga, said : "Laugh while ye may, but this robe shall be washed in torrents of vour blood.'' Valerius Maximus (ii. 2, 5) makes the insult to Pos- tuniius take place before the assembly is called ; Dionysius (xviii. 7) after, Livy (epit. xii.) says the ambassadors were beaten by the Tarentines. 2 With an army of 21,000 heavy-armed soldiers, 2,000 archers, 500 slingers, and 3,OCO horsemen. ' For the first time on the field of Heraclea the Roman legion and Grecian phalanx were brought in collision. The older of the Roman army until the time of Camilla* was similar to the phalanx. The legion wa-< now drawn up in three lines, called the liaxtati, principe.o, and triarii: the last line was triple (triani proper, rwarii, and acceiisi), so xhat there were really five lines, see p. 368. lOo THE GREEK SKTTLK.MKNTS. |_B.. the river, he said : " In war at least these are not barbarians." Afterwards, when he saw the Roman soldiers lying upon the field with the wounds all in front, he exclaimed: "If these were my soldiers, or if I were their general, we should conquer the world ! " In view of the fact that his veteran soldiers were more difficult to be replaced than the Roman militia, and that the surprise produced by the attack of the elephants could not be often repeated, it may be that the king described his victory as a defeat, or as the Roman poets afterwards ex- pressed it : ''Another such victory and I must return to Epi- rus alone." 5. Embassy of Cineas to Rome. Pyrrhus resolved, therefore, to avail himself of the impression produced by this victory to make overtures of peace to the Romans. He sent his minister Cineas to Rome, with the proposal that the Ro- mans should recognize the independence of the Greek cities. 1 Cineas, whose eloquence is said to have won more cities for Pyrrhus than his arms, left no means untried to induce the Romans to accept the terms. When the question came up for debate, and the decision of the senate seemed doubtful, the aged Appius Claudius 2 appeared once more in the senate and denounced the idea of peace with a victorious foe with such effect, that the overtures of the king were rejected, and Cineas was warned to leave Rome. When Pyrrhus, who had been waiting in Campania, heard this, he immediately advanced toward Rome, hoping to secure the aid of the Etruscans, to shake the adhesion of the allies of Rome, and to threaten the city itself. He nowhere met with a friendly reception. The Romans placed new legions in the field, and Pyrrhus fell back to Tarentum loaded with spoils and captives. 6. The Battle of Asculum (B.C. 279). Both sides made preparations for the next campaign. Pyrrhus had not yet given up all hope of concluding peace, and when Rome sent an embassy to tn-at for an exchange of prisoners he determined 1 And according to Plutarch (Pyrrhns. 18) he would help them subdue Italy. ' SnrnaiiH'd C;rcn : a descendant of Appius Claudius, the decemvir. The story of his blindne-s originated probably from his surname. See'Mommsen liOm. Forsch, p. 301, or I. c. vol. 1, appendix. B. C. Ji74.J T1IK UKEEK SETTLEMENTS. 107 to renew his proposals. His negotiations with G. Fabricius, the head of the embassy, furnished the annalists with material to eulogize their own countrymen. Fabricius was poor and was proud of his poverty. His integrity was incorruptible, and he rejected the large sums of money offered by the king. At last Pyrrhus attempted to work upon his fears by concealing an elephant behind a curtain, and then causing the curtain to be withdrawn so that Fabricius was directly under the monster's trunk. Fabricius remained unmoved, and only smiled when the elephant roared. The object of the embassy failed. 1 The king refused to exchange the prisoners. The next spring hos- tilities were renewed. In the battle at Asculum (Ascoli di Pu- glia) in Apulia, the Romans were again defeated. 7. The Alliance of Rome with Carthage. An event now occurred which induced Pyrrhus to conclude a hasty peace with the Romans and retire from Italy. The Romans concluded an offensive and defensive alliance with Carthage. 2 The object of this was to oppose the plans of Pyrrhus both in Italy and Sicily. Carthage had already subdued the western part of Sicily, and now an opportunity was offered for her to get possession of the whole island. After the death of Agath- ocles, the power of Syracuse rapidly declined. TLe Cartha- ginians made rapid progress in the island. Agrigentum was taken and Sp-acuse threatened. At this juncture the Syracu- sans applied to Pyrrhus for aid. Hence his desire to bring the war in Italy to a conclusion in order to help Syracuse before it was too late, and hence the interest of the Carthaginians to de- tain him in Italy that they might complete the conquest of Sicily. Leaving Milo with a garrison in Tarentum, Pyn'hus sailed for Sicily. Syrasuse was relieved, the Greek cities united under his leadership, and the Carthaginians were almost entirely driven from the island. The arbitrary rule of Pyrrhus soon 1 According to Appian (iii. 10, 5). the king allowed all the prisoners to go to Rome to celebrate the feast of the Saturnalia on condition that they should return if the senate would not accept the terms of peace already offered. The senate remained firm and threatened with death any who should break his oath; according to Justin (zviii. 1), he released only 201, while Livy makes him release all the prisoners without ransom. This was about B. c. 2f9. A commercial treaty had been concluded with Carthage, according to Polybius. in the first year of the republic (B.C. 509). According to Momm teu (.R5in. Chroilol., p. 272 ff.), Polybius date- this treaty 161 years too early. See p. 11A 108 ROMAN SUPREMACY IN ITALY. f B. C. 206. caused discontent to break out among the Greeks, and the sit- uation of affairs in Italy demanded his presence. 8. The Battle of Beneventum (B.C. 274). In the autumn of B.C. 276 Pyrrhus set sail from the port of Syracuse, and appeared again in Tarentum. His troops were almost the same in number as when he first landed in Italy, but their quality was far different. His best officers had fallen in battle. The Romans prepared for the campaign. One consular army under Cornelius Lentulus entered Lucania, and the other under Manius Curius, Samnium. The king fell in with the army of Curius at Beneventum and determined to engage it before the other army could come up. He stormed the Roman position, but was completely repulsed. Curius now led his army into the plain, and gained a complete victory. The camp of Pyrrhus fell into his hands. The king was obliged to give up his idea of Italian conquest, and leaving Milo with a strong garrison in Tarentum, he sailed to Greece to engage in new adventures. 9. Union of Italy (B. c. 266). The departure of Pyrrhus virtually ended the war. Tarentum fell into the hands of the Romans (B.C. 272). The guerrilla warfare of the Samnites soon ceased and every people south of the rivers 1 Arnus and submitted to the power of Rome. CHATTER XIX. ROMAN SUPREMACY IN ITALY CLASSES OF ROMAN CITI- ZENS THE SYSTEM OF COLONIZATION MILITARY ROADS. 1. Roman Sovereignty. Rome ruled leniently over the conquered states. They paid no tribute besides equipping and paying their army when Rome called for contingents. They still retained their own local laws and internal administration. when these did not conflict with those of Rome. The general management of the affairs of the allied states was centered in 1 AccDrdiiiir to Mominsen (1. c. vol. iii.. '. 387) it was Sulla who fixed the rivers Rubi- con and Arnus as the northern boundary <,f Ita! ; ^ee p. ^57, n. 4. ROMAN SUPREMACY IN ITALY. 109 Rome. Rome was the head and her magistrates collected the revenue, superintended the census, and apportioned the military service. 2. Summary of Rome's Policy. A brief summary of Rome's policy in dealing with conquered states will help us to understand the manner in which she governed the different peoples in central and southern Italy. In the regal period, it will be remembered that the state was governed by the patri- cians ; that when conquests were made the territory was an- nexed to the Roman state and the inhabitants were moved to Rome and the surrounding territory, and became subjects of the king, i.e., plebeians; that after the destruction of Alba Longa, Rome became the leading power in the Latin league. In the course of time the plebeians were admitted to equal social and political privileges with the patricians, and ceased to form a separate class. Roman supremacy had meanwhile been extended Dot only over Latium, but over all central and southern Italy. 3. Classes of Roman Citizens. The state, however, still consisted of three classes: Roman citizens, subjects, and allies. The first class, the members of thirty-three tribes, con- stituted the governing people. These were the citizens of Rome and of the country tribes into which the Roman territory 1 was now divided. Tlie second class, or those 2 who possessed only the private rights 3 but not the public franchise, 4 consisted of 1 The territory extended on the north nearly to Caere, on the east to the Apennines, and on the south to Formise, though there were some towns even in Latium, as Tibur and Praeneste, which did not possess the full franchise. * L'ttini. or ri />< xinf xtijfragio. 3 Every Roman citizen possessed public (publica) and private (privata) rights (jura). The public rights were : (1) the right of voting, i. e. , of enacting and repealing laws (leges scribere), of declaring war (bettum indicere), and concluding peace (pacemfacere), (jussuf- fragii) ; (2) the right of holding public offices (jvs hononim) ; (3) the right of appeal (Jw prpeocatiotilt). The private rights were : (1) jus connubii, and (2) jus commercii. * The first city on which private rights were conferred was Cere, in consequence of Its having received the vestal virgins at the time when Rome was taken by the Gauls. Although this was a great privilege for the Caerites, it was, of course, a degradation for the citizens with full rights (dvis optima jure) to be placed on the same rooting : this was one of the modes in which the censors expressed their displeasure towards a citizen; his name was omitted from the roll of the tribe and he was deprived of the jus $i(ffrayii. Hence the phrase, in C'cerilum tabulas referre aliquem, to deprive one of his right of voting. Any one in full enjoyment of all these rights wa a rivix optima j"re. The^e rights taken collectively were called _/# cicitatis or simply cirifa-', and might be acquired (1) bj birth, (2) by gift. A child born of parents who could contract a regular marriage, i.e^ both of whom had they'"* ronm/f.ii, was by birth a Roman citizen. When a marriage took place between parties who did not mutually possess ihejus connubii, the children belonged 110 ROMAN SUPREMACY IN ITALY. the towns in a part of Latium, 1 and some of the communities among the Hernicans, 2 ^Equians, 3 and Subines. 4 These assumed the position in the state which the plebeians had formerly occupied. They were compelled to serve in the Roman armies, and were subject to all the burdens of Roman citizens, although not admitted to full political rights. These communit ies :> were divided into two classes, one retaining more of local self-gov- ernment than the other. Roman law was introduced and ad- ministered by a prefect 6 sent from Rome. The third class, or the allies, 7 consisted of some old Latin towns, 8 such as Pneneste and Tibur, of three towns among the Heruicans, of the Latin colonies, and of all the communities in central and southern Italy after their conquest. The Latin and Hernicau towns retained their old privileges to a great extent, and their condition was so favorable that they were unwilling to change it for that of full Roman citizens. The condition of the allied communities in central and southern Italy was determined by special treaties. They enjoyed local self-government, but they were deprived of all political intercourse with other nations, and were bound to furnish ships of war and contingents for the army. 4. Colonization. For the purpose of securing the new conquests, colonies 9 were founded far and wide in Italy. In this way Roman manners and customs were spread over Italy, liable, and was bestowed for faithful services, sometime* on individuals, sometimes on whole communities. Sometimes it was be-fowed, as already mentioned, with a limita- tion, excluding the jug suffnifjii and j>t# fuMtonim. 1 After B. c. 8'58. After B.C. 306. of all but three cities, viz.; Alatrium, Ferentinnm, and Verulae, which had not taken a part in the war atrain-t Koine. ' After B. c. 304. After B c. 290. ! .'/"// >n>na bound to services Hence called prefectures -e who had held office iu their own city. B. C. 312.] R03IAX SUPREMACY IN ITALY. Ill and the local dialects began to give way to the Latin language when all the subjects looked to Rome as the common centre. The contact with the Greek cities made the Romans acquainted with the Greek language and literature, the influence of which was soon visible in their religion, customs, and literature. 5. Military Roads. Intimately connected with the colo- nial system was that of the military roads, 1 which in time were so extended that they intersected all parts of Italy and bound the outposts to Rome as the common centre. This great system was begun by Appius Claudius, who, after the conquest of Campania, constructed a paved road 2 to Capua, called from him the Appian Way (B. c. 312). This was soon extended to Brundisium by the way of Venusia and Tarentum. This project of Appius was carried out by others, each of whom gave his name to the work he had executed. The Flaminian Way ^B. c. 220) was constructed to Ariminum by the way of Narnia and Fanum ; the ^Imilian Way (B. c. 187) continued the line to Placentia by the way of Bononia, Mutina, and Parma ; while another of the same name (B. c. 171) extended the Cassian W;iv from Arretium to Bononia. The Valerian led through the country of the Sabines, ^Equians and Marsians, and the Latin led through the valley of the Liris to ^Esernia. All issu- ing from the capital they bound the different cities and colo- nies not only together but to Rome, and were the great high- ways by which intelligence was speedily carried and the Roman armies marched. 6. The Aqueducts. At about the same time (B.C. 313) Appius commenced the system of aqueducts which was to sup- ply the capital with pure water from the Sabine hills. 3 No ' Vm militares. - This road was excavated in 1350 ; eo much of the work still remains that it even now deserves its ancient title of the " Queen of Roads " (regi- na viai-urn}. The first ancient mile-stone (columna milliaria i before the Porta Capena. of the time of Yr-pa-ian, found in 1584, is in the Piazza del Cam- pidoglio. 1 Water had hitherto been obtained from the Tiber and from wells sunk in the city ; but it now THE PAVEMEXT OF THE VIA APPIA, be^a-i (on account of the increase in population) to IN ITS PRESENT CONDITION. be insufficient, and was also unwholesome. 112 ROMAN SUPREMACY IN ITALY. [B.C. 406. undertaking of the Romans presents more striking evidence of their energy, skill and untiring perseverance, than the military roads and aqueducts. The latter were constructed at an expense of a vast amount of toil and money, over hills, valleys and plains, sometimes in subterranean channels, 1 some- times on long ranges of lofty arches, 2 the remains of which, stretching for miles over the barren and desolate Campagna, present one of the most imposing and picturesque spectacles around modern Rome. The Appian aqueduct 8 started about eleven miles 4 from Rome, and was constructed under-ground except about three hundred feet at its termination. .M'. Curius Dentatus commenced the Anio Veins 5 in B. c. 272, and the expenses were defrayed from the spoils taken in the war against Pyrrhus. The water was conveyed in a winding channel under-ground, from above Tibur, for a distance of forty-three miles, until where it entered the city it was raised on arches. Two others 6 were constructed during the time of the republic, but the number was increased under the empire to nineteen. They were the most wonderful structures of ancient Rome and well might excite the admiration expr by Pliny : 7 "If any one will carefully calculate the quantity of the public supply of water, for baths, reservoirs, houses, trenche% gardens, and suburban villas ; and, along the distance which it traverses, the arches built, the mountains perforated, the 1 These were formed of stone or brick and were arched in order to keep (lie water free from impurities : a]MMture- (!ntnin/ria. A Roman mile = 4850ft. 1 Remains of these are found at Tivoli and near the Porta Maijywre. ' The ama Marcia, B. c. 144, and wjuu Teuula, B. c. 125. ' Xat. Hut., xxxvi., 15. vhen once con- educts are still ts, and require ROMAN SUPREMACY IN ITALY. 113 valleys leveled, he will confess that there never was anything more wonderful in the whole world." 7. The Military System. The new military system, introduced probably by Camillus, has already been mentioned. 1 This necessitated a far longer military training than that of the old phalanx, in which the solidity of the mass kept the inex- perienced in the ranks. This end was now attained by aban- doning the former mode of ranking the soldiers according to property, and arranging them according to length of ser- vice. The recruit entered first among the light-armed skir- mishers (rorarii) and advanced step by step to the first, then to the second line, and finally to the third, where all soldier^ of long service and experience were associated in the corps of the friarii? which imparted tone and vigor to the whole army. 1 See page 105, n. 3. " See n. 309. * This grotto is cut through a promontory between Naples and Bajse ; the distance is about 2210 ft.; at either eud there are arches to increase the firmness of the structure. In preparing to make a road, two trenches were first dng parallel to eaci. other to mark the breadth of the road. The breadth in the great lines like the Via Appia was about 13 feet. The loose earth between these trenches was then removed and the excavation was continued until a solid foundation was reached ; sometimes in swampy land a basis was formed artificially. Above the foundation small stones were first laid ; then a mass of bro- ken stones about 9 inches thick, cemented with linn', and above this were fragments of bricks and pottery, about 9 inches in depth, also cemented. Above this, large polyg- onal blocks of the hard- e-t stone, fitted and joined with great nicety, were placed. The cen- tre of the road was a little elevated to permit the water to run off. Foot-paths were con- strue' ed on either side. tThe water channel was made of freestone or brick, and covered in the one case with slabs of ClIANNKL OP AN AQUEDUCT, t THE VIA APPIA.* Ftone, in the other with vault. The interior was lined with a water-tight coating of cement made (Passing through the grotto of of chalk and fragments of bricks. The water Posilipo near Naples.) either ran directly through this channel, or it was carried through p'ipes laid along the channel. The pipes were of lead, or of terra-cotta, and sometimes of leather. The pipes were made in lengths not less than ten feet, and of various widths. They were cemented together at the joints, which in earthen pipes were made to overlap, and when the water was first let in, ashes were mixed with it, in order that they might settle in the joints and stop them more completely . By the use of pipes the water was sometimes carried round a hill, and in very wide v.illeys the costly struc- ture of arches could be dispensed with, the pipe being brought down the one slope on a substructure, and up the opposite slope, to nearly the height yfthat of the opposite, side. 8ee also pp. 112, notes 1 ami 2, and 447, n. 2, and 489, n. 1. SUMMARY. CONQUEST OF ITALY B. c. 384-266. The Revolt of the lint in League, B.C. 384. Internal Condition. Peace Policy of Home Abandoned. The Roman* and Samuites. The First Samuite \Vsir, B.C. 343-341- After the destruction of Rome by the Gauls in B. c. 390, the Latins and Hernicans, who had hitherto been united in a league with the Romans, took the opportu- nity to declare the league dissolved. Rome, however, recovered with remarkable rapidity and succeeded in maintaining her position in Latium. The malcontents were subdued and the league restored under the leader- ship of Rome. After the conquest of the Volscians in B. c. 383 no people of importance opposed the advance of the Romans to the river Liris. As the internal condition of the state gradually im- proved ' and political equality between the two orders was established, 2 Rome felt that she could safely con- tend with the peoples of Central Italy. Accordingly, when the Campanians offered to enter into an alliance with and to place their chief city in the hands of the Ro- mans, if the Romans would protect them against the Satnnites who were making forays into their territory, the offer was too tempting to be rejected. Those Samnites who had descended from the mountains and settled in the plains of Campania became in the course of time detached from the parent stock, the Samnites of the mountains, and the two nations were sometimes engaged in hostilities with each other. The Samnites of the mountains made forays into the rich and highly civilized lowlands of Campania. To save themselves from these forays the Campanians offered to place themselves under the protection of Rome. To accept the offer was to double the territory of Rome ; to reject it was to strengthen the Samnites, who were al- ready the chief nation in Southern Italy. The offer was accepted, the Campanians were received into alliance, anil the First Samnite War followed. A Roman army was sent to Campania, gained some successes, and pre- pared to winter there. The mutiny of the soldiers 3 and the threatened revolt of the Latins compelled the Ro- mans to make a hasty treaty. The land 4 that had been acquired in Campania, Rome had no intention of sharing with the Latins, al though it had been won by their help. The spirit of the Latins began to rise. They demanded a share in the spoils of war and in the government of Rome. ' See p. 85. " Sec p. 81. P. 82. It is Important to remember that Rome, when she conquered a si.-ite. succeeded to the rights of the previous government. A- all of the Italian state-* possessed a public domain of some kind. Rome acquired. as her conquests advanced, large tracts of public land and various other kinds of property, such as mine-, quarries, salt-work*, etc. In addition to all this Rome required, at the close of the war, the surrender of a tract of arable or pasture land, which was added to the public domain (ayer fiomanus). In this way the territory of Rome was always iiim'asin;,'. SUMMARY. 115 The Latin War, B.C. 340-338. Second Saumite War, B.C. 326-304. This was not an unjust demand. The two peoples had the same political, religious, and social institutions. Rome, however, rejected these demands, and war was declared. The Romans, aided by the Samnites, with whom they had just formed an alliance, defeated the Latins near Mt. Vesuvius. The Latin league was dis- solved, and the leadership of Rome in Latium was con- verted into a supremacy. Henceforth the Latin cities 1 furnished soldiers and contributions, not according to a fixed rule, but according to the pleasure of Rome. From this duty of the subject towns arose the name "municipal," i. e., bound to services. The Romans now had time to secure their conquests in Campania. Colonies were established at Gales (B. c. 334), and at Fregellae (B. c. 328) on land conquered by the Samnites a direct challenge to the Samnites. This was followed by an attack on Palaeopolis, an inde- pendent Greek city, which had long been under the protection of the Samnites. It was alleged that the Palaeopolitans had maltreated Roman citizens settled near Cumse. The aristocratic party in Palaeopolis was favorable to Rome, but the popular party sought aid from the Samnites. The Samnites dispatched a strong garrison to the city, and Rome declared war. It was felt in Rome that the time had already come when the contest must be decided whether the Romans or Samnites were to rule in Southern Italy. During the first part of the war the Romans were successful ; but in B. c. 321 the Roman army was defeated at the Caudine Forks by G. Pontius. The Romans, however, recovered, and Papirius Cursor was in a fair way to bring the war to a favorable conclusion when the Etrus- cans revolted. Fabius Maximus defeated the Etruscans at Lake Vadimo (B. c. 310), and in a few years after Bovianum, the capital of Samnium, was captured, and the Samnites were compelled to sue for peace (B.C. 304). The Lucanians furnished the cause for the third war with the Samnites. During the last war Lucania had sided with Rome, but the popular party among the Lu- canians was averse to this alliance, and sought support from the Samnites. As it was Rome's interest to keep the Lucanians as their allies in a sort of dependency, she ordered the Samnites not to interfere in Lucania. The Samnites refused to obey the command, and Rome declared war. Although the Samnites were assisted by the Etruscans and Umbrians, and almost all Italy was united in a league against Rome, still their united armies were defeated by Rullianus and Publius Decimus Mus at Sentinum (B. c. 295), and the Samnites were compelled to acknowledge the supremacy of Rome. Battle at the * umlim Fork-.. B.C. 321. The Third Sam ait e War, B.C. 298-290. Battle of ><-ni ilium. B.C. 295. 1 There \vere three classes : (1) the towns with which the old alliance was renewed ; (2) those that became muiiiuipia ; (3) and those that were absorbed into the Roman state, from whose territory two new tribes wore formed. 116 SUMMARY. The only obstacle to Rome's entire mastery of the War peninsula was Tarentum. A rash attack of the Taren- wltli Pyrrhus, tines on the Roman fleet led to war. The Tarentines in- 8.0.280-272. vited Pyrrhus, King of Epirus, to their assistance. He defeated the Roman army under Laevinus at Heraclea (B. c. 280), and the next year at Asculum (B. c. 279). Events now occurred that called Pyrrhus to Sicily, but on his return three years afterwards he was defeated by Manius Curius at Beneventum 1 (B.C. 274), and Pyrrhus was compelled to evacuate Italy, and soon after (B.C. 272) Tarentum surrendered, and all Italy south of the rivers Arnus and JEs\s acknowledged the supremacy of Rome. Military colonies were established in South- ern Italy at Pxstuin, Cosa '' IB. c 273), and Beneventum, and the great Appian \Vay was soon extended to Brun- disium ; in the north, as an outpost against the Gauls, colonies were planted at Ariminum (B.C. 268), Firmum, and Castrum Novum. 3 All the different states 4 in Italy were now united un- der the general management of Rome. Self-government was granted to the different states. Rome reserved to herself the sole right (i) to make war or to conclude peace ; (2) to coin money ; (3) Rome also had the right to demand ships of-war and troops in case of war, and these troops must be armed and equipped by the com- munity which furnished them. The citizens within this great confederacy were divided into three classes : First, Classes the body of Roman citizens 5 inhabiting Rome and the of Citizens. country tribes into which the Roman territory 6 was di- vided. Second, those who possessed the private rights of a Roman citizen, but not the public franchise (fives sine siiffra^io}. Third, the allies, consisting of the Latins in a few old Latin towns, and of the so-called Latin colonies/ and of all the Sabellian and Greek towns in Italy. Rome's Relations totlic Subject States. 1 The name of the place when' the battle was fought was changed for a good omen from Maleventum to Beiieventum. and a colony established there. B.C. 268. The situation of Cosa is doubtful. According to Livy, xxvii., 10, it seemed to be on the west coa-t. 3 To some <>f these places 4000. and to one a< many as 30.000, colonists were sent. Einhraciiv,' the territory -oni!i of the river- Arnus aim The territory inhibited bv Roman citizen* extended from Caere on the north to Forinue on the south, and eastward a- fur a< the Apennines. Then- wen- sone cities within this limit that did not i> () e-^ the full Roman franchise, and a few beyond its bound- that did possess it. The number of citizens (including citizens of the first and i ui,i men. women, children, slaves ( about 50,000\ and foreigners, total = about 2,300,000 ; the population of the city = 210,000 souls. Tho-Je citizen* who had emigrated into Roman colon : inm Romanomm) retained all their civil ri^lit-. but could not e.vrci-e them on account of their absence from Rome. Cotonia Latintr. or Latin colonies, consisted of Roman citizens who, by becoming colonist-, io-t their rL'ht to rote iv, I at Rome. The Latin colonies were planted in the conquered territory, and were compelled, as the rulers of the surrounding districts, to lean on Rome for support. To -o:ne if these places 4000 and to some as many as 20.009 coloni-H were sent. I f ua- the-* Latin colonists, who belonged origi- nally to the body of Roman citizens, and who felt them-elves every way equal to Roman citizens, t'aat felt so keenly, at a later time, their subordinate position, CARTHAGE AND ROME. 1160 Sc^s-gjii^d!*! SjsS'O.^gM p a"S ^.2 BSc-Stt S._3c5 88:11 o * S H^ =sx c- > *. V & E E 4*9 A B ^^03% * " y sr a) M JX ? 1M !!! *ltEJg*5|S 2 a< I g g ^ . * & B 8* i 2^ 3 ^g-S^SSSS^'f a b a'3 ^."d z " 4s HS M B4 Jr B s s P.O 03 S^|s5s r^ J2 C S *3 -S 1*3 :?| ? S S-9* 5 II i siil 1 111 i i 116J LIST OF MAGISTRATES. LIST OF MAGISTRATES. Consuls (originally called prcetors, sometimes justices) were the highest ordi- nary magistrates at Rome. They exercised at first the full civil and military authority. They were always two in number and were elected annually by the Comitia Centuriata. It was their duty to command the army, convoke the Comitia Centuriata, to preside in the same and to carry into effect the decrees of the senate and the people. They entered upon their duties after B. c. 154 on the first of January. Tribunes of the People were elected (first in B. c. 494) to protect the plebeians. They could be chosen from the plebeians only, and their person was sacred. They were elected by the plebeians in the special plebeian assembly by tribes (after B. c. 471). The number of tribunes was increased in B. c. 457 to ten. Prsetor was first elected in B. c. 306. Originally there was only one ; but as the territory of the state was extended, the number was increased in B. c. 242 to two, in B. c. 227 to four, in B. c. 197 to six, by Sulla to eight, and by Caesar to sixteen. One of the praetors (praetor urbanus) administered justice in the city, while the other (pere- yrinus) attended to lawsuits between foreigners or citizens and foreigners. After B. c. 149 all the praetors remained in the city during their year of office (two presiding, as formerly, in the civil courts, the other two having charge of criminal cases), and the next year as propraetors governed provinces. JEdiles were elected in the Comitia Tributa. There were two sets of aediles, two plebeian asdiles and two curule sediles (elected first in B.C. 367). The asdiles had charge of the public buildings, the care of cleaning and draining the city, and a general super- intendence of the police and the public games. Quaestors took charge of all the moneys belonging to the state. They received all the taxes and made all the payments for the civil and military service. At first there were two quaestors, but in B. c. 421, the number was increased to four, in B. c. 267 to eight, by Sulla to twenty and by Caesar to forty. Censors were two in number, and were elected every five years, but they held their office only until their duties were discharged. Their duties were to take, the census, on which the position of every one in the state depended ; they also exercised control over the conduct and morals of the citizens, and had a general superintendence of the finances of the state, under the direction of the senate (such as leasing the fixes, fixing the amount of the tributnm for each individual, etc.). They had no concern, however, with payments into the treasury, nor with the expenditure of the public money. When- ever the senate resolved to have public works of any kind, as bridges, roads', aqueducts, etc., constructed, the censors made the contracts and superintended their erection. The magistrates above mentioned (except censors) were elected annually. It became the custom (legally from the time of Sulla, B. c. 82) for them to remain the first year of office in the city, and then as proconsuls, propraetors, etc., to command in the provinces. It was legally enacted in B. c. 180, by the Lex Annalis, that any citizen who desired to attain the consulship must commence with the quiestorship and pass through a regular gradation of public offices. The earliest age for the quaestorship was 27 years ; for the aedileship, 37 ; for the preetorship, 40 ; and for the consulship, 43. Dictator must be nominated by one of the consuls in obedience to a decree of the senate. He exercised for six months only the whole civil and military authority, all the other magistrates being subject to his control. He was usually nominated in case of some extraordinary danger, as for the prosecution of a war (rei gerundce causa) or the suppression of sedition (seditwnis sedandce causa.) At a later time dictators were ap- pointed when the consuls were absent from the city to perform some special act. and they resigned when the duty was done. As soon as he was nominated he appointed a lieutenant, called Magister Equitum. to lead the cavalry, while he led the legions. After the second Punic war, the office fell into disuse, the senate conferring upon the consuls iictatorial powers in the formula, vitltant con-xulex ne quid respublica detrimenti capiat. FOREIGN CONQUESTS. CH AFTER XX. CARTHAGE AND ROME. THE FIRST PUNIC WAR (B. C. 264-241). 1. Nature of the Carthaginian Empire. On the shores of the Mediterranean, opposite to Italy, lived from the earliest times the Libyans, 1 a branch of the Semitic race. Their country was early visited by the Phoenicians, whose enterprise led them to plant colonies not only on the coast of Africa and the islands of the Mediterranean, but even in Spain. Con- nected by no particular tie with the mother country these colonies soon became independent. One of the most important on the coast of Africa was Carthage, 2 which, from her favorable situation, attained a rapid growth, and succeeded in not only uniting the other colonies under her sway but in subjecting a considerable tract of the surrounding territory. The city grew rich by industry, agriculture and commercial enterprise. In order to extend their commerce, and make the products of the countries of the Mediterranean pass through their hands, the Carthaginians established trading-posts on the northern coast of Africa, in Sardinia, Corsica, Spain, and Sicily. Their vessels distributed the products of the East glass from Sidon, em- broideries and purple from Tyre, frankincense from Arabia, slaves and ivory from Africa, linen from Egypt over the shores of the Mediterranean, and brought back in return iron from Elba, silver from the Balearic islands, gold from Spain, tin from Britain, and copper from Cyprus. Carthage became 1 The Numidians. Mauritanians and Gastulians belonged to the Libyan race. " Carthage was founded probably in the ninth century; according to .fug. xviii.fi, in B. c- 826 ; according to others, in B. c. 861. or 826, or 888. 118 CARTHAGE AND ROME. [B. C. 270. the mart for these countries, and the immense gain resulting from this commerce made her one of the richest cities in the world. 2. The Constitution of Carthage. The government was very similar to that of Rome. Two magistrates, elected by the people from the best families, were at the head of the state. The command of the army was committed to a dictator whose authority in the field was unlimited. The families were repre- sented in the senate, which, like the Roman senate, really man- aged all matters of foreign and domestic policy. From the senators was elected a board of one hundred and four, in whose hands the judicial power was vested, and through which the senate exercised control over the magistrates and the general administration of public affairs. How wisely this government was planned and administered is attested by the fact that for more than six centuries there was no revolution in Carthage. 1 3. The Relative Strength of Rome and Carthage. It was in Sicily that the Romans and Carthaginians first came in contact. Their relations had hitherto been peaceful, and the treaty concluded in B. c. 348 had been renewed in B. c. 279. The resources of the two nations were nearly equal. Carthage relied on mercenaries for conquest and defence, while Rome formed her armies from her own citizens. The Roman empire was consolidated and the different peoples in Italy looked to Rome as the centre. The dependencies of Carthage were widely scattered, and too loosely connected to be serviceable in a long war. The efforts of the Carthaginians to gain possession of Sicily and the expedition of Pyrrhus to relieve Syracuse have been related. 2 Both Rome and Carthage were eagerly watching the course of events in Sicily, and it was evident that a struggle for the possession of the island was not far distant. Pyrrhus, when he quitted Sicily, exclaimed. '' How fine a battle-field are we leaving to the Romans and Carthaginians!" 4. The Mamertines. It happened while the war was going on between Pyrrhus and the Romans, that bands of mercenaries 1 Aristotle, Polit. ii. 8, 9. See p. 107. B. c. 264.] CARTHAGE AKD ROME. 119 TlIE TERRITORY OF SYRACUSE TEAR B. C. 2 gYRACUSAE seized the towns of Rhegium and Messana. After the con- clusion of the war Rhegium was taken by the Romans and the revolters were put to death. In Messana* the mercena- ries who called themselves Mamertines, that is, sons of Mars, maintained their po- sition, preyed upon the surrounding territory, and made the whole island un- safe. After the capture of Rhegium the day of pun- ishment seemed near for the Mamertines. Hiero, the king of Syracuse, was sent against them. They were defeated in battle and shut up in Messana. After the siege had lasted five years, and the Mamertines were reduced to the last extremity, they looked about for aid. Their only choice was between Rome and Carthage. The party in favor of Rome finally prevailed, and an embassy was sent to the senate to offer the surrender of the city. The temptation was strong, for the refusal to grant protection would surely throw the town into the hands of the Carthagin- ians. 1 Only six years before Hiero had assisted the Romans in subduing Rhegium, and it seemed now impossible that the Romans could lend their aid against their old ally to those who were guilty of the same crime which they had just punished so severely. If the assistance were granted it would lead to a war with Carthage and take the Romans beyond Italy. The Roman senate hesitated ; but when the question came before the people all considerations were laid aside, and, animated by 1 According to Ihne, a Carthaginian garrison was first admitted to the town, and then an embassy sent to the Roman senate. * See map I, p. 6-7. 120 CARTHAGE AND ROME. [B. C. 262. the hope of spoils and gain, they voted for the undertaking. The consul, Appius Claudius, AVRS entrusted \\ith the task of carrying out the decree. 5. The Siege of Messana. In the meantime the Car- thaginians had appeared before Messana and concluded a peace between Hiero and the Mamertines ; and Hanno, the Carthaginian general, had been admitted into the city, so that there was no longer any pretext for the interference of the Ro- mans. Still the consul would not abandon the enterprise. His legate crossed to Messana, ostensibly for the object of settling the difficulty, and persuaded the Mamertines to expel the Car- thaginians. Hiero and the Carthaginians made common cause, and laid siege to Messana. 1 Appius, although the Car- thaginians ruled the sea, managed to elude their fleet, landed with his army, relieved Messana, and advancing even to the walls of Syracuse, defeated Hiero and the Carthaginians. 6. The Capture of Agrigentum (B. c. 262). The next year the Romans carried on the war with two consular armies. On their advance the Sicilian cities one after the other deserted Hiero and the Carthaginians and joined the Romans, so that the latter were in a fair way to gain possession of the whole island. Hiero became alarmed and saw that he had made a great mistake in forming an alliance with the Carthaginians. He soon concluded a peace with the Romans, and ever after remained their faithful ally (B. c. 263). The Romans now laid siege to Agrigentum, which the Carthaginians had selected as the base of their operations. After a siege of seven months, the city fell into their hands. The capture of this fortified town had not been attained without great loss, 2 but the success was correspondingly great. All Sicily, except the fortresses of Eryx and Panormus, was entirely subdued. The Romans began now to look higher than merely keeping the Carthaginians out of Messana. The prospect of acquiring all Sicily was opened to them. 1 There was no formal declaration of war by the Roman fetialis (see page 41 f .) the action of the people had practically bcirtin the war. ' According to Diodoras (xxiii. 9), the Romans los-t 30,000 men. B. C. 260.] CARTHAGE AND ROME. 121 7. The First Roman Fleet. The Bomans prosecuted the war with vigor, but they saw from year to year that it was impossible to defend Sicily and bring the war to a successful conclusion without a navy. In Sicily the towns on the sea- coast were continually exposed to the attacks of the Cartha- ginian fleet, and even the coast of Italy was ravaged. There was a good deal of truth in the declaration of the Carthaginian diplomatists before the war, that no Eoman against their will could wash even his hands in the sea. The Romans deter- mined to construct a fleet and meet the Carthaginians on their own element. The navy of the Greek and Etruscan towns must have been considerable, yet the Romans determined to defend Italy with a fleet of their own. Hitherto Rome had built triremes only, that is, galleys with three tiers of benches for rowers, which were entirely unable to cope with the quin- queremes of the Carthaginians ships with five tiers of benches for rowers. A Carthaginian qumquereme, wrecked on the coast of Bruttium, served as a model. The forests of Italy furnished pitch and timber. The sailors 1 were levied from the Greek and Etruscan towns. In the short space of sixty days one hundred and twenty ships were built. 2 8. The Battle off Mylas (B. c. 260). One of the consuls, Cn. 3 Cornelius Scipio, put to sea with seventeen ships, but was surprised in the harbor of Lipara and taken prisoner with all his crews. This loss was, however, soon repaired. Gajus Duillius, his colleague, took command of the rest of the fleet and im- mediately led it against the enemy. The battle was fought off Mylae. The Carthaginians were far superior to the Romans in maritime tactics. In order to supply their lack of skill in manoeuvring the vessels, the Romans invented the boarding- bridges. 4 Each ship was provided with one, which was pulled 1 The name KOCII narnlf-s -hows that they were raided chiefly from the allies (sodi\ * Ihne thinks that a great part of the fleet came from the allies and was manned by them (vol. ii., p. 54i; Pee map No. 1. ' Although the letter g had been in use for some time, still the abbreviation Cn. was retained for the name Gn(ei(3. See Hi.-/, of Li/r / * It was thirty-Mx feet long and \va- pulled up twelve feet above the deck and fn- tened to the mast twenty-four feet hish in such a way that it could be moved up and down as well as sideways, by means of a rope, which passed from the end of the bridge through a ring in the top of the mast, down to rhc deck. The bridge was broad eaougb CARTHAGE AND HOME. [B. C. 257. up and fastened to the mast in the fore part of the ship. If the enemy's ship approached " v -^MU/.UM " : ky' ncar enou gh> the rope Avas loosened, the bridge fell on the deck of the hostile ship, and the spikes on the under side penetrated the timbers and fastened the two ships together. The soldiers then ran along the bridge to board, and the sea-fight became a hand - to - hand engagement. ' When the Carthaginians saAV the Roman fleet, confident of an easy victory, they bore down upon it. The board- ing-bridges worked admira- bly. Their ships were seized _. liy the boarding-bridges, and when it came to a hand-to- hand fight the Carthaginian crews were no match for the Roman soldiers. The victory wa.- complete, and Duillius was awarded the honor of a triumph 1 on his return to Rome, and a column, deco- rated with the beaks of the conquered ships and an inscription 2 celebrating the victory, was erected in the forum. 9. The Battles of Tyndaris and Ecnomns. After the battle of Mylae, two plans were open to the Romans, either yX/d. COLUMNA ROSTRATA. for two soldiers to walk abreast, and a railing on each side protected them from the mis- M!c< of the enemy. 1 It N related that other honors were conferred upon him. and that he was accom- panied home in the evening from bnnqueN by a flute-player and torch-bearer. " The fragment of the Inscription on this column, renewed by Tiberius, is preserved at Rome, in the Palace of the Conservator! (Du'dtos consol advorsum Ptenos en SeceHad. etc. See Hint, of Lit., p. ). l:. 0.256.] CARTHAGE AND ROME. 123 to invade Africa or to attack and subdue the islands of the Mediterranean. The latter course was adopted. Expeditions were sent to Corsica and Sardinia, and Hamilcar, who at this time was placed in command of the Carthaginian forces in Sicily, was driven to the western end of the island. The sea battle at Tyndaris (B. c. 257), although not a decisive victory, encouraged the Romans to enlarge their fleet, and to transfer the war to Africa. The task was entrusted to the two consuls, M. Atilins Regulus and L. Manlius Vulso. They sailed along the southern coast of Sicily, and near Ecnomus met the Cartha- ginian fleet, under command of Hamilcar and Hanno, pre- pared to obstruct their way to Africa. In the battle which followed, 1 the boarding-bridges did good service as at Mylae. The Roman fleet was victorious and the way to Africa was opened. 10. Regulus in Africa (B. c. 256). The Romans landed near the town of Clypea,* and established there their camp. The country all about was covered with flourishing villages, towns, and the villas of the nobility. The spoils were great. Town after town fell into the hands of the Romans, till at last the capital itself was in danger. The Carthaginians sued for peace, but the conditions were too humiliating, and they deter- mined to continue the war with energy. They increased their forces. Among their mercenaries was Xanthippus, a Spartan general, a man of great military ability. He pointed out to them that their defeat was due to the fact that they did not select the proper field of battle where their elephants and cav- alry could be useful, and not to the superiority of the Romans. By his advice the Carthaginians left the hills and offered bat- tle on the level ground. This Regulus readily accepted. His irmy was almost annihilated (B. c. 255). A Roman fleet 2 was sent to carry off the remains of the army, but on its return home, it was overtaken by a fearful hurricane on the southern 1 The Romans, according to Polybius. had 330 ship? and 140,000 men ; and the Car thaginians had a still larger force, 150,000 men and 350 ves>i>is. * On its way to gain a victory at the Hermtean promontory, near Alexandria. * See map, p. 217. 124 CARTHAGE AND ROME. [B.C. 254 coast of Sicily. Nearly the entire fleet was destroyed, and the coast was strewed for miles with wrecks and corpses. 11. Fanormus (B. c. 254). The Romans, after these re- verses, set about with undiminished energy rebuilding their fleet, and in less than three months they had 220 vessels ready for sea. This fleet surprised and captured Panormus (Pal- ermo), one of the most important Carthaginian strongholds in Sicily. This success so encouraged the Romans that they made a second descent on the African coast, but nowhere obtained a firm footing. On its return the fleet was overtaken by a terrible storm near the Palinurian promontory on the coast of Lucania, in which one hundred and fifty ships were lost. For the next few years the war languished. The Carthaginian dominion was confined to the western part of Sicily, with the two important fortresses of Lilybaeum and Drepana. 12. Fanormus (B. c. 250). In the year B. c. 251 Ham- ilcar arrived in Sicily with a large army and one hundred and forty elephants. He laid waste the country and approached the walls of Panormus. The consul, L. Mi-tellus, 1 at a favor- able time accepted battle and gained a complete victory. This was the most important battle that had yet been fought in Sicily, 2 and the result encouraged the Romans. 1 GENEALOGICAL TABLE. L. C.SCILHJ3 METEI.LU?, cos. B. c. 251, 247. Q. MKTELU'S, L. METET.LfS, M. METELLTJ8, cos. B. c. 206. tr. pi. B. c. 215. pr. B. c. 206. Q. METEX. MACEDONICCS, L. METEIXUS CALVUS, cos. B. c. 143. cos. B. c. 142. 2. MET. BALEAR- L. MET. DIADEM- M METELLHS, G. MET. CECILIA, m. CECILIA, m. ATCS, coi. B. c. 115. CAI-RARITS. O. SF.RVILIUS, SCIPIO NA- cos. B. r. li'i. cos. B. c. 117. cos. B.C. 113. VATIA. SICA. 1 Hamilcar, on his return to Carthaec. \va? crucified. 120 elephants were taken and led in the triumphal procession of Metellu^. B. c. 249.] CARTHAGE AND ROME. 125 13. Lilybaeum and Drepana. The battle of Panorama was a turning point in the war. The Carthaginians were dis- couraged and sent an embassy 1 to Rome to negotiate a peace. Nothing, however, was accomplished, and the Romans renewed the war with vigor. They concentrated all their force against Lilybseum, 2 situated in the western extremity of the island on a promontory of the same name. This siege, like that of Veji, lasted almost ten years. All kinds of attacks were resorted to, but without avail. In the second year (B. c. 249), the consul, P. Claudius Pulcher, 8 was sent to Sicily with a new army. He 1 Connected with this embassy is the celebrated story of Regulus. It is related that he was sent to Rome with the ambassadors to negotiated peace or at least to procure an exchange of prisoners, bound by his oath to return if not successful. The poets relate how Regnlus at first refused to enter the city as a slave of a Carthaginian ; how he would not give his opinion in the senate, as he had ceased by his captivity to be a member of that body ; how at length he dissuaded his countrymen not only from peace but from an exchange of prisoners, because he thought it would result to the advantage of Carthage ; how he resisted all the persuasions of nis family and friends who urged him to remain at Rome ; how, when the senate wavered and seemed disposed to make the ex- change, he told them that he could no longer be of any service to his country, because the Carthaginians had given him a slow poison, which would soon terminate in his death. He refused to see his wife and children, and, true to his oath, returned to Car- thage, where he was put to death with cruel tortures. When the news of his death reached Rome, the senate gave np two noble Carthaginians, Hamilcar and Bostar, to his family, on whom to revenge themselves for the cruel death of Regulus. This story, inherently improbable, is not mentioned by Polybius. It is scarcely credible that the Romans refused to exchange prisoners, for we know from Zonaras (viii. 16) that they agreed to an exchange willingly two years afterwards. 2 The modern Marsala : for the manner of besieging a town see p. 381. GENEALOGICAL TABLE. APPIUS CLAUDIUS C^ECUS, cens. B.C. 312. AP. CLAUD. CRASSUS, P. CL. PULCHER, G. CL. CENTO, TIB. CL. NERO, CLAUDLE, cos. B. c. 268. cos. B. c. 249. cos. B. c. 240. QUIXQUE. AP. CL. PULCHER, cos. B. c. 212. CLAUDIA QUINTA. CLAUDIA m. AP. CL. PULCHER, P. CL. PULCHER, G. CL. PULCHEB, PECUVIUS CALAVIUS. cos. B. c. 184. cos. B. c. 177. A. CL. PULCHER, m. ANTISTIA. A. CL. PULCHER. CLAUDIA, VESTAL. CLAUDIA, m. TIB. GRACCHUS. 126 CARTHAGE AND ROME. [B.C. 24? formed the design of surprising the Carthaginians at Drepana. The attack miscarried, and he was defeated with great loss. 1 This defeat caused great terror at Rome, such as the city had not experienced since the day of the Allia. 2 14. Destruction of the Roman Transport Ships. The other consul, L. Junius Pullus, was almost equally unsuccess- ful. He was sailing along the coast of Sicily with a part of the eight hundred transports, loaded with provisions for the soldiers in Lilybaeum, which he had collected in Sicily and Italy, when he was overtaken by a storm, which was so severe that not one of the transport ships was saved. 15. Romans Discouraged. These were great misfortunes for the Romans. The war had continued fifteen years. They had lost four large fleets and more than one-sixth of their fight- ing population. Lilybaeum and Drepana defied all their efforts. Their trade and industry were ruined. It was no wonder that they were discouraged. They became inactive or carried on hos- tilities on a small scale. For the next six years their efforts were chiefly confined to blockading Lilybaeum and Drepana. 16. Hamilcar Barcas. In the year B. c. 247 the chief command of the Carthaginians was entrusted to Hamilcar, sur- named Barcas (that is, Lightning), the father of the c^l-'brated Hannibal. He was truly a great man. ^Vith slender means he carried on the war for six years ; until the faults of others compelled him to counsel peace. 17. Battle at the .SIgatian Islands (B.C. 241). He took possession of Mount Hercte (Monte Pellegrino), from which he could threaten Panormus, now the most important possession of the Romans in Sicily. For three years Ilamilcar attacked the Romans by land and sea. carried his raids even as far aa Mount ^Etua, and laid waste the coast of Italy. All efforts oq the part of the Romans to dislodge him were in vain. At length he left Mount Hercte for a position on Mount Eryx, near Dre- 1 He lost 8.000 men in battle. SO.OOO prisoners, and 180 chips. 1 The Romans attributed his defc.it \ his impiety. When the ancnirie- were con- sulted, and Claudius was informed that the sacred chickens would nut eat, "At airi rate," said lie, " let them drink ;" and ordered them to be cast into the sea. B. C. 241.] THE WAR WITH THE MERCENARIES. 127 pana, which he held for two years longer ; at length the Romans determined to build another fleet and attack the Car- thaginians again on the sea, the only means by which the war could be brought to a successful conclusion. In B. c. 242 a fleet of two hundred ships under the consul G. Lutatius Ca- tulus was fitted out and sent to Sicily. As the Carthaginian fleet was away plundering the coast of Italy and Sicily, the consul had time to exercise his men and to become acquainted with the coast. The next year (B. c. 241 y he gained a com- plete victory over the Carthaginian fleet off the ^Egatian islands. 18. Terms of Peace. The Carthaginians were exhausted and weary of the war. The discontent of their mercenaries warned them to make peace. Carthage therefore empowered Hamilcar to treat with Catulus. At first the Romans de- manded dishonorable conditions, but Hamilcar refusing these, and the consul being anxious to complete the negotiation before his term of office expired, preliminaries were agreed upon. Carthage was to evacuate Sicily, to give up the Roman prison- ers without ransom, and pay the cost of the war. 2 XXI. THE BEGINNING OF THE PROVINCIAL SYSTEM THE ILLY- RIAN WARS WARS WITH THE GAULS. 1. War with the Mercenaries (B.C. 241-238). During the interval between the the first and second Punic wars, a period of twenty-three years, both Rome and Carthage exerted 1 The engagement was with the fleet of the Carthaginians, which had just arrived with supplies for tho troops in Sic'ly. The commander attempted to land the provision* and take on board the soldiers of Hamilcar. then to engage the Romans. Catullus, although wounded, promptly prevented this. In the battle which followed, Valerias Falto took the command. ' That is, the sum of 8,200 talents - $4,000,000 ; one-third do\\ n ant! the remainder in ten annual payments. 128 THE BEGINNING OF THE PROVINCIAL SYSTKM. [B.C. 229. themselves to the utmost to consolidate and extend their power. The resources of Carthage were very much weakened by the revolt of her subjects in Africa ; so much so, that when the mercenaries returned from Sicily, and were unable to obtain their overdue pay, they rose in open mutiny. The mercenaries and African allies made common cause. They laid waste the country far and wide, and all the towns in Libya except Car- thage were in their bands. The genius of Hamilcar orira nixed an army, and after a war of nearly three years, exterminated the mutineers. 2. Provincial System. Rome took advantage of the ex- hausted condition of Carthage, to interfere in a revolt in Sar- dinia. When Carthage made preparations to subdue the revolting island, Rome pretended to regard it as a menace of war. Carthage being too much exhausted to engage in war with Rome, had to purchase peace by resigning Sardinia and paying twelve hundred talents. 1 Sardinia 2 became a Roman province. 3 At this time (B.C. 227) Sicily 4 was also organized as a province. This was the beginning of the provincial sys- tem. Each province was governed by a praetor and paid taxes 5 to the Roman people. 3. Hamilcar Barcas. The manner in which Carthage had been treated inspired in Hamilcar an implacable hatred of Rome. He departed for Spain, where he strove to restore the re- sources of his government and to renew her exhausted energies. 4. The First Illyrian War (B. c. 229-228). The Romans, in securing their frontier, first came in contact with the Illy- 1 About 1,500.000 dollars. * Corsica, which had never been in the hands of Carthage, was added to Sardinia, and formed one province. 3 The word province ( prorincia) denoted primarily the field to which the imperiiim of the consul or other magistrate >vas limited When foreign territory was acquired, the government of it was assigned to a consul or a praetor and the /'//////'"/// was extended ( i>r(,rniintinn\ for this purpose. This foreign territory was called prorincia. a special use of the word, which N more f.imilia:- th;m the original meaning. * According to Appian (Sic. 2>. Sicily w- organized a* a province in B.C. 245 ; Livy (En. xx.) says that the nnmber of pnetore wax increased from two to four in B.C. 227, and one sent to Sicily : this is the earliest notice that the Romans took the government into their hands. The province of Sicily con-iian dilyr. (ii, Rhuctia, and Noricum. wa- known to tin- aneietn- by tin- name of Illyrinini i-ee map, p. 130). At one time Ducia and the district between the Dalmatians and Epirns, with the cities Apollonla, Dyrrhacium, and Li^sn-, wore included under tlic name of Illyricmn, nltlxnifrh later this di-trii'! wa- nio-tly joined to Maccd.nila and known a- Iliyria. The laital, Scodra, taken, and his kingdom v.as divided into three part* and taken under the protection of Home. When the Dalmatians lapydian, and Lihurniuns were subdued their country was formed into a province which the Romans called Illyricuni. It extended on the south to the river Drilo, on the north to the northern boundary of Pannonia. and to the eastward a< far as the Donau (after A.D. 9). In A. D. 10 Pannonia wa< made a sejiarate province and at the same time the territory be- tween the borders of Macedonia and those of Italy, or from Lissns to the river Arsia. was organized under the name of ,*nperi/// -in. or simply Illyricuni. Soon after the time of Augustus (about A.D. 50) the name Dalmatia was -nb.stituied for that of ?. C. 222.] THE WAR WITH THE GAULS. 131 vent this they organized an alliance of all the Cisalpine Gauls, 1 and summoned numerous adventurers across the Alps for a com- bined attack on Rome. When the news of this invasion reached Rome terror pervaded all Italy. The day of the Allia * was re- called and the Sibylline books 2 were consulted. To avert the impending evil two Gauls and two Grecians, one of each sex, were burned alive in the public market-place. 3 A large army 4 was raised and stationed at Ariminum, on which side the attack was expected. In the common danger the allies eagerly offered men and supplies. The consul, Atilius Regulus, who was engaged in a war with the natives in Sardinia, was hastily summoned home. The Gauls, deceiving the calculations of the Romans, took the most westerly of .the great highways to Rome and thus avoided the consular army at Ariminum. They fell in with the reserve corps, and completely defeated it. 5 In- stead of continuing their advance to Rome they decided to fall back and first place their plunder in safety, and after collecting new forces, to renew their raids. By this time the consular army had arrived from Ariminum and followed closely on their heels. The other consul had brought back his army from Sardinia, and landing at Pisa, marched southward on the same road on which the Gauls were retreating. The decisive battle was fought near Telamon (Telemone). The Gauls, hemmed in between the two consular armies, were annihilated. 6 7. Roman Colonies. During the next two years the Ro- mans defeated the Insubres, captured their capital, Mediolanum (B. c. 222), compelled them to submit, and reduced the whole country between the Alps and Apennines. Two more colonies, Placentia and Cremona, were founded to secure the newly ac- quired territory. 7 1 Except the Cenomanians. * See p. 77, note. 2 Plu. Marcell. 3 : according to Ihne the libri fatales, of Etruscan origin, %vere con- suited. The Sibylline buok>, which were of Grecian origin, would hardly demand the sacrifice of a Greek. 3 Forum Boari>/>. * The army numbered in all 23,000 men and was commanded by the consul, L. ^Emilius Papus, with a reserve corps of about 50,000 Umbrian.s and Sabines to protect Etruria, stationed near Arretium. 5 Probably near Clusinm. 6 Thi< wa< B.C. 225 ; 40,000 were killed ; 10,000 taken prisoners ; only the horsemen escaped. 7 According to M'unm-'en the Via Flaminia was extended. after the subjection of Cisalpine Gaul, from Spoletium through the Furlo Pass to Ariminum (B. c. 220). 132 mi: BECOSB rixic WAR. [n.c.219. 8. The Second IU3rrian War (u. <. -ill)). While the Romans were engaged on the northern frontier in subduing the Gauls, Demetrius of Pharos had taken the opportunity to free himself from his subjection to Rome, and entered into an alliance with Antigonus of Macedonia. Thinking that Rome would soon be engaged in a war with Carthage, he had collected a fleet, attacked the Roman allies, and committed various acts of piracy along the coast as far as the ^Egean Sea, The Ro- mans prepared with all speed to settle affairs in Illyricum, that their hands might be free for the war with Hannibal which was now inevitable. The consul, L. ^Emilius Paullus, 1 crossed the Adriatic, destroyed Pharos, and restored the Roman supremacy in that quarter. Demetrius fled to Macedonia and sought to prevail on the king to declare war against Rome ; but Philip, the new king, 2 was too young to resent the attack upon his ally. CHAPTER XXII. THE SECOND PUNIC WAR (B. C. 218-201). THE FIRST PERIOD (B. C. 218-216). 1. Carthaginian Policy. While Rome was busy enlarg- ing and strengthening her power, Carthage was not idle. After the loss of Sardinia the determination to renew the struggle with Rome became a fixed national sentiment The aristocratic and peace party lost its control of the govern- ment, The popular party with true instinct s:tw its only hope in war, and a fitting leader in Uamilcar. He found a rich compensation for the loss of Sicily and Sardinia in Spain. Here, during nine (B. c. 23G-228) years he extended the Car- thaginian power over the southern part of the peninsula. When 1 This spelling is better than Paulas; see Brambach, p. 262, Antigonn* died B. c. 221. B.C. 219.] THE SECOND PUNIC WAR. 133 he fell in battle his plans were ably carried out by his son- in-law, Hasdrubal, whom the voice of the soldiers raised to the chief command. New Carthage was founded and destined to be the capital of the new empire. The steady advance of tho Carthaginian power to the northward awakened the jealousy of Rome ; she entered into an alliance with Saguntum and Em- porife and assumed to be the protectress of the Greek cities on the Iberian, as she already was of those on the Adriatic Sea. She formed an alliance with several of the native tribes and compelled Hasdrubal to declare that Carthage would not ex- tend her power beyond the Ebro (Iberus). 2. Siege of Saguntum 1 (B.C. 219). In B.C. 221 Hasdrubal was assassinated. The universal voice of the army and the Car- thaginian people called Hannibal, the son of Hamilcar Barcas, to the chief command. He was at that time in his twenty-ninth year, and was already trained to the knowledge of war. Sworn from boyhood to eternal hatred of Rome, he had accompanied his father to Spain, and was there trained to that personal courage and endurance that made him the idol of the army. He wished to make war at once on Rome before the Illyrians and Gauls were subdued; but he had first to complete his preparations for the security of Spain and Africa, and to try his army. In the spring of B.C. 219 he proceeded to attack Saguntum, which claimed to be of Greek origin and which had already entered into an alliance with Rome. The Roman senate warned him to desist, and felt that a warning would be suffi- cient. Hannibal pushed on the siege, and after a stubborn resistance of eight months the town surrendered. 3. Roman Embassy to Carthage. A second embassy was sent to Carthage, after the fall of Saguntum, to demand the surrender of Hannibal as a sign that the Carthaginians took no part in this violence done to the allies of Rome. After a long discussion, Quintus Fabius, the chief of the em- bassy, gathering up the folds of his toga, said, " Here I carry peace and war; say, ye men of Carthage, which you choose ?" "Give us which ye will," was the reply. "Then we give you war," said Fabius, spreading out his toga. "We accept it, 1 Seejnap, p. 175. 134 THE SECOND PUNIC WAR. [B. C. 218. and will maintain it with the same spirit with which we have accepted it." 1 Thus war was declared, a war the most memora- ble of all in the annals of the ancient world; 2 memorable not alone for its length, the numbers engaged, and the ability of the generals, but because it decided the future destiny of Europe. It decided whether the civilization of Greece or of Rome was to prevail in the west, or to be superseded by the Semitic civilization of the east. After the fall of Saguntum, Hannibal returned to New Car- thage, where he spent the winter in preparation for the invasion of Italy. 4. The Growth of Roman Power. The power of Rome had been much increased since the last war with Carthage. 3 All Italy was now united, old animosities had died out and all looked to Rome as the centre. Her armies were composed of her own citizens and faithful allies. Her supremacy was ac- knowledged in the western Mediterranean. With Carthage it \v:i> very different. Her armies wen- composed of mercenaries, her subjects and allies were not trustworthy, and her finances, although considerably improved by the resources of Spain, were far from what they had been. Hannibal saw this, and the necessity of securing allies. Negotiations were opened with the king of Macedonia and with the Gauls in northern Italy. The colonies which the Romans had founded in their country had awakened anew their hostility. If he could unite these Gauls with his own disciplined army, and make their country the base of his attack on Rome, his success seemed certain. He hoped also to secure the alliance o'f the Italians, and that his victories would finally shake the adhesion of the Latins. 5. Hannibal's March from New Carthage. In the spring of B.C. 218 all his preparations were complete, and he crossed the Ebro with an army of ninety thousand foot, twelve thousand horse, and thirty-seven elephants. After a severe contest, and the sacrifice of nearly one-fourth of his army, he 1 Livy, xxi. 18. * Liry, xxi. 1. The population of Italy proper was about 9,000,000, with 770,000 men capable of bearing arms. B.C. 218.] TITE SECOND PUNIC WAR. 135 forced his way through the country between the Ebro and the Pyrenees. At the Pyrenees he left his brother, Hasdrubal, with ten thousand men to defend the newly conquered territory. An equal number of Spanish soldiers he discharged, finding that they accompanied him unwillingly. With a picked force of fifty thousand men and nine thousand horse and the ele- phants, he reached the Rhone without serious opposition. The Gauls had assembled a force on the eastern bank of the river. These he outflanked by sending a detachment, under Hanno, across on rafts two days' march higher up, and thus easily put the Gauls to rout and forced a passage. 6. The Preparations of the Romans. The Romans acted with remissuess. They had no conception of Hannibal's plan. The two consular armies were levied as usual ; the one under Tiberius Sempronius Longus was to be sent to Sicily and thence it was to cross over into Africa to attack Carthage itself: the other, under Publius Cornelius Scipio, to act against Han- nibal in Spain. Scipio, late in the summer, proceeded to Mas- silia on his way to Spain. Here he learned that Hannibal had crossed the Ebro and the Pyrenees. On advancing up the Rhone to the spot where Hannibal had crossed, he learned that the Carthaginian army was three days in advance of him on its way to Rome. When he heard this, he sent the main part of his force under his brother Gnaeus into Spain, and he himself set sail with a few men for Genoa and hastened to Cisalpine Gaul to take command of the troops there and to attack Han- nibal immediately on his arrival. 7. Hannibal's Route. Hannibal advanced up the river Isere almost to the foot of the Little St. Bernard. Here he commenced the passage of the Alps. In contests with the native tribes and in struggling through the difficult places he lost more than half of his army ; when he at length emerged into the valley of the Duria and descended into the plains of the Po his first care was to recruit his exhausted troops. After a few days' rest he turned against the Taurinians, who had re- jected his offers of alliance, and in three days took their capital (Turin) and annihilated their army. The other tribes submitted. 136 'I UK SECOND PUNIC WAK. ROUTE OP HANNIBAL }rlan H n -: VW. Genevre f^ 8. Skirmish on the Ticinus. The Romans had no suit- able army in northern Italy 1 to oppose the progress of Hanni- bal. The recent insurrection of the Gauls, on account of the founding of Placentia and Cremona, had caused the Romans to leave some troops there. The consul Scipio took command of this force, and, utterly ignorant of the quality of Hannibal's army and of his genius as a commander, hastened to meet him. He advanced along the left bank of the Po. across the Ticimis, where he fell in with a part of Hannibal's cavalry. The Roman cavalry was repulsed and Scipio himself severely wounded. Unwilling to come to a regular engagement, on account of the superiority of the Numidian cavalry, Scipio hastened across the Po to Placentia. Having occupied a strong position on the left bank of the Trebia, he waited until his colleague arrived from Sicily. 9. The Battle of the Trebia (B.C. 218). Sempronius 1 See map, p. 2. B.C. 2K.J THE SECOND PUNIC WAR. 137 had already sent his troops to Ariminum, 1 and thence he marched to the Trebia where he effected a junction with Scipio. The combined armies 2 were superior to Hannibal's, and Sem- pronius was eager for battle. Hannibal succeeded in drawing the Roman army across the river, already swollen by the recent rains, and in delivering battle on a field chosen by himself. It was towards midwinter (December), and the day was cold, and sleet and snow filled the air. The battle was decisive. The Ro- mans were completely defeated and thousands perished on the retreat, in the river and by the cold. The remains of the army took refuge within the walls of Placentia. The wavering Gauls joined the Carthaginian standard and were eager for the plun- der of Italy. 10. Battle of Lake Trasimenus (B. c. 217). The Ro- mans made great preparations for the next campaign. Four new legions were raised, and provisions and supplies were sent to the north. One of the new consuls On. Servilius, proceeded to Ariminum with two legions, and the other, G. Flaminius, the leader of the popular party and a man of great energy, to Arretium. It was the same Flaminius who was the author of the Agrarian law that occasioned the Gallic war. Of no great military ability, he had been raised to the consulship by popu- lar favor, in opposition to the aristocratic party. After his election he hurried from Rome, lest under pretext of some bad omen his election should be annulled. 3 As soon as the season permitted, Hannibal crossed the Apennines, 4 and after great difficulty and tremendous loss in the low ground along the Arno, reached the Upper Amo, and then proceeded southward past the camp of the consul at Arretium towards Perusia. Flaminius followed the Carthaginian army beyond Cortona as far as Lake Trasimenus, 5 where Hannibal awaited the consul's approach in a narrow defile, 6 his army occupying the heights. 1 According to Livy, xvi. 51. * Numbered 40,000. 3 Liry, xxi. 63. It \vas customary for the newly elected consul, before departing for hi'- province, clad in his purple-bordered toga, to o'ffer prayer to Jupiter Capitolinus. per- form certain sacrifice-, and raperintend the celebration of the Latin festival on the Alban Mount. The-^e formalities Flaminius disregarded and left Rome at once. * By the Pontremoll pass from Parma to Lucca. IMQO fli Perugia see colored map. p. 4. According to'Nissen, near the village of Tuoro. 138 T1IK SKCONI) 1MNI< \\.\H. | U. < . '.'1 ? The Roman column advanced without hesitation into < : n- delile. the thick mist concealing the position of the enemy. The rear- guard had just entered when Hannibal gave the signal for battle. The Romans, attacked by invisible enemies, encum- bered by their baggage, with no time to form their line of battle, were cut down on every side. 1 11. Hannibal's Treatment of his Prisoners. Hannibal treated the prisoners the same as after the battle of Trebia. The Roman allies were dismissed without ransom, with the assurance that Hannibal waged war against Rome only. Hy this means he hoped to shake the adhesion of the Italians, and to represent himself, not as an invader, b'.vfc as one come to free them from the Roman yoke. All Etruria was lost to the l!o- mans, and the road to Rome was open. The senate, however. did not despair. Measures were taken for the defence of the capital ; the bridges over the Tiber were broken down ; arms were distributed, Servilius was summoned to Rome, and Quin- tus Fabius Maximus was appointed dictator. 2 12. Flans of Hannibal. Hannibal did not march to Rome as was expected, but turned aside across the Apennines through Umbria and Picenum to the Adriatic, and then con- tinued his march to the southward, hoping that the Italians would join his standard. Their fidelity to Rome remained unshaken ; not a town opened its gates. 13. The Policy of Fabius. Four new legions were raised, and Fabius determined not to risk a battle, but revive i he cuurage of his army and accustom his soldiers to war. He marched through Samnium into Apulia and encamped near Hannibal. The latter tried to force him to an engagement. but nothing could induce him to change his cautions strategy. Hannibal marched past him. crossed the Apennines into the Campaman plain, the garden of Italy, and then to Capua. After the battle at Lake Trasimenus he had released three Capuan knights who promised him their assistance. Capua, 1 Fifteen thousand were killed and an equal number taken prisoners. Hannibal lost only fifteen hundred. The battle \va< fought the last of April. r - Constitutionally one of the consuls must nominate a dictator ; in this case it was Impossible, so the people elected a pro-dictator. B.C. x51?.j THK SECOND PUNIC WAR. 139 however, remained faithful, and Hannibal continued to lay the country waste far and wide, and, after collecting his plun- der, set out to retrace his steps to Apulia. Fabius had all this time followed on his track, and from a secure position on the mountains had watched the ravages of Hannibal. Fa- bius attempted to occupy a pass and thus obstruct the retreat of Hannibal, loaded as he was with prisoners and plunder, to Apulia. Hannibal, instead of retracing his steps and taking another road, eluded the vigilance of Fabius by a stratagem. He ordered his light-armed troops to drive, in the night, a number of oxen with fagots tied to their horns, to the summit of the hill. The Eomans in the pass, thinking that the Car- thaginians were crossing the hills in that direction, left the pass and hastened to the same heights. This left the defile 1 open for Hannibal and he continued his march with all his plunder, unmolested, to Geranium, where he encamped, dis- patching a part of his army to collect supplies, while the re- mainder watched Fabius. 14. Dissatisfaction with Fabius. The inactivity of the dictator occasioned great dissatisfaction at Rome. A temporary success of Minucius, the master of the horse, caused the storm of indignation to break forth. In the assembly of tribes it was proposed to divide the command between Fabius and Minu- cius. The latter, eager for battle, soon engaged the enemy. The army of Minucius would have been annihilated had not Fabius come to his assistance. Minucius acknowledged his error and resumed his former position. Hannibal took up his winter quarters at Geronium. The cautious firmness of Fabius the Cunctator, or the De- layer, had saved the state, and the crown of grass, 2 the highest military distinction, was awarded him by the senate. 15. Roman Firmness. During the winter the Eomans made great preparations. As yet all the allies remained faith- ful. The Greek cities sent presents and Hiero sent supplies 1 The location of thin defile has not been satisfactorily ascertained ; for Livy's account see book xxii. 10. - Corona 'jraminea. 140 TIIK M-;roNi> i-rsic WAU. [H.C. v! and troops. The senate remained calm and firm, and even re- minded the Illyrians to pay their tribute, and ambassadors were sent to the king of Macedonia to demand the surrender of De- metrius of Pharos, who had taken refuge with him. The peo- ple, however, were impatient. The burdens of war pressed heavily. By the defeat of Flaminius, the nobility had gainr-2<>7). SIEGE OF SYRACUSE (B. C. 214-212). WAR IN SPAIN (B. C. 215-206). 1. Measures for Carrying on the War. During the winter, while Hannibal was carrying on negotiations with the king of Macedonia and waiting for the co-operation of the Italians, Rome strained every nerve to raise a new army. All men of military age were called out. Prisoners and slaves were enrolled, and the whole city resounded with the preparations of war. Twenty-one legions were placed in the field 2 and a fleet of one hundred and fifty vessels was built. The year (B.C. 215) passed away without any decisive events. As no great accession of force came, Hannibal, having to protect Capua and southern Italy, acted on the defensive. Hasdru- bal was detained in Spain ; Philip, the king of Macedonia, 1 The location of this town is unknown. ' Eight to keep Hannibal in check, three in the north against the Gauls, one at Brun- disium to act against the king of Macedonia, two to guard Rome, two in Sardinia, two in Sicily, and three in Spain, amounting in all to nearly 200,000 men. B. C. 214. J THE SECOND PUNIC WAB. 145 did not make the expected attack. Hannibal was also foiled in his attempt to get possession of Neapolis, Tarentum, and Puteoli. 2. War in Sicily (B.C. 214-210). Meanwhile events were occurring in Sicily that revived the hopes of Hannibal. Hiero, the faithful ally of Rome for nearly fifty years, died and his grandson, Hieronymus, a boy of fifteen, succeeded him. The new king immediately opened negotiations with Carthage. Hannibal, in order to encourage him, sent two of his own officers, Hippocrates and Epicydes, to Syracuse, to act as nego- tiators. The king, however, was assassinated after a reign of a few months, and the Roman party in Syracuse gained the ascendency. Hannibal's envoys had to leave the city. They took refuge with the people of Leontmi and urged them to assert their independence of Syracuse, and finally incited them to attack a military post of the Romans. Marcellus, the Roman praetor, without waiting for the co-operation of Syra- cuse, marched against Leontini, took the city by storm, and although he spared the inhabitants, inflicted severe punishment on the Roman deserters that he found in the garrison. Thia act of brutality alienated the Syracusan soldiers and they joined Hippocrates and Epicydes. The gates of Syracuse were opened and the Carthaginian party had undisputed possession of the city. Marcellus appeared before Syracuse with a large army, and, failing to take it by storm, proceeded to lay siege to the city. On the land side the usual modes of attack 1 were directed against the walls, while sixty Roman vessels, carrying wooden towers and battering-rams, attacked from the sea. These were driven back, and all efforts to capture the city were rendered unavailing by the skill of Archimedes. 2 Marcel lus was compelled to turn the siege into a blockade. 3. The Fall and Sack of Syracuse. 3 This delay 1 See page 380 ff. 5 Many stones are told of the wonderful and cnrions engines of war constructed by Archimedes. It is said that the ships of the Romans were seized by iron hooks, partly raised from the water, and iheu dashed back to the dismay of the crews. Tb3 storv that Archimedes fired the Roman vessels by wonderful reflecting mirrors is probably a fiction, since neither Polybins nor Livy mention it. 5 The siege of Syracuse beg-au probably near the end of the year B. c. 214, uutl thu io\vu 146 THE SECOND PUNIC WAR. [B. C. 212. gave the Carthaginians time to send reinforcements to Syracuse, Landing at Heraclea, they soon made themselves masters of Agngentum. The position of Marcellus was becoming critical when an unexpected attack on a part of the walls, left unguard- ed during a festival, made him master of the Epipolae with the quarters of Neapolis and Tycha. This was the condition of af- fairs when the C'ai tliaginiau army ad- vanced to the relief of the city. The Roman army man- aged to keep its posi- tion. As summer approached a deadly di>caso broke out among the ( 'art had- nian army which was encamped on the low ground by the river Anapus. After a great part of the men and officers had died the remain- der dispersed. In the meantime another revolution took place in Syracuse ; still Marcellus did not attempt to take the city by storm until a Spanish officer, commanding on the side of Ortygia, opened the gate. The next day the army, after a siege of two years, cntnvd. Marcellus promised to spare the lives of the inhabitants, although the city itself was given up to plunder. Archimedes was slain, because he was too intent upon a mathematical problem to an- swer the question of a plundering soldier. 1 The numerous works of art which during so many centuries had been collected was stormed in B. c. 218. Livv, however. aiim the storming of the town to the year B. c. 214 ; i-eo Weir-enhoru'.- (Li\y xxiv. 30) note. The text of Polybin- is probably cor- rupt : he says (viii. 9. 6) that the siege lasted only eight mouths. The town was taken ill the full of B. c. 212. Archimedes called to the soldier in the well known words noli liirbare circulos meos. B, C. 212.] THE SECOND PUNIC WAIL 14? were sent to Rome. 1 The fall of Syracuse gave the Romans the upper-hand in Sicily; still Hannibal's cavalry general, Matines, prolonged the war for two years. After Agrigentum fell, and the leaders were beheaded, the inhabitants sold as slaves, and the town sacked, the other towns submitted, and all resistance in Sicily to Roman rule was at an end. 4. War in Spain (B. c. 215-206). After the successful- campaign of the two Scipios in Spain, in B.C. 215, the Romans continued the wur, and overran the Carthaginian possessions. The Ebro was crossed, Saguntum was taken, and preparations wire made for an attack: on Africa. Syphax, a Numidian chief, was won over to their side. The Libyans began to desert Carthage in such numbers that Hasdrubal was recalled from Spain. He secured the alliance of another Xumidian prince, Gula, 8 whose son, Masinissa, only seventeen years old, ;i his long career, which was destined in the end to be so fatal to the Cart li agin ians. Syphax was defeated and Hasdrubal was able to return to Spain with large reinforcements (B.C. 212). Finding that the Romans had divided their forces, Hasdrubal attacked each army in succession, and so thoroughly routed them that but few escaped, and the two Scipios were slain. Xearly all Spain was lost to the Romans. The efforts of Rome / !o prevent the invasion of Italy from Spain had ended dis- astrously, and nothing seemed able to check the Carthaginian general if he intended to attack Italy from this quarter. The senate, however, resolved to make one more effort 3 and to entrust the command to Publius Cornelius Scipio, 4 then only twenty-seven years of age, who had only been aedile, and there- fore never invested 5 with any office to which the imperiwn was attached. In the autumn of B. c. 210 he set out. on his hazardous mission. 1 Tlii * was not the fir-t instance of a practice that afterwards became so general. Tareiitiun and Vol.-inii, on their eapiure. hud been plundered. These works of art from Syracuse were *o much more numerous and valuable than any before taken that tradition (Liv. xxv. 4(1) assigns the lieu'lnnint: of tl.e custom to Marcelhii-. " King of the Massyliaruj. ' They sent 11.000 men. 4 Livy (xxvi. 18) relates that when no one came forward to take the command in Spain, Scipio declared his willingness to assume the dangerous post, and inspired the people with confidence and courage. 5 See p. 50. 148 THE SECOND I' I 'NIC \VAIi. [ H. c. 214. 5. The Success of Scipio. Landing at Emporiae* he took up his winter quarters in Tarraco, where, with the utmost secresy, 1 he prepared for the coming campaign. Fortune favored him from the first. Learning that the three Carthaginian ar- mies 2 were a long distance from New Carthage, in the early spring of 207 B.C. he appeared unexpectedly before this city, which, after a short siege, fell into his hands, with all it.-' stores, engines, and materials for war. Scipio, following up this success, attacked Hasdrubal at Bnecula in Andalusia. The re- sults, 3 however, were so far favorable to Hasdrubal that he was able to carry into execution his long-delayed plan of reinforcing his brother in Italy. His departure left Spain an easy conquest for Scipio. In the year B. c. 206, Scipio, marching southward. UK t a second time the Carthaginian army under another Hasdruba!. the son of Gisgo, at Baecula, 4 and totally defeated it. The Span- ish levies fell off, and Hasdrubal escaped almost alone to Gades, the only place in Spain left in the hands of the Carthaginians. 6. Scipio's Interview -with Syphax. This decided victory not only caused the spirit of disaffection to spread among the Spanish tribes, but even among the African troops. Masinissa, the brave Numidian prince who had rendered im- portant services against Syphax, thinking that the cause of Carthage was lost, and fascinated by the influence of Scipio, secretly promised aid to the Eomans. According to Livy, Scipio crossed to Africa with only two quinqueremes and spent some days at the court of Syphax. where he accidentally met Hasdrubal, the son of Gisgo. 5 During his absence some of the Spanish tribes revolted, and a body of eight thousand Romah soldiers, who complained that their pay had been withheld, mutinied. This rebellion was quickly subdued, and before the 1 He communicated his plans to his friend G. Ltnlius only, the father of theLsellu* Fhope friendship for the younger Africanus, Cicero has rendered so celebrated. 3 Hasdrubal Barca was in Castile : Mairo \va- at the strait- of Gibraltar, and Ilasdru bal, the son of . 000 infantry and 2,500 cavalry. 1 Livy (xxvii. 18 f.t a-s.-rts that lla-drubal wu- d'-leuteil with loss of20,000men. Livy (xxviii. l:Ji culls the place aKo Silpia. which is probably the same place 'hat Poly bins ixi. 20) calls llipa (in the .MS. Eli: * See map, p. 175. * The voyage of Scipio to Africa anil the succession of events for the year B. c. 206 have been exposed to serious doubts. Weiswnborn mote to Liry. xxviij. it;, 14) assigns a part of the events to the year B. c. 207. The mutiny of the army probably took place during the illness of Scipio. B. C. 211.] THE SECOND PUNIC WAR. 149 close of the year (B. c. 206) Gades fell into the hands of the Romans, and Spain was lost to the Carthaginians. 7. The War in Italy (B.C. 214-203). While these events were going on in Spain and Sicily, Hannibal made no real progress in Italy. Two years of indecisive warfare passed, in which Hannibal tried to capture Tarentum, and the Romans to recover Capua. In the year B. c. 212 Hannibal's efforts were jrowned with success, and Tarentum was betrayed into his hands. This enabled him to turn his attention to Capua. By a brilliant campaign he relieved Capua, and scattered the Ro- man armies in southern Italy. Still Roman perseverance held out. There was no thought of peace. 8. The Siege of Capua. The next year (B. c. 211), the Roman armies marched toward the doomed town. When the news reached Hannibal, he appeared once more on the ridge of Mount Tifata and made an attack upon the Roman line. This time the Romans were too numerous. Compelled to give up the attempt to raise the blockade of Capua by a direct attack on the Roman lines, he changed his plan, and marched directly upon Rome. Plundering the country as he advanced, he spread terror and dismay everywhere on his path. At his approach, the city, although well garrisoned, was filled with alarm. A part of the army was recalled from Capua, and marching directly by the Appian road reached Rome as soon as Hannibal. His plan, however, did not succeed; the siege of Capua was not raised, and the Romans, acting strictly on the defensive, gave no op- portunity for battle. In the meantime the fate of Capua was sealed. All the leading men in the town were beheaded ; the people were sold as slaves. Capua could no longer hope to rival Rome ; she was blotted from the list of Italian towns. The right of local self-government was withdrawn, and a prefect was annually sent from Rome to govern the district 9. Movements of Hannibal. The conquest of Capua was the turning point in the war. Hannibal lost his strong- hold in Campania and was obliged to retire to the southern part of Italy. Rome was gaining everywhere. The Italians who had joined Hannibal began to lose confidence. Salapiaaml 150 THE SECOND PUNIC WAR. [B. C. 209. many towns in Samnium were betrayed to the Romans. But when Fulvius, the proconsul who commanded in Apulia, ap- peared before Herdoneu, which he hoped to gain possession of by treachery, Hannibal marched from Bruttium. attacked the Roman army, and gained a brilliant victory. In the following year 1 the Romans recovered several places in Lucania and Brut- tium, and Fabius Haximus crowned his long military career with the recapture of TaiMitum (B.C. 209). The inhabitants were sold as slaves ; the town was plundered and the works of art were sent to Rome. The next year Marcellus, for the fifth time elected to the consulship, was surprised near Venusia and killed. Hannibal paid suitable honors to the remains of his great opponent. This defeat taught the Romans to adhere to their old plan of avoiding pitched battles, and to limit their operations to the capture of the places that had been lost. In this way Hannibal, although nnconquered, was pushed back into narrower and narrower limits. 10. Movements of Hasdrabal. The war had lasted ten years, yet its favorable conclusion seemed far off. There were increasing symptoms of discontent among the allies, while the news from Spain left little doubt that the long prepared expe- dition of llasdrubal over the Alps to join his brother in Italy was at last to be realized. Rome strained every nerve to meet the impending danger. The number of legions was in- creased from twenty-one to twenty-three. The preparations were incomplete, when the news came that Hasdrubal was crossing the Alps by the same route which his brother had taken eleven years before. The consuls for the new year were M. Livius Salinator and O. Claudius Xcro. Hannibal, at the beginning of spring, after organizing his force in Bruttium, advanced northward, encountered the consul Nero at Grumen- 1 In thi? year an event happened that showed in how exhausted a condition the peo- ple were, and how near Hannibal was to the attainment of his expectation the disaffec- tion of the Latin towns. When the cmi-nls in B. c. 308 called upon the Lalins to furnish more men and money, twelve of the thirty Latin colonies declared that their resource* were exhansted. Tlins far Rome had been saved by the firm adhe>ion <)J the Larin ''lit now the fabric seemed on the point of crumbling to pieces. All depended on the action of the other eighteen colonie-. Fortunately their decision wa- favorable ; they declared that they were willing to furnish not only their contingent of troops, but even n.circ B. C. 2(rf.\ THE SECOND PUNIC WAR. 151 turn, whence, after a bloody but indecisive battle, he continued his march to Canushmi. Here he waited for news from his brother. The expected despatch was intercepted by Nero, who formed the bold resolution of joining his colleague in the north, and with their united armies crushing Hasdrubal while Hanni- bal was waiting for the expected despatch. Hasdrubal had appointed a rendezvous with his brother in Umbria, whence with their united armies they were both to advance on Karma and Rome. 11. The Battle of Metaurus (B.C. 207). Nero, selecting from his army seven thousand of the best soldiers and one thousand cavalry, left his camp so quietly that Hannibal knew nothing of his departure. Near Sena he found his colleague Livius, and in the night entered his camp that his arrival might not be known to the Carthaginians. Hasdrubal, when he heard the trumpet sound twice from the Eoman camp and saAV the increased numbers, was no longer ignorant that both consuls were in front of him. Thinking that his brother had been defeated, he resolved to retire across the Metaurus and wait for accurate information. Missing his way, wandering up and down the river to find a ford, pursued and attacked by the Romans, he was compelled to accept battle. Although in an unfavorable position, a deep river in his rear, his troops ex- hausted by marching all night, still the victory long hung in suspense. Hasdrubal displayed all the qualities of a great general, and when he saw that all was lost, he plunged into the thickest of the battle and was slain. 1 The consul returned to Apulia with the same rapidity with which he had come. He announced to Hannibal the defeat and death of his brother by casting Uasdrubal's head within the outposts and by sending two Carthaginian captives to give him an account of the dis- astrous battle. " I foresee the doom of Carthage," 2 said Han- nibal sadly, when he recognized the bloody head of his brother. 12. Hannibal Retreats to Bruttium. This battle de- 1 According to Livy (xxvii. 491 the Carthaginians lost 56,000 killed and 5,400 prisoners, and the Romans only 8,000 ; the estimate of Polybins (xi. 3) seems more reasonable, i.e. that the Carthaginians lost 10,000, and the Romans 2,000. " Livy, xxvii. 51. 152 THE SECOND PUNIC WAR. [B. C. 206. cided the war in Italy. Hannibal withdrew his garrisons from the towns in southern Italy, retired to the peninsula of Brut- tium, where for four long years, in that wild and mountainous country, with unabated courage and astounding tenacity, the dying lion clung to the land that had been so long the theatre of his glory. XXIV. SECOND PUNIO WAR THE TIIIKD PERIOD (B. C. 206-201). 1. Scipio's Expedition to Africa. A favorable termi- nation of the war seemed near at hand. The time had come to carry into execution that expedition to Africa which Sem- pronius had attempted in the beginning of the war. Publius tSeipio, on his return from Spain, offered himself for the con- sulship and was unanimously elected. His design was to carry the war into Africa and in this way compel Carthage to recall Hannibal. The senate, headed by the aged Fabius Maximus, was not favorable to his plan. The people, however, were unanimous that the conduct of the war must be entrusted to Scipio, and that it must be finished in Africa. The senate finally consented that he should cross from his province of Sicily to Africa, but they voted no adequate means for such an expedition. Scipio called for volunteers. The whole of the year B.C. 205 passed away before he completed his preparations. 2. Efforts to Help Hannibal. Meanwhile the Cartha- ginians made one last effort to help Hannibal. Mago, Hanni- bal's youngest brother, was sent to Liguria with fourteen thou- sand men to rouse the Ligurians and (lauls to renew the war on Rome ; but having met a Roman army under Quintilius Varus, and being wounded in the engagement which followed, his movements were so crippled that nothing of importance was accomplished. B.C. 202.] THE SECOND PUX1C WAR. 153 3. War in Africa. In the spring of B. c. 204 Scipio had completed his preparations. He embarked his army 1 from Lilybaeum, and after three days landed at the Fair Promontory* near Utica. After laying siege to Utica all summer, he was compelled to fall back and entrench himself on the promontory. Masinissa had joined him immediately on his arrival. By his advice Scipio planned a night attack on Hasdrubal, the son of Gisgo, and Syphax, who were encamped near Utica. This enterprise was completely successful. A short time afterwards Hasdrubal and Syphax were again defeated. Syphax fled to Numidia, where he was followed by Lselius and Masinissa and compelled to surrender. 3 4. Efforts for Peace. These successes convinced the Carthaginians that with the existing forces the Roman invasion could not long be resisted. Therefore they opened negotiations for peace with Scipio, in order probably to gain time to recall their generals from Italy. The desire of Scipio to bring the war to a conclusion induced him to agree upon preliminaries of peace, subject to the approval of the Eoman senate and people. Carthage was to give up all prisoners and deserters, resign all claim to Spain and the islands between Africa and Italy, recall Hannibal and Mago from Italy, acknowledge Masinissa as king of Kumidia, deliver up her ships-of-war except twenty, and pay five thousand talents to defray the expenses of the war. According to the conditions of the armistice, Hannibal and Mago were recalled from Italy, and the Roman prisoners were released in expectation that the conditions of peace would be accepted. When the Carthaginian ambassadors appeared before the senate they were dismissed almost without an answer, be- cause the capture of Syphax had convinced this body that Car- thage, deprived of her most powerful ally, would not be able to continue the war. Meanwhile the arrival of Hannibal at Hadrumetum had so encouraged the Carthaginians that the armistice had been broken before the return of the ambassadors 1 The strength of the army is variously estimated from 13,500 to 35,000. The Cartha- ginian force is estimated at 33.000 : the Xu ni'.lian at (10,010 ; see map, p. 217. " This was a great gain, as now Nuiniciia united with Rome against Carihage. * See map. p. 217. 1">4 THE SECOXD ITNK \\AK. [B. C. '.'I) 1 . from Rome. 1 All hopes of peace by negotiation vanished, and Scipio prepared to ivn-w the wai*, which, since the arrival of Hannibal, bad assumed a more serious character. 5. The Battle of Zama. The details of the operations which ended in the battle of Zanui an- but imperfectly known. The decisive battle Avas fought on the river Bagradas, near Zama, 2 on the 19th of October, B.C. 202. Hannibal managed the battle with his usual skill. His veterans fought likt the men who had so often conquered in Italy, but his army was an- nihilated. The elephants were rendered unavailing by Scipio's skillful management. Instead of the three lines of battle, with the usual intervals, 3 Scipio arranged his companies behind each other like the rounds of a ladder. 4 Through these open- ings the elephants could pass without breaking the line. This battle terminated the long struggle. Carthage had for along time been exhausted and overcome, but with the madn despair had fought on. The superior perseverance and stub- bornness of the Roman people had won the victory before the battle of Zama, Hannibal himself advised peace. The terms were not so favorable as before. Besides the conditions already prescribed, and the increase of the war-contribution to an an- nual payment of two hundred talents for fifty years. Carthage was bound not to wage war either in Africa or elsewhere with- out the consent of Rome. 6. Triumph of Scipio. Scipio returned to Rome, where a splendid triumph awaited him. All that witnessed the tri- umphal procession winding along the ri siy- both annic- were equal i-i infantry. The place and time of the battle are both uncertain. The date is usually tixed by means of the solar eclipse, mentioned by Zonoras (ix. 14) as taking place on the day of the battle ; according to Mommpeo (vol.'ii., p. 196, note) the battle took place in the spring. Hire OSf) f. ' Ihne, vol. ii.. p. 451. * Polybius, ix. 22. B. C. 214.1 THE SECOND PUNIC WAR. 155 7. The Results of the War. The results of the war were that Carthage became a dependent state ; the native tribes of Africa were admitted to an alliance with Rome. The Roman dominion was increased by the accession of Spain, which was formed into two provinces, and by the territory of Syracuse, which was added to the province of Sicily. The supremacy of the sea was transferred to Rome, and the way opened by the hostilities with Macedonia for the great conflict with the East. 8. The Romanizing of Italy. In the meantime Rome, true to her policy of first securing what had been gained, turned her attention to the subjugation of the revolted tribes in Italy. The Cisalpine Gauls were subdued and the fetters were riveted more firmly over the states in southern Italy that had joined Hannibal. Large tracts of land were confis- cated, the old colonies strengthened and new ones founded, 1 and an effort was made to extend the dominion and influence of Rome, the Latin language and Latin customs, throughout all Italy, and to weld the different peoples into one nationality. The great Fiaminian way 2 was extended to Placentia, and the Cassian from Rome to Arretiura was reconstructed and ex- tended 3 to Bonouia. The whole country was in process of being Romanized. The colony of Aquileja was founded to protect the eastern border (B.C. 183), the Istrians were subdued (B.C. 177), and the wandering Gauls who had crossed the Alps were driven back and compelled henceforth to keep within proper bounds. The contest with the Ligurians was severer, and it was not until B. c. 143 that the Romans gained a firm hold of the country. The work of subjugation was carried on by extend- ing (B. c. 109) the great highway along the coast from Luna to Vada Sabbata (Vado) and thence over the Apennines to Der- tona (Toii(i)ia). Gallia Cisalpina, however, was probably not formed into a province until the time of Sulla. 1 Venusia (B. c. 300) and Narnia (B. c. 199) strengthened ; Sipontum, Croton, Saler- num, Thnrii, henceforth caller 1 . Copia, Puteoli (B. c. 194) and Aquileja (B.C. 183) founded to secure the command of the Gnlf. " Uudur the name of ^EmUiau way. B. c. 187. * B.C. 171. THE CONQUEST OF THE EAST. [B. C. 219. XXV. THE CONQUEST OF THE EAST (B. C. 214r-146). 3. Condition of the East. The diffusion of Hellenic civilization and culture in the East which Alexander, the king of Macedonia, had begun, was carried out by means of colonies and trading-posts which were scattered over the vast empire which he had conquered. After his death this empire was rent to pieces by his generals, and finally, after a long struggle and various vicissitudes, resolved itself into the fol- lowing kingdoms : 1. Macedonia, governed by Philip V., whose dominion ex- tended over a great part of Greece. 2. fiyria, ruled by Antiochus III., extended from the coast of the Mediterranean to the Indus, although many provinces within this limit were in a state of practical independence. In Asia Minor, Galatia and Pontus 1 were governed by native princes, while the kings of Pergamus ruled over most of the western part. 3. Eyypt, embracing the valley of the Nile, the provinces of Palestine, Phoenicia and Coele-Syria, together with the Greek city of Cyrene, the island of Cyprus, and many islands in the .^Egean sea and towns on the coast of Thrace, was governed by the Ptolemies, and formed a compact and united state. The kings, instead of trying to extend their territory, had sought to attract the traffic between India and the Mediterranean to the port of Alexandria. By this means they hoped to make Egypt a leading commercial state, and the mistress of the eastern Mediterranean. They had. as early as B.C. 273, entered into friendly relations with Rome. In B. c. 205 the throne descended to Ptolemy V., Epiphancs, then a child only four years old. His minister, dreading the designs of the Macedonian and Sy- rian kings, had sought the protection of the Roman senate. See map, p. 248-9. ^i <*v!> s . t f '> = ,o I * y r. uJ: 4ii/ 158 THE CONQUEST OF THE EAST. [fi. C. 214. 2. The Free Greek Cities. The most important posi- tion among the minor states was held by the free Greek cities on the shore of the Propontis, along the coast of Asia Minor, and on the islands of the ^Egean sea. Among these may be "mentioned : 1. Byzantium, the mistress of the Bosporus, which had grown rich from her favorable position and trade with the towns on the Black Sea. 2. Cyzicus, on the Propontis, was one of the marts for the vast trade of the interior, and soon attained an independent and important position. 3. Rhodes. This republic was the chief maritime power in the ^Egean Sea. From its favorable position it had secured much of the carrying-trade of the eastern Mediterranean. Its vessels entered, without port-dues, the Bosporus and the Black Sea. Rhodes took an active part in defending the Greek cities, and as a protection against Macedonia had formed a commer- cial treaty with Rome. 3. The Achaean and JEtolian Leagues. In Greece proper two new powers had arisen since the death of Alexander, which served as a counterpoise to Macedonia, and might have been of great service to the Greek nation had they not, by in- ternal dissensions, inflicted more injury than good. The more important was the Achaean League which embraced Corinth, Arcadia, and a greater part of the Peloponnesus, and which sought to unite the best elements of the Greek nation in a league for self-defence. The ^Etolian League included a great part of Central Greece. The Romans, during the second Punic war, had availed themselves of the hostility of the ^Etolian League to Macedonia, and entered into an alliance with it (B.C. 212), and by this means occupied Philip at home while they crushed Carthage. Athens and Sparta still retained their inde- pendence, but only a shadow of their former power. 4. First Macedonian War (B.C. 214-205). It will be recollected that Demetrius of Pharos l took refuge with Philip 1 See page 138. B.C. 200.] THE COHQUEST OF THE EAST. 159 and urged him to make war on Rome. After the battle of Oannse the king sent an embassy to Hannibal, offering assist- ance, but the ambassadors being captured by the Romans the alliance was not concluded until B. c. 215. Philip's fleet ap- peared in the Adriatic, captured Oricum 1 and laid siege to Apol- ioma, which, since the Illyrian war, had been in possession of the Romans. The Romans sent M. Valerius Laevinus with a small force to the Adriatic ; he recaptured Oricum, raised the siege of Apollonia, stormed the Macedonian camp at night, and compelled Philip to burn his ships to prevent them from falling into the hands of the Romans. This overthrew his scheme of invasion and so frightened him that for three years he sus- pended active operations. In B. c. 21 1 LaBvinus appeared at the assembly of the .^Etolians and promised them aid in a war against Philip. This gave the war a new aspect, and so occu- pied Philip that he was compelled to seek assistance from Car- thage instead of co-operating with Hannibal. The attention of the Romans, however, was so occupied with affairs in Spain that the ^JEtolians were left almost alone to cope with Philip, and, being hard-pressed, they made a separate, treaty (B. c. 206). The Romans, Avho wished to have their hands free for the inva- sion of Africa, soon after also consented to peace (B. c. 205). 5. Second Macedonian War (B.C. 200-196). Philip now had an opportunity to consolidate his power in Greece, to restore the prosperity of his kingdom and to prepare for the struggle with Rome, which both sides regarded as inevitable. Instead of doing this, he entered into an alliance with Antio- chus, king of Syria, 2 for the dismemberment of the territories of the king of Egypt, who at once applied to Rome for assist- ance. Soon after he plunged into a war with Attalus, king of Pergamus, and with the Rhodians. 8 He even sent a force of four thousand soldiers to Africa who fought at the battle of Zama under the command of Hannibal. Philip was still pur- suing his policy in the east when the peace with Carthage left Home at liberty to succor her eastern allies. An embassy was 1 See map. p. 130. ' B. c. 205. B. c. 203. 160 THE CONQUEST OP THE EAST. [B.C. 197. sent to mediate between Antiochus and Ptolemy, and Philip was warned to give up the Egyptian dependencies that had fallen into his hands, and not to attack tiu- Greek cities. He was still engaged in these ambitious scheme.-, 1 when an event growing out of the hostility of Macedonia to Athens furnished the Romans the pretext for a declaration of war. 6. The Cause of the War. It happened that two Acar- nanian youths had been put to death in Attica for intruding upon the Eleusinian mysteries. The Acamanians, exasperated by this outrage, laid their complaints before the king of Mace- donia, their ally and protector. He encouraged them to make war upon Attica and lay waste the country with fire and sword. The Athenians immediately sent an embassy to Rome 2 asking assistance against the Acamanians and the king of Macedonia, The senate sent an embassy 3 to Philip to declare war unless he desisted from hostilities against the Greek cities and gave up the possessions of Ptolemy which he had seized. AVhen Philip replied that the Romans should observe the terms of the treaty, but if they were bent on war, they should have it, the declaration w^s determined upon. 4 7. The Battle of Cynoscephalae (B.C. 197). After two unsuccessful and indecisive campaigns, T. Quiuctius Flamini- nus was sent to Greece. He was an able general and a skillful diplomatist, and, by proclaiming himself the champion of Greek freedom, succeeded in uniting almost the whole of Greece against Macedonia. He carried on the war with energy and vigor and in B. c. 197 met Philip at Cynoscephalae and com- pletely defeated him. Philip was now glad to make peace on any terms. lie was compelled, in addition to the demands Already ma do, 3 to surrender all his navy except five ships, re- luce his army to five thousand men, and pay a war indemnity ct one thousand talents. 8 After the conclusion of peace the 1 Again"* Egypt, Rhodes, and Attain". Tfie Athenian* had entered into friendly relations with Rome as early as B.C. 238, and in the |>eace of B. c. $)."> were mentioned as Roman allie-. The embassy visited Athens and Egypt, and remonstrated with Philio, who was stii; awpd in the siege of Abydos. Livy xxxi. 18. ' See Sfi. About 244,000 pounds sterling B. C. 192.] THE CONQUEST OF THE EAST- 161 Roman garrisons were withdrawn from the Greek towns, and at the ensuing Isthmian games Flamininus ordered the herald to proclaim the independence of all Greece. 1 8. The Syro-JEtolian War (B. c. 192-189). While the Romans were engaged in Greece, Antiochus, instead of co-op- erating with Philip, thought it best to take this opportunity co extend his own territories. He conquered Ccele-Syria, Phomicia, and Palestine, advanced even into Asia Minor, took Ephesus, and proceeded to conquer Thrace, Here a Roman embassy met him, and declared that he must surrender all his conquests in Asia Minor, recognize the independence of the Greek cities, and not send any more troops into Europe. An- tiochus asserted his claim to Thrace, 2 and denied the right of Rome to interfere in his affairs. The negotiations were broken off by the return of the king to Syria on account of a rumor of the death of Ptolemy, the young king of Egypt (B. c. 196). 9. The Plans of Hannibal. The next year Hannibal found refuge at the court of the Syrian king at Ephesus. From that time forth Antiochus made active preparations for war. After the defeat at Zama, Hannibal counseled peace and de- voted all his energies to promoting the welfare of his country. He introduced changes into the constitution, depriving the oligarchy of their power, and reformed the financial adminis- tration. The Romans sent an embassy to Carthage to inquire into these changes and assist the aristocratic party in their opposition to these reforms. Hannibal, seeing that it was useless to resist the threatening storm, escaped from his native town and visited Antiochus at Ephesus. Here he was received with great honors (B.C. 195), and urged the king to a war against Rome, and to raise an army for the invasion of Italy. 10. The Intrigues of the .ffitolians. Meanwhile the in- ternal dissensions in Greece increased. The ^Etolians, dissat- isfied with the terms of the last peace, and believing that the 1 That *he Roman senate, and Titus Qninctins Flamininu*, the general and pro-consul. bavins vanquished kins; Philip and the Macedonians, restore liberty, their own lives aad privilege?, without foreign garrisons or tribute, to the Coniithians,Locrians, Phocians, Eubceins. Achieaus, Phthfotians, Magnetrians, Thcssalians, and Perrhaebean=. P!ut, Fl.Tmin. 10. Thrace had belonged to Seleucus, his pnoestor. 162 THE CONQUEST OF THE EAST. [l5. C. 190. success of the Romans was chiefly due to their own clTort- gan now to intrigue against them, and to encourage Xabis the tyrant of Sparta to make war on the Achaeans, and finally invited Antiochus over from Asia, representing to him that all Greece was reaily to join his standard. Wiien the news readied Rome chat Antiochus had lauded in Greece, war was immediately leclared (B.C. 192), and the following year an army crossed tc G reive under command of Marcus Acilius Glabrio. The king had entrenched himself at Thermopylae, but when a detach- ment under Marcus Porcius Cato surprised the JEtolians and put them to flight, the king fled in all haste to Chalcis and then to Ephesus. The JEtolians were now left to bear the brunt of the war. They attempted further resistance at Xaupactus, but by the influence of Flamininns they were admitted to capitula- tion. 11. The Battle of Magnesia (B.C. 190). The next year the Roman army under Seipio, after the fleet had gained the mastery of the sea, 1 proceeded to follow Ant iochns across the Hellespont. The two armies met at Magnesia, and the Romans gained an easy victory, which ended the war. The king had to cede all of Asia west of the Taurus range, to give up his elephants, to reduce his fleet to ten ships, and to promise not to sail west of the mouth of the river Calycadnus in Cilicia. lie had also to pay the sum of fifteen thousand talents, 2 and to surrender Hannibal. Most of this vast territory was added to the kingdom of Pergamus. Seipio returned to Rome, where a splendid triumph awaited him, and in imitation of his brother he assumed the surname of Atui/tcus. 12. Death of Hannibal. Hannibal, after the conclu- sion of peace, lied to Crete, and thence to Prusias, king of Bithynia. When this king could no longer protect him, he drank poison to escape falling into the hands of the Romans (B.C. 183). 13. The .SJtolian War (B. c. 189). The Romans now had leisure to punish the ^Etolians. The consul Marcus 1 At Corycu*. * About $30.000,000. B. C. 179.] THE THIRD MACEDONIAN WAR. 163 Fulvius Nobilior landed at Apollonia (B. c. 189) and began the third war against them. ^Etolia was ravaged on every side ; but when Ambracia the chief town was taken, and the works of art transported to Rome, the ^tolian confederacy gave up the contest and sued for peace. Henceforth ^Etolia, like Mace- donia, became tributary to Rome, renounced all conquests re- cently made, and gave up the right to make war or peace with- out the consent of Rome. 14. The Achaean League. The degradation of ^Etolia was favorable to the growth of the Achaean league. Under the able management of Philopoemen, the Greek states so far forgot their petty jealousies that all Peloponnesus united with this league. CHAPTER XXVI. THE THIRD MACEDONIAN WAR THE ACH^AN EXILES CAP- TURE OF CORINTH MACEDONIA REDUCED TO A PROVINCE. 1. Ungenerous Policy towards Macedonia. Philip had been induced to co-operate in the war against Antiochua with the prospect of being able to extend his dominions. When his assistance was no longer needed and he proceeded to take possession of the ^Etolian towns, complaints, directly encouraged by Rome herself, were sent in on all sides, and he was com- pelled to give up all his conquests and confine himself to the limits of ancient Macedonia. In the negotiations which fol- lowed, Philip was treated with great harshness and contempt. Still there was no course open to him but war or submission. He chose the latter, but with the firm determination to pre- pare for the day of revenge. 2. The Battle of Pydna (B.C. 168). In B.C. 179 Philip died, and was succeeded by his son Perseus, who prosecuted with great energy and skill the aim which his father so long had kept in view. From new sources of revenue open to him 164 THE CONQUEST OF THE EAST. [B. C. 1C8. in mines, customs, and tenths, and from the flourishing con- dition of agriculture and commerce, Perseus was enabled to raise and discipline his army. A change had taken place even among the Greeks, who no longer regarded the Uomans as the liberators of their country, but as its enemies. Perseus was be- coming daily more popular. The economic degradation of Greece was frightful, and the class which lived by spoil and plunder was growing daily larger. The result was that Perseus was soon at the head of a large army, but now his good genius seemed to forsake him, and by his parsimony and ill- timed measures he disgusted his allies, and instead of prompt and vigorous action pursued a policy of procrastination. The time had come, however, for Home to put an end to the partial state of independence in which the Greek nation still exi.-ud. 1 A Roman army landed in Epirus in .<. Ill and first succeeded in detaching the allies of Perseus. A battle followed, in which Perseus was victorious, but still with unaccountable inactivity, he made no use of his victory. In B. c. 168 L. ^Emilius Paullus defeated Perseus at Pydna, 2 and soon afterwards took him prisoner. This was the end of the war. 3. Macedonia in Nominal Independence. Macedonia was not at once reduced to a province like .Sicily, but was di- vided into four parts, each of which governed itself and was independent from the other three. 3 An annual tribute* was 1 Eumenes, the king of Pergamns, preferred the formal charges against Por-cn-- which led to the declaration of war. On his return from Koine, Euniune- \va- attacked by four a-^assins hired by Per-eu<. and badly wounded. - Polybiu- (xxxii. 11. ti) dutos from this battle the establishment of the universal em- pire of Home. It wa- in fact the la-t battle in which a civili/ed state confronted Rome in the field on a footing of equality with her a* a areat power : all -ub-eqiH'iit -t were rebellions or wars with peoples beyond the pale of the Romano-Greek civilization the barbarians, as they wer^ called. The whole civili/ed world thenceforth reownized in the Konian senate the Mipreme tribunal. who '1 maintain no car- rison- beyond llie Italian Vcas, but -honld keep the nuincrou- -:ate- dependent on them by a mere political supremacy. Indication-, of a change of -y-tcin. and of an increa-ing disinclination on the part of Rome to toleiate by it- -ide intermediate >taies. even in such independence a- wa- po ihle for them, were clearly given in the destruction of the Macedonian monarchy after the battle of Pydna. Mon\iH*m. vol. ii.. p. 330. J The form of government was settled by tlie proconsul ^Emiliu- Paullus and a com- mis-ion ol ten. The four divisions were deprived of the Jit* cfiiin>il,ii intl ./''.. commereU among one another. Amphipoli-, Thealonica, Pella, and Pelagonia were made the capitals of the four division-. One-lialf of the amount which the kjjigs had exacted. B.C. 151.J THE OTHER GREEK STATES. 165 laid upon the Macedonians, in return for which Rome under- took to defend the country and to relieve the people from military service. 1 In order to secure the permanency of this form of government, all the most prominent men of the coun- try, all who had served the king in any capacity, were trans- purU'd with their grown up sons to Italy. Paullus on his return celebrated the most magnificent triumph 2 Rome had ever seen. 4. Treatment of the Other States. The other states of Greece were treated in the same manner, 3 being obliged to pay as tribute one-half the sum hitherto paid in taxes, and the most noted men were sent to Italy. Rome now had time to look to the states of the East. Rhodes, which had offered its mediation during the war, was stripped of its most valuable dependencies, and compelled to seek an alliance with Rome ; Eumenes of Pergamus was humbled, and Antiochus of Syria, who had commenced war with Egypt for the possession of Ccele- Syria, was commanded to leave Egypt and to make peace. 4 1 Illyria was treated like Macedonia, the country was divided into three parts, each of which retained an independent government ; see p. 130. - We niu-t pause for one moment to contemplate che spectacle of the triumph which ended this memorable war. Rome had long been accustomed to magnificent sights of tliis kind. The conquerors of Tarentum and Carthage, of Philip and Antiochus, had ex- hibited before the Human people the greatness of their exploits in brilliant shows. But the pa-t was entirely eclipsed by the magnificence of the procession which brought home to the Romans the fact that the empire of Alexander the Great was completely over- tin MWII. The festival lasted three days. On the first day two hundred and fifty wagons, containing the painting- and statues "taken in the war, were driven through the streets and exhibited to the people. On the second day were seen wagons with trophies con- sisting of pile* of the finest and most precious arms. Then followed the procession of three ihou-and men carrying the captured silver ; after these the vesse's of silver, drink- ing horns, bowls, and goblets. The third day was the most magnificent of the whole festival. A string of anima'.s decorated for sacrifice was followed by the bearers of the captured gold ana golden ves>els, the heirlooms of the dynasty of Macedonia. Then came the royal chariot of Perseus with his arms Mid his diadems ; behind it walked his children, led by their attendants and tutors. Next came Perseus himself in unkingly garb, bowed down and completely broken in spirits. His friends and higher servants, who had been taken prisoners in war, and now walked behind their master, had tears and prayers only for him, and almost forgot their own fate in contemplation of his over- whelming mi.-fortune. Four hundred golden crowns, the offerings of Greek communi- ties \vi>rr cirried behind the prisoners : then came the general himself on his chariot, dre^-ed in the garb and decked with the insignia of Jupiter Capitolinus. with a laurel branch in his hand. The whole army was also adorned with laurels, and marched in warlike order behind their chief, singing songs of victory, mingled with occasional sal- lies of satire directed against him. A solemn sacrifice in the Capitol concluded the fes-. tival. Vine, vol. iii.. p." 187 f. 3 In ^Etolia the league ws diohed ; Acarnania was allowed to continue an inde- pendent form of government ; Epirus \va- punished and ravaged for deserting the Roman side ; Bceotia wa> divided into four districts. 4 Popillu< Laenas was the ambassador who carried the message of the senate. He met the king near Alexandria and handed him the letter ordering him to leave Egypt. The kins: replying that 1'e would consider the matter, Popillus drew with his staff a circle on the ground around the king, saying : "Before you step out of this circle tell me what 1G6 THE J)K>T!;l '< TION or CORINTH. [B.C. 1-46. 5. The Achaean League. The puni.-hment of the Achaeans, who had taken no part in the war, was peculiarly severe. In pursuance of the policy hitherto adopted in the other states, of removing all suspicious persons to Italy, the decree was issued that all accused Acha-ans should be sent to Italy and an- swer the charges against them there. More than one thousand of the noblest Achaeans were transported to Italy, and Mere kept in prison in the towns in Etruria for seventeen years with- out a trial. Among the exiles was Polybius, the great historian whose long residence at Rome and intimate friendship with Scipio Africanus and other leading statesmen gave him that accurate information and extended knowledge of Roman policy which admirably fitted him for the task he undertook, viz.: to write the history of the union of the Mediterranean states under the hegemony of Rome. 1 The control of the Acha-an league fell into the hands of Callicrates, a strong partisan of Rome who had been chiefly instrumental in procuring the pun- ishment of the Achaeans. After languishing in prison for seven- teen years, the exiles, by the influence of Africanus and Cato, were allowed to return to their native land (B.C. 151). The number was reduced to three hundred, and returning to their country bitterly exasperated at their long confinement, they were ready to engage in any enterprise against Rome. 6. The Destruction of Corinth (B.C. 14G). The oppor- tunity was offered by Andriscus, a pretended son of Perseus, who raised the standard of rebellion. Andriscus met at first with some success, but was soon conquered and taken prisoner. The Achaeans were defeated in two engagements by Metellus. 2 vi-wer I shall bear to the senate " (Liv. xlv. 12). The king saw that resistance was nse- il yielded ID the demand- of Home. 1 The hi-tory of Polybiu- con-i-ted of forty hooks (the first five of which only are ex ;ant), and embraced the period from the accession of Philip to the extinction of Grecian delict- i is. (. -,>2 -l KM. A- lie lived from about B. c. 308 to B. c. 127, and his inti- macy with the leading state-men irave him an opportunity of learning the earlier events, the work is almost a contemporaneous hi-tory. 1 The rlittriix nfthf irar. Athens, which hi id suffered greatly during the war, in order to indemnify her-elf. sent a plundering expedition nir-iinst OropOS. The Oropians ap- pealed to Rome, which referred the question to the Siey.mians. and Athens was con- demned to pay 500 talents. An emba--y. at the head of which stood the academician Car- iiividi-s. the stoic Diogenes, and I he peripatetic Critokui-, wa* sent to Rome to deprecate the -everity of i lie -entence. The appearance of these three eminent men in the senate produced >iich an effect among the admirers of the Greek language and literature (the speeches were translated by Gajus Acilius for those who did not understand Greek) that B. C. 146.] THE THIKD PUNIC WAR. 167 His successor Mumraius soon brought the struggle to a close. Corinth, where the remnant of the Achsean army had taken refuge, was stormed and burnt to the ground (B. c. 146). The inhabitants were either slain or reduced to slavery, the works of art were sent to Rome, and the richest city of Greece, which Cicero called the " eye of Hellas," l was blotted from the face of the earth. 2 7. Macedonia a Roman Province (B.C. 146). Mace- donia, enlarged so as to include Apollonia and Dyrrhachium on the Adriatic, became a Roman province. The old divisions were abolished, each community was allowed local self-government, and the general administration was, like that of Sicily, under the control of a governor sent annually from Rome. The super- vision of the different communities in Greece was entrusted to the governor of Macedonia, but it was not until the time of Augustus that Greece, under the name of Achaja, was regu- larly organized as a Roman province. CHAPTER, XXVII. THE THIIID PUNIC WAR (B. C. 14-9-146). 1. Roman Policy. During this period of conquest in the East, Rome kept up a system of surveillance by sending to the flue was reduced to 100 talents. This sum the Athenians were unable to pay, and a c unpromise wa- etl'ected with the Oropians, and a garrison was placed in their town. When they wished t> get rid of this garrison, they applied to the Achaean league, and bribed the Spartan. Menalcidas who was chief of the league, to help them. He promised half of the bribe to Callicrates f influence, a promise which he failed to keep, andCal- licrates brought an action for the money. Menalcidas applied to Diaeusand bribed him, and from tai - dispute about money, the quarrel between Sparta and the Achaean league arose which c.m-ed Rome to interfere. The league under Critoliin : was defeated first by Mi't.'llns at Scarphea, and then under the lead of Diaeus by Mummius at Leucopetra, on tin- t ;ult' ot Corinth, which is not mentioned on any other occasion. 1 Lumen toii'/s Grcecice. * [The destruction of Corinth] by no means proceeded from the brutality of any single individual, least of all of Mummius, but was a measure delibera ed and resolved on by the Roman senate. We >hall not err if we recognize it as the work of the mercantile party, which even thus early began to interfere in politics by the side of the aristocracy proper, and which, in destroying Corinth, got rid of a commercial rival. If the great merchants of Rome had anything to >-ay in the regulation of Greece, we can understand why Corint'i wa< singled out for punishment, and why the Romans not only destroyed the city as it stood, but al>o prohibited any future settlements on a gite so pre-eminently favorable f.>r commerce. The Peloponnesian Argos henceforth became the rendezvous for the R>>man merchants, who were very numerous even in Greece. For the Roman whole>ale traffic, however, Delos was of greater importance, Mommsen, vol. iii., p. 54, 168 THE THIRD PUNIC WAR. [B. C. 157. the different states ambassadors 1 who interfered with the gov- ernment, acted as arbiters in disputes between states, ami fermented quarrels on all sides. The object was to scatter seeds of discord and encourage internal disputes. These con- troversies were received with open ears at Rome, arid prolonged by negotiation, until Home found a pretext for interference, and in the end humbled allies and enemies alike. In Greece, particularly, Koine's perfidious policy 2 tormented the different states, until decay and ruin and desolation spread over the land which had once raised itself to the pinnacle of prosperity and happiness by its wonderful achievements in art and literature. It is true that the battle of Pydna had put an end to the detestable policy which left the conquered countries to rule themselves, weakened them by separation, and still sought to entangle them in disputes until a pretext was finally found to crush them. It was this intriguing, insidious policy which Rome pursued with Rhodes, with Pergamus, and particularly with Carthage; this constant encouragement of disputes that finally drove the people to despair and made them prefer any form of slavery rather than be longer exposed to this cruel system. 3 2. The Condition of Carthage. After the conclusion of peace in B.C. 201 Carthage began, by a strict neutrality during th? wars in Macedonia, Asia and Spain, to recover the earn ing-trade of the Mediterranean, which soon restored the old prosperity of the city. This could not fail to awaken the jealousy of Rome. Masinissa* was encouraged in his attack on Carthaginian territory, and being prevented by the terms of the treaty from waging war with any ally of Rome, Carthage was compelled to refer the dispute to Rome. Embassies commenced their work; the land in dispute was assigned to Masinissa. In this way Carthage was amn>\v:l. harassed, and stripped of her territory, her towns and her castles, while by the terms of the 1 Legati. - For MommsenV view, see 1. c. vol. ii.. p. 368. 3 "It would ho better. 1 ' said the Carthaginians, " to live as slaves of the Romans than to posse-s a lilierry i xpo-cd 10 the indolence of Masiiii~>a." Nay, utter ruin was prefer- able to a condition in whicii they were dependent upon the grace of so cruel a tormentor, ii. 23; see Ihne, vol. iii., page 319 note, and p. 325. * See p. 158. B. C. 150.] THE THIRD PUNIC WAR. 169 peace she was prevented from defending her just claims by war. In B. c. 157 an embassy was sent, of which Marcus Porcius Cato was chief, to arbitrate on some new claim of Masinissa. The Carthaginians appealed to the terms of the treaty, while Masinissa professed his willingness to abide by the decision of Rome, whatever it might be. The deputies were astonished Avh-'ii they beheld the increasing prosperity of the city, the harbor thronged with ships, the country highly cultivated, and on every side signs of prosperity and wealth. From this time the decision was fixed to destroy Carthage and remove the only commercial rival that Rome had in the western world. So firmly fixed was this determination, that Cato is said to have ended each of his many speeches with the words, " Carthage must be destroyed." 1 3. War with Masinissa. The opportunity that Rome was seeking for soon occurred. The popular party 2 having obtained the power in Carthage, about forty partisans of Ma- sinissa were banished. When the people refused to receive the exiles, at the request of Masinissa, he marched upon the city, and the Carthaginians, instead of appealing to Rome, took up arms. A battle followed in which the Carthaginians were de- feated, and their army, after passing under the yoke, was treacherously cut to pieces (B.C. 150). These events took place while P. Scipio vEmilianus happened to be at the camp of Masinissa to ask for elephants for the Spanish war. 4. Roman Interference. Carthage had now offered the wishod-for pretext, by taking up arms against an ally of Rome. An embassy was sent to Rome to appease the anger of the senate, but it was coldly received. The Carthaginians were ordered to send three hundred hostages within thirty days and to obey the further commands of the consuls. The hostages were sent, but still fearful forebodings filled the minds of the Carthaginians when the Roman fleet landed at Utica. Here the Carthaginians were informed that all their munitions of 1 /)' fenda eat Carthago. * There were throe parties in Carthage : the aristocratic party which favored Rome ; the democratic or popular party ; and a Nmnidian party which sought to free themselves from their dependency on Rome by an alliance with Numidia. 170 THE THIRD PUNIC WAR. [B. C. 147. war must be surrendered, as they could no longer have any occasion for arms, since they would hemvforth be under the protection of Rome. When this demand was complied with, the consuls, thinking that the state was now delVncdcss, threw off the mask and announced the final irrevocable decree of the senate : " That Carthage must be destroyed and the inhabi- tants must settle ten miles from the sea." Then the Cartha ginians realized to its full extent the revolting perfidy, the perfidious policy of the Roman state. 5. Siege of Carthage. When this news reached Car- thage the spirit of resistance burst all bounds. One thought, one feeling animated the people, to fight to the death. Their temples were turned into workshops, supplies were collected, and arms were manufactured day and night ; the women sacri- ficed their long hair to make strings for the catapults, the whole town resounded with preparations for Avar, llasdrubal, who had been expelled to please the Romans, was recalled and entrusted with the chief command ; without allies, without ships, almost without arms, the Garth aginiaus maintained the unequal struggle for nearly four years. When the consuls, after a short respite, advanced from Utica to Carthage, they found that matters were changed, and that, after an unsuccessful at- tack, the town could only be taken by the slow process of a siege. For this they were utterly incompetent, and the army is said to have been saved from destruction on one occasion by Scipio ^Emilianus, 1 who was serving as military tribune. 6. Capture and Destruction of Carthage. As no per- manent success was gained, the people determined to confer the consulship on Scipio, and give him the command in Africa, 8 although he was only thirty-seven years of age and therefore legally disqualified for the office. 3 In B. c. 147 he landed in Africa, forced his way into Carthage, took it almost house by house, firing it as he advanced, until finally only the citadel 1 It was In an expedition into the interior that, according to Appian (who borrowed from Polybius), Scipio saved the Roman army. It i> not surprising that Polybius every opportunity to praise his friend and jui).-il. "Without the senate's resorting to the u-ual decision by casting lots. ' Bj the lex annalis of B. c. 180 ; see p. 185. n. 4. B. < . UG.] THE THIKD PUNIC WAR. 171 remained. When this surrendered, fifty thousand men, women, and children were carried away as captives, and the town, after being plundered, was consigned to the flames, which raged for seventeen days. As Scipio beheld the desolation of the once flourishing city, he is said to have shed tears, and to have given vent to his sad presentiment in the words of Homer : " The day shall surely come when sacred Troy will fall, Aud Priam, and the peopls of the ash-speared Priam, all I " ' When Polybius, who had accompanied him to Africa, asked what he meant by these words, Scipio replied that he was thinking of Rome and foresaw the ruin of his own country. A splendid triumph awaited Scipio on his return to Rome, and the surname Africanus, already his by adoption, he had DOW acquired by his own exploits. 2 7. Africa a Roman Province. The territory of Car- thage was joined to Utica, which became the capital of the new province of Africa. 3 The towns which had sided with Rome became free cities, while those that had adhered to Carthage were punished with loss of land, which was partly added to the public domain, 4 and leased to occupants, 5 and partly restored to the former communities on condition that they should pay a fixed tribute 6 to Rome. The Roman merchants flocked to Utica, and henceforth conducted the inland and foreign trade that had formerly belonged to Carthage from that port. In this way Roman customs and manners, the Latin language and literature, were carried to Africa. The rich Libyan 7 plains even surpassed Sicily in their production of corn. The site of Car- thage was plowed, and a curse pronounced against any one who should undertake to rebuild the city. 1 Homer'? fliad, vi. 448-9. 2 He was the son of ^Emilius Paullus, the hero of Pydna, and had been adopted by Pnhliu* Cornelius Scipio, the elder son of the elder Africanus ; according to custom he retained the name of his own pen*, and assumed that of his new father ; his full name \va< Publins Cornelius Scipio JEim!ianu< Africanus, to which that of Numantinus was afterwards added. 3 The province of Africa included only the territory that Carthage possessed last, I. (., the territory along the coasts of Zeogitana and Byzacium. See map, p. 217. * Sfipen the Greeks ; they applied the name of Libya to the \\ hole continent. I't'-i THE CAUSES OF KOMI:'- i.KI.ATN! 8. The Formation of the Roman Empire. Rome had now extended her dominion over the chief countries that skirted the shores of the Mediterranean. Before turning to study the manner in which the .senate managed these depend- encies, let us attempt to determine, if possible, hew a great city could have grown up on such a site as that of Rome, and at- tained such superiority over the other towns in Latium and in Italy, and then over the countries around the Mediterranean. In fertility of soil and healthfulness of climate the situation of Rome was far inferior to that of most of the old Latin towns. Neither is Rome's supremacy sufficiently explained by saying that the people were warlike aii'l fond of conquest, for BO was nearly every nation in antiquity ; and besides, the Romans and Sabines, that united to form the predominant element of the Roman people, were offshoots of the Sabellian stock to which nearly all the races in Italy belonged. We have already learned that the career of conquest on which the Romans en- tered with so much energy and perseverance was far from being a contrived plan carried out from generation to genera- tion by men of genius. Rome was singularly barren of great men, and during this whole period of conquest the Roman aristocracy confined its ideas to Italy, and desired nothing but its sovereignty. What then were the causes that rai-ed this city on the Tiber first to the position as ruler over the sur- rounding country, then over Italy, and finally over the Medi- terranean sta: 9. The Causes of Rome's Superiority. The chief causes that contributed to this end were first the site of the city itself. The other Latin towns were built on isolated hills, but Rome v/as situated on a group of hills which wore easily defensible, and at the same time so near to each other that the political isolation of each was impossible, and that some kind of federation * was necessary for the maintenance of internal peace. The people were compelled therefore to agree upon some terms of amicable life or to submit to the miseries of 1 Synolkixmus. THE CAUSES oi.' HOME'S GREATNESS. 1?3 internecine warfare. Community of interest then compelled the various settlements on the different hills to unite for mu- tual protection, and the ties that bound these political commu- nities together were riveted by those of the gentes, curies, and tribes. The site, too, was admirably adapted to make Eome the emporium of Latium ; and the ready accea- to it up the river, while it was at the same time remote enough to be pro- tected from the pirates that infested the Tyrrhenian sea, invited adventurers wandering over the Mediterranean to make it their home. This accounts in a measure for the rapid growth of the population. Even the sterility of the soil may have encouraged the warlike spirit of the early Eomans, and have induced them to undertake their frequent wars for the sake of booty ; while the malaria that infested the lower parts of the city, particu- larly when the valleys between the hills were swamps, may have served as a barrier to ward off attacks when other re- sources failed. The principle of association then based on cal- culations of interest lay at the root of the early vigor of Eome, and gave the people the first predominance over the isolated cities of Latium. 1 10. Secondary Causes. This principle, however, did not stop here, but city after city and tribe after tribe were in- vited or compelled to join the leading power, until all of Italy formed one vast confederacy, around which Eome wove a net- work of colonies and military roads. After the conquest of Italy, the geographical position of Eome, in the centre of the Italian peninsula, by which she was enabled to divide like a wedge the northern from the southern half and thus subdue her enemies separately, greatly facilitated the career of foreign conquest. This position prevented her enemies from combin- ing 2 and attacking the city simultaneously on all sides. Thirdly, the similarity of race which bound the Eomans by ties of blood and customs to the Latins, Samnites, and 1 Ihne, Early Borne, p. 7. 1 The ancient world knew nothing of a balance of power among nations, and therefore every nation which had attained internal unity strove to subdue its neighbors. Mcrmm- sen, iii., p. 333. 174 SPANISH WARS. |li. c. 200. the other indigenous races in Italy, enabled them to appear as the protectors and champions of Italy, and to unite all the other races under their lead in repelling the invasion of foreign enemies. 1 Finally the admirable political system and military organization, based upon the character of a people like the Romans, with so much inherent energy and ]>er-c\erance, were important elements that contributed largely to their suc- cess. When they had once entered upon a Avar, no obstacle discouraged them, no power could arrest their progress. Their defeats were but incentives for greater efforts, and, urged on by an uncontrollable instinct, they gained the sovereignty of three continents. CHAPTER XXVIII. SPANISH AVARS (B.C. 200-133) K\ TI:N-IOX OF THE PRO- VINCIAL SYSTEM THE CONDITION OF THE SLAVES. 1. The Oppression in Spain. In the year B. c. 205 Spain had been formed into two provinces, 2 although the Roman dominion was established in only a small part of the country. The country was easy of defence and the people brave and fond of war. Although efforts uad been made to colonize it, 3 and in this way bring it under the influence of Rome, yet little had been accomplished, and the native tribes were in a continual state of revolt. Marcus Porcius Cato was sent to the country in B. c. 195 ; he arrayed the different tribes against each other, gained several decisive victories, and on his return to Rome, boasted that he had destroyed more towns 1 Ihne, Hist, of Rome, vol. iii., p. 427. - The two provinces were called Hispania Citerior and Hispania Ulterior, and were divided by the Iboni<. ' Scipfo had settled his 'soldiers in Spain and founded Italica (B ".. 205). B. c. 154.] SPANISH WAKS. 175 than he had spent days in Spain (B. c. 194). The senate under- took to control the rapacity of the Spanish governors, and the first of those judicial commissions, 1 which afterwards became so numerous, and which were designed to protect the provin- cials, was appointed. Spain enjoyed comparative quiet for a few years, and treaties 2 were formed with a number of towns, stipulating that in return for war contributions or auxiliaries, Kome guaranteed them protection. Still there was but little real gain ; the Roman dominion was recognized only on the eastern border, the tribes in the interior and to the north were but little known, and had never come under the Roman yoke. The military service in Spain, which offered but little plunder and no easy, bloodless victories, was becoming daily more dis- tasteful to the Roman soldier. 2. War with the Celtiberians. In the year B.C. 154 Quoestiones repelundarum. By T. Sempronius Gracchus. 1?6 SPANISH WARS. [B. C. l-'H). it happened that the people of Segeda were occupied in en- larging their town, when the order came from Rome bidding them to desist, and to furnish tribute and auxiliaries. The order they refused to obey, because according to the treaty they were only forbidden to build a new town, and not to en- large one already existing, and because they had hitherto neither paid tribute nor supplied soldiers. War broke out, and the con- sul, Fulvius Nobilior, was defeated with great loss. The peo- ple of Segeda took refuge in Numantia and defeated the Romans again under the walls of that city. In the same year (B. c. 153), the Lusitaniaus revolted and defeated a Roman army. The next year the consul M, Claudius Marcellus concluded a treaty with the Arevacians and other tribes, on condition that they should pay tribute and give hostages. When Lucullus, the next consul, arrived in Spain the following year, finding the war had been ended and his hopes of bringing home honor and especially plunder frustrated, he turned his arms against the tribes ! at peace with Rome. 3. War in Lusitania. Meanwhile Sulpicius Galba was vying in Lusitania with Lucullus in treachery and deceit. When the Lusitanians sent ambassadors to him to ask for peace, he received them kindly, lamented the condition of their country, and promised to settle their people on fertile lands. After having collected them to the number of many thousands and disarmed them, they were surrounded by his own troops and murdered (B. C. 150). This outrage was too much even for the Roman people, accustomed as they were to so many acts of cruelty and treachery. Cato preferred charges against Galba, but his wealth and great gifts as an orator (he was one of the most famous orators of his time) procured his acquittal in the assembly of tribes. 4. Viriathus. Among the few who escaped the massacre was Viriathus. who, as the avenger of his people, carried on the fiery war 2 in Spain against the vast power of Rome for 1 He attacked the Vaccseans gained possession of Cauca by treachery, slew the inhab- itants, and plundered the town. 1 Polybius, xxxv. 1. B.C. 143.] SPANISH WARS. 177 more than ten years. Army after army was defeated, year after year the incompetent Roman commanders fell into the same traps. Even Q. Fabius Maximus 1 was unable to break the power of the Lusitanians and defeat the wily Viriathus. In the year B. c. 141 Viriathus formed a treaty with Rome which recog- nized him as the friend of the Roman nation, but the consul for the next year, in open violation of the treaty, renewed the war. Viriathus was defeated and compelled to sue for peace. \\ hen the Lusitanians were ordered to give up their arms, Viri- athus, convinced that the treachery of Galba was to be re- peated, was meditating a last desperate resistance, when he was murdered by his own envoys (B. c. 130), who had been bribed by the Roman consul Servilius Caepio to do the deed. So low had Roman honor and valor descended that the proconsul did not hesitate to employ the hand of the assassin to rid himself of an enemy whom he could not defeat in the field. 5. The Numantine war (B.C. 143-133). In the mean- while the Celtiberians had revolted and renewed the war, which centred round Numantid, and which defied the Roman arms for ten years. During the first two years the war was con- ducted by Metellus Macedonicus 2 with considerable degree of success, but his successors experienced repeated defeats and disasters. Finally Gajus Hostilius Mancinus was brought to such straits by his own incapacity and the cowardice of his soldiers, that he was compelled to sign a treaty in which ho acknowledged the independence of the enemy. The senate repudiated the treaty, and the commander was surrendered by the Roman fctialis. Naked and with chained hands he stood bound before the town, but the Xumantines, like Pontius, refused to accept the sacrifice, and Mancinus returned to the camp and then to Rome. The war continued in the same disastrous manner until B.C. 134, when Scipio Africanus 3 took the command. Three men, Gajus Marius, who was afterwards 1 This \va- the eldest son of ^Emilias Paulas, who had been adopted into the Fabian gens; his full name was Quintus Fabius Maximus JZmtlianus. * See pasrc 124 3 Scipio \va- re-elected consul, notwithstanding t.ie law passed in B. c. 151 prohibiting the re-election of a consul ; see Mommsen, Rdm Staatr. i., p. 425. B.C. 133.] THE CONDITION OF THE SLAVES. 179 seven times consul, Jugurtha, the grandson of Masinissa, and Tiberius Gracchus, who was destined to play an important part in Roman history, served under Scipio. Scipio's first efforts were devoted to the restoration of the discipline of the army. He drove the vast rabble of camp-followers, traders and traf- fickers who supplied the soldiers with articles of luxury, from the camp. He reduced the amount of baggage to what was actually necessary for the wants of each soldier, and by con- stunt drill and exercise succeeded in bringing his soldiers back to a suitable condition for war. 6. Siege of Numantia. Scipio now advanced to the siege o" Numantia. The inhabitants defended themselves with wonderful heroism and courage, and it was not until they had suffered the most dreadful extremities of famine, eating even the bodies of the dead, that they surrendered. Fifty of the principal citizens were selected to adorn Scipio's triumph, the rest were sold as slaves and the town was razed to the ground. Scipio now assumed the surname of Numantinus in addition to his title of Africanus. All serious resistance in Spain was at an end ; and the country, by the great influx of Roman traders, speculators, merchants, and settlers, became rapidly Romanized. Great towns sprang up as centres for the vast inland commerce in corn, wool, wine, and mineral products, and Latin soon became the official language of both the Spanish provinces. 7. The Province of Asia (B.C. 129) The same year in which Spain was subdued the first province beyond the Helles- pont was acquired. Attains III., the sixth kin g of Pergamus, died in B.C. 133, leaving no children. He bequeathed his kingdom and treasures to the Roman people. Aristonicus, a natural son of Eumenes the father of Attains, laid claim to the throne, but he was soon defeated and taken prisoner. The country was formed into a Roman province under the name of Asia. 8. The Increase in Slavery. The slave population, during the wars in the East, had increased enormously. On the large estates the labor was almost entirely performed by gangs of slaves ; the immense herds of cattle on the pasture-lands \veir tended by slaves who were made responsible for their flocks 180 THE SERVILE WAR. [B. C. 134. and were left to find subsistence as they could. Almost all had once been freemen, and no marked difference of color or race or civilization placed the master above the slave. The Roman nobles, as occupiers of the public lauds, found it profitable to cultivate them by slave-labor. The free population in Italy, particularly the possessors of small farms, had so decreased that large tracts were parcelled into sheep-walks. 9. The Servile War (B.C. 134-132). The condition in Sicily was even worse. 1 There a wealthy land-owner, named Damophilus, maltreated his slaves to such a degree that tin \ resolved to have revenge. They found a leader in Eunus. a pretended Syrian prophet. They attacked Knna and plundered the town. The insurrection spread far and wide ; four Ro- man armies were defeated, and the rebels so increased that they numbered two hundred thousand. For three successive years (B.C. 134-132) Roman consuls were sent to the island, but nothing was accomplished towards subduing the insurgents until B. c. 132, when Publius Rupilius brought the war to a close by the capture of their strongholds, Tauromenium (Tanr- *nin(i) and Enna, and as pro-consul, with the aid of ten com- 1 When the slave-; landed in Sicily they were kept by the dealer* in slave-i>ens waiting for purchasers. The wealthy capitalists would buy whole ban-he- at once, brand or mark the slave* like cu'tle. and -e:id them oil to [lie country to work. The young and robust were employed -i- -hej'hcrd-. the other* in agricultural and other labor, worked in IVrci -. to prevent them from running away. All of them had hard service, and their masters supplied them scantily with food and clothing. They cared little about their slave*. They worked them while they were able to work, and the losses by death were replaced by fresh ptircha-es. This want of humanity and prudence in the masters soon produced intolerable mischief. The slaves who were employed in looking after sheep and cattle of necessity had more freedom than tbo-e who were cultivating the ground. Their ma*ter* saw little of them, and left them unprovided with food. suppos- ing th:it they would be able to look after themselves and cost nothing. They -oon found way- of helping themselves. They beurun by robbing and murdering, even in frequented places, travellers who were alone or only in small companies. It became unsafe for traveller- to move about by night, nor could jx-ople any longer safely live on their lands in the country. The shepherd* got po*-e-sion of hut* which the occupant- abandoned, and of arms of variou* kind* aim, and tint* they became holder and more confident. They went about with club* and spear* and the *tave- which were u-ed by herd-men, die-'-ed in wolf-kins or hog*kin-. and already began to make a fonnidable'appearance. They had a great number of fierce dogs with them, and an abundance of food from the milk and flesh of their bea*t*. The Hand wa* filled with roaming band- of plunderers. slave- were b night cheap, and could be made profitable by working them hard : and thus the greediness of gain, the total want of any human feeling in the ma*ters. the neglect of proper discipline among the slave . ..-of security produced by many year- of prosperity, brought thing- gradually to such a -tate that repression of the disorder wa- beyond the power of the ma-ter- or governor* ; for the ma-ters could net reduce -uch sturdy fellows to obedience on e-tatcs far removed from towns, and a Ro- man governor of Sicily had uo army at hi* command. Lotty'n Decline of tlie Rom. vol. i., p. 114 f. B. C. 241.] THE INTERNAL GOVERNMENT. 181 missioners, settled the affairs of the island. 1 On his return to Rome he celebrated a sort of lesser triumph, called ovation. 8 CHAPTER XXIX. THE INTERNAL GOVERNMENT. FARMING THE REVENUE. THE ITALIAN ALLIES. THE NEW NOBILITY. THE CON- DITION OF THE PEOPLE. HELLENIC INFLUENCES. ORIEN- TAL SUPERSTITIONS. SLAVERY. 1. The Provincial System. During the preceding cen- tury the chief countries that skirted the borders of the Medi- terranean had become provinces of Rome : (1) Sicily 8 was acquired in B.C. "Ml ; (2) Sardinia and Corsica, B. c. 238 ; (3) Hispania Citerior and (4) Ulterior, 4 B. c. 206 ; 5 (5) Macedonia, 6 1 By the lex Rupilia ; see map No. 1. - In order to enjoy a triumph the Imperium must have been conferred upon the com- mander in the regular way (hence Ptiblius Scipio, after the conquest of New Carthage in Spain, was not allowed to triumph because he had commanded fine utto maaistratu. Liv. xxviii. 38) ; the war ended, the dominion of the state extended (Liv. xxxix. 29), at least 5,(X)0 <>f the enemy slain in battle, the war must have been a legitimateone, waged under the au-pices in the province, and with the troops of the commander seeking the triumph ; for a maid-Irate as a pro-consul to triumph after the expiration of his term of office, a jid f,i>:c;t HI/I was necessary to allow him to enter the city, while for the consul whose im- ved by rious troops with trains of wagons loaded with sp'oils from the captured cities, entered the /inr'n. iiii/ii'i>h'il mufti i crowned with a wreath of myrtle, and holding a sceptre (xcijrio eburneus) in his ijcrht hand. He was accompanied in his chariot by bis children, while his clients and relatives, clothed in white toira-, surrounded it ; behind him stood a slave holding over his head a golden crown, and whispering in his ear, rexjnce post te, hominem nil-nil nlti ti>. The soldiers wen; in the rear, their spears adorned with laurel; some sang hymns to the gods, some shouted lo triumphs, while others sang songs in praise of their wader, or indulged in sullies of satire, or coarse ribaldry, for the soldiers were released from military discipline and full license of speech was granted on this day. In the ovation the imperator entered the city on foot, or in later times on horseback, clad iu the purple-bordered lobe (tor/a purintrea), his head being crowned with laurel. Instead of a bull he sacrificed a sheep (ovix). hence the name mutio (Serv. ad Verg. A. 4,550). 3 That is, the western part of the island ; the whole island was acquired after the cap- ture of Syracuse in B. c. 210. ' The first enlarged by Celtiberia ; the second by Lusitania, in B. c. 1T9 ; according to Marquardt (Staalsver, p. 99) Spain was organized in B. c. 197. * According to Appian, Hinp. 38. Achaja became practically a province at the same time, although not formally or- ganized, until the time of Augustus. 182 THE INTERNAL tt< >\ H! \ M KNT. [B.C. 149. B. C. 146 ; Illyricum, 1 about B. c. 167 ; Africa, B. c. 146 ; Asia, B. c. 133. Each province was governed generally by a praetor, 3 the number of whom was increased in B. c. 227 to four and in B.C. 197 to six. These provincial governors received no salarv, but they were entitled to exact certain contributions from the provincials for the support of themselves and suite. 3 They pos- sessed the supreme military and civil authority, and no matter how serious the complaints were against their management, they were irremovable during their term of office. At its expi- ration, it is true, they could be brought to trial either before the people or before the senatorial judges, 4 but there was little prospect of conviction in a suit brought by a poor man or by a foreigner against a powerful member of the ruling aristocracy, especially since it was tried before jurymen far removed from the scene, and if not involved in like guilt, at least belonging to the same order as the accused. 5 2. Roman Governors. After B. c. 149 it became the general practice for the praetors 6 to spend their first year of office in Rome, and the second year as pro-pra.'tors to undertake the management of a province. 7 For many years these governors ruled the provincials with honesty and protected them from the oppression of the revenue-farmers. 8 But gradually they relaxed 1 Livy (xlv. 2*5, 11) designate- Illyricum a-- a province : see 338, n. 1. ' A consul \va- sent only in ca-e of a dsngWOUt war. 1 Cohors; consisting of (juaMors, secretaries, notaries, lictors, augurs, and public criers. A criminal prosecution was made before the people, a civil suit before a jury selected from the senators. The provinces found some protection from tlic rapacity of Roman officials by be- coming clients of distinguished men who brought the plundering officials to trial on their return to Rome. According to Mominsen this arrangement, by which the governor spent the first year at Rome and the -econd in ihe province, became the established practice from the time of Sulla ; -(< p. ~o7. 1 The population in the province- con-i-ti-d <>f two elae-; : tlio-e to which a certain degree of Independence was granted, and those completely subject to the civil and judi- cial administration of the governor. In the Ont CUM were the (1 1 free cities (ciritate* libera\ : t2i the citie- that were free and exempt from taxes ,,/'/;/'/'> /;/,,/ i ,/ Immvnet)', and (3> the allied ci: I utiti ; the second class paid not only tribute, but a land tax. Piibticini : the-e were the j>ersons who farmed the public revenues (pvblica rectiga- !ia), i.e direr ; tr>'i'nn>. .;/>'"/./. tnt-.f //'-'. *//>///; > principally from the e<|iies- trian order) formed them-elvc- into corporations which enabled them to carry on the business on a large -calo. The land in the provinces was partly given to Roman settlers (aertx fjopuli, quid censorious locari The provinces paid either tenth- iA mnm \. ;i- in Sicily, or a fixed sum (ftfipendiitm} as in the other province-. The collection of the tenths wn farmed out, or leased, to the li'ih'i //I/', who paid a fixed stun into the public treasury and collected what they conld ; they ahu-ed their power and oppres-ed the defenceless provincials to such a decree that even Livy (xlv. 18) says i/tti piiblicantts et, ibi out jtu puARctm rmmi/i. nut U6enattOcUt nulla wherever a tax-co/lector wax employed, either the right* of the people icere disre- garded or the freedom of the allies dextroyKl. 1 When complaints of such extortion (in year B. c. 173) began to be made, they came before the senate; in B.C. 149 the ley Culpurnia < M. I'ovc'u- I.n>ca i tribune B. r. lt)5i extended thi- privilege to Roman citizens living in any part of Italy or the provinces ; and i3> L. Porciu- Licinii- (consul B. c. 15~>, to the Roman citizens nerving in the army, so far a- was consistent with mili- tary discipline. Lanqe, Rom. AUtilh. vol. ii.. pp. 179. 218. 479. 3 Of the vast revenue of the Roman state, (the spoils in the war with Per-eu- amounting to 2.100.000). J in time of peace. r V, in time of war wa> expended in roads, hridios aque- duct-, and public building.-. Tl,' .1 of sewers wa j con.-tructed about B. c. 180; THE INTERNAL GOVERNMENT. 185 from the transmarine provinces had rendered it unnecessary to impose the tribute on Roman citizens since the battle of Pydna. These privileges rendered citizenship from year to year more desirable, and made the allies feel that they were subjects of Rome. When they saw the chasm growing greater, and that it was spanned by no bridge, a profound dissatisfaction prevailed throughout the whole Italian confederacy. 6. Formation of New Parties. In Rome itself the condition of things was not much better. The old opposition be- tween the plebeians and the patricians had been removed by the Hortensian and Maenian laws, 1 only to be renewed under another form. The common people rose in revolt against the new nobility, composed of the members of those families that had held a curule magistracy, 2 and were members of the senate, and thus virtually renewed the old contest. The increasing power of wealth to influence elections, the initiative of the senate in legislation, the exclusion of all "new men" 3 from the higher magistracies, threw the government 4 more and more into the In B.C. 171 the streets of Rome were paved ; in B.C. 160 the Pomptine marshes were drained, and the magnificent aqueduct*, which even in their rains are the admiration of modern time-, were beu'iin by the priefor O. Marcius (B.C. 144). In B.C. 159 the first clepsydra up by Scipio ^Sasica. The Romans for nearly 500 years possessed .no clocks. At first they guessed at the time from the position of the sun, not even dividing the day into hours. Afterwards twenty-four hours were reckoned from midnight to midnight, but the day, from the rising to the setting sun. was divided into twelve hours. After sun- dials (solarium) (about B. c. 294) were introduced, the day was divided into twelve equal parts, and the night into twelve hours. Hence the hours of night and day were of variable length, and only equal at the equinoxes. In order to compare the Roman hours with ours we must alwnvs know the natural length of the day at Rome. For a full comparison see l^lirlnn-'i f a man were not made until hie was dead. Such a person, then, was not nobilis in the full sense of the word nor yet was he ignobilis. He was called novus homo, or a "new man." * A law was carried in B. c. 342 (see p. 82) to prevent re-election to the same office until after ten years, and in B. c. 180 (by the le.r annaH?) the order in which the magistracies must be sought was defined, and the age before which they could not be held was Used : the 186 THE INTERNAL GOVERNMENT. [B. C. 194. hands of u few great houses. 1 In this way the old republican aristocracy was transformed into a family oligarchy. 7. Separation of the Orders. Upon those whose ances- tors had attained to any of the curule magistracies there were bestowed certain privileges the most ancient of which was the permission to place the wax images of such ancestors 2 in the family hall and external .nsignia, of which the stripe of pur- ple 3 on the tunic, the golden finger ring, 4 the silver mounted housings 5 of the youths, and the golden amulet caso 6 of the boys were the most important. These served to distinguish the noble families, and combined with the innovation introduced by Scipio (B. c. 194), of assigning the front seats of the theatre 7 to the senatorial order, and the fact that the senators who had been consuls, praetors, or curule aediles were honored with cer- tain special privileges, 8 drew a sharp line between the ruling class and the people. 8. The Aim of the Nobility. During this period the nobility sought to gain sole and exclusive control of the gov- ernment by means of the senate and equites. 9 Formerly the censor had placed the names of worthy men on the list of senators who had not held a curule office, and sometimes ex- pelled unworthy members from that body although they did belong to the nobility. Now the aim of the governing aristoc- racy was to grant to the senate the power of filling up its own ranks by legally entitling every one who had held a curule magistracy to a seat in that body, and by making it the duty of the censor, 10 on erasing from its list any name, to give tin- reasons in writing. As the nobility succeeded in confining -;he higher offices to their own clique, the senate gained control over both modes of admission to its ranks election to a curule office and nomination by the censor. The government man- earliest age for the (iiuestorship was 27 : for the iedi!cship. 37 ; for the praetorship, 40 ; for the connuohip, 43. 1 According to Mominsen (Rom. Forsch. p. 71. ff.) some fifteen or sixteen houses con trolled the government to the end of the republic. : />/* imai-iin'mi. 1 Latut davut. Ann>i/n# ut/re>i*. ' Phalera. ' Bulla aurra. ' In the orchestra. ' See p. 88. n. 2. See p. 23 and p. 210, note 6. '" One censor had the right to veto his colleague '< decision, and his successor conic! entirely cancel it. Further, the list was not liable to revision at any time, as formerly, but only once in five years. THE INTERNAL GOVERNMENT. aged m the same way with the equites. Senators, 1 although past the age when they could serve in the cavalry, and young men of the nobility were allowed to vote in the equestrian cen- turies, and thus to exert undue influence in the comitia. And further, in order to bring the public assemblies more and more under the control of the ruling aristocracy, large numbers of freedmen, the political retainers 2 of the noble houses, were admitted to the franchise either by legal enactment 8 or by the carelessness and collusion of the censor. The lower classes of voters, the city rabble, were also systematically corrupted by largesses of corn and by the public games which the rich cele- brated with great expense and splendor in order to curry favor with the voters. These assemblies were also brought more and more under the influence of the governing aristocracy as the body of citizens increased, because the elements which composed them grew more numerous and varied and widely separated, and therefore more easily managed by the presiding officer. The magistrate alone had the right of addressing the assemblies; and the people stood and assented to his proposals. The voters were too widely scattered to be instructed beforehand and to agree upon any unity of action. Therefore it is not to be wondered at that it had long been the custom for the more important affairs of state, the entire foreign policy, to be settled in the senate. 9. The Condition of the People. Originally the Bo- mans had been a hardy and industrious race and had lived on their small farms and cultivated them with their own hands. During the war with Hannibal the devastation of Italy had been so great that the small farms had almost entirely disap- peared. The armies destined for foreign service were com- posed chiefly of veterans, many of whom served for fourteen years. They became estranged from civil life, adopted the habits of soldiers, and relied chiefly on plunder. The condi- tion of Italy, particularly after the Hannibalic war, was favor- able for indulging such propensities. A great number of the V p 23 and p. 210, n. 6. ' Ulientes. As to * r. 240. i&8 T11K INTKUXAI. (ioVKKNMKNT. [fi. C. 23$. Italians had joined Hannibal, their towns were given up to plunder, and large tracts of land weiv COM fixated. The sol- diers could seldom make use of the spoils that fell into their hands, and therefore had recourse to the retinue of traders that followed in the wake of the armies, converted their plunder into ready money, which was soon .squandered, and returned home to swell the impoverished crowd that was daily increasing in the capital. The result was that during the long wars the rich grew richer, and the poor poorer ; productive lahor declined when a vast amount of wealth poured into Rome from the conquered states. The proletarians increased to an alarming extent, and by the largesses of corn and the enormous sums spent in public festivals l fell more and more under the power of the few reigning families. 10. The Agrarian Law of Flaininius. All over Italy large tracts of land were deserted, thousands of people were impoverished, and what was worse, disinclined to earn an honest living by toil in the field or in the workshop. There were some who saw the evils that threatened the state and sought to avert them by wise measures of reform, but they were thwarted by the calculating avarice and selfishness of the nobility, and the state continued on the downward road and approached nearer and nearer the fatal catastrophe. G. Flaminito saw clearly the danger that threatened the state, and strove against the entire opposition of the Roman aristocracy to remove it. The people however sided with him. and he was able to carry his measures for reform in the plebeian assembly of tribes in direct opposition to the senate. 2 The law passed during his tribunate (H. c. 232), assigning the territory of the Senonian Gauls to Roman set- tlers, has been mentioned. 3 He was elected consul in B. c. 222, and conducted the war against the Insubrians. When the trib- une G. Claudius proposed the law to prevent the nobility from 1 TL3 pnblic festival* were religion* ceremonies instituted to pacify the gods. To the great Roman games instituted in the retral i'on. a stanch defender of the aristocracy (Lues the decline of the Roman state" from this time. ' See page 129. B. C. 234] 1HE INTERNAL GOVERNMENT. 189 speculating in government contracts by forbidding senators and their sons to engage in foreign trade or to own any vessel be- yond a certain size, Flaminius was the only man in the senate who was outspoken in favor of the measure. 1 The disastrous defeat which Varro, the popular leader, suffered in the Hanni- balic war, threw the entire control of the government again into the hands of the senate. 11. Cato's Efforts for Reform. There were also other men who saw with regret the decline of the old national vigor and the spread of corruption, and strove to resist it. Such was Marcus Porcius Cato, 2 who was born at Tusculum in B. c. 234. lie was brought up on his father's Sabine farm, where his at- tachment to the hardy habits of his ancestors was encouraged by his neighbor Curius Dentatus, the conqueror of Pyrrhus. 1 The reform in the order of voting, effected soon after the first Punic war, was due to the opposition, and was a change in favor of the people. Hitherto the equites and the first class had constituted a majority of the 193 centuries ; as it was now arranged each of the thirty-five tribes was divided into five classes, each class was subdivided into two cen- turies, thus giving 3150 centuries, which with the eighteen centuries of equites and the five centuries of Hiiiths, carpenters, &c., made the sum of 373. The right of priority in voting was withdrawn from the eqnites, and transferred to a division chosen from the first class by lot. About this time began the agitation in regard to the manner of voting fur ek-c:ions of inngistrates and in public trials. Hitherto each citizen declared the can- didate for whom he voted : now the opposition demanded the ballot (tabella), hence the laws were called leges tjibdlarix ; the first law (Ifx Gatrinia) for the election of magistrates In an election, the name of the candidate ; for the enactment of a law, U. JS. (uti roges) for the affirmative, and A. (antique) for the negative. * GENEALOGICAL TABLE. 1. M. PORCIUS CATO CENSORIUS, cos. B. c. 195, cens. B.C. 184. m. 1. LICINIA, 2. SALONIA. 2. M. PORCIUS CATO LICIXIANUS, 3. M. PORCIUS CATO SALONIAHUB, pr. design. B. c. 152, m. EMILIA. praetor. 4. M. PORCIUS CATO, 5. G. PORCIUS CATO, 6. M. PORCIUS CATO, 7. L. PORCITTS CATO cos. B. c. 118. cos. B. c. 114. Tr. pi. m. LIVTA. cos. B. c. 89. 8. M. PORCIUS CATO, praetor. M. PORCIUS CATO UTICENCIS, pr. B. c. 54. m. 1. ATILIA, 3. MARCLA. PORCIA. m. L. DOMITIUS AHENOBARBUS 1!'0 Till; INTKKNAL GOVERN Ml .\l. [fi. C. 195. Cato entered public life under t IK- patronage of Valerius Flaccus,a lover of the olden times in which the fanner was called from his plow to lead the armies of the commonwealth. He was seven- teen when he served his first campaign. He fought with honor through the whole Hunnihalic war. He rose from one office to another until in B.C. 195 he became consul, crossed the line, and entered that well-fenced circle from which the efforts of the aristocracy were to exclude all " new men." He distin- guished himself by opposing all corruption. He resisted the repeal of the Oppian law, Avhich forbade a woman to possess more than one ounce of gold, or to wear a garment of diverse colors, or to ride in the city in a carriage. Cato was the same in the forum as on the battle-field. He battled manfully against the prevailing corruption. His prompt and ready wit, his knowledge of Roman law and Eoman a Hairs, made him a dreaded opponent, as he laid before his colleagues the list of their shortcomings. 12. Prosecution of the two Scipios. After the battle of Zama, Cato took an active part in the measures which led to the accusation of Scipio. When the tribune, at his instigation, preferred a charge against Lucius Scipio of being bribed by Antiochus, and Lucius was about to produce his accounts, his brother Africanus snatched them from his. hand and tore them up, saying that it was unworthy for a man to be called to account for a few thousands, who had paid millions into the treasury. This haughty conduct contributed to the con- viction of Lucius, and lie was sentenced to pay a heavy fine. As he was being led away to prison, Africanus attempted to liberate him, and a violent conflict was averted only by the interference of the tril.uue Tiberius (Jracchus. In u. c. 185 the tribune brought charges against Africanus himself; but the trial happened to come on the anniversary of the battle of Zama. and Scipio invited the people to follow him to the capi- tol and to give thanks for the victory. After this he retired from Rome to his country-seat at Liternum, where, after two years, he died and had this inscription placed on his tomb: " Ungrateful country ! you do not even possess ra v bones." B.C. 184.] THE INTERNAL GOVERNMENT. 191 13. Censorship of Cato. Cato himself did not escape ; he was accused forty-four times, but the people always stood by him. In B.C. 184 he was elected censor with Lucius Flaccus, ftnd devoted himself with honesty and impartiality to the duties of his office. He restrained the farmers of the revenue, levied a heavy tax on articles of luxury, 1 forbade the celebration Df the festival to Bacchus, and was chiefly influential in expel- ling the three Greek philosophers from Rome who had come to procure an abatement in the sum which the Athenians had been ordered to pay the Oropians. 3 In his old age Cato began to waver in his opposition to every thing foreign. He even applied himself to the study of Greek literature, and the love of gain caused him to invest his money in commercial speculations. 3 Cato was honest but thoroughly narrow-minded ; he restricted his ideas to Italy and was averse to the career of conquest which brought the states of the Mediterranean under the dominion of Rome. His measures, however, produced but little lasting effect, and the increase of wealth and the decay of the old re- publican virtues continued. 4 14. The Character of the Roman Government. Not- withstanding the evidences of disorder and decline that were visible in the government at home, in the administration of the provinces, and in the army, we must remember that the downward step was gradual ; that it took many ages of corrup- 1 The opposition carried the lex Orchid (B. r. 182), which limited the number of guests at banquets, the lex Faunia (B. c. 162), the expense, and the lex Didia (B.C. 144>, which made thc-e restrictions applicable to the allies. Cato himself never allowed more than thirty ataet <50c.) for any meal ; no dress cost him more than 100 dtnarii ($21.50) ; no slave more than 1500 denarii ($325) ; he had no carpets in his house, often no wine on his table, and he partook ordinarily of the same fare with his servants. It was at this time that t he booi hs ( tnbermn , c. l!ll more than 240,000 bu-lici- of Sicilian grain were distributed, al ;-' asses CM cent*> per bushel. In C'Mfo'- time Sicilian and Saidinian corn wa* sometime* sold in the Italian ports for the freight. The Average price in ill'- ii"-t .nd M-cond centuries before Christ was oil' va modiug, or about -evcnty CI-M- perhu-hel ' the average price now i- about eighty-live cent- (in the province* of Brandenburg and Pomerania from 1816-41), this difference is probably owini: to the fall in the value of silven. In the time of Poly- bins victuals and lodiriii^r- at an inn in northern Italy cost on an average half an as per day: a bushel of wheat wa* there worth one-third of a t/fnariut. or about six cent*. The result was that wheat-producing land was almost valiuJe--. >//YV. SUMMARY. FIRST PUNIC WAR B. c. 264-241. Carthage. Form of Government. The Relations of Koine and Carthage. Cause of the War. Battle near Syracuse, B.C. 263. Capture of \ rigeiitmii, B.C. 262. Rome Creates a Navy. BattleoflTHIyltv, B.C. 260. Carthage was the most flourishing commercial city on the Mediterranean Sea. Its form of government Was very similar to that of Rome ; there were two chief magis- trates, a senate, and a council of 104. The army was commanded by a dictator. At the time Carthage came in collision with Rome she was the first maritime power in the world. The Carthaginians and Romans for many years had maintained friendly relations, and had, as early as B. c. 348, formed a treaty with each other, which had been renewed in B. c. 279. This alliance, however, had never possessed any real significance, and after the con- quest of Italy by the Romans the two nations began to regard each other with jealous}'. The Carthaginians were aiming to secure possession of Sicily, and the Ro- mans wished, if they could not obtain the island for themselves, to have at least friendly and not too power- ful neighbors there. When it happened, therefore, that the Mamertines, who had seized Messana and were plundering the surrounding country, were on the point of being subdued by Hiero, King of Syracuse, and applied to Rome for assistance, she thought that this was a good opportunity to get a footing in Sicily, and without much hesitation dispatched an army to relieve the Mamer- tines. Before this army could arrive in Sicily, the Car- thaginians had effected a reconciliation between the Mamertines and Hiero. This made no difference to the Roman commander; he crossed to Messana, persuaded the Mamertines to expel the Carthaginians from the town, and finally attacked and defeated Hiero and the Carthaginians near Syracuse. This energy on the part of the Romans alarmed Hiero, and he made a treaty with Rome, and ever afterwards remained a faithful ally. The next year the Romans captured Agrigentum. Nearly all of Sicily was now in the hands of the Romans. The necessity for a navy began now to be felt by the Romans. It was difficult to transport troops to Sicily, and the shores of Italy even were ravaged by the Car- thaginian fleet. The senate set about the work with | such energy that in 60 days 120 ships 1 were launched, and soon after Gajus Duillius gained a great victory over the Carthaginians off Mylse.* 1 Rome had not been hitherto a mere agricultural state, as is proved by many cir- cumstance-: the port-due^ mi exports and imports at Ostia. the commercial treaties with Carthage, and the antiquity of the galley on the city arms. The Roman fleet, how- ever, was insignificant, in comparison with that of Carthage. The Romans had only triremes, and these wen- not fitted to contend with the larger and better manned quip- queremes of the Carthaginians. 3 See account of the ooarding-bridge.?, p. 121 and note 4. 196 SUMMARY. The Romans were now prepared either to invade Africa or to subdue the islands in the .\k<> \>. 181. SUMMARY. 197 Siege of Sag mi tu m, B.C. 219. Battle at the Ticinns. B.C. 2l8. Battle at the Trebia, B.C. 2l8. Battle of Lake TIM iiin-iiii-.. B.C. 2lf. Fabian Policy. Battle of <':i 1111:1- . B.C. 2l6. Battle of Ibera, B.C. 215. Captnre of New O'nrthage, B.C. 207. Buttle at H:< culii. B.C. 2O7. Coii<|itcst of Spain, B.C. 206. army, laid siege to Saguntum, a town in alliance with Rome. This led, as Hannibal expected, to a declara- tion of war. The next spring Hannibal set out with a well equipped army for the invasion of Italy. Crossing the Alps, he descended into the plains of the Po ; here he defeated the Romans under Scipio, first near the river Ticinus, and then at the Trebia.; The next spring Hanni- bal crossed the Apennines, reached the upper Arno, and advanced past Arretium towards Perusia. In a narrow defile near Lake Trasimenus he defeated the consul Flaminius with terrible slaughter. After this battle Hannibal proceeded through Umbria and Picenum to the Adriatic, and sent news to Carthage of his great victories. The Romans appointed Fabius to the com- mand of their army, and he sought to avoid an engage- ment ; but the dissatisfaction became so great that the command was transferred to Paulus and Varro. A murderous battle was fought at Cannae, in which the Roman army was almost annihilated. Man}' of the na- tions in Southern Italy joined Hannibal, and particularly the Capuans. with whom Hannibal took up his winter quarters. The Romans, however, made greater efforts, and placed 21 legions in the field, but the next year passed without any decisive battle. WAR ix SPAIX B.C. 218-206. The two Scipios had been sent to Spain to prevent if possible Hasdrubal, whom Hannibal had left there in command, from sending reinforcements to Italy. They carried on the war at first with vigor, and defeated Has- drubal at Ibera. Many of the Spanish tribes joined the Romans. This enabled the Romans to cross the Ebro, take Saguntum, and to prepare even for the invasion of Africa. Hasdrubal, however, received large rein- forcements, and soon after defeated the Romans. Nearly all Spain was now lost to the Romans, and Hasdruba? was prepared to send reinforcements to his brother in Italy. The Romans, however, displayed that energy that had so often saved them in the crises of their fortune. A new army was raised and the command was entrusted to Publius Cornelius Scipio. Landing at Emporiae, he passed the winter in preparing for the campaign. He surprised and captured New Carthage, and soon after engaged Hasdrubal at Baecula ; the results were so far favorable to Hasdrubal that he was able to carry out his plan to reinforce his brother in Italy. The departure of Hasdrubal left Spain an easy conquest for Scipio. WAR ix SICILY B.C. 214-210. While the war was going on in Italy Hannibal sent envoys to Sicily, and after the death of Hiero, the faith- ful friend of the Romans, the Carthaginian party gained possession of Syracuse. Marcellus, the Roman praetor, 198 SIMM.VRY. Siege of Syra- cuse, B.C. 214-212. Capture of Ta- re lit mil, B.C. 212. ttecapture of Capua, B.C. 211. The Battle of the Mi-(;i urn- . B.C. 207. Invasion of Africa. Hannibal Re- called from Italy, B.C. 203. Buttle of Zama, B.C. 2O2. Term* of Peace. Results of the War. Condition of Italy. soon appeared before the city, which after a stubborr siege fell into his hands. The other towns soon sub- mitted, and Roman rule was restored in Sicily. WAR IN ITALY B.C. 214-203. While these events were going on in Spain and Sicily, Hannibal made but little progress in Italy. The war centred round Capua, which the Romans tried to re- cover, and round Tarentum, which Hannibal finally captured. The next year the Romans recovered Capua, and two years later Fabius Maximus recaptured Taren- tum. Hannibal's only hope of successfully continuing the war rested in procuring aid from his brother Has- drubal. In the year B. c. 207 Hasdrubal crossed the Alps and reached Northern Italy, where he waited for news from his brother. The consul Nero, who was watching Hannibal, managed to intercept Hasdrubal's despatch, and, without the knowledge of Hannibal, to leave his camp, join his colleague Livius Silinator near Sena, an 1 with their united forces completely defeat Hasdrubal. This ended the war in Italy. Hannibal withdrew to Southern Italy. The time had now come tor the invasion of Africa. Scipio was elected consul (for B.c. 205), and in B.C. 204 completed his preparations and landed near Utica. Hannibal was recalled from Italy, and the decisive battle was fought near Zama. The Car- thaginian army was annihilated and Carthage was com- pelled to make peace. The terms of the peace were : (i) Carthage gave up all of her territory beyond Africa; (2) she could engage in no war, either in Africa or out of Africa, without the consent of Rome ; (3) she must give up all prisoners and deserters; (4) the payment of an annual war-contribution of 200 talents for 50 years ; (5) the surrender of all her fleet except 20 vessels ; (6) the recognition of Massinissa as King of Numidia. The results of the war were great for Rome, (i.) Carthage was removed from the position of a rival to that of a small dependent state. (2.) The Roman do- minion was increased by the acquisition of Spain, which was divided into two provinces, and by the territory of Syracuse, which was added to the province of Sicily. (3.) The Roman protectorate was extended to the native tribes in Africa. (4.) The complete supremacy of the sea was transferred to Rome, and the way was opened for the great conflict with the East. (5.) The war tended further to consolidate the Roman power in Italy. The nations in Italy as the Bruttii, Apulians, Samnites, and the Greek cities that had joined Hannibal were deprived of a part of their land, and colonies were established there. The fetters were riveted more firmly on the Urn- brians and Etruscans, and everywhere except in Latium the Roman dominion pressed more heavily. It is reck- oned that during the war 400 flourishing towns were SUMMARY. 198a destroyed in Italy ; slaves and robber-bands haunted every corner of Italy. As many as 7,000 men were con- demned for robbery in Apulia alone in one year (B.C. 185). WAKS WITH THE EAST B. c. 214-146. The nations around the western part of the Mediter- ranean acknowledged the supremacy of Rome. The treaty which Philip had made with Hannibal after the battle of Cannae had opened the way for Rome to inter- fere in the affairs of the East. In B. c. 273 Rome had entered into friendly relations with Egypt, and her wars with the Illyrian pirates l had brought her in contact with the ^Etolians. Finally, the alliance of Philip with Hannibal had compelled her to send a fleet to the Adri- atic.- Rome had then been drawn on without any design on her part to interfere in the affairs of the East. The First Macedonian War was barren of results. After the conclusion of peace with Carthage the Ro- mans prepared to renew the war with Macedonia, for which Philip had given sufficient cause. He had sent troops to fight at the battle of Zama ; he had commenced war against Egypt, the ally of Rome, and also against Attalus and the Rhodians, both friendly to Rome, and one was protected by a treaty. War was declared and a Roman army sent to Macedonia. After two unsuc- cessful campaigns, Flamininus was appointed to the command. He defeated Philip at Cynoscephalae. This battle was decisive. Philip was compelled to withdraw his garrisons from the Greek cities, to surrender his fleet, and to pay 1000 talents. The yEtolians had formed a treaty with Rome, but feeling that they had been unjustly treated, and that the success of the Romans was mainly due to their efforts, they began to intrigue against Rome, and invited An- tiochus of Syria to their assistance. The king crossed to Greece, but the Romans defeated him at Thermopylae. Antiochus returned to Asia, but the Romans followed and defeated him again at Magnesia. This battle ended the war. Antiochus had to give up all of his possessions west of the Taurus range, to surrender his fleet, and to pay 15000 talents (=$20,000,000). The Romans now had time to punish the ^Etolians. They were defeated and Ambracia, their chief town, was taken. The ^Etolians now sued for peace. Thsir confederacy was dissolved, and ^Etolia, like Macedonia, became tributary to Rome. In B. c. 179 Philip died, and was succeeded by his son Perseus. Perseus was popular, and the Greeks them- selves be^an to see through the designs of Rome, that independence was impossible, and that the choice really lay between subjection to Rome or to Macedonia. Rome \\atchr.! tlir preparations made by Perseus, and when Causes of Home's Interference. First Macedo- nian \Vai-. B.C. 214-205. Second Mace- donian War, B.C. 200-196. Baltic of Cyiioscephalie, B.C. 197. Syro- I'.tolian War, B.C. 192-189. Battle of Tlicrmopy I;* 1 . B.C. igl. Battle of Magnesia, K.C. IgO. War with the .Ktolia n-i. B.C. 189. lYrms of Peace. The Third Macedonian War, B.C. 171-168. 1 See p. 132, ' gee p. 159, 198J SUMMARY. Battle of Pydua, B.C. 168. Universal Dominion of Koine. Rome's Policy in l)i-:iliii-^ with the I). - pendent States. Achrean War, B.C. 147-146. Destruction of < 01 in Hi. B.C. 146. Tliir'l Punic War, B.C. 149-146. Destruction of Carthage, B.C. 146. Celtibertan War, B.C. 154. Capture of N lliii.i in i:i. B.C. 133. she felt that longer delay would be fatal to her interests war was declared. , A Roman army landed in Epirus, and defeated Perseus at Pydna. Macedonia was broken up into four .separate states, which paid an annual trib- ute to Rome, lllyria was divided into three states. From this battle the universal dominion of Rome is dated. All subsequent wars were mere rebellions. Rome left the countries to govern themselves. Still she interfered. She sent commissioners, who visited the different states, acted as referees in disputes, and fomented quarrels on every hand. Rome's policy was to maintain and strengthen her friends as counterpoise to her foes. When the foes were subjugated the friends were no longer needed, and she quarreled with them. Hence, when Macedonia was subjugated a coolness arose between Rome and her eastern allies, Pergamus and Rhodes, and they were both punished. The Achaean s gave Rome the pretext for converting Greece into a province. 1 They joined the standard of revolt raised by Andriscus, a pretended son of Per- seus. They were, however, quickly defeated, and the consul Mummius gave orders to destroy Corinth, where the remnant of the Achaean army had taken refuge. This removed one of Rome's commercial rivals ; one still remained, and to this the Romans now directed their attention. Cato simply expressed the general sen- timent when he said tlv.it Carthage must be destroyed. Rome therefore determined to destroy Carthage and to form Africa into a province. After a siege of three years, Carthage was stormed by Scipio and blotted from the face of the earth. THE WARS IN THE WEST. While Rome was extending her empire in the East, her authority was fiercely disputed by the wild tribes in the West. Spain was far from being subdued, and con- stant wars were carried on with the natives. When the Romans ordered the Celtioerians to desist from enlarg- ing their town, they refused and prepared for war. The same year the Lusitanians revolted, and the different Spanish tribes were united under the leadership of Viri athus. When he fell by treachery (B. c. 140), the Celti berians took refuge in Numantia.and prolonged the war for ten years. When Xumantia surrendered all serious resistance in Spain was at an end. The change in Rome's policy must bo noted. When Macedonia was first conquered nc \va~ unwilling to undertake the 1 '_'overnment of more- dependencies. Her experi- ment in Spain had been far from successful. Accordingly she left the conquered coun- tries to rule themselves, while she watched over themfand weakened them by separa- tion. Eighteen years of trial had proved how injurious this plan wa*. Rome therefore determined to end tin- and reduce the conquered coun'iii - to provinces, and at the fame time, as the best niean* of advancing her interests, to destroy Coriuth and Car- thage, her commercial rivals in the western world. THE MODERN CAPITOL. l PERIOD OF CIVIL DISSENSIONS. XXX. THE AGRARIAN LAW OF TIBERIUS GRACCHUS (B. C. 133). 1. The Causes of the Civil Troubles. We have now reached a period in the history of the Roman state when foreign wars became few and unimportant. The Roman dominion was undisputed, and Roman law and Roman customs had found their way to three continents and inspired the people with rev- 1 The staircase leads to the Piazza del Campidoglio, or Square of the Capitol ; at the foot are the two Egyptian lions and at the top the horse-taming Dioscuri (Castor and Pol- lux, once in the theatre of Pompey; see p. 414). At the side of the Dioscuri are the so- called trophies of Marius (these were taken from the water-tower of the Aqua Julia) and the statues of the Emperor Constantine and his son Oonstans (taken from the baths of Constantino on the Quirinal). To the right is tin- ancient milestone of the \1a Appia. In the centre is the magnificent equestrian statue of Marcus Aurelins (p. 407). It was originally placed in the forum near the column of Phocas. In IIS? it was transferred near the Lateran, and to its present position in 1538. Its excellent st;ite of preservation is due to the belief that it was. the statue of t'onstantine, the first Christian emperor. Be- 200 THE AGRARIAN LA \V. [B. C. 133. erence and admiration. For many generations the Romans had been so intent on bringing to a successful issue the career of conquest on which they had entered, that they had given but little attention to the condition of affairs at home. The pressure of poverty had been alleviated by the long wars that hinned the population and thus relieved the labor market, by the distribution of plunder, and by the colonies 1 planted in various parts of Italy. But now there were no more lands in Italy to be confiscated and no more nations to be compi-Ted. The labor market was o\ererowded, and it became more difficult from year to year lor a poor man to earn a living. Besides, a genuine Roman was too proud to carry on any useful craft, and regarded all kinds of business as a mild sort of slavery, only fit for slaves, frecdmen, and foreigners. 2 2. The Necessity for Reform. The provisions of the Licinian law had been disregarded for so many ^vnerations that the land in Italy 3 was all in the possession 01' a iVw noble houses. Instead of having this land cultivated partly by free laborers, as the Licinian law prescribed, which would have relieved the labor market and averted the evils that threat- ened the state, the possessors found it more profitable to em- ploy slaves, whom the wars in the- Mast had made cheap. The result was that the large body of poor Roman freemen, cut off from every means of obtaining wealth the occupation of the public land, the farming of the revenue, and the gov- ernment of the provinces and now unable to obtain work on the very land that they had won by their blood and toil, was left without means of support, and flocked to the capital to swell the impoverished crowd that fed on the bounty of the rich. 4 yond this statue 1 the Palazzo del Senate/re, erected in 1389 on the site of the ancient Tabularium by Michael An^olo. Tin- top of the umvr i- embellished by a standing figure of Roma. The palace on the right is the t'onsercafori, or Town Hall ; on the opposite side i> the O//'A" : - ' The la^t Italian colony was scut to Luna in B.C. 177. Cic df Off., i. 4-:. 3 It was reserved for G Gracchus to propose a system of transmarine colonization. Sec p 210. ' As the Latin- had long been waiting to be admitted to the privileges of Roman citi- zens, they Uxroaged to Rome, and the Italians to Latium. B. C. 133.J THE AGRARIAN LAW. 201 3. The Government Unable to Afford Relief. The government, controlled by a few noble houses which found their centre in the senate, was both unable and unwilling to afford relief. The leading aim of the new nobility was to maintain its usurped 1 privileges and exclude all "new men" from a share in the government. If some one could restore the lands and love of labor to the people, limit the vast power of the senate, restrain the cupidity of the capitalists, and arrest the flood of slaves that was pouring in from all parts of the world to spread over Italy and destroy its free population, 2 such a statesman could restore the wasted energies of the Roman state. 3 Laelius and Scipio JEmilianus 4 had recognized the peril that threatened the state, and had proposed agrarian measures of reform (B. c. 148) ; but when these met with determined op- position from the nobles, they gave them up as impracticable. It must be remembered that the nobles, from long possession, regarded the public land as their own. Many had acquired their vast estates by purchase, inheritance, or marriage, and against one who interfered with their interests the whole body of the nobility rose as one man. If anything could have opened the eyes of the nobility, the woeful condition of Sicily must have been sufficient; for the servile war was then at its height and was sweeping all before it. Matters, however, went on in their old way, and the government drifted, like a shattered ship be- fore the storm, with no statesman at the helm. The old contest between government and governed, the old conflict between labor and capital was renewed, and it was only a question of time who should deal the first blow. 4. Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus. Two brothers, Ti- berius Sempronius and Gajus Gracchus, came forward to remedy the evils in the state. They were the sons of that Tiberius Sem- 1 That is, to restrict re-election to the consulship in order that its honors might be enjoyed by a larger number. In B. c. 217 the law prohibiting re-election (see p. 82) was suspended, under the pressure of the war with Hannibal, clown to B. c. 203. From B. c. 207 to B. c. 153 not one was re-elected in violation of the ten years' interval. The repeated election of Marcus Marcellus led to a law (about B.C 151 ) probibitingre-etection altogether. " The census returns show a regular falling off in the number of citizens from B. c. 159. when the number capable of bearing arms was 328.000 ; B. c. 154. 324.000 : B. c. 147, 322,000 ; B. c. 131, 319,000. 3 See Michelet, p. 259. * See Plut. Life of TV). Gracchus. THE AUKAklA.V LAW. [B.C. lii:!. pronius Gracchus, 1 whose prudent measures had given tranquillity to Spain for so many years. Tiberius sought t, relieve the social condition of the poor, and to restore the small fanners in Italy ; Gajus placed the axe at the root of the evil, and attempted to break down the power of the senate. At an early age they lost their father, but their education was carefully attended to by their mother, the highly cultivated Cornelia, the daughter of 1' Scipio Africanus the elder. Tiberius was nine \ears. older than his brother, and had been military tribune in the army of his brother-in-law, P. Cornelius Scipio ^Emihanns, where he was the first to scale the walls of Carthage. As augur he came into intimate relations with Appius Claudius Pulcher, 2 the chief of the senate, and a man decidedly favorable to reform. 8 He established his popularity 4 as quaestor in Spain, where, by his influence, the army of Maneimi- wa.- saved from great peril. The rejection by the senate of the treaty which Mancinus had ooncln dad with the Numantines and which Tiberius bad signed and guaranteed, caused his alienation from the party of the optimates. 5 5. His Measures for Reform. On his return from Spain Tiberius was elected tribune of the plcbs, and entered upon his office December 10, B. c. 134. After consulting with his father-in- ' GENEALOGICAL TABLE. TIBERIUS GRACTIII - m. CORNELIA, daughter of P. SCIPIO AFBICANUS major. TIB. GRACCHUS. Q.GRACCHUS. M-ROMA m. P. SCIPIO AFRICANUS minor. 1 See page 125. 1 Tiberias, in the following words, recounted from the rostra his own vivid bnpresrioni of the eviis that be-et. Italy and the people : "For, among such numbers, perbapa them is not a Koinan who ha- an altar that belonged to hi- anee-tor-. or a -epulchre in whicl' their a-hes re-t. The private -oldiers fight .-md die to advance the wealth and luxury o) the great ; and they are called masters of the world, while they have not a foot of land in their poe<- ion." /'. T< Plutarch record- as a striking proof of the esteem in which Tiberiu- wa- held the offer which A. t'laudiu< made him of hi- daughter in marriatre at an antrnral banquet, and the answer which Appiu- received from hi- wife when he returned home and informed her of what he had done : " Anti-Ma. I have promi-ed our daimhter Claudia in marrifi<_"' : " "Why in snch ha-te. 1 ' -aid the mother. " unle-s you have promi-ed her to Tiberius Gracchus ; '' see Genealocrical Table. [>. I-.'"'. * That is, the senatorial party. con-i-tiiiL' of both patricians and jilebcian-. Although not recognized by law as a di-tinct cla-s. still the optimates endeavored by all mean* in their power to -ecure exclusive poe--ion of it- cnrule oftice- and the public land ; the popular party began at this time to receive the name of B. C. 133.] THE AGRARIAN LAW. 203 law Appius Claadius,with Publius Crassus Mucianus ihepontifex maximus, and with P. Mucius Scsevola the great lawyer, he brouglit forward his measures 1 for reform, 2 planned with great care and with all possible regard to the interests of those in pos- session of the public land. 8 He proposed a re-enactment of the Licinian law, which in fact had never been repealed, but with tvrtain additions suitable to the exigencies of the times. 4 Tibe- rius discussed his proposals before the people; 5 he pictured the deserted condition of Italy, the distress of the poor classes, as worse even than that of the beasts of the fields, 6 and appealed to the patriotism of the rich. The propositions met, however, with intense opposition. The nobility prevailed upon the tribune Octavius, one of his own colleagues, to interpose his veto Tiberius, however, pushed his measures with zeal, in- duced the people to depose Octavius, 7 and finally succeeded in carrying his proposals. A commission 8 was appointed and 1 Lex Semproriia ayraria. ' Gracchus relied chiefly upon the popular party, the pojmdares, for support. There was also u small party in the senate, headed by the distinguished names mentioned in the text, which favored him : I his party was de.-erted by Scipio in the beginning of the con- tc-t : deprived of his influence, a peaceful settlement of the troubles became more diffi- cult. This makes the statement of Cicero (deRep. i. 19) clear, that the death of Gracchus divided the senate into two parties, and that P. Crassus, A. Claudius, and P. Mucius Scsevola, were the opponents of Scipio. " Veteres possessor es. 4 The fir Sf-mpronia allowed each father. (1) beside the five hundred jugera for him- self, two hundred and fifty for each of his sons who were under thepatria potestas, pro- vided the whole quantity did not exceed one thousand jtigera ; (2) the rest of the public domain was to be divided into lots of thirty jugera, and was to be leased in perpetuity to Roman citizens at a moderate rent (vecfigal) ; (3) the appointment of a standing coin- mission of three (trenM aqri* dandis assignandifs elected in the toncilium plM*) to carry the provisions of the law into force ; (4) the indemnification was to be made for improvements, buildings, etc., to the former holders. According to Mommsen (1. c. vol. iii., ]>. 94) the Italian allies were to be admitted to a share in the land, bnt this seems hardly probable if we consider the feeling of the Roman citizen* asrain-t the Latins and Italian allies Nee Lnnqe, \. c. vol. iii., p. 10V It must be kept in view that the agrarian law did not meddle with private property, nor with the lands that were let on lease as the Campanian lands ('//=/ Campanm). It simply proposed to divide the state lands (the possessors had almost wholly neglected to pay the rent due the state for its use) among the poor Roman citizens, and to prevent the rich from buying up the allotments hy pre- scribing that they should be inalienable. 5 In ffiiifioiie.". Tiberius had observed the deserted condition of Italy in his journey through Etruria to join the army in the Numantine war (B. c. 137\ In the following words he recounted from the rostra his own vivid impression of the evils that hr-pt Italv : " The wild beasts have their den and caves, while the men who fought and died in defence of Italy enjoy indeed the light and air. but nothing else : honple. nrd without a spot of land to rest upon, they wander about with their wive* and children, while their com- manders do but mock them when thev exhort the soldiers in battle to fisrht for their tombs and the temple" of their sods. For amons so many Romans not one ha a family altar or an ancestral tomb; they fi'jrht to maintain the luxury and wealth of the ereat, and they are called masters of the world without possessing' a clod of earth that thei) can call their own. "-Pint. Tih. Gr. 8. 7 This was a violntion of the fr.r arn-rnta : SPP n. 58. " Consisting of Tib. Gracchus, his brother Gajus, and A. Claudius his father-in-law. THE AGBARIAN J.A\\. [u. C. 133. commenced its work. Now the difficulties began to multiply. The lands had remained undisturbed so many years in tin- hands of the possessors that it was impossible to decide which was public 1 or which was private 8 property. The question ought to have been referred to the consuls or to the senate ; but in- stead of this Tiberius carried a law that empowered the com- missioners to decide 3 which was private and which was public land. The senate refused to make the necessary appropriation for the expenses of the commissioners. 4 Still the work went on. Tiberius, when his popularity began to wane, proposed new laus 5 which embittered the senatorial parly more and muv. Scipio Xasiea 6 and Q. Pompcjus openly declared that they would impeach him as soon as his year of office expired. 6. Efforts to Re-elect Grracchus.- i -Tiberius saw that his only safety lay in the sanctity of (he tribune's office, and thereupon determined to become a candidate for re-election. In order to gain new allies he promised the people to carry a law 7 limiting the term of military service, to confer upon the equestrian order 8 the right to. furnish one-half of the jurors 9 who had hitherto been taken wholly from the senate, and it is said to extend the right of appeal even to civil cases, and to admit the Italian allies to Roman citizenship. The time of election occurred in June, when the country people were en- gaged in field labor and but few of them could come to the election. When the day of voting came the nobles inter- rupted the election by declaring that no votes could be received 1 Ager rniMtot*. ' Ar ier prim/u* ' Liv. Ep. 58. Oiilv -,>l onset (about 25 cents) were allowed daily. nt (hi- time Attain-, kins; <>f P.-rgaimis ( -ee p. 1T9. 7). bequeathed his kingdom and trea-nre-tothe Roman people. Tiberius proposed that the treasure.- should be divided amoii!* the people to enable them to stock their farms. smipi-m. mUUarii. P 210, n. 6. It wa< not en-tomary for a Roman magistrate to iiive-tiffate the fact- in dispute in TOCh mutter- ;H were brought before linn. For thi- purpo-e lie api"'in:-d a .md<'e (./'"'''>' the whole civil procedure w:i- evi>re<-ed by .'/".-; comprehend I.L' al thai took place before thema'n-trate. and 'hat took place before the ./M/ter. The jd : after that, persons called .'linted.and later permanent magistrates were appointed, called qvat- t;, t ,, fx i itcr -till a -pecial body of ./'"/''-- wa- chosen for trjong these cases; the-e were -elected from the -ei.ators, and as many of those who were tried in me qttau- 188, n.> belonged to the optimate, it often hmpened that they were nc'-nifted when imi.artml in.k'e- would h ive convicted them. Hence the popular party cf, ve either to exclude the optimates, or a; ;cu>t tu bu admitted thein-elvcs to the office of jitilex. B.C. 133.] THE AGHAKIAN LAW. .205 for Tiberius because it was illegal to re-elect a tribune. 1 A vio- lent debate ensued, and the assembly adjourned till the follow- ing day. The next day the assembly met on the Capitoline hill, 2 in front of the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus. An immense con- course of friends and foes assembled, and it was evident that a conflict was imminent. The rumor spread that the senators in- tended to murder Tiberius. In the disturbance that followed, as Tiberius raised his hand to his head, some cried that he was asking for the diadem, others that he only wished to indicate that his life was in danger. 7. Murder of Tiberius. In the sitting of the senate which was held close by in the temple of Fides, 8 Scipio Nasica required the consul, P. Mucius Scaevola, to put down the ty- rant ; the consul replied, "that he would not begin to use violence, nor would he put any citizen to death who was not legally condemned ; but, if Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, i-itluu* by force or by fraud, should obtain a plebiscitum con- trary to the constitution, he would not ratify it." Then Scipio Nasica started up and exclaimed : " The first 4 consul betrays the republic ; let those who wish to save it follow me." 5 He then rushed from the senate-chamber, followed by a crowd of sen- ators. The people timidly gave way as they saw the nobles rush- ing to the capitol. Arming themselves with staves and broken benches, they fell upon Tiberius and his attendants. The tribune fled for refuge to the temple of Jupiter, but the priests had closed the doors. He was at length overtaken and killed by one of his pursuers. 6 Three hundred of his friends fell with him, and their bodies were cast into the Tiber. This was the first time that blood had been shed in civil strife at Rome since the days of the kings. 8. The Results. The nobles, in order to reconcile the peo- ple, allowed the agrarian law to stand, 7 and as the party favor- 1 The re-election of a magistrate within the space of ten years was forbidden in B.C. ! i \va- tin- our iii>t declared elected. * Pint Ti. Gr. 19. By P. Saturejus or L. Rufus. 7 New difficulties arose because the "possessors" neglected to make returns of the public land in their po~e--i.ni. The commissioners gave'notice that they would take the evidence of any person who would K' v e them information. A great crop of difficult suits >oon sprung up. Laud which bordered on the public laud, and had been sold or di:-trib- THE LAWS OF GAJUS GRACCHUS. [fi. C. 132. able to reform gained the ascendancy for a time in the senate, the law was carried into execution. The popular feeling was so strong against Scipio Nasioa, 1 that, fearing for his life, the senate, ir, order to remove him from Italy, commissioned him to go, on pretended business.'-' to Asia, where after a few years he died of vexation and despair. XXXI. THE LAWS OF G.urs (In.vccnrs. 1. Death of Scipio JEmilianus. While the commis- sioners were engaged in their work, removing the old land- marks, confiscating land that had been secured to the Latins and the Italian allies by treaties, Scipio ^Emilianus returned i'loin Numantia. The senate' was very sharply divided into two par- ties, and Soipio seemed disinclined to join either. He found little favor with the people, because when Carbo 3 asked him in the popular assembly what he thought of the death of Tiberius, he replied that " he was justly slain.'' 4 When the multitude ex- pressed its displeasure, he boldly said : " Cease your noise, ye step- sons of Italy; do ye think by your clamor to frighten me, who am used unterrified to hear the shouts of embattled hosts?" The Latins and the allies, and all who had been deprived of their ntcd among the allies was all subjected to inve*tited by Ismy. 1. c. p. 3x'3 1 As lie took one day the hnide.ned band of a laborer whose vote he was soliciting, he asked him " if he walked on hi- hands." Vat. Max. vii. 5. s Lftjatio lihera. * Elected with Fulvius Flaccus to the two vacancies on the commission. ' When the death of Tiberius wa- announced to him at Numantia. he simply ex- claimed in the words of Athena at the fate of ^Ei/Mlms iOd. i. 47) : " So perish he, who- e'er he be, that doth such deeds again." Pint. Ti. Gr. 21. B.C. 129.] THE LAWS OF GAJUS GRACCHUS. 207 land, crowded to the capital. 1 Scipio took up their cause and induced the senate to transfer all cases of disputed boundary to the consuls for decision. The consuls, alarmed at the difficulties, left Italy, and as no one appeared before the commissioners, the distribution of the public land ceased. The hatred of the pop- ular party burst forth against Scipio. One night after a stormy day in the senate and the forum that rang with the cry, " Down > with the tyrant," he retired to his home. The next morning he was found dead in his bed. ) The belief was general that one of the popular party 2 had assassinated him; but according to Cicero he died a natural death. 3 Gajus Laelius, his devoted friend, composed the funeral oration, and his old opponent, Metellus Macedonicus, then censor, bade his sons pay reverence to the conqueror of Africa, Asia, and Spain. 4 2. Party Strife. After the death of Scipio the agita- tion of parties raged still more fiercely. To the old conflict between the impoverished Roman citizens on the one side, and the capitalist and senatorial classes on the other, were added now the claims of the Latins and the Italian allies to the franchise. The latter crowded more and more into the capital, introduced themselves into the tribes, and helped to add disorder to the pub- lic assemblies. The popular leaders, perceiving the mistake they had made in alienating the Latins and the Italians, now took up their cause, hoping to find in them the means of crush- ing the power of the senate. The nobility adopted measures 1 When the arbitrary acts of the commissioners were unendurable, the Italians deter- mined to adopt Scipio. "the destroyer of Carthage, as their protector against the manifold acts of injustice inflicted upon them. He did not refuse his aid. He proceeded to the senate, gave a long review of the difficulties, and concluded by proposing tlwt the cog- nizance of the disputes should be transferred to the consul Tuditanus. The latter had scarcely entered upon his duties when, alarmed at the difficulties, he departed for Illyria. No one. however, appeared before the commissioners for settlement of claims. The staff; of things excited great indignation against Scipio. W..- enemies (-aid that he in- tended to abrogate the agrarian law altogether. Ajjpian (! C.). " G. Papirins Carbo or Fulvius Flaocu-. 3 C'ic. Lii'l. 3. 12. Appian (1. c.) says that Scipio had retired with his tablets to pre- pare a speech for the following dav. In the morning he was found dead, but without any wound on his person. According to some, lie was murdered by the instigation of Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi, who feared the repeal of the agrarian laws, and of her daughter. Sempronia. Scipio's wife. who. ugly a-id disagreeable, was disliked by her hoebano. Some say that he destroyed himself because unable to accomplish what he had undertaken. His slaves, on being put to torture, confessed that during the night Eome strangers had entered through the private doov and strangled their master. ' Iti-fllii, celebrate exequias, nunquam civis majoiis fumus videbilis. Plin. n. h. viL, 44. 1-ti. 208 THE LAWS OF GA.TUS GRACCHUS. [B. C. 1 "M of repression. A law was carried banishing all aliens ' from Rome (B. <'. 126). 3. Revolt of Fregellae (B.C. 123). The next year the popular party succeeded in electing Fulvius Flaccus to the consulship. He proposed a law for granting the right of crti- zenship to the allies, and therefore a \ote 111 the popular assem- blies. The senate removed him from Koine by sending him ou a foreign mission. G. Gracchus hud already departed (B. c. 126) as proquaBstor to Sardinia, so that the senate was now freed from its most troublesome opponents, and the Italians had 1< their two most powerful patrons. The Italians were bitterly disappointed when Flaccus's lull was rejected. The old Latin colony, Fregellae (Ceprano), rashly raised the standard of revolt. The town was taken and razed to the ground, and the inhab- itants dispersed throughout Italy. 2 The vigorous policy of Rome alarmed the allies, and- the revolt spread no farther. 4. G. Gracchus Elected Tribune. (Jajus Gracchus meanwhile suddenly appeared in Koine 3 and presented himself to the people as a candidate for the tribunate 1 . 4 lie was elected for the year B.C. 123 in an unusually large assembly of the peo- ple, who crowded from the colonies and municipal towns in Italy to Rome to vote for him. Still, such was the influence of the aristocracy, that Gajus was returned fourth on the list of tribunes, but his impassioned eloquence and his extraordinary abilities soon made him first in influence and power. 5 1 Peri'irini. ' The right of citizenship wa probably granted to part of the allies ; this would ac- count for the L'reat increase in the OCTieni? from IM*. *,:} in it. c. ]:;:>. to :5!)1.7xlii in :; 0. 1>. Momm-en il. cv Hi., p. io7i attribute* this increase to allotments made by the commis- . 00 : also Lange, I. c. vol. i'i.. p. CH. proved to the censor that his return \vas conformable to law. aw he had served Iv/elve years though requiri-d to serve but ten. and two ycai- a< i|ii;e'tor. He also freed himself from all implication in the revolt of VreeeUK.Ant. <,lmrlder while he wa- -pe.iking. a> Cleon the Athenian i- -aid to have bcen^the first popular orator who threw hi> cloak from him. Tbe manner of Gajus was awe-striking and vehemently im- B.C. 123.] THE LAWS OF GAJUS GRACCHUS. 209 5. The Sempronian Laws (B. c. 123-2). Gajus came for- ward with measures of reform which were more general and more sweeping than those of his brother. His first proposal, intended to deter any tribune from repeating the opposition of Octavius, forbade a magistrate who had been deposed by the people from holding any office again. 1 He then aimed a blow against Popillius Laenas, who had procured the sentence of banishment and death against the adherents of Tiberius, by ex- tending the Porcian law 2 so that capital punishment in case of Roman citizens was entirely abolished. After this Gajus carried a series of measures, which are known as the Sempronian laws, that were intended to destroy the power of the senate, to alle- viate the condition of the poor, to extend the colonial system, and to elevate the rich capitalists to a distinct order. 1. The first law* directed that the tithes of grain which ac- crued to the state from the provinces should be distributed among the people at a low price. The object of this was to attract the proletarians to Rome, and render them independent of the aristocracy. 4 2. The second law 5 was intended to procure the requisite means of carrying out the provisions of the first enactment The law by which the province of Asia paid a fixed sum 6 into the Roman treasury, and thus escaped the exactions of the tax-gath- erers, 7 was repealed. The province was burdened with a system of heavy taxation, 8 which was leased at Rome instead of in the province, as in Sicily and Sardinia; thus substantially excluding the provincials who often bid in and farmed the taxes them- selves, and thus kept away the Roman tax-gatherers. pa ioned. The manner of Tiberiu< wa< more plea-ing and calculated to move the sym- pathies. The language of Tiberius was pure and nicely chosen ; that of Gajus wa* per- suasive and of heart-stirring power. Hi powerful voice filled the whole forum, and lie wa> obliged to have a flute player behind him. the sound of whose instrument brought his voice back to its tone and moderated its force. This he withdrew at the request of his mother. * See p. 184, n. 1. : ' The lexfntmt tif/i/in ; ut poputus pro frumento, ffftmfjtMpuMiM rlaretur. insittmtloe mocttos senos cerlg ef trientei ///-'' nomine exsolreref . Liv. ep. 60 : that five modii (l bushels) were distributed monthly at (}\ aes (about six cents) each, rests upon Momm- sfiii's conjectural emendation of Livy's text. Peter (Cfetch. Rams. vol. ii., p. 32, note) shows that the price cannot be fixed with certainty. * No attempt is made to distinguish between the laws carried thi* or the next year, as It i- impossible to determine with any certainty the exact order in which the 'if.ws were enacted. ' f.i.r '/i nrorincia Asia a txnsoribu* locanda. ' */i/>> i>//i>/m. ' PuWicani. Deeuma, scriptura, and i-tctigalia. 210 THE LAWS OF GAJUS GRACCHUS. [B.C. 123. 3. The third law 1 extended the agrarian law of his brother by planting colonies not only in Italy but in the provinces, restored the judicial power of the commissioners, 2 and authorized them to lay out streets along the new allotments. 3 4. The fourth In a" 1 renewed the old rule that a soldier should not be enlisted before his seventeenth year, 3 and enacted that his outfit should be furnished by the state, without deducting the cost as hitherto from his pay. 5. Thejift/t /W enacted that the judices should be taken from the equites instead of as heretofore from the senators. This at- tacked directly the prerogatives of the senate, and brought the equestrian order in sharp collision with the senate, to serve as a check on its power. 7 6. The sixth law 8 touched the power of the senate still more vitally. Hitherto the custom had been for the senate 1 Lex agraria. " G. Gracchus Fulvius Flaccus, and Papuritis C'arbo. 3 The lex riaria ; he first had bridge.- constructed over marches, erected mile te regular order from the miiiaritim in the forum ; at regular intervals square i-tones were erected on the side of the road for mounting and dismounting. 1 This prevented the young nobles from sen-ing in the camp (eonttibemlo) of the gen- eral as a kind of bodyguard before- the seventeenth year, and tims entitling them to ap- ply earlier for the <|ii;i>-tor-hip. Lf In the yearp..c. 14!), offences again -t the state which had originally been tried by the whole people were transferred to ppecial courts, the jurors (j of which were Delected from tin- .-enate. The first of the-e law- \va- the li.i- Ciiliiiinitn ck repttuiuli*, which puni-hed magi-irate- for extortion in the provii.ce-. The name of eiiuites applied originally only to the member* of the eighteen centuries; the-e were called because their horse- were assigned them by the state and they hi. I the een-us of the first clu-s (400.000 se-terces, about ::16,OtiO). Since then the equite- had cea-ed to serve in the field, and the cavahy v. : by the allies. In the meantime another clas- "V) had arisen, consisting of men of wealth who did nor belong to the governing senatorial families. Before the time of Gajus Gracchus, a law had been ipelhng the fqnVm^ when they entered the - B up their h.ir-c. TM- drew a lino between the semi; 'i'lie law of Gracchus- prescribed that the jmliret -honld be taken from tlie second cla-s, ;. < .. from tho-e who po--e ed the equestrian cen-u- i iO'.iKKi -e-ferce-i. but weie not member- of the senate. Since the Claudian law had excluded the -enatorial f.nnilie- from a business Mfe. and the nobles excluded the rich men who did not >><-!!i:r to the governing senato- rial families, from :\ |n>li tic.il career, there were two powerful arirtocraciei< in the state the senatorial irovernin" order, comjio-ed of a few aristocratic families, and tin trian order (< men of wealth. The aim of Gncchoawu to cieate an antagonism between titeoe two order*. They had often come in collision in the ]irov- iticc-. for the provincial mairi-t rate- came from the .senatorial order, and the jmtllcani from the ennnn^ by which the jurymen In civil ca-es nin-t be taken from tlie eqne-trian order. The ' ealed the lex jvnia > . by which all aliens were banished from Rome, and directed that these civil pi- should come before the ///"/!,;.*. from which senators and senators 1 -ons were excluded. The com- plamant in such a ease, if he was an alien, was to be rewarded with citizenship, or in ca?e that wa- not d"-iretl. with the right of appeal. Lex de / rularitnu, B.C. 122.] REACTION AGAINST GAJUS GRACCHUS. 211 to assign the consuls and praetors their provinces after the election. The result was that a lucrative government or the conduct of an important war was bestowed upon a favorite, while to the " new man " a disagreeable or unimpor- tant field of action was assigned. Gajus wished to make the magistrate independent of the senate, and therefore proposed that the provinces should be determined before the election. 1 Gajus was now substantially the ruler of Rome. He carried his measures in the popular assembly without troubling himself about the prerogatives of the senate. He saw to it himself that colonies 2 were founded, roads constructed, and jurymen select- ed, and really exercised absolute authority in Rome. 6. Reaction against G-ajus. He was now at the height of his prosperity, and seemed to have succeeded in his object the breaking down of the jurisdiction and administrative powers of the senate. He was re-elected for the next year, 3 and came before the people with still more radical measures of reform. He made a proposal to grant to the Latins full citi- zenship and to the Italian allies the rights which the Latins had hitherto enjoyed. 4 This proposal met with intense oppo- sition, not only from the senate, but from the people, who could not endure the idea that the Latins should be admitted to full citizenship. The senate now saw that the means was given it of depriving the tribune of his popularity. A law was carried ejecting all Latins from the city, and the tribune M. Livius Drusus was won over to outbid Gajus himself for popular favor. Drusus proposed that the Latins should be exempt from capital and corporal punishment in the camp, that instead of the three or four colonies which Gajus had promised, twelve Italian colonies should be founded, and that the rent which Gajus had imposed upon the land 1 This measure was exempt from the veto of a tribune. 2 One was founded on the site of Carthage in B. c. 122 ; one at Aquas Sexliae, (Aix in Provence) in B. c. 322. ;l For B. c. 122; the law had probably been repealed prohibiting the re-election of a tribune. ' I.< ' ile socivi ; at the same time the ley Acilia Rubria proposed to confer upon the Latins a share in the worship of Jupiter Ca|>itolinus. A law was also carried abrogating the old arrangement in the order of voting in the comit'ut fmturtuffi. and it was settled that the order in which the five classes were to vote should be determined by lot. 212 THE DEATH OF GAJUS GRACCHUS. [B.C. 121. should be remitted. The people ratified the Livian laws with the same alacrity with which they had sanctioned the Sempro- nian. From this time it was evident that (hijus was a doomed man. He failed to be elected to the tribunate for the third time, and saw his most bitter opponent Lucius Opimius raised to the consulship. Gajus courted the favor of the people, left his house on the Palatine and lived with the poor citi/ens near the forum. As soon as Opimius entered on his office he had a proposal 1 brought before the people to repeal the Sempronian law for the colonizing of Carthage, because the site had been accursed by Scipio. 7. Efforts for Peace. Gajus sought in every way to avoid a conflict, and was not present Avlien the tribes met. He could not, however, prevent his adherents from remembering the fate of Tiberius, and they appeared armed. When the tribes had assembled at the capitol to vote on the proposal of Opimius, it happened as the consul was offering sacrifices in the porch of the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, that his herald, a certain Antyllus, a partisan of Gajus, was struck down by mistake. 2 In the midst of the confusion that followed, the assembly dissolved, and Gajus went to the forum to address the people. The nobility declared that he was calling the peo- ple from the popular assembly, and interrupting the tribune while addressing the people. 3 Gajus and Fulvius Flaccus the consul of B. C. 125 returned home accompanied by an atmed retinue. The consul occupied the capitol with armed soldiers and assembled the senate the next morning, in the temple of Castor and Pollux. Mart ial law was declared by empowering the consul to see that the republic suffered no harm. 4 8. Death of Gracchus.' Gajus and his adherents occu- pied the Aventine, the ancient Vesta of the plebeians, and their stronghold during the struggles between the orders. Civil war 1 By the tribune Minuciu* Rnfu*. * Lange, 1 c vol. iii.. p. 47. For a different account of the cause of the collision, sec Mommsen, 1. *,. /o! iii., p. 134. * See p. 59. 4 The dictatorship had fallen into disuse after B. c. 21(i. The formula invostinir tha consul with full power wa- : H < Wca -nt> cnperet. B.C. 121.] THE DEATH OF GAJUS GRACCHUS. 213 was declared. After some fruitless attempts at negotiation, the consul stormed the Aventine. He met with little resist- ance. Gajus escaped across the Sublician Bridge, where two of his friends checked the pursuers at the cost of their lives. He continued his flight to the grove of the Furies, where his TILE TEMPLE OF CONCORD RESTORED. faithful slave first put him to death, and then slew himself on the corpse of his master. The head of Gajus was carried to the consul, who had promised for it its weight in gold. Flaccus was killed with three thousand of his adherents, their houses were demolished, their property confiscated, and their widows were forbidden to wear mourning. After this the city Was purified by a lustration, and from the confiscated property 214 THE RULE OF THE OLIGARCHY. [B.C. 121. a temple of Concord l was erected 2 in memory of the great vic- tory. 3 The nobles all tried to brand the Gracchi as seditious demagogues, but the people ivvm'd their memory, and at a later time their statues were erected in the public places, and the spots where they fell were called holy ground. CHAPTER XXXII. THE RULE or THE OLIGARCHY. THE WAK WITH JUGURTHA. THE RISE OF GAJUS MARK'S. 1. The Rule of the Oligarchy. The death of Gracchus left the popular party \vit hout a leader. The nobility proceeded with caution. First the proviso that the allotments of land should be inalienable was abrogated. Then a law 4 was passed declaring that the assignments should cease, and that the public land should remain in the hands of the "poror>,' J 1 The remains of this temple (rebuilt by Tiberius') are directly behind the arch of S. Severn*. Behind the raised superstructure wa- the -cuatc liou-e in which the senate met in the time of Cicero. There were four temple- of Concord : the first was dedicated by Camiilus B.C. 36i (sen p. 81>, near Juno Moneiu'- temple; the second by Fiavius B.C. 303 I see Livy is. 4 it. in the area of Vulcan near the (ira'Co-ta-i- i>ee p. 866): the third wa- erected by Manlius B.C. 21ti in the citadel iLivy xxii. 23) : the fourth by Opimius. Nothing remains of the lir-t three ; of the fourth, the foundation and the inscription have been pre-erved. - The Basilica Opimia wa- built at th" same time, but it- location is not known with certainty. Appian and Fe-tus de-eribe ii as in the forum and near the temple of Saturn. As the temples ,,f Concord and the Basilica were both built by Opimius. he probably placed them near t "ire! her. iSee map, p. 41(1.) ' Plutarch (Life of G. Gracchus. i:j. de-ciibe- the manner in which Cornelia passed her life in Cherishing the honor of her sons. Cornelia is -aid to have borne her mUfortnnes with a noble magnanimity, and to have said of the consecrated place- where her H their lives, " that they had tombs worthy of them." She took up her residence at Mi-e- njim. and made no alteration in her manner of life. She had many friend-, and her lio- pitable table was always crowded with trne-t-. Learned Greeks and the moal i.oblemenat Borne vied ted her, and all the kineakiii'_'of heroe- of the olden time. This made some think her understanding ha< taken on Jugurtha, he was ordered by the senate to leave Rome. When beyond the Avails, he is said to have looked back in silence on the city, and at last to have exclaimed : " venal city, about to perish if it can but find a purchaser." 2 5. The Renewal of the War (B. c. 110). The Avar A\as rein-wed by Albinus, who, however, accomplished nothing. His brother Aulus succeeded him, and penetrated into the heart of Numidia, where he was surprised and defeated, and (iraeehus and Mai ru- 1'ulviu-. many of your order were put to death in prison. Let "us pass over thi- ; let u- admit that to re-love the riiriits of the people; was to aspire to royal power. You have seen how in pa-t years the trea-ury has been pillaged : yon have seen nd free people paying tribute" to a small party of aristocrats, in whose hands are all the honors of the state and wealth of Italy. . . . This Is not a case of peculation of the trea-nry. nor a forcible extortion of money from the nllies. These indeed are grave offences', but we are so n-ed to them that we consider them nothing. Now the au- thority of the -e:iate a^d your own power have been -un-endeivd to your irieate-t enemy. The public intere-t ha- be ; 1 for money. If we do not inve-ti^ate their mis- deeds, if wedo not intlic.t punishment on the Lruilty. what will remain for us except to live and obey those who have committed the For when men can do with im- punity what they like, that Ls really kindly power." Haii. Jar. 31. - Jug., 35. B. 0. 109.] THE RISE OF GAJtTS MAEIUS. 219 his army sent under the yoke. This disgrace roused the people. The conduct of the war was committed to Q. Caecilius Metellus, 1 a capable and experienced officer. In B. c. 109 he departed for Numidia with G. Marius and P. Rectilius Rufus as legates. The discipline of the army was restored, Cirta and other towns were captured, and Jugurtha was de- feated near the river Muthtil, and compelled to flee for protec- tion to Bocchus, king of Mauretauia. 2 6. Rise of G-ajus Marius. The glory of finishing the war was, however, not reserved for Metellus, but for his legate, Gajus Marius. Born (B. c. 15?) in the environs 3 of Arpinum among the Latin hills, Marius was reared in the country, and his rustic manners and illiteracy clung to him through life. He had a taste for war, and his bravery at Numantia attracted the notice of Scipio ./Emilianus, who, being asked one day where the Romans should find such another general when he was gone, touched Marius on the shoulder and said, "Perhaps here." 4 This raised the hopes of Marius. On his return to Rome he was elevated to the tribunate 5 (B. c. 119) and four years after to the prsetorship. He was a man of iron nerve and inflexible resolution. When he accompanied Metellus to Africa 1 GENEALOGICAL TABLE. L. METELLUS CALVUS, cos. B. c. 142. L. METELLUS DALMATICUS, Q. CJGCILIUS METELLUS NUMIDICUS, CECILIA, m. cos. B. c. 119. cos. B. c. 109. L. LUCULLUS. CJECILIA, m. Q. METELLUS Pius, 1. SCAURUS. 2. SULLA. cos. B. c. 80. Q. METELLUS Pius SCIPIO, cos. B. c. 52. m. LEFIDA. CORNELIA, m. 1. P. CRASSUS. 2. POMPEJUS, triumvir. 5 See map, p. 217, At Cercatae. 4 Plut. Mar. 3. s He carried a law (lex Maria de suffragiis ferundis) to restrain the influence of the aristocracy at elections. The law enacted that 'the voting-bridges (ponies ; these were the narrow passage-* that led to the different compartments into which the enclosed space [septa] where the assembly met was divided) should be made narrower, so that the nobles could not so easily stand by and influence their clients. 220 THE RISE OF GAJUS M ARIL'S. [B.C. 108- a new field was open to his ambition, lie neither declined the most difficult tasks, nor thought the most servile labor beneath him. lie shared the hardships of the common soldier, ate of the same dry bread, and slept on the same hard couch. He so endeared himself to all, that his name was in every one's mouth, and the letters of the soldiers carried his fame to Rome. This encouraged him to hope for the consulship. 7. Marius Elected Consul. One day while sacrificing in the camp before Utica, the haruspex, on inspecting the victims, bade him trust in the gods, and execute whatever purpose he had in mind. He applied to Metellus for leave of absence to go to Rome and apply for the consulship. The con- sul tried to dissuade him from his purpose, but he repeated his request from time to time. Metellus gave vent to his scorn by saying, " You need not be in such a hurry ; it will be time enough for you to apply for the consulship with my son." The son of Metellus was then only twenty, and could not therefore become a candidate for the consulship for twenty years. Marius never forgot the insult. From this time he courted the favor of the common soldiers more assiduously than ever, intrigued against the general, and boasted that if he had but one-half the army, he would soon end the war. The letters of the soldiers and of the merchants carried these sayings to Rome, and the people began to think that the only way of ending the war was to elect Marius consul. Only twelve days before the election, he obtained leave of absence and sailed to Rome. He was elected not only consul, 1 but general for the war against Jugur- tha, notwithstanding the senate had designed to prorogue the command of Metellus. This was a great victory for the popular party ; for it had for a long time been an unheard of thing for a " new man " to be raised to the consulship. Fur- ther, he was designated to the command, 2 not by the senate, but by the people. 1 For the year B. c. 107. 1 The senate had already aadgned the province-!, but Manliu* Mancirms laid it before the people, who should conduct the war a r jr;iiu-=t Juzurtha ; they decided in favor of Manus. For the changes in the military organization introduced by Marius, gee p. 371. B. C. 113.] THE CIMBRI AND TEUTONES. 221 8. The War Renewed by Marius. After Marius had completed his preparations in Rome, he departed for Africa. 1 Here he fulfilled the popular expectation. Advancing into Numidia ravaging and plundering, he defeated Jugurtha, and Bocchus, king of Mauretania, in two bloody battles. This defeat discouraged Bocchus, and Sulla, Marius's quaestor, entered into negotiations with him, which resulted in the surrender of Jugurtha (B. c. 106). This ended the war. After remaining two years in the country, Marius returned to Borne to celebrate his triumph .(B. c. 104), in which Jugurtha walked in chains. While the procession was winding up the clivus Capitolinus, the king turned to the right to be cast into the Mamertine prison. As he touched the cold, damp dungeon, 2 he exclaimed: " By Hercules ! what a cold bath is this," and after six days died of hunger. 3 Numidia was not immediately made a Roman province, but the western part, Mauretania Csesariensis, 4 was annexed to the kingdom of Bocchus, and the rest was bestowed upon Gauda, a descendant of Masinissa. CHATTER XXXIII. THE WAR WITH THE CIMBRI AND TEUTONES (B. C. 113-101). 1. The Relations of Rome to the North. Before the war with Jugurtha was ended, a new danger threatened the empire from the north. It will be remembered that Rome had subdued the Gauls in the north of Italy and had founded Eporedia 5 (Ivrea) to command the passes of the western Alps, as Aquileja did of the eastern. The province of Narbo had been organized and communication was opened with Spain by means of the Domitian way, which extended 1 According to Sallust (c. 73), in the summer of B. c. 107 ; Mommsen 0- c. vol. ill., p. 170) thinks in B. c. 108 or late in the season of B. c. 107. See Peter (Studien zur Bom. Gesch., p. 06. note) for a thorough discussion of the subject. 3 The Tulllanum. Plut. G. Mar. Algiers. " B. C. 190. 222 THE CIMBRI AND TEUTONES. [B.C. lOo. from the Rhone to the Pyrenees. The colonies which the Gracchun party founded to alleviate the condition of the pro- letarians in the capital, and which soon became centres for Roman traders and settlers, have already been mentioned. 1 In most of the country beyond the Alps, however in Spain and in Gaul, except the small tract along the coast the native tribes still roamed in freedom and defied the incompetent gov- ernment at Rome. 2. The Battle of Arausio (B. c. 105). About this time it happened that a Germanic tribe, the Cirabri, in its wander- ings from home, 2 readied Noricum,* and approached the passes of the Alps near Aquileja. The consul Papirius Carbowas de- feated, 3 but instead of directing their march to Italy, the Cim- bri turned to the west, crossed the Jura, and threatened the Roman territory in that quarter. Here they stimulated other tri lies 4 to attack the Romans, and the consul Junius Silanus was defeated in B.C. 109, and two years after, L. Cassius Lon- ginus suffered a terrible defeat, and his army escaped only by giving up its baggage and passing under the yoke. This en- couraged Tolosa (Toulouse) to revolt, but the consul the next year retook the city, and plundered the rich temple there of its vast amount of treasures. The next year the Cimbri returned with the intention of invading Italy. Three powerful armies opposed their pa-sa^i' of the Rhone.* The battle of Arausio (Orange) followed, and the three armies were cut to pieces in' detail. The loss was tremendous. 5 The terror of another inva- sion from the north spread throughout Italy, and the storm of popular indignation burst forth with terrible fury against the oligarchy. 6 The Cimbri fortunately turned towards Spain and gave the Romans a two years n -spite. 3. Marius Re-elected Consul (B. c. 104). All eyes were now turned towards Marius. as the only man who could save Italy. During his absence he had been elected to the consulship, 1 See p. 214, 11. 4 ; also p. 210. " ( < imbricn. ' Near Noreja, in B. c. 113 Ti'i'innl. , 5 80.000 soldiers and 40.000 camp followers. * Caepio, one of the commanders. wa-= deposed from office, Ills property confiscated, and he, in direct violation of law, was condemned to death. * See Map NO. 7. B. C. 102.] THE CIMBRI AND TEUTONES. 223 although the law prescribed that the candidate should apply in person, and prohibited re-election until after the elapse of ten years. On the same day that he .celebrated his triumph, he entered his second consulship. 1 He set out immediately for Gaul at the head of an army ardently attached to him, and com- manded by the best officers, among whom was his old quaestor Sulla. The departure of the Cimbri gave him time to harden his soldiers by toil, and to complete the important canal 2 from the left bank of the Rhone to the coast, which opened communica- tion between the sea and his camp, thus avoiding the difficult navigation of the delta of the Rhone. 4. The Battle of Aquae Sextise (B. c. 102). In the meantime the Cimbri had returned from Spain, re-united with the Teutones, 3 and, reinforced by other tribes, prepared for the invasion of Italy. The immense host, however, divided again ; the Cimbri and the Tigurini crossed the Rhone, in order to enter Italy by their old route, the eastern Alps, while the Teutones and Ambrones marched toward the Rhone, where Marius was encamped, to enter Italy by the Maritime Alps, and join the Cimbri on the Po. The camp of Marius at the junction of the Rhone and Isara (Isere) commanded both of the western routes to Italy, the one along the coast, and the other over the Little St. Bernard. The barbarians stormed the camp, but when they found the intrenchments too strong for them, they pursued their way to Italy. For six days the vast host filed past the camp, and defied the Romans by asking if they had anything to send to their wives at home, for they should soon be in Italy. When they had advanced a short distance, Marius broke up and followed until they reached Aquae Sextiae 4 (Aix). Here Marius offered battle, and the enemy were eager foi the encounter. The Teutones fought with all the energy and courage of their race, but the Roman legions stood like a wall. At length, attacked in the front and rear, for Marius had placed 1 Jan. 1, B. c. 104. * Fomz Mariana. 3 Mommsen. following Livy. think* that the Cimbri first united with the Teutones after their return from Spain. Yellejus IVterculus iii.. 8). Appian (Celt. 13), and many others make the Teutones appear with ihc Cimhri much earlier. ' That is. Bath* of Sextius j see map. p. :Ji I 224 THE CIMBRI AND TEUTON [B.C. 101. a band of Roman soldiers there in ambuscade, the mighty host of the barbarians was annihilated. 1 Just as Marias was in the act of setting fire to the vast pile of arms collected from the field of battle, it was announced to him that he had been elect- ed to the consulship for the fifth time (B. c. 101). 5. Battle of Vercellse (B.C. 101). Meanwhile Q. Lu- tatius Catulus had engaged 2 the Cimbri as they attempted to enter Italy by the Brenner pass. 3 but being unable to hold his position, had retreated over the Adige,* thus leaving the whole valley of the Fo exposed to the ravages of the barbarians. Ma- rius, on his return to Rome, refused the triumph offered him by the senate, until the Cimbri were subdued. 4 After a brief stay in the capital, he joined Catulus. Their united armies crossed the Po and offered battle, but the barbarians declined it and sent envoys to Marius to demand lands for themselves and the Teutones. " The Teutones," replied Marius, " have got all the land they need on the other side of the Alps." The battle could no longer be delayed, and near Vercellae, just where Hannibal had fought his lirst battle in Italy, the hostile armies met. As at Aquae Sextiae, so here, the barbarians were annihilated. Those who survived the battle were either killed or sold in the slave market at Rome. 5 1 200,000 were killed and (K).OOO taken prisoners. 1 According to Livy ( Kp. Ixviii.V Plut. (Mur. 23> say< tliaf Catulus gave np the passes withont a content, and ported him?-elf 011 the Adige. Bee Mommsen (1. c. vol. iii., p. 201). 1 From Innsbruck to Trent. He wa> con-ul for B. c. 102, and his Imperivm had been prolonged ; he was now act- Ing as proconsul. s The human avalanche which for thirteen years had alarmed the nations from the Danube to the Ebro, from the Seine to the Po. rested beneath the sod. or toiled under the voke of slavery ; the forlorn hope of the German migration had performed its duty ; the nometeM people of the Cimbri and their comrades were no more. JfommMn, 1. c vol. iii., p. 2(i3. The hypothesis that the Cimbri. as well a* the similar horde of the Ten- tone- which afterwards joined them, belonged, in the main, not to the Celtic nation, to which the Romans at flr-t a isrned them, but to the Germanic, is supported by the most definite facts : viz., by the existence of two small tribe- of the .-ame name- -remnants left behind to all appeanooee in their primitive seats the Cimbri in modern Denmark, the Teuton.-- in the northea>t of Germany, in the neighborhood of the Baltic, where Pylheas. a contemporary of Alexander the Groat, make- mention of them thu< early in connection with the amber trade ; by the insertion of the Cimbri and Teutone^ in the list of the Germanic peoples aiuon" the Ingaevones. alongside of the Chaud : by the judgment of CV'-ar. who first mad'- the Roman- acquainted with the distinction between the Germans and the Celts, and who includes the Cimbri, many of whom he mn-t him- self have seen, among the Germans ; and la-tly. ! v the name- of the peoples and the statements a> to their physical api>earancc and habits in other resn.-cts, which, while ap- plying to the men of the north generally, are especially applicable to the Germans. Mommsen, 1. c. p. 187. * The Athens: see map. p. 2. B. C.I 01.] SOCIAL DISTRESS. 225 XXXIV. SOCIAL DISTRESS EEFORMS OF MARIUS THE APPULEIAN LAWS THE RULE OF THE SENATE RESTORED. 1. Necessity for Reform. The triumph which Harms had refused was now celebrated with double splendor. The people called him the third founder of Eome, 1 and rewarded him with new honors. ;Mariuswas now the first man in the state. His services had placed him far above Metellus or Catulus or any member of the aristocracy. He had delivered the state from her foreign foes, but a severer task was before him : to cure the social and agrarian evils, to arrest the pre- vailing decay, and to infuse a new spirit into civil and political life. At home the allotments of land had ceased, and poverty and decay were spreading again over Italy. While the labor on the great estates was performed by vast gangs of slaves, Eoman citizens wandered houseless and homeless. Repeated insurrections broke out in Italy and in Sicily. In the provinces the capitalists and the magistrates made common cause in plun- dering the provincials. , 2. The Slave Population. The farmers of the revenue in collecting the custom-dues and the tenths, had also prosecuted a profitable business in the provinces in kidnapping the free population and selling them to the slave dealers. This practice had been carried on to such an extent, that when Marius asked Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, for auxiliaries in the war against the Teutones, this prince replied that o\ving to the farmers of the revenue and slave merchants, he no longer had any subjects left in his kingdom except women, children, and old men. 2 The senate issued a decree that no 1 The first two were Romulus and Caniillus. 1 The Roman rule had undergone everywhere a material alteration. Partly through the constant growth of oppression naturally incident to every tyrannic government, partly through the indirect operation of the Roman revolution in the seizure, for instance, of the property of the soil in the provinces of Asia by Gajus Gracchus, in the Roman tenths and customs, and in the human hunts which the collectors of the revenue 226 SLAVE POPULATION. [B. C. 101. freeman, a native of an allied country, should be detained in slavery, and directed the praetor in Sicily to announce to those who believed that they were unjustly held in captivity to ap- pear before him. Immediately innumerable multitudes came to claim their freedom ; but as most of them belonged to influential capitalists 1 who openly expressed their dissatis- faction, the magistrate was obliged to let the measure drop. The slaves deceived in their hopes for freedom and rendered furious, flew to arms in all directions. They found two able leaders, Salvius and Athenion, one of whom conducted the war in the eastern part of the island, and the other, in the western part. The insurrection soon assumed such a formid- able aspect that, when the war Avith the Oimbri was ended, Manius Aquillius (B. c. 101), the colleague of Marius in his fifth consulship, was sent to Sicily. After two years he succeeded in subduing the insurrection (B. c. 99) ; the prisoners were sent to Rome to fight with wild beasts for the amusement of the people, but they disappointed the spectators by slaying each other with their own hands in the amphitheatre. 3. Marius as a Politician. Under such circumstances, the people looked to Marius as the only man who could save the state and overthrow the rule of the oligarchy. The army which he had formed and led to victory was ardently devoted to him, and furnished the means of striking the blow against the government. The times, however, were not ripe for a military despotism, and Marius sought to accomplish his reforms in a constitutional manner. He disbanded his army after the triumph, and relying on the support of the popular party, came forward in the regular way as a candidate for the consulship. Marius, although a great warrior, was no politician. As he had no clear and definite views of his own position nor of the manner in which reform was to be accomplished, he became a added to their other avocation there the Roman rule, barely tolerable even from the flr>t, prr--ed so heavily on A-i:i. that neither the crown of the king nor the hut of the pea-am there \va- uqr longer -af<- from confiscation, that ev<-ry -talk of corn seemed to grow for the Roman il rites) per modius (peck). s Lex ac/raria. * Gattia tranpadana. The fun-urn Tolosanum, " the gold of Tolosa " (see p. 222), which Caepio had stolen from the temple in Tolo-a. and which foil to the state treasury after his condemnation, was to DC distributed among the >ettiers to enable them to stock their farms. 228 MARIUS AND THE DEMAGOGUES. [B. C. 100. disgraceful riots and intense opposition. The partisans of the nobility dispersed the comitia by violence ; l but the old soldiers of Marius, who had flocked to the city in great crowds to vote, retaliated, and the voting was finally completed and the measures were adopted. 6. Re-election of the Demagogues. Saturninus now called up the senators to take the oath to observe the laws faith- fully. The course of Marias was marked by indecision and deceit. After declaring in the senate that he would never com- ply with the clause, he immediately took the oath to obey the laws so far as they were valid. The other senators follownl his example. Metellus alone refused, and when his friends promised to take up arms in his defence, he declined their assistance and went into exile. Thus far Marius had encour- aged Appulejus and Glaucia. For some unaccountable reason. he kept aloof from the scenes of violence attendant on the next election and let matters take their own course. Saturninus \\ ;i- again elected tribune, and Glaucia was a candidate for the con- sulship, although, according to the leges annalex? not legally eligible to this office until after the lapse of two years ; the other two candidates were M. Antonius 8 and G. Memmius. A> 1 At first the nobility brought the veto of the tribune to bear, but Saturninus took no notice of that ; nexi the magistrate who presided at the election wa- informed that a peal of thunder had been heard, a portent by which, according to ancient belief, the gods commanded the public assembly to break up (see p. 40* ; fNiturninu.- remarked to the messengers that the senate would do well to keep quiet, otherwise the thunder might be followea by hail. See p. 185. n. 4, GENEALOGICAL TABLE. M. ANTONIUS, Orator, cos. B. c. 99. M. ANTONIITS CRKTICUS, G. ANTONTCS, cos. 08. ANTONIA. pr. B. c. 75 ; m. 1. NUMITORIA ; 2. JULIA. M. AnTONirs, triumvir. G. ANTONTCS. L. ANTONTUS. m. 1. FANIA. 4. OCTAVIA. pr. B. c. 44. cos. B. c. 41. 2. ANTONIA. 5. CLEOPATRA. 3. FULVIA. ANTONIA. M. ANTO- J. ANTO- ANTOVIA ANTONIA ALEX- CLEO- PTOLEM^ZUS NITS. NIUS. major minor. ANDER. PATRA. PHILADELPHIA. B. C. 90.] REACTION AGAINST MARIUS. 229 the election of Antonius, the celebrated orator, was certain, the struggle lay between Memmius and Glaucia. As Memmius seemed likely to be elected, Saturninus hired bands of ruffians to assail and kill him on the public street. This outrage alarmed all who cared for the safety of the state. 7. Reaction against Marius. The senate saw that the time hud come to act. The consul was invested with full powers, 1 the state was declared to be in danger, and Marius, as consul, was charged with its defence. At the head of bands of armed men, Marius attacked Saturninus and his followers. Glaucia was killed in a private house, and the young nobles stripped the tiles from the senate house, where Marius had confined Saturninus and the other prisoners, and stoned them to death. The violent course of Saturninus had alarmed all who had anything to lose. His laws were repealed, and the equestrian party joined in unsparing persecutions against his followers. 2 From this time the popularity of Marius declined. Odious to the senate, and hated by the people because he had deserted Saturninus, despised by all for his duplicity and inde- cision, he had lost the confidence of all parties. Rather than witness the return of his hated rival Metellus, he left Rome under the pretext of performing vows in Asia Minor, but really to brood over his hopes of revenge and to recover his popularity by gaining fresh victories in the East, where the daily increasing complications threatened war with Mithridates. The predic- tion of the Utican seer had thus far been realized, but the promise of the seventh consulship still remained unfulfilled. 8. The Increase of Superstition. For the third time the power of the senate had been restored. Not only the char- acter of the internal government, but even religion began to 1 See p. 212, n. 4. 3 An important law was carried enforcing the observance of certain formalities at elections, viz., (It The Itx cue time (per Kiituriini h i re}. This gave the nobility a better opportunity to djscuss a law and to main- tain control over legislation (B. c. 98). 230 INCREASE OF SUPEESTITIOX. [B. C. 99. feel the injurious effects of a revolutionary struggle that had now lasted for nearly fifty years. The social evils pressed heavier and heavier upon the people, while the luxury and wealth of the upper classes increased. What was still worse, the old forms of faith were dying out, and men turned from their ancestral gods and sank more and more into strange supersti- tions. The slaves from the east brought their forms of worship with them. During the war with the Teutones, the senate welcomed the Phrygian Battaces, the high priests of Pessimus. who promised victory, and a temple was erected to the Good Goddess. ( Marius took with him everywhere the Syrian pro- phetess Martha, consulting her before every battle. Sulla be- lieved in omens and miracles and obeyed the Chaldean pro- phets. The wild orgies of the Cappadocian Ma, to whom the priests shed their own blood in sacrifice, the glowing Egyptian mysticism, and various forms of unallowed and secret worship, crept into Italy and took possession of the minds and hearts of the people. 1 In B.C. 97, the senate was obliged to forbid human sacrifices. Strange priests, religious impostors, and crowds of soothsayers swarmed in the streets and preyed upon the igno- rance and fears of the superstitious mass thai thronged the cap- ital from all parts of Italy. The native gods seemed to have forsaken the people, who in utter despair turned towards strange gods and sought with religious frenzy after strange worships. As every nation in antiquity had its own special gods, who, in consideration of constant worship, granted pro- tection to every citizen, it was therefore a sign of national decay when the people forsook their own gods and turned to foreign deities. 1 Men had become perplexed, not merely as to tlieir old faith, hut a* to their very celvfej ; the fearful cri-is of a fifty year*-' revolution, the instinctive feeling that the civil war was still far from being at an end. increase.'! the anxin-.is suspense, the gloomy per- plexity of the multitude. I{e-tless and wauderinir Imagination climbed every heiirht and fathomed every ahy . where it fancied that it iniirlit di-cover new prospects or new lisiht amid-t the fatalities Impending, mi<;hi LMIII fie-h trophies in the desperate struggle r destiny, or perliap~ might lind merely fresh alarms. A portentous mysticism found in the general distinction political, economic, moral, religious the soil which was adapted for it. and grew with alarming rapidity : it was a> if L'iirantic trees had grown by niirht out of the earth, none knew whence or whither, and this very marvellous rapidity of growth worked new wonders and seixed like au epidemic on all minds not thoroughly tonified. Xomme-en, 1. c. vol. iii., p. 461. B. C. 99.] THE STKUGGLE FOK THE FRANCHISE. 231 xxxv. THE STRUGGLE OF THE ITALIANS FOR THE FRANCHISE. 1. .The Condition of the Subjects. It will be recol- lected that Scipio was able to put an end to the execution of the agrarian law when the commissioners interfered with the laud secured to the Latins and the Italian allies by treaties. 1 The state had, no doubt, legally the right to resume possession of the public land, whether occupied by Roman citizens, Latins, or allies ; but while the complaints of Roman citizens could be disregarded, it became a question whether it was politic to give fresh offence to the Latins and the Italian allies, among whom already a profound dissatisfaction prevailed. 2 The leaders of the popular party proposed to remove the obstacle which the allies interposed by granting them the rights of citizenship ; and from this time the agitation for land and the Italian agitation for the franchise moved along side by side in close alliance. For nearly thirty years the hope of obtaining full citizenship had been held out to the Latins, but during all of that time no measure had been carried to better their condition. On the contrary, however, their condition had changed greatly to their disadvantage. The burdens imposed 8 upon them had been unjustly increased, and Rome managed the whole admin- istration of affairs in such a way as to make the allies feel that they were subjects without rights. The result was that the Italians, almost like the provincials, were handed over to the caprice of the Roman magistrates. 2. The Wrongs of the Subjects. It was no uncommon thing for a Roman consul to order the magistrate of an allied town to be flogged for some trifling offence. 4 A mere citizen 1 See p. 207. * See p. 184. See p. 184. The consul came to Teanum Sidiciuum ; he said his wife wished to bathe in the men's bath. Marcus Marius rontidcd it to ttie care of the qusestor of Sidicinum to see that those who were bathing should be sent away. The wife toltl her husband that the baths were not given up to her sooii enough, nor were they sufficiently clean. Immediately a THE STRUGGLE JOI! Till; 1- K \ N< II ISK. [B. C. 99. passing through Venusia ordered a free peasant to be sei/t T!ie i-ame tendency is ob-ervcd in modern linn - : tin: population flocks from the rural districts to the dttoc.) Such was tlie condition of Italy. The extremities of the body became cold and void : all was carried to the heart, which became oppres-ed. The senators rein-ted from the senate and public offices the " now men," the kntgrhU, the rich men. and Lrave up to them in compensation the invasion of the land of the poor. The Human- ivpnls-cd the colonists from the suffrage, the Latins from the city : the Latins in tun: expelled tlie Italians from Latium and from the riirhls of the Latins. Rome had ruined Independent Italy by her colonies, in which she crowded the poor; then she ruined colonized Italy by the Invasion of the rich, who everywhere bought, claimed, and usurped the lands", and had them cultivated by blaves. Mlcheltt. 1. c., pp. 254, 255. GENEALOGICAL TABLE. L. LICIMTS CRAMO*. Orator. cos. B.C. 93. m. MUCIA. i:\--t- Scmo, A. adopted by , Orator. LICTNTA, m. SCIPIO NASICA. j LICINTA, m G. MARIUS L. Lirrxifs C son of LICINI L. L. CI:A t - 7 The lex Licinia Mucia de citibus redigundis. B.C. 98.] THE STEUGGLE FOR THE FRANCHISE. 233 eminent statesmen of the times, so exasperated the Italians 1 that it became the proximate cause of the Social war. 3. The Equestrian Order. JDuring the prosecutions that followed under this law, events occurred that gave the senate new strength, and caused it to believe that the time had come to deprive the equestrian order of its judicial power. How unfit the knights were to exercise this right the unjust con- demnation of P. Rutilius Rufus,; one of the most eminent jurists and historians of his day, showed. He had accompanied M. Scaevola as legate to Asia, and when Scaevola returned to Rome, he was entrusted with the management of the province. With great impartiality he granted the provincials protection against the extortions of the tax-gatherers, the merchants, and the contractors. This so enraged the equestrian order that, on his return to Rome, a charge was trumped up against him, and being convicted, he was sentenced to pay a tine. His property was confiscated, and Rufus withdrew from Rome, and retired to the province which it was alleged he had plundered. After this prosecutions fell thick upon the senators, while every capi- talist tried before members of his own order was sure to escape. 2 4. The Laws of Drusus. The senatorial party entrusted the tribune, M. Livius Drusus, the son of that Drusus who had rendered the oligarchy such assistance in the contest with G. Gracchus, with the attack on the jury courts. He came for- ward with measures of reform which he believed would satisfy all parties. He proposed that colonies should be founded in Ifaly and Sicily, that the senate should be increased by the addition of three hundred new senators chosen from the 1 So long as the demands of the Italians were mixed up with those of the revolution- ary party at Rome, and had, in the hand- of the latter, been rejected by the folly of the IIKISM'S they might still resign themselves to the belief that the oligarcliy had been hos- tile merely to the proposers, not to the proposal itself, and that there was still a possi- bility that the more intelligent senate would accept a measure which was compatible with the nature of the oligarchy and salutary to the state. But the recent years, in which the senate once more ruled almost absolutely, had shed only too disagreeable a light on the designs of the Roman oligarchy ttaa.Mom/nuen, 1. c. vol. iii., p. 242. 3 Every one in the government party who was still alive to the fact that governing implied not merely rights but duties, every one in fact who still felt any nobler or prouder ambition within him, could not but rise in revolt against this oppressive and disgraceful political control, vyhich precluded any possibility of upright administration. The scan- dalous condemnation of Rutilius Rufus seemed a summons to begin the attack at once, and Marcus Livius Drusus. who was tribune of the people B. c. 91, regarded the tuumions us specially addressed to himself. Mommxen . 1. c. vol. iii., p. 231. V!:>4 TIIK STRUGGLK 1-OK THK 1 K A N ' 11 1 /TA. in. 1. TIBERIUS. 2. B.C. 91.J THE STRUGGLE FOR THE FRANCHISE. 235 declare the Livian laws null because they were carried in violation of a recent law. 1 After a stormy session, the senate decreed the abrogation of the laws. Drusus disdained to make use of his veto; he contented himself with remarking that it was the senate that had riveted the equestrian yoke upon its own neck. 6. The Death of Drusus. Only about two months more remained for Drusus to perform his promise to the allies. 2 The opposition was formidable. The allies looked to him as their leader, and were ready to take up arms for their rights. The ferment soon became so great that civil war was threatened. The opposite party looked upon Drusus as a conspirator, and the very day before the assembly was to meet to vote on his proposal to grant citizenship to allies, he was assassinated in his own house. Turning to those around him, well might he ask as he was dying, "Friends and neighbors, when will the republic have another citizen like me?" 8 ifor he had lost his life in attempting to overthrow the power of the capitalists, to restore the state by a systematic colonization, and to avert the impending civil war. Suspicion fell upon the tribune elect, Q. Varius, and particularly upon the consul Philippus. 7. Rupture with the Allies. Notwithstanding the death of Drusus, his colleagues in the tribunate favorable to the measure, hoped still to succeed, and the allies were summoned to Eome to assist in carrying it. Q. Pompa3dius Silo was already on the way with ten thousand Marsians. when one of the ambassadors who had been sent to pacify the Italians, met him and induced him to return by saying that the senate had already decided to give the allies the franchise. 4 The Italians had long been making preparations for revolt, and had secretly collected arms and made treaties. The Roman pra3tor, Gajus Servilius, hearing that the town of Asculum in Picenum was preparing 1 The lex Ctxcilia Didia, p. 229, note 2. 2 Lex de cintate sociis danda ; that the action of the senate had PO embittered Druns and caused him in the last two months of his tribunate to propose this law, is testified to in the most positive manner by Vellejus Paterculus (ii. 14). See Peter. 1. c. vol. ii., p 89 note. 3 Ecquandone gimikm mei civem habeW rf*pblicrt.\Q\l. ii, 14. * See Diodorus 37, 19 f. ; also Lange, 1. c. Hi., p. 106. 23t> THE STRUGGLE FOR Til K 1 KA vmsE. [fi. C. 90. for revolt, proceeded tliereancl threatened the inhabitant- in the most vehement language. The sight of the I'asces and the threats of the praetor aroused the people ; Semlius was .-ei/ed and put to death, together with his legate and all the Romans in the place. This was the signal for a general insurrection. The Picentes, Vestinians, Marsians, Pelignians., Marrneinians, Sam- nites, and Lucanians, were soon in arms. The communities with Latin rights, that were scattered throughout Italy, the Etruscans and the Umbrians. as well as most of the Greek cities, adhered to the fortunes of Home. 8. The Government of the Allies. In the meantime, the allies had prepared for war, and, with bitter hatred against their former rulers, they determined to destroy Rome. They lixed upon Cortinium in the beautiful valley of the Aternus* (/'fxrara) s the new capital of Italy. Its name was changed to Italiea. 1 and citizenship was to be conferred upon all who joined the insurrection. The form of government was borrowed from that of Rome. It was to have a senate of five hundred members, Avhich elected two consuls the Marsian Q. Pompaedius Silo, the chief instigator of the war, and the Samnite Gr. Papius Mutilus who were to conduct the war, and twelve praetors. The Latin and Samnite languages were equally recognized, though the Latin was used in official intercourse. The soul of the insurrection were the brave Marsians. and from the promi- nent part they took in the struggle, it has frequently been called the Marsic Avar. They had served in the Roman armies, and were armed and disciplined like the Romans. The Romans 'lieinsehes said of them. "Who could triumph over the Mar- sians. or without them 9. Commencement of Hostilities. The best officers of all parties, (iajus Marias, the democrat, a well-known sympa- thizer with the Italians; Lucius Sulla, the hero of the war; Publius Sulpicius Rufus, the friend of Prusus, and Pompejus Strabo, all offered their services to the consuls. 3 An army of 1 In Oscan. Vitellia, a name found upon the coins that the confederacy issued. ' Appian. I.e. ii , S?2. * There were ten lieutenant-commanders : the t-\-o con '-u I- were Lucius Ciesar, who a victory at AIWRP, and Publius Rutiliu- Lupu?. B. C. 90.J THE STRUGGLE FOK THE FRANCHISE. 237 one hundred thousand men was placed in the field. The insurgents, however, had an army equally large, and were better prepared. Of the details of the war but little is known ; it is clear, however, that the military operations were mostly confined to two districts the northern, extending from Pice- num to the borders of Campania, where the Latin language was spoken ; and the southern, embracing Campania, Sam- nium, and the states where the Sabelliau language was spoken. 1 Tlie-.se two districts formed throughout the war two distinct battle-fields. 10. Concessions. The Romans fought with alternate victories and defeats until near the close of B. c. DO, when it became known that the Etruscans and the Umbrians were about to join the insurrection. The majority of the senate saw that the time had come for concessions, and the Eomans were com- pelled to concede the very privileges that they had so long withheld : 1. TJie Julian law? carried by the consul Julius Caesar, granted the franchise to all the Latins, and to the other Italians who had remained faithful to Rome or had laid down their arms. The new citizens were to be confined to eight tribes, as the f reedmen were to four. 2. The lex Plauiia Papiria 3 prescribed that every citizen of an Italian 4 town should receive the franchise, provided that he was at that time a resident of Italy, and appeared before the Roman prator within sixty days to register his name. The effect of these concessions was immediately apparent. The insurrection became disorganized. Many fell away from the confederacy and hastened to avail themselves of the pardon 1 In the northern district. Silo commanded against the consul Publius Lupus ; in the southern. Caesar commanded against the Samnite Gajus Papius Mutilns. * Lex Julia. De dritate socii* dunda : carried near the close of B. c. 90. 3 Proposed by the tribunes Plautius Silvanus, and Papirius Carbo either in December, B. c. 90. or January, 89. ' The Po was reckoned as the northern boundary of Italy. According to Mommsen (vol. iii., p. 260 f.), Latin rights were conferred upon the communities between the Po and the Alps, in consequence of a law carried by the consul Strabo. Zumpt (De GaUia Rom. /H-orincid). however, seems to have conclusively proved that the jug Latii was not bestowed upon the communities between the Po and the Alps, but that citizenship was only granted to the Latin colonies, and thejw* Latii to some communities which seemed to deserve it. See Lange, 1. c. vol. iii., p. 118. THE STRUGGLE FOR THE I-UANCHIS!-;. [fi. C. S9. offered by the government. The second and third campaigns 1 were decidedly favorable to the Roman.-, and the war seemed near its close, although Nola was still in the possession of the Samnites, and the army of the Lucanians and Sainnites in southern Italy, under Pontius Telesinus. was still in arms, when extraordinary events occurred at Borne, which caused Sulla to raise the siege of Kola, march to Rome, and com- mence the Civil war. In order to understand these events, it is necessary to revert, to the internal history during the Social war. 11. The Varian Prosecutions. Even before hostilities had broken out, the most radical of the optimates and the capitalists mercilessly pursued the partisans of Dntsus. whom they regarded as the cause of the war. At the instigation of Q. Varius, a low demagogue, an investigation was ordered against all who had directly or indirectly favored the demands of the Italians for citizenship. 2 The most eminent senators were dragged before the equestrian courts and compelled to go into exile. Even ^Emilius Scaurus, the president of the senate, was compelled to appear before this tribunal. He deigned only to reply: "Varius, the Iberian, accuses yEmilius Scaurus, the prince of the senate, of exciting the Italians to revolt. Scaurus denies it. Quirites ! 3 which of them do yon believe ?" The people acquitted him with acclamation. As the war progressed, party spirit began to cool amid the disasters that befell the Romans on all sides. A reaction set in that was soon visible in Rome's policy at home and abroad. Besides mea>iiivs of compromise, 4 the tribune Plautius Silvanus carried a law which deprived the knights of their control of the judicial power, and entrusted it to jurymen chosen by the tribes. 5 The convictions under the law of Varius had been the work of the knights encouraged by the extreme senatorial 1 B. C. 89 and 88. 1 This law, lex de majettatt ; "f >/n. was j>rm>o-ed soon after Varius entered the tritranate, i. e.. either i:i December, B. c. 91. or in January, B. c. 90. 3 That is, citizens. Sec p. 15, n. 1. * L. Calpnntiofl Pi-" can-led :i 1-iw de.r Calpurnia <> rtfit.it, \ which empowered a gen- eral to confer citizenship on the Italians serving in his army. 3 The Ifx Ptautta judicaria ; each tribe was to choose 15 jurymen from the senators, e^uites, or people. B. C. 89.] THE STRUGGLE FOR THE FRANCHISE. 239 party. The passage of this law shows that the moderate party had obtained the upper hand. The ultras were in turn con- demned and compelled to go into exile, among whom was Varius himself. This prosecution arrayed party against party and sowed the bitterest discord among the people. 12. The Condition of the Allies. The results of the war had completely justified the concessions of the moderate party ; but the manner in which the concessions 1 had been made produced deep discontent among the allies. The new citizens had been crowded into eight tribes, which were to vote last, and in case twenty-two out of the thirty-five old tribes agreed, the matter was already decided, and the new tribes did not come to a vote at all. Besides, the increase in the num- ber of citizens 2 was so great that no public place in Eome was large enough to contain them. Scattered as they were all over Italy south of the Po, it was impossible for the vast multitude to come to Rome on the days when the public assemblies were held. 3 The restrictions under which they voted might have been necessary and beneficial, had the Roman citizens been 1 Instead of granting equality of rights to all Italian communities, the Romans had onlr expressed the inferiority in another form. They had received a great number of Italian communi tit-s into Roman citizenship, but had attached to what they thuc con- ferred an injurious stigma, by placing the new citizens alongside of the old on nearly the same footing as the fivedmen occupied alongside of the free born. They had irri- tated rather than pacified the communities between the Po and the Alps by the conces- sion of Latin rights. Lastly, they had withheld the franchise from a considerable, and that not the worst, portion of the Italians the whole of the insurgent communities which had again submitted; and not only so, but, instead of restoring in a legal shape the former treaties annulled by the insurrection, they had at the utmost renewed them as a matter of favor and rendered them revocable at pleasure. The disability as regarded the right of voting gave the deeper offence, that it was as the comitia were then con- stitutedpolitically absurd, and the hypocritical care of the government for the un- stained purity of the electors appeared to every unprejudiced person ridiculous; but all ther-e restriction* were dangerous, inasmuch as they invited every demagogue to carry his ulterior objects by takinr up the more or less just demands of the new citizens and of the Italians excluded from the franchise. . . . But still deeper indignation swelled the heart of the old man (i. e.. Marius) who had gone forth to the Italian war with revived hopes and had come back from it reluctantly, with the consciousness of having rendered new services, and of having received in return new and most severe mortifica- tions, with the bitter feeling of being no longer dreaded, but despised by his enemies, with that gnawing spirit of vengeance in his heart which feeds on its own poison. Mommsen. I. c. vol. iii, p. 268 ff. 3 According to Livy (epit. Ixxxviih. the number of citizens for B.C. 70 was 900,000; while the last census before the war showed 304.336: see p. 232, n. 3. 3 This Marsie war, which introduced the Italians into Rome, permanently destroyed the unity of the city tsee p. 211), which had so Ions; been maintained by the patricians. Before the old temple of Quirinus, pays Pliny (xv. 36), there grew two myrtles, the one patrician, the other plebeian. The first, which hart been green and vigorous up to the Marsic war. thereafter languished and withered, while the other flourished and grew strong. Vol. 3Iax., ix. 5. 240 THE STRUGGLE FOR THE J KA N< II IsK. [B. C. 88. what they once were; but the people long ago had lost all power, and the voters in the public assemblies were for the most part an ignoble rabble, composed of the freedmen of all nations. They took, however, the spirit of ancient Rome, believed them- selves Romans, asserted their superiority over the new citizens and defended the unity of the city, finally, the franchise had been entirely withheld from the Samnites, who had remained in arms' 1 and had not complied with the provisions of the Plautian law. 13. The Financial Crisis. Meanwhile events had oc- curred in the East which rendered it imperatively necessarv to declare war against Mithridates, king of Pontus, and to assign one of the consuls 2 with a new army to conduct the war there (B.C. 88). The state treasury, however, after a war of two years, was completely exhausted, and in order to equip a new army, the Romans had to raise money by selling for building lots the land in front of the capitol, which had been left vacant for the use of the pontiffs, augurs, and flamens. The dis- tress produced by the Social Avar, followed by the breaking out of hostilities with Mithridates, ruined thousands. The capi- talists and all who had their property invested in Asia Minor, no longer receiving returns, were compelled to suspend pay- ments. Terrible financial distress set in at Rome, and interest rose to enormous rates. The debtors in their distress sought relief from the pra3tor A. Sempronins Asellio, who revived the Genucian law which authorized the debtors to sue for fourfold the amount of interest paid above the legal rate. 3 This so enraged the creditors that they assembled in the forum and attacked and killed the prator before the eyes of the people. 4 1 See p. 238. ' Snlh was elected consul for B. c. 88. * See ]> -'. Matters stood again exactly a* they had stood during the strife of the orders ; once more the capitalists in league with the prejudiced aristocracy made war against, and prosecuted, the oppre^ed multitude and (lie middle party which advised a modification of the rigid letter of the law; once more Rome stood on ihe verge of that aby.-s into which the despairing debtor drags his creditor along witli him. But since that time, the simple civil and moral organization of a great agricultural city had been succeeded by the social antagonisms of a capital of many nations, and by that demoralization in which the prince and the beggar meet ; now everything had come to be on a broader, more abrupt, and fearfully grander scale. When the Social war brought all the political and social elements fermenting among the citizens into collision with each other, it laid the foundation for a new revolution. Mommsen, 1. c. vol. iii., p. 271 f. B.C. 88.] THE FIRST CIVIL WAR. 241 XXXVI. THE FIRST CIVIL WAR (B. C. 88-80). THE PROSCRIPTION OF THE SENATORIAL PARTY (B. C. 87). 1. The Rise of Sulla. Meanwhile the war in the East grew more threatening every day, and the senate was compelled to assign the management of it to one of the consuls. The lot fell upon Sulla, who was still engaged in the siege of the Sam- nites and the Lucanians in Nola. The selection of Sulla deeply offended Marius, who had long regarded the conduct of that war as his due. Sulla, however, during the Social war, had greatly increased his popularity. In the campaign against Jugurtha as Marius's legate, he had first displayed that bravery and audacity to which he owed his reputation. He took part in the Cimbric wars, where he displayed his remarkable talent in a still more striking manner. In B. c. 93 he was elected pra3tor, and, at the Apollinarian games, he exhibited for the amusement of the people a hundred African lions which were put to death in the circus by archers sent from Africa. A few years later when Bocchus had gilded figures erected in the capitol repre- senting the surrender of Jugurtha to Sulla, the exasperation of Marius knew no bounds. In the Social war private quarrels had been hushed, and Marius and Sulla both offered their services. But Marius was so far advanced in age that he lost his renown as a soldier, and saw the laurels which he hoped to gather reaped by his opponent. Sulla's brilliant exploits estab- lished his reputation as a soldier, and raised him to the consul- ship ; and now, entrusted by the senate with the command in the East, new fields of conquest were open to his ambition. 2. The Sulpician Laws (B. c. 88). Marius, however, had long coveted this distinction, and determined not to yield to his rival without a struggle. He left his beautiful villa at Misenum, and appeared daily in the Campus Martius, and ex- ercised with the young men. His enemies asked him what had become of the nervousness which had paralyzed his movements #42 THE FIRST CIVIL WAR. [B. C. 88. in the Social war. In order to regain his popularity, he under- took the cause of the Italians, and induced the tribune P. Sul- piciu.s, who had renounced his nobility l in order to become a candidate for the tribunate, to propose measures to conciliate the Italians and the knights, and finally to procure for him the conduct of tin- Asiatic war. These proposals were: 1. That the new citizens and freedmen should be distrib- uted among all the tribes. 2 2. That those citizens condemned under the Varian law should be recalled from exile. 3 3. That every senator who owed more than two thousand denarii 4 should forfeit his seat in the senate. 5 3. Civil War (B. c. 88). Sulla returned to Rome to pre- vent the tribune from carrying these rogations, and declared all the remaining days of the year holidays; 6 during which no business could be legally transacted. This, however, made no difference to Sulpicius. \\ ith a body-guard of six hundred knights whom he called his anti-senate, and three thousand freedmen, he compelled Sulla, amid scenes ol' tumult and bloodshed, to withdraw the juxtittiuii. 7 After Sulla had left the city, Sulpicius came forward with his principal pro- posal : that the command in the Mithridatic war should be transferred to .Marias. 8 Two militarv tribunes sent to the ' As none hut plebeians could hold this office, patricians often renounced the privi- leges of their rank in order to be qualified : thi- was called trunxitin ml ii/fbem. '' I't iwri cv/w li'i'i-iiii / r<-nr> ntur.lAv. Ep. 77: i. e., those equites. who were condemned after the change in the popular feeling. See p. 238. 4 About $400. 1 This was also in the interest of the equites, as the senate, thus purified, was to be filled up from their order i /'/'//. .s'////a, 8). For a different interpretation of these lawn, see Mommsen. 1. e. vol. iii.. p. ^4f. Fence iin] n/'i/'ii ; ;ill days with the Romans were either ilititfttsti. when business could be trail-acted, or '* nifnxtl. when bii-ine-- wa- suspended,. All days consecrated to the worship of the gods, tofeMtfl or frame-, were t'.-t't. and were either /ferke j/nf/'ir.r or /; ' were: (l)feri(f. ntdllnt, 'holidays observed every year on a fixed day ; (i J'trimpfja '/> :-initi>* ctntttrtatit ; =ee p. 22. 244 THE FIRST CIVIL WAR. [B. C. 88. Ostia 1 in a vessel bound for Africa, but a storm compelled him to land at the Circejan promontory. Being deserted by the sailors, he took refuge at lirst in the hut of a poor fisherman, and then in the inarch near Minturnae, where, in order to con- ceal himself he sank in the mud up to his throat. Here he \va< discovered and dragged before the magistrates of Minturnae, for a proclamation had already been made in all these towns that a general search should be made for Marias, and that he should be put to death wherever he was found. The magis- trates sent a slave one of the Cimbri whom Marius had sent to Italy to put him to death. The prison in which he lay was dark, and, to the frightened barbarian the eyes of the old gen- eral seemed to flash fire, and from the darkness a haughty voice demanded: " Durst thou kill Gajus Marius." l 6. Marius's Escape to Africa. The sword fell from the hand of the barbarian, and he fled exclaiming : " I cannot kill Gajus Marius." When the magistrates heard this, they were struck with remorse at their conduct towards the pre- server of Italy. "Let him go," said they; "let the exile go and await his destiny in some other land. It is time that we who have refused the poor, the naked wanderer the right. s of hospitality, should deprecate the anger of the gods." They got a vessel ready, and sent him to the island of yEnaria (Ischia), where he was joined by many of his proscribed friends. From here he sailed for Africa ; but hearing on the way that his son had taken refuge with Hiempsal, king of Numidia, he landed at the site of Carthage. He had scarcely set foot on shore when the praetor Sextilius sent an officer who said : " Marius, I come from the praetor to tell you that he forbids you to set foot in Africa. If you do not obey, he will execute the decree of the senate and treat yon as a public enemy." On hearing this Marius was struck dumb with grief and astonishment. At length he said with a sigh, " Go tell the praetor that you have seen Gajus Marius a fugitive sitting amidst the ruins of Carthage." At length, being joined by his 1 See map, p. 346-7. ' Flat. Mar, B. C. 87.] THE FIRST CIVIL WAR. 245 son, he crossed to the island of Cercina,* where he waited for the fulfillment of the prophecy of the Utican seer, for he had not yet been consul for the seventh time. 7. The Marian Party. Scarcely had Sulla departed, when China, supported by the majority of the tribunes, pro- posed that the new citizens and freedmen should be enrolled in the thirty-five tribes, 1 and that the exiles should be recalled. 2 The senate, headed by Octavius, determined not to yield.,; Both parties appeared armed on the day of voting. Octavius, after a dreadful conflict, in which as many as ten thousand were slain, gained the victory. Cinna, being deprived of his office and driven from the city, fled to the army of Claudius, whom Sulla had left in command in Campania. Having obtained its support, and being joined by a vast number of the Italians, 3 he marched to Eome. The senate recalled the army of Pompejus Strabo from Cisalpine Gaul, and directed Metellus Pius, who had charge of the war against the Samnites, to conclude peace, and return to Eome. When Marius heard of these events, he t -ail from Africa, landed at Telamon with a few followers, and occupied one place after another on the coast until Ostia fell into his hands. This cut Eome off from communication with the sea, and Marius moved rapidly up the Tiber, captured Mons Janiculus and united his forces with those of Cinna. Strabo and Octavius succeeded in retaking the Janiculus, and the senate, in order to increase the army, conferred citizenship on all the allies who had been subdued in the Social war and had not complied with the lex Plautia Papiria. 4 A few of the government troops arrived, not more than sixteen cohorts, not enough to supply the places of those who had fallen. 8. The Proscription of the Senatorial Party. The government, hoAvever, did not despair. On the arrival of Metellus, it prepared to offer battle to the insurgents on the Alban Mount, but the untrustworthiness of the army compelled the senate to capitulate. Cinna was recognized as consul, and 1 The lex Cornelia de nor&nim civium et libertinorum miffragiis, probably a re-enact- ment of the ley, Svljnda; see p. 242. Q The lex Cornelia de exwibus revocandis. 3 As many as thirty legions. The },.> t'urndia de V, Mario et ct.ttris exulifru* revocandix. * See map, p. 217. 246 PROSCRIPTION OF THE SENATORIAL PARTY. [B.C. 86. with the sole condition to refrain from bloodshed, was admitted into the city. But Marias refused to enter the gates until the sentence of outlawry against him was recalled. The armies then marched in, and the soldiers were let loose for a massacre, which lasted five days. The most distinguished men of the state were put to death and their proper! y was confiscated. The consul Octavius was slain while sitting in his curule chair and arrayed in his consular robes. Among the slain were L. Julius Cassar, the hero of Acerrse,* and his brother Gajus, M. Anto- nius, the celebrated orator, Q. Lutatius Catulus, who had tri- umphed with Marius over the Cimbri, and P. Licinius Cra.-sus Dives. China was soon tired of the slaughter, but Marius required new victims every day. The bodies were refused burial, the heads of the senators were fixed to the rostra in the forum. Marius revelled in the scenes of blood, and his body- guard of Varda-jans, as he called the band of Illyrian slaves who had escaped from the crgastula 1 in Etruria and fled to him, struck down every one who displeased him. Sulla was proscribed and his property confiscated. 9. The Seventh Consulship of Marius. Without the forms of an election China declared himself and Marius con- suls for the next year (B.C. 86). The "Utican seer was right. The gods granted Marius the seventh consulship, but fear of Sulla and pangs of conscience haunted him day and night Hated by all parties, he sought forgetfuluess in the wine-cup, and, wearied with life, he died on the thirteenth day of his consulship, in the seventy-first year of his age. Order was in some meavsure restored, though for two years longer Cinna disregarded all constitutional forms and exercised dictatorial powers. L. Valerius Flaceus was appointed consul in the place of Marius, and suitable laws 2 were carried by the two consuls 1 These were slave IXMI. * Sec map No. 6. 8 The If.r I' tr-ia (p. 838) was repealed and the jurymen were to be taken exclusively from the f>i>i'it-* : thr law- f Sulla (Itrie* Cornelia) were repealed : the prov- ince* redistributed: a ceii-us w;s taken IB. c. 861 for the purpose of distributing the Italians in all the tribes according to the for Cornelia de nororum ciriurn xi/fTrayiig, but the returns gave only 463.000 (in B.C. 115. 3!>4,336>. showing that only a few of the new citizens had complied with the Plautian law : and Flaceus carried a law ifrr Yn'tria (U cere atteno) to secure the favor of the people, which cancelled all debts by the ; ayinent of one fourth of the amount due a mea-nre that had become necessarv. because such a large number of Roman citi/.en* had lost their property invested in Asia Minor, in consequence of the Mithridatic war. B. 0. 88.] THE FIRST MITHRIDATIC WAR. 24? which they hoped would render their authority secure. The government of Cinna was a real tyranny. In utter disregard of the people to whom he owed his power, he had himself and On. Papirius Carbo declared consuls for the two following years. Meanwhile L. Valerius Flaccus had been appointed to super- sede Sulla, and had departed on his perilous mission. CHAIPTER XXXVII. THE FIRST MITHRIDATIC WAR (B. 0. 88-84). 1. Mithridates and the East. The arrangements which the Eomans had made in Asia Minor after the subjugation of Aristonicus l remained unchanged, except that Phrygia had been added to the Roman province. 2 The other countries, al- though nominally free and governed by independent princes, had been treated more and more by Rome as dependent states. Pontus, the most remote of these kingdoms in the northeast, extending along the Euxine sea from the river Halys to the frontiers of Colchis, had, like the others, originally been a satrapy of the Persian kings. The country had, however, for many centuries been independent, and the throne had de- scended through eight generations to Mithridates VI., surnamed Eupator, and the Great, , He was only twelve years old when his father was cut off by the dagger of an assassin (B.C. 120). 2. His Flans of Conquest. Mithridates became a man of remarkable powers of mind and body. 8 As soon as he came 1 See p. 179. * The province embraced at first Mysia, Lydia, and Caria. " The armor which fitted the gigantic frame of king Mithridates excited the wonder of the Asiatics, and still more that of the Italians. As a runner, he overtook the swiftest deer ; as a rider, he broke in the wild steed, and was able by changing horses to accom- plish 1JO miles iii a day ; as a charioteer, he drove sixteen in hand, and gained in compe- tition many a prize it was dangerous, no doubt, in such sport to carry off victory from the king. In hunting on horseback, ho hit the game at full gallop, and never missed his aim. His intellectual wants he satisfied by the wildest superstition the interpretation of dreams and the Greek mysteries occupied not a few of the king's hours and by a rude adoption of Hellenic civilization. He was fond of Greek art and music, that is to say, he collected precious articles, rich furniture, old Persian and Greek objects of lux- uryhis cabinet of rings was famous : he had constantly Greek historians, philosophers, and poets in his train, and proposed prizes at his court festivals, not only for the great- est eaters and drinkers, but also for the merriest jester and the best singer. He prose- 2+8 THE FIHST MITHRIDATIC W.M;. [B.C. !>. of age (B. C. 113), he endeavored to extend his dominions as far as he could without coming in contact with the Romans. Col- chis, Lesser Armenia, and the Tauric Chersonese with its capital PanticapEeum (Kertch], were annexed to his kingdom. He formed treaties with other tribes on the Black sea, and even as tar as the Danube, and in the East allied himself with Ti- granes, king of Armenia, by giving him his daughter in mar- riage. After making these preparations, he felt himself strong enough to contend with Rome herself. In order to bring (Jap- padocia 1 under his sway, he attempted to place upon the throne one of his nephews. The Romans interposed, and Sulla, who was then propraetor in Cilicia, received orders to interfere. Mithridates was still anxious to avoid a collision with Rome, and therefore left the management of affairs to Tigranes. Sulla, with a small force, drove the king's auxiliaries out of the country, and permitted the people of Cappadocia to choose Ariobarzanes as their king. Sulla, however, had scarcely left the country when Tigranes fell upon Ariobarzanes and expelled him from Cappadooia (B. c. 92). 3. Mithridates' Invasion of Asia. In the following year Mithridates interfered in Bithynia, and set up a rival claimant to the throne, although the Romans had recognized Xicomedes as king. Ariobarzanes and Xicomedes both appealed to Rome for aid. The consul Manius Aquillius was sent to Asia as cnted the experimental stndr of poisons and antidote* a* an important branch of the bu^ine own language, without needinir an interpreter. Notwithstanding his Hellenic culture, which sat on him not modi better than the Roman armor on hi- Cappadorian-. lie wa- throughout an Oriental of the ordinary stamp, . frill of the mo-t -en-ual appetite-, guperstltiouB. cruel, perfidious, and unecrapo- lini- : but -o viL r n>n- in "r^ani/anuM. so powerful in phy-ical endowments, that his de- fiant laving about him and hi- un-hakeu courage in resistance looked like genius. The Mithridatic war formed at once the la-t movement of the political opposition offered by Hella- to Koine, and the beginning of a revolt again>t the Roman supremacy resting on very different and far deeper grounds of antagonism the national reaction of the Asiatics airiinst the Occidental-. Munnnxi >). \. c. vol. iii.. p. 275 f . 1 Cappadocia had formerly belonged to Pontns. but when the Roman? gave Mithri- dates' father Great Phrysia (about the same a- the present Phryiria, except that a por- tion of it- territory on the we-t had been added to the province of A-iai a- a reward for his service- iu the" wars against Carthage and against Aristonicus, they deprived him of Cappadocia. No. 4. B. C. 87.] THE FIRST MITHRIDATIC WAR. 249 envoy to settle the difficulties. Mithridates yielded again, and the two kings ascended their thrones. At the instigation of Aquillius, Nicomedes declared war against Mithridates, closed the Bosporus to his vessels, and made predatory incursions into his territory. The king of Pontus, however, remained un- shaken in his policy of peace, until he had applied to the Roman envoy either to restrain Nicomedes or to allow him to defend himself. Aquillius, who had instigated the war for his own profit, informed the king that he must refrain from war with Mcomedes. This was the old policy of Eome acted over again. Mithridates, with the courage of despair, prepared for war, 1 and ordered his generals, Neoptolemus and Archelaus to invade Bithynia. They defeated Mcomedes and drove him from his kingdom, captured Aquillius and put him to death with torture, and even invaded the Roman province. Here the extortions of the tax-gatherers, the rapacity of the Roman mer- chants, and the oppression of the slave speculators, had pro- duced such deep discontent that the people everywhere hailed Mithridates as their deliverer. Civil war had broken out at Rome, and Sulla was detained at home. No sufficient force opposed the king. From Ephesus, he issued orders to put to death on the same day all the Italians with their wives and children residing in Asia Minor. 2 Taking up his winter- quarters at Pergamus, he sent Archelaus with a fleet to extend his empire to the west, while another army advanced along the Thracian coast as far as Macedonia. The most of the islands of the Grecian archipelago submitted, and even Athens and nearly all Greece declared in favor of Mithridates. 4. Sulla Lands in Bpims (B. c. 87). In the beginning of the next year Sulla landed in Epirus with five legions. 3 Ad- vancing directly to Athens, where Archelaus had intrenched himself, he captured the city after a stubborn resistance, 4 and gave it up to plunder and massacre. Meanwhile the second army of Mithridates under Taxiles had arrived in Greece, and 1 His army numbered 250,000 infantry, 40,000 cavalry, and 400 ships. 9 According to some accounts 80,000 were murdered ; and to others, as many as 150,000 About 30,000 men. * March 1, 86 B. c. 250 mi. riu>i MiTHKJiiATK \\ AI;. L B - ' Archelaus joined it in Bceotia. Sulla defeated both armies, first at Chseronea* (B. c. 86), and then at Orchomenus (B.C. 85). Meanwhile Flaccus, 1 who had been appointed to supersede Sulla, had arrived in Greece with two legions; but finding Sulla's soldiers deaf to all his solicitations to desert their com- mander, he retired to Macedonia and marched through Thrace to Asia Minor. Soon after Flaccus fell a victim to an insurrec- tion headed by G. Flavins Fimbria, a Roman demagogue who was serving in the army as a legate. He had acquired such popularity with the soldiers that on the death of Flaccus he was raised by them to the chief command. Sulla took up his winter-quarters in Thessaly. 5. Conclusion of Peace (B. c. 84). In the meantime affairs had changed in Asia Minor. Mithridates had shown himself in his true colors of a savage Asiatic despot. At first he had come forward as a liberator of the Hellenes, but his tyranny had alienated these, and all the provincials were ready to receive the Romans back. L. Licinius Lucullus, Sulla's legate, who afterwards commanded in the second Mithridatic war, collected a fleet, and gained two victories off the coast of Asia Minor. Just at this time Fimbria had defeated the younger Mithridates, captured Pergamus, the capital of the Pontic king, and compelled Mithridates himself to take refuge in Mitylene. These repeated disasters made Mithridates anx- ious for peace. The preliminaries, however, which were settled with Archelaus in Greece during the winter, were rejected by the king, who asserted that Fimbria would grant more favorable terms. Sulla broke off negotiations and crossed the Helles- pont (B.C. 84). This brought Mithridates to his senses. In a personal interview with the king at Dardaims. the terms were definitely settled. Mithridates abandoned all his conquests in Asia Minor, confined himself to the dominions which he had held before the war, paid three thousand talents, 2 and surren- dered eighty ships-of-war fully equipped. 6. Death of Fimbria. Sulla was now at liberty to pro- 1 Sec p. 247. * Nearly $4.000,000. * See map, p. 157. B. C. 83.] SULLA CRUSHES THE MAKIAN PARTY. 251 ceed against Fimbria, who was at Thyatira. After vainly attempting to induce his soldiers to fight, Fimbria fled to Per- gamus and put an end to his own life. 1 Sulla imposed upon the inhabitants of the province of Asia an enormous contribu- tion of twenty thousand talents, 2 which delivered them com- pletely into the hands of the Roman bankers and speculators, from whom they were compelled to borrow the money at an exorbitant rate of interest. XXXVIII. SULLA CRUSHES THE MARIAN PARTY. 1. Sulla's Return to Italy (B.C. 83). During Sulla's absence, the Marian government, under Cinna, had been a real despotism. It was evident, from the time that Cinna had de- clared him a public enemy and sent Flaccus to relieve him in command, that Sulla intended to overthrow this government by force of arms. Tidings had arrived from time to time of his success, and finally in B. c. 84 a letter came from Sulla himself to the senate, announcing the end of the war and his return to Italy. The first general of the age and at the head of a de- voted army, he had little to fear from his adversaries ; yet, knowing that their strength lay in the city mob and the Ital- ians, he attempted to conciliate both of these by declaring that he would respect the rights of the new citizens, and that pun- ishment should fall on the authors of the trouble and not on the people. 2. Civil War (B. c. 83). The senate in alarm sent an embassy to Sulla expressing a desire for peace, and at the same time ordered the consuls Cinna and Carbo to suspend their 1 Hi* soldiers wtre not allowed to return to Rome, but were condemned to military service in A were not admitted to the city, and vic- torion- LViienils \vlui claimed the honor of a tmim;>h. It \va- here > after the Roman-; ex- tended their dominions, so that it wa- not practicable to go to the enemy's frontier) that thefedaUs made the declaration of war. for the area of the temple was regarded as for- eign territory, and the pillar in front (co'umna beltica) of the temple a- the frontier, aud the fftinl'm hurled the spear over this piilnr. '"Pint. Still. 30. The battle was fought Nov. 1. B. c. 82. In a con fir,. ' See p. 233 Tabula protcrip'tonix. 12,000 denarii = about $2,300. B. C. 82.] SULLA CRUSHES THE MARIAN PARTY. 255 work. List after list appeared, and as many as forty-seven thousand are said to have perished. The confiscated property, which Sulla himself sold at public auction, was bid in by his friends and dependents at a nominal price, as no one dared to bid against them. 1 Sometimes the purchase money was not paid at all, and sometimes Sulla bestowed estates upon his favorites without the formality of a public sale. The wealth that had been wrung for many generations from the toil and blood of the slaves, from the plunder of the provinces, and from the ruined cities and people of Italy, became the spoil of the soldiers, the generals, and the nobles, so that it was a common saying : " His fine house was the death of such a one, his gar- dens of another, his hot-baths of a third." One day a stranger came into the forum, and reading the list out of curiosity, saw his own name among the proscribed. " Ah ! unfortunate that I am," cried he, " my Alban villa has killed me." He had not gone far before he was overtaken and killed. 2 It was a fearful time ; bands of soldiers traversed Italy to hunt down the pro- scribed. 3 Men of wealth were sometimes murdered first and then proscribed. 4 After this, Sulla celebrated his triumph, had the senate legalize all his acts while consul and proconsul, and ordered the erection of a gilded equestrian statue of himself in front of the rostra, with the inscription, " L. Cornelia Sulla imperatori Felici" 1 Oic. Rose. Am. 8, 31 ; Pint. Cic. 3. Such creatures as P. Cornelius Chrysogonns, G. Verres, and P. Cornelius Sulla seized this opportunity to enrich themselves. a Plut. Sull. 30. 1 The victory of Sulla was the triumph of Rome over Italy; in Rome itself, that of the nobles over the rich, particularly over the knights ; as for the common people, they existed only in name; 2,600 knights were proscribed, with 80 senators belonging to their party. The terrib'.e system of confiscation was applied to all Italy. In every place the men belonging to the opposite party were put to death, banished, or plundered; and not only themselves, but their parents, their friends, those who knew them, those who had spoken to them, and even those who had accidentally traveled with them. Whole cities were proscribed, as well as men, and were plundered and depopulated to give place to the legions. Above all, the unfortunate Etruri.i, the only country which had still escaped the colonies and the agrarian law-, the only country in which the laborers were generally free, became the prey of the soldiers. Sulla founded a new town in the valley of the Arno, not far from Fiesole, and called it Florentia. Appian, 1. c. ; Michdet^ 1. c. 1 Whoever killed one of the-e outlaw- \va- not only exempt from punishment like an executioner duly fulfilling hi- office, but also obtained for the execution a compensa- tion of 12.000 denarii t$3 '(ti : any one, on the contrary, who befriended an outlaw, even the nearest relative, was liable to the severest punishment. The property of the pro- scribed was forfeited to the state like the -polls of the enemy ; their children and grand- children were excluded rrom a political career, and yet, so far as they were of senatorial rank, were bound to undertake senatorial burdcn>. 256 THE SULLAN CONSTITUTION. [B. C. 82-80. CHAPTER XXXIX. THE SULLAN CONSTITUTION (B.C. 82-80). 1. The Rule of the Senate Restored. Sulla now had time to turn his attention to the reorganization of the govern- ment, in the interest of the nobility. This party, since the time of the second Punic war, blind and obstinate, had more and more proved its un worthiness to govern the Roman state. Sulla, in this restoration of the rule of the senate, restored what was already dead, and, blind to the influence of the popular party, attempted to push the great revolution back to the point at which, in his opinion, it ought to have stopped. It was therefore only a temporary arrangement, because the nobility, thoroughly corrupt and selfish, exercised the privileges entrusted to them, not for the good of the state, but for their own aggrandizement. The people soon regained their power, and misgovernment and anarchy prepared the way for the rule of one man who restored good government and peace to the exhausted Roman world. 2. Sulla Dictator with Full Powers. On the motion of L. Valerius Flaccus, the chief of the senate, Sulla was ap- pointed dictator with full l powers to regulate the state by new laws, to confiscate property, to pronounce sentence of death, to dissolve or to establish communities in Italy, to fix its bound- ary, to found colonies, to confer the inij>(>/-i/titi,imlfr. \. e., dictator for the of laws and (he regulating qf the commonwealth. Sulla in some mea-u're observed the forms of the constitution in licinsr appointed dictator. A- a con-nl only could nominate a dictator and both cnn-.nl- wove dead, Sulla retired from Rome and the senate elected an '. who appointed Sulla dictator. The dictator wa- formerly aptwinted for a par- ticular purpose and for a definite time : Sulla'- dictator-hip wa< Unlimited in both the^e re-pert-. Legally the iir-t int. ,-n.r could not appoint a dictator, and constitutionally the dictator wa- appointed under the Ir.r ,1, . who expre-^ly says that all the prerog- atives of the tribune-; except that of intercession were taken away. " Seep. 183; tliis. as many other pn>vi>ions of the constitution, had long been the custom ; now it became a leTH TTION. [fl. C. 82-80. dividing line between the chil and the military authority, \vas extended to embrace all Italy, which was henceforth tc be exempt from military authority, 1 the aim being to bring about a complete separation bet ween the civil authority which gov- erned in districts inhabited by Roman citizens, and the mili- tary authority which governed in other districts. 4. The senate, which had been greatly reduced during the Civil war, was filled up with three hundred new members, elected by the comitia tribnta, from the equestrian order. The rension of the roll of the senate by the censor was abolished, and all who had been quaestors were eligible to a seat in the senate. The office of jurymen was restored to the senate, and the revival of the old regulation by which the senate had the initiative in legislation, kept the public assemblies under its control. 5. The foundation of the power of the nobility had been in the priestly colleges. Sulla repealed the Domitian law of B. c. 104, which bestowed upon the people the right of electing the members of these colleges, and restored that of co-optatio or self -election. The number of pontiffs and augurs was increased to fifteen respectively. 2 6. The judicial system was reorganized, and permanent courts 3 were established for the trial of criminal cases. Al- ready as early as B. c. 149, by the Calpurnian law, a criminal court 4 had been organized for the trial of provincial governors in cases of extortion. Sulla established several new ones, and henceforth there were separate courts for exactions, 5 for mur- der, for high treason, 6 for adultery, 7 for forging of wills, 8 for 1 Imperiiirn tni': 'Theter Cornelia de j/rovripfionf has already been mentioned. For executing the provision;- of the law more than 10.0U) -hive- were freed and enrolled as a bodv-irnard. The work of conti-eation was interrupted Jan. 27, B.C. 81. by the celebration of Sulla's magnificent triumph over Mifhridate-. Hi- soldiers were then provided for. They were (*ettled in all part- of Italy, whole districts were depopulated to srive place for them. The towns. -nch a< Nola and VoUterra, that refn-ed to receive rlie new -Htlors were reduced and compelled to Mibmit. and in place of citizen-hip received the ./'"* /."//'/ /* ///ii, r. ' Quot&o rtrvm rfpgtundanm. Lt ., ! iitn. Le,r Com* />n >! ;/. (.. treason a<*ain-t the greatness [majestas] of the state) took the place of the lex Appulqa of B. c. 100. /; ,,.,,.. f before him. * Plat. Soil. 40. B.C. 70.] SCANDALOUS KULE OF THE OLIGARCHY. 261 XL. THE SCANDALOUS RULE OF THE OLIGARCHY. 1. The Opposition. When Sulla delivered the Roman state over to the consuls, it was under the absolute sway of the oligarchy. Still there were many discordant elements the jurists who resented the violation of constitutional law, the moderate aristocracy who were inclined to compromise, the offended capitalists, the relatives and friends of the proscribed, the large class of men who had been ruined by the civil war, and finally the remnant of the popular party, the populares, who only waited for an opportunity and a leader to overthrow the fabric which Sulla had reared. 1 2. The Condition of Italy and the Provinces. The condition of Italy since the Social and the Civil wars was inde- scribably wretched. The soldiers, too indolent to cultivate the land Sulla had given them, had squandered their fortunes and either returned to the capital or re-entered the military service. The lands were once more swallowed up in great estates, and devouring slavery made the free population disappear. Half of Italy was a desert, and in Samnium there was scarcely a town that was not in ruins. The soldiers had expelled the former population, which wandered in beggary ( r labored on their for' mer farms as servants. In the provinces, all the old abuses had returned violence, outrage, plunder, robberies, the seizing of free men as slaves and were practiced to such a degree as no mnn could have conceived of, had not the prosecution of ,Yrres unveiled the merciless rule of the oligarchy in Sicily. 8 3. The Increase of Luxury. The great aim of the Romans was the acquisition of vast wealth ; and by systematic plunder and rapine, immense riches were accumulated and squandered on brutal pleasures. At the public festivals, animal Mommgen, vol. iv., p. 8. ' See p. 869. 262 SCANDALOUS RULE OF THE OLIGARCHY. [B. C. 78. hunts and gladiatorial combats met with enthusiastic favor. Immense sums were squandered on funeral games. 1 At this time every man of the ruling oligarchy, the principes, or optimates, or boni viri? as they called themselves, thought it necessary to have a beautiful city house, adorned with fine gar- dens, ornamented within with statue.-?, paintings, and a library, and a number of villas scattered over the most beautiful part of Italy. It was particularly at Bajse and the district around the bay of Naples, the Baden-Baden of the ancients, that this fashionable rural life found its centre. To give some idea of the extravagance and luxury of this period among the higher classes, 3 it is only necessary to mention that Lucullus had mountains and rock cut through for the purpose of conducting salt water to the tanks at his villa near Naples and Bajas, that he might be provided with marine fish at any time fresh for the table. When, therefore, Cicero and Atticus at one time came to supper with him, they found a meal prepared that cost one hundred and seventy thousand *f*fercex,* although Lucullus only had time to designate the room in which the meal should be served. 5 4. The Insurrection of Lepidus. The oligarchy, sunk in indolence and luxury, was p.nverless to maintain its position. Accordingly Sulla was scarcely dead before the con- Lepidus ordered that not more than 1,000,000 asses (120,000) should be ex- pended on his funeral. 1 That is>, the chief* ; the be*t t>if,n ; the f/ood men. * The house of Crassus, with its flue garden and trees, was valued (B. c. ill) at 6.000,000 ftesterces ($30.1,0)0). an ordinary hou-e wa* worth about one-tenth as much. The Mi.-cn- ian villa of Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi, cost 75,000 sesterces ($3,750), but L. Lu- cullus at this time paid thirty-three time~ a- much for it. * $7,500. A villa with its land was Mild for 4i),00.).ooO - - K),000), ou account of its fi-h-pomK Tne plunder of Verres in Sicily is estimated at 40.(0,000 sesterce* ($2,000,000>. when he departed for^pain u- prietor. needed 25,000,000 ttgterce* to pay his debts ; in B. c. 50 he i I'anllns with 30,000.000 *estercex ($1.500.000) and Curio the tribune with >> A moderate senatorial fortune wa- 8,000,000 Mfltfrw*, an equesni. .I'l-ty of P. Crassus, opnaa] in B. r. Til. wa~ estimated at 100,000.0 H> tetttrc * ($6,000,000), and that of V, 1 711.000 o HI sesterces ($$,900,000), although he had expended enormou* -urns in providing free corn for the people. We mii^t. however, remember that the~e are exceptional caaid that Scanrns exhausted his fortune in this way. Cra>^u~. although the richest man in the time of the republic, was not so rich as many freedmen under the empire Pallas Calistus and Narcissus, fur in-tance . PAny, H. N. xsxiii., 134. B. C. 79.] SCANDALOUS RULE OF THE OLIGARCHY. 263 sul Lepidus attempted to rescind his laws; but the other consul, Catulus, was a firm friend of the oligarchy, and urged decisive measures.^ The senate adopted a temporizing policy, and in order to quiet the agitation in the capital, bribed the people with new distributions of corn, and when this did not satisfy, it thought that the disturbance would cease if the two consuls left Rome. The consuls Avere accordingly sent to their provinces, 1 bound by an oath not to turn their arms against each other. Lepidus, however, interpreting the oath as binding only for his year of office, collected an army in Etruria and marched upon Some. The senate recalled Catulus, placed the city under his protection, and directed Pompejus to proceed against Lepidus' legate, Marcus Brutus in Cis- alpine Gaul. Brutus was overpowered and killed at Mutina,* and Catulus defeated Lepidus near the Campus Martius. In his retreat Lepidus was met by Pompejus at Cosa in Etruria, and being unable to maintain his position, sailed with his army to Sardinia, where he soon after died. 5. The War with Sertorius (B. c. 79-72). In Spain the Marian party was more successful under Sertorius, who had the address to unite his cause with that of the national inde- pendence. He obtained such influence over the natives that he found no difficulty in raising a powerful army. He defeated several Roman armies, and even Metellus Pius was unable to make head against him. In B. c. 78 he was reinforced by Per- perna with a large army. This made his power so formidable that the senate feared an invasion of Italy. 6. The Rise of Pompejus. Pompejus took advantage of the situation to compel the senate to send him to Spain, at the head of the army with which he had defeated Lepi- dus, to conduct the war against Sertorius. Pompejus was born in B.C. 106, in the same year as Cicero. As a young man he, like other noble Romans, took his first lessons in war in the tent of his father, Cn. Pompejus Strabo in the 1 Mommsen 0- c. vol. iv., p. 25, note), relying on a fragment of Granius Licinianaa, says that both consuls were sent to Etruria. " This contradicts Appian (1. c. vol. i., 107) and Philippus (Suil. Hist, i., 48 ; iv., 5 D). See Peter, 1. c. vol. ii., p. 140, and Lange, 1. c. vol. iii., p. 174. * See map No. 6. 264 SCANDALOUS RULE OF THE OLK,. \nriM. [B. C. 73. Social war. When Sulla returned from Asia, ho nii.-t-d. a- \\v have already seen, an army at his own expense, was piv.-eut at the battle of the Colline gate, and afterwards drove the rem- nants of the Marian party out of Sicily and Africa. On his return the dictator greeted him with the surname of Magnus, and carried a law l allowing him to triumph, although he had been neither consul nor pragtor (B.C. 80). In B. c 79 Pompejus exerted his influence to secure the election of Lepidus to the consulship, in opposition to the wishes of Sulla. Sulla, in hi.s retirement, contented himself with this warning: "Young man, it is time for you not to slumber, for you have strengthened your rival against yourself." 2 In the war that followed, Pom- pejus did not deliberate which side he should take, but declared immediately against Lepidus. After the war was ended, as he was anxious for the command against Sertorius, he found various excuses for disobeying the order of the senate to dis- band his army. At length the senate was compelled to yield, and appointed Pompejus and Metellus Pius to the command in Spain. 7. The End of the War in Spain. At the close of the year B. c. 77, Pompejus set out for his province, marching over the Alps 3 and Pyrenees. At first he was defeated at Lauron and was afterward near being annihilated on the river Sucro (Xucar), when Metellus, after winning the battle of Italica (Seviffc), came to his assistance. The war continued without any decided success on either side until B.C. 72, when Sertorius was assas- sinated by Paperna, who hoped to succeed him in command. In the first collision with Pompejus, his incompetency to suc- ceed a soldier and general like Sertorius was evident. His army was scattered to the winds and Paperna himself was taken prisoner. 8. The War with the Gladiators (B. c. 73-71). While the war was going on in Spain, the enemies of Rome rose everywhere. The proletarians could hardly be kept from insur- rection, brigands haunted every corner of Italy, and pirates 1 Lex Cornelia de reditu Cn. Pompfji. ' Plat. Pomp.; 15. 1 Over Mt. Genevre; see maps, p. I3tj ; p. 175. B. C. 72. J SCANDALOUS RULE OF THE OLIGARCHY. 265 swarmed on all the seas. The war in Macedonia against the mountain tribes in the north was far from being ended either by C. Claudius or Scribonius Curio. The pirates became so troublesome that it was found necessary to send P. Servilius Vatia to carry on the war against the Isaurians, In the East Lucullus had been sent to conduct the war against Mithridates, who had long and eagerly been watching the course of the revo- lution, had promised Sertorius ships and money to w r age war against Eome if in case of victory Asia should be restored to him, and now, that the favorable moment had come, had invaded the Roman province. The contest of parties in the capital, however, was hushed for a time by the bursting out of the war with the gladiators. There was no army at hand. The war in Spain was not yet ended, and Lucullus had already departed to conduct the war against Mithridates (B.C. 74). The gladia- torial shows had for a long time held the first place at the pub- lic games. Daring late years, whole bands had been bought by speculators from the vast supply of prisoners, and trained by proper persons 1 in the gladiatorial schools 2 for the arena. Rich men kept some of these to fight on public occasions to please the people, hired some on speculation to the aediles to fight at the public games, and sometimes to the party leaders, who let them loose like furious bloodhounds against the opposing faction. 9. Victories of Spartacus. In one of these schools at Capua* there was a number of gladiators, most of whom were Celts und Thraciaus who, under Spartacus as a leader, escaped from the town and fled to the crater of Mount Vesu- vius. The slaves flocked to him from the slave-pens 3 in Campania, and he was soon at the head of an army of one hundred thousand men. A successful battle furnished the insurgents arms. The consuls of B. c. 72 were defeated, and the power of Spartacus grew daily more formidable. He, how- ever, never overrated his own power nor hoped to conquer the Romans. He wished to cross the Alps and dismiss his troops, and let them return to their Celtic or Thracian homes. He Lanist(K. * Ludi. ' Ki-inttula. * See map, pp. 346-7. x!GG S< AM'ALOIS RULE OF THE OLIGAKCin. | li. . <1. would have attained his object after defeating both consuls again, had not his followers, elated by success, refused to listen to his proposal. They preferred to tra\er>e and plunder Italy. 10. Crassus Defeats the Gladiators. In B. c. 71 the praetor Crassus took the command. After restoring discipline in the army by decimating the soldiers, he ported himself in Picenum, and drove the insurgents to the southern part of Italy. Here Spartacus happened to iind a number of vessels belonging to the Cilician pirates. With these he resolved to escape to Sicily and rekindle the servile war then-. Accordingly he entered into an agreement with the pirates, but they had no sooner taken his money than they broke their engagements and sailed away. All hope of escape in this quarter was taken away, and Spartacus intrenched himself at Rhegium. When ( 'ra.-sus came up, and attempted to hem him in by building an intrenched wall across the isthmus, Spartacus, in a dark, stormy night in win- ter, broke through the line and encamped in Lucauia. Crassus overtook him on the Silarus, and after a desperate battle in which Spartacus fought with the, courage of a lion, and twelve thousand of his followers fell all with their wounds in front, gained the victory. 1 Before the battle, when they brought Spartacus his horse, he drew his sword and killed him. saying: " If I am victorious, I shall have horses enough ; if I am defeated, I shall have no need of this." A body of five thousand of the insurgents escaped from the battle and were cut to pieces in Cisalpine Gaul by Pompejus as he was returning from Spain. On account of this Pompejus took to himself the credit of finishing the war, and wrote to the senate, "that Crassus had defeated the enemy in battle, but that he had cut up the war by its roots. 2 1 After the dearly-boucrht victory CB. c. 71V the troops who had achieved it. and those of Pompejus that hart mean while. 'after conquering the Sertorians. arrived from Spain, instituted throughout Apulia and Lucauia a man-limit. Mich n< there had never been before, to crush out the la-t spark* of the miirhty conflagration. AlonLC the road from Capua to Some, the six tho'i-and en>e- bearing captured slaves, testified to the ro-estahlishment of order, and to the renewed victory of acknowledged right over its livins.' property that had rebelled. Jlommsen, vol iv., p. 88 f. 2 Pint. Crass., 8-13. B. 0. 70.] THE CONSULSHIP OF POHPEJUS AKD CRASSUS. 26? CHAPTER, XLI. THE CONSULSHIP OF POMPEJUS AND CKASSUS (B. C. 70). 1. Pompejus and the Popular Party. Pompejus and Orassus now approached the city at the head of their armies, and claimed the consulship as the reward of their ser- vices. Neither of them was legally eligible, as Pompejus was POMPEJUS MAGNUS. only thirty-five years old and had never been quaestor, while Crassns was still praetor, and two years ought to elapse before be could be consul. In order to attain their end, they entered into a coalition with the popular party and promised them the restoration of the tribunitian power. Crassus, on account of his wealth, had great influence among the capitalists, and both he and Pompejus, supported by the popular party, were elected 268 Till uN-t'LSHIP OP POMPEJUS AND CRASS US. [B.C. t<>. consuls for the year B. c. 70, and after receiving permission from the people, 1 entered the city on the last day of December B.C. 71, Pompejus in triumph, while Crassus was entitled only to a lesser triumph, an ovation. 2. Fall of the Oligarchy. Pompejus, as soon as he entered upon his consulship, carried his promised law restoring the power of the tribunes. 2 This struck away one of the chief foundations of the Sullan constitution. The other, the < !<(- tion of jurymen, Pompejus did not venture himself to attack, but hoped by a purification of the senate to relieve the courts of the distrust which the corruption of the jurymen had created. But before the censors who were elected for this purpose could enter upon their duty, the wanton outrages and cruelty of Verres, the governor of Sicily, who openly boasted that should he devote two-thirds of his plunder to bribe his powerful friends at Rome and the judge-, he would still have enough left for his own desires, 3 aroused the indignation of the people against the courts. In order to understand how a provincial governor could so abuse his power, it is nee< >.-,! ry to review briefly the manner in which the Romans managed the provinces. 3. The Administration in the Provinces. In the provinces the Roman government had taken the place of the former rulers, and for many centuries it was so mild and equable, and the Roman governors performed their duties with so much honesty and frugality, that the change was felt to be a real gain. The Romans imposed taxes not to enrich them- selves, but simply to cover the cost of administration and defence. The governor himself served without pay, and the state defrayed from the taxes collected the cost of main- taining the army, 4 and provided the governor with the means nf transport and all ot her requisites. The provincials had to furnish, free of cost, a house for the governor, shelter for the army, wood. hay. and similar articles. If at any time the governor needed for the defence of the province, grain, ships, 1 That i*. they were exempted from the lex annatts and from the lex Cornelia tie magis- trati'oi* : see. pp. 1H'>. 11. 4 ; -i',:. 2. '* Lfi' Pomp / 3 Cie. in Vcrr. nccu-*., i., 14. ' The provinci ils in the Roman annio- wen 1 paid and equipped by their own state. B. C. 70. J CICERO'S PROSECUTION OF VERRES. 269 slaves to man the ships, or aught else, he had the right to demand them from his province at a fair price. 4. The Abuses in the Provinces. At first this was managed with great justice, and the governor even restrained the cupidity of the Roman contractors who farmed the taxes. But gradually the Roman rule relaxed, and it had already become a rare thing for a Roman governor to return home from his province with clean hands. Soon it became the custom for the governor to determine the value of the supplies in a man- ner to suit his own interest, and to impose exactions whenever he pleased. Sulla compelled the provincials in Asia Minor to furnish every common soldier quartered among them fortyfold pay. 1 Soon the governors were not satisfied with these exactions, but seized with cruel rapacity objects of art, as statues, pictures, marble columns, gold and silver gems, and whatever else pleased their fancy, from the houses and temples, and carried them off to Rome. In time this became so scandalous that courts were organized to punish the plundering official on his return to Rome. But unless the misgovernment had been glaring and infamous there was but little prospect of conviction, for the case came before judges and jurymen often involved in similar guilt and belonging to the same order as the accused. 5. The ^Scandalous Abuses of Verres. In Cicero'p orations 2 against Verres, the shameless rule of a provincial governor is pictured in graphic colors. For three years Verres had been governor of Sicily, and his career there furnished the most astounding proofs of the corruption of the governing class. His sole aim was to make money, and he was determined to rob enough to secure his acquittal. In fact, he boasted before leaving the province that he had not robbed for himself alone ; that he should be very well contented to retain one year's gain for himself; 3 that he had intended another for his advocates and defenders, and reserved the third, which was the richest, for his judges. 4 During these three years he disregarded the 1 Per day 10 denarii = about 35 cents. * See Hist, of Lit., p. . * Cic. in VeiT. accns.. i., 14. All the cities in Sicily except Syracuse, the place of his residence, and Messana, the repository of his plunder, concurred in the impeachment. '.Co CICERO'S PROSECL'TION ino imperatore contra pradone.g con#titvendo. Cic. Man, xvii., 52. A" amended in the senate after its adoption by the people. * $7,000,000. He rai-orl i-jo.nfl-i infantry and 7000 cavalry. Accorrlin 5 ee pp. 850 and -.351. 276 POMPEJUS CONQUERS THE EAST. [fi. C. 73 pretext that Mithridates was tardy in evacuating Caj)padocia, Murena crossed the Halys and ravaged Cappadocia. where Mithridates met him with a large army and routed his forces in battle. Sulla interfered, renewed the peace, and ended what is sometimes called the Nm>//7 Mithridatic \\'ar (B.C. 83-82). 2. Preparations of Mithridates. After this the Romans took various measures to strengthen their power in the Kast. An expedition was sent against the pirates, and when Nico- medes (B.C. 75), who had bequeathed his kingdom, consisting of Bithynia and Paphlagonia, to the Romans, died, they imme- diately took possession of it and made it a Roman province. About the same time Gyrene* was converted into a province and a governor sent there. These measures excited the appre- hension of Mithridates, who had all the t ; me been aware that the peace was only a suspension of hostilities, that the fire wa< not extinguished, it only slept in embers, 1 and hence had directed his efforts to strengthen his army and to prepare in every way for the final conflict. Aided by the Roman refugees and the officers whom Sertorius sent him, 2 he introduced the Roman arms and discipline. When the Romans converted Bithynia into a province it seemed a favorable moment to strike. His army 3 was powerful and well disciplined. The pirates, who had created an empire on the sea, sent assistance, and Sertorius, with whom he had formed a treaty, seemed on the point of invading Italy from Spain. The king therefore took the initiative, and advanced, in B.C. 74, into Paphlagonia and Bithynia with his army, supported by a powerful fleet. 3. Defeat of Mithridates (B. c. 73). Of the two Roman consuls L. Licinius Luctillus and M. Aurelius Cotta who were selected for the conduct of the war, the latter was already in Asia, but on the approach of Mithridates retreated to Chalce- don, where he was defeated both by land and sea. / Mithridates now proceeded to invest Cyzicusf with his army and fleet, and, as in B.C. 88, hoped to make himself master of all Asia, where the outrage, violence, and extortion of the tax-gatherers and 1 Pint. Lncull. * See map No. 7. " Lncin Maeius and Lucius Fannins. ' Ilis army consist. -d of 1^0.000 foot and 16.000 horse, and a fleet of 400 sail. map No. 4. B. C. 73.] POMPEJUS CONQUERS THE EAST. 277 the Roman merchants had produced the deepest discontent, be- fore the Romans could send sufficient force to oppose him. This place offered a stubborn resistance, and while Mithridates was detained here Lucullus advanced from Phrygia with only five legions to its relief. Early in B. c. 73 Mithridates was com- pelled to raise the siege, on account of the difficulty of supply- ing his army. In the retreat he was attacked by the Romans between the ^Esepus and Granicus, and defeated, while his fleet was destroyed, partly by the Romans at Tenedos, and partly by a storm which overtook it on its return. The king arrived almost alone at his capital, Sinope, his army of nearly 200,000 men having been annihilated. While Mithridates was collect- ing a fresh army, Lucullus sent his legate through Bithynia and Paphlagonia to Heraclea, to which Cotta had already laid siege with the fleet. 4. Mithridates Retires to Armenia. Lucullus himself entered Pontus, followed Mithridates, who had collected an army of over forty thousand men, from Sinope to Amisus, and thence to Cabira on the Lycns. Mithridates drew Lu- enllus on farther and farther, until finally a superstitious dread came over his soldiers, and they murmured at their long and tedious marches. " You leave," said they, " the rich and flourishing city of Amisus, which might be easily taken, to drag us away to Chaldaea." 1 At Cabira the army of the king was again defeated, and the king himself would have been captured had the Roman soldiers been able to restrain their eagerness for spoil. Despairing of successfully opposing the Romans, Mithridates fled with a few attendants to Armenia to take refuge with Tigranes, his son-in-law. Lucullus sent Appius Claudius to Tigranes to demand the surrender of Mithridates, while he returned himself to besiege Amisus. Tigranes was at this time one of the most powerful monarchs in the East, 2 but still he seemed inclined to avoid a contest with Rome. He granted his father-in-law a refuge, but refused to receive him at court until the arrogance of Lucullus' envoy drove 1 Pint. Lucull. Hi- mpire embraced Armenia. Mesopotamia. Syria, apart of Cilicia. and Oappadocia. 278 POMPEJUS CONQUERS THE EAST. [B. C. 69. him to adopt a different policy. He not only refused to sur- render Mitliridut.es, but prepared for war. 5. The Unpopularity of Lucullus. Lucullus in the mean- time had returned to the province of Asia, where he devoted him- self to restoring order and dispensing justice. Desolated and enslaved by the tax-gatherers and usurers, unspeakable misfor- tunes had overwhelmed the unhappy country. To satisfy their creditors, the inhabitants were forced to sell their children, their ornaments and offerings in the temples, their fine paintings and statues of the gods, and finally, when these failed, to serve their creditors as slaves. Lucullus relieved the people by regulating the rate of interest, by abolishing that which exceeded the principal, 1 and by compelling the creditors to leave a small proportion of the debtor's income for his support. The popu- lar orators and friends of the tax-collectors and merchants at Rome raised a storm of indignation against Lucullus, and their influence was felt in the action of the government. When the time came to open the next campaign, Lucullus' army of thirty thousand men was far from sufficient to conduct the war against the Armenian and Pontic kings. The government at Rome left Lucullus to manage the war as he could, without troubling itself about sending reinforcements. Lucullus was a strict disciplina- rian, and far from popular with his soldiers, whom he restrained from pillage, while appropriating a liberal share of the spoils for himself. 6. The Battle of Tigranocerta (B. c. 69). To undertake a war in a distant and unknown land with an army of only twelve thousand men for this was all he could muster after protecting his communications with Pontus and almost in di- rect opposition to the government at Rome, was far from wise Still Lucullus. in the hopes of anticipating Tigranes. set out in B.C. 69 frum Si nope, crossed the Euphrates at Melite, and advanced directly towards the capital, Tigranocerta, where he defeated the vast host of the Armenian king. 2 7. Mithridates Returns to Pontus. During the win- 1 The fine which Sulla had imposed had been twice paid in interest, and yet by inter- est on interest still amounted to four times the original principal. Titrraiu-;- bad an army of 150.000 foot and 55.000 liorr-r. B.C. G8.J POMPEJUS CONQUERS THE EAST. 279 ter Tigranes collected aDother formidable army, and as the last defeat had been exactly in accordance with whatMithridates had predicted, Tigranes committed the entire management of the war to him. The next spring (B.C. 68) Lucullus, in hopes of end- ing the war, crossed the Taurus and, pressing forward to the high lands of Armenia, gained a victory over the enemy's savalry on the Arsanias. But long before he could reach Artaxata, the capital, the mutiny of his soldiers compelled him to retreat. He turned aside to Nisibis, the Mesopotamian capi- tal, captured the city by storm and took up his w r inter quarters there. In the meantime Mithridates had collected a large force, and penetrated into his own kingdom, defeated Lucullus' two lieutenants, Fannius and Triarius, one at Cabira, and the other at Zela. When this news reached Lucullus, he hastened back to Pontus, but Mithridates avoided a battle and withdrew to Lesser Armenia to await the approach of Tigranes. Lucullus, hoping to engage the Armenian king before he united his forces with Mithridates, hastened to seek him, but the soldiers rose in mutiny, and checked his farther advance. The Eomans were now exactly where they were in B. c. 75, Pontus and Cappadocia were overrun by Mithridates, and the results of eight years' warfare were lost. 8. Insubordination in the Army. The opposition to Lucullus in the capital had reached the soldiers. He was accused of protracting the war from the love of command and the wealth it procured him. The opposition in his camp was led by P. Clodius Pulcher, 1 whose sister Lucullus had married. He insinuated himself into favor with the Fimbrian troops, 2 who had been in Asia ten years and had continually demanded their discharge. 3 "Were they to wear out their lives in wandering over the world in wars and toils ? Was there no other reward for them than to guard the wagons and camels of Lucullus, loaded with the spoils of war ? If they must forever wage war, let them reserve their swords for a general who thinks that the enriching of his soldiers is his greatest pleasure." 1 The brother of A. Claudius, the envoy to Tizranes. * See page 950. Their twenty years military service had nearly expired. POMPEJUS CONQUERS THE EAST. [fi. C. 66. With such complaints Clodius stirred up the soldiers against Lucullus, and as, just at this time, IK-US arrived that the people at Rome had granted a discharge to the soldiers whose term of service had expired, and that AP Acilius Glabrio, 1 Lucullus' successor, had arrived in Asia, the Fimbrians rose in mutiny and deserted the standard. This was the situation of affairs when ten commissioners arrived to settle the condition of Asia and reduce Poutus to a Roman province. Glabrio was utterly incompetent for the difficult and hazardous task before him, and therefore never attempted to assume command. 9. The Manilian Law (B. c. 6G). It was plain that the war must be undertaken again from the beginning, under a capa- ble leader. Who else could this be but Pompejus, who had just at this time won new laurels by quickly and successfully end- ing the war with the pirates? The tribune, G. Manilius, had lost favor with both parties by proposing to allow the freedmen to vote in all the tribes. He sought to regain it by moving a rogation to entrust Pompejus with the provim < > of Asia, Bithy- nia, and Cilicia, with the sole charge ot the war in the East, and with full authority to conclude peace and alliance. The opti- mates objected to this, as to the Gabinian law, because it had not first received the approval of the senate. Catulus and Hortentius opposed it vehemently, declaring it unconstitu- tional, and aptly characterizing the situation by saying that it was time for the optimates to secede to the fSaeivd Mount. It was supported by the moderate party of the optimates, by Caasar and particularly by Cicero, who, by his successful prosecution of Verres, by the manner in which he had discharged his duties while curule redile, and by the fre- quency with which his voice had been heard in defence of the oppressed, had raised his popularity to equal that of Crassus or of Pompejus. In a masterly oration 2 which has been preserved to us, he now brought all the force of his eloquence to the support of Pompejus. The law was earned, and Pompejus was invested with powers such as no one before him ever had. 1 By the lex Gabinia. De imperio GncA Pompqi. B. C. CG.] POMPEJUS CONQUERS THE EAST. 281 10. Fompejus takes Command against Mithridates. "When Pompejus received the letters notifying him of his ap- pointment, he is said to have expressed his displeasure to his friends, and to have said that he was wearied by the weight of power. " Is there no end of my conflicts ? " exclaimed he. "How much better would it be to live and die as a quiet citizen in the enjoyment of domestic happiness!" Even his friends were unable to bear the dissimulation of this speech, for they knew his unbounded ambition and love ot power. 1 Immediately on receiving the news of his appoint- ment, Pompejus crossed from Cilicia and assumed command oi Lucullus' army. 2 On his way he annulled the acts of Lucullus, and thus re-established the financial tyranny of the capitalists and tax-gatherers. One of his first acts was to form a treaty of friendship and alliance with Phraates, the Parthian king, whom he encouraged to make incursions into the teiritory of Tigraues. This compelled Tigranes to look to the safety of his own frontier. 11. Battle at Nicopolis (B. c. 66). When Pompejus had completed his preparations, he set out to seek Mithridates in his own kingdom. Deserted by his ally Tigranes, Mithridates at first attempted to procure peace, but as Pompejus would hear of nothing but unqualified submission, he broke off the negotia- tions. The Pontic king retired slowly, followed by the Romans, until he was overtaken in a narrow pass on the Lycus, where the city of Nicopolis was afterward built, and most of his army cut to pieces. Mithridates himself escaped with a few horsemen ; but as Tigranes refused to receive him, there was no alternative left but to take refuge in his kingdom on the Cimmerian Bos- porus. 3 Pompejus gave up the pursuit and turned against Tigranes, whose son had already revolted and had entered into communication with the Romans. As Pompejus ap- proached Artaxata, the king rode out to meet him and threw himself before him as a suppliant. Pompejus received him 1 Pint. Pomp., 30. * He met Lucnllns in Galatia and allowed him to retain 1600 men for his triumph. ' See colored map No. 7. 282 POMPEJUS CONQUERS THE EAST. [ B - c - G5 - kindly, restored to him his kingdom, except Syria, Phoenicia, Galatia, Cappadoeia. and a part of Cilicia, which Lucullus had taken from him, on condition that he should pay six thousand taients. 1 His son was made king of Sophene. 12. Pompejus Pursues Mithridates. After settling the affairs of Armenia, Pompejus advanced in pursuit of -Mith- ridates northward as fur as the river Cyrus (Kour), where lie took up his winter quarters. Early the next spring (B. c. 65) he resumed his march through the mountains of Iberia and Albania, fighting his way at every step with the native trilx far as the river Phasis, which he followed down to its mouth, to meet the fleet which he had ordered to await him there. The difficulties of the pursuit, the constant contests with the native tribes, and the impossibility of crossing the Caucasus, which, in former times, had set an impassable bound to the Persian and Hellenic conquests, caused him to turn back to Pontus, where he passed the winter in organizing 1 it as a Roman province. 13. He Subdues Syria, Phoenicia and Palestine. In the summer of B. c. 64, he departed for Syria, and without recognizing the claim of Antiochus, the former king, to the country, he took possession of it and constituted it as a Roman province. After settling the condition of the country and regulating the relation of the princes who were to remain inde- pendent, he pursued his march southward (B. c. G3), and annexed Phoenicia and Ccele-Syria to the new Syrian province, y In Palestine he met with a desperate resistance on account of the civil war that was raging between the two princes, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus. Both appealed to Pompejus, but he refused to decide between them until he reached Jerusalem. Aristobu- lus seemed at one time inclined to submit to Pompejus ; at another, he seemed on the point of raking arms and opposing the advance of the Romans. He succeeded in capturing Jerusalem, but when Pompejus came up, the city, after a siege of three months, was compelled to surrender. Hyrcanus was restored without the royal title to the high -priesthood, under condition of paying an annual tribute to Rome. 1 $r.ooo,ooo. B.C. 61.] POMPEJUS CONQUERS THE EAST. 283 13. Death of Mithridates (B. c. 63). In the meantime Mithridates had been making great preparations to renew the war with Rome. He even thought of invading Italy with an army of Scythians; but before he could carry this plan into execution his fate had been sealed by the revolt of his son Pharnaces, who had been proclaimed king at Panticapaeum. The only escape of the old king from being delivered up to the Romans was suicide. He tried poison, but according to the popular account his frame was so inured to this, that he was obliged to call in the sword of one of his Gallic mercenaries. Thus perished in the year B. c. 63, after a reign of fifty-seven years, the giant monarch of the East, over whose death the Ro- mans rejoiced as if ten thousand of their enemies had been slain. 1 14. Settlement of the East. Pompejus entrusted ^Emil- ius Scaurus, the son of the president of the senate, with the government of Syria, recognized Pharnaces as king of Bosporus, and then returned from Palestine to Pontus. After regulating tlio relations of the kings 2 and tetrarchs 3 on the west of the Euphrates and rewarding his army, he set out on his return by the way of Lesbus, Ephesus, Rhodes and Athens, to Rome, where he arrived January 1, B.C. 61. CHAPTER THE INTERNAL HISTORY DURING POMPEJUS' ABSENCE. 1. Condition of Italy. After the departure of Pompejus to assume command of the army in the East, great confusion reigned at Rome. Every one expected a general insurrection. Liberty had perished long ago ; property was now thought to 1 Pint. Pomp., 42. He founded or peopled 39 cities. * The new provinces were that of Cilicia. which, enlarged bv Pamphylia and Isauria. was reorganized ; that of Pontus to which Bithynia was united ; that of Syria, and that of Crete. Dejotama still occupied as a vassal the throne of Galatia ; 'Ariobarznnes ruled in Cappadocia, which was enlarged by Lesser Armenia; and Attains ruled in Paphlagonia. 284 CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. [B. C. 66. be in danger. The old soldiers of Sulla had squandered their possessions and only waited the signal for civil war. The hinds in Italy had once more been converted into pasturage; Etruria, which had long escaped the scourge of the Roman speculator, had in late years suffered this cruel transformation. In every part of Italy wandered bands of proletarian the dispose land-holders, the soldiers of Sulla, the impoverished Italians, the ambitions and ruined Eoman nobles all waiting for an opportunity to restore their own fortunes, even if it cost the ruin of the state. The equestrian party, disarmed by the absence of their general, had nothing to oppose to the storm that menaced the state. The senate, weak and powerless, carried on a desultory warfare against the varied elements of opposition. 2. The Contest of Parties. The tribunes renewed their attacks with all their old fierceness. The nobility replied with all the means at their disposal. They impeached tribunes after the expiration of their term of office ; the consuls, as presiding officers in the comitia, prevented the election of dangerous candidates by refusing to announce the election ; the senate even ventured to annul certain laws. There were, as Catiline said, two states in Rome, the nobility, weak and powerless, yet proud and arrogant as ever, and the people, rising into power, but destitute of a leader, without plan or purpose and swaj-ed by the most diverse impulses. Laws were carried to check the corruption of the senate by forbidding loans from foreign ambassadors; the penalties were strengthened against bribery at elections; and finally the right of the senate to grant dis- pensation in certain cases from the laws 1 was restricted. 2 This was merely an aimless agitation. Parties at Rome were watching the movements of Pompejus, and waiting with anxiety or dread the return of the victorious general. The democrats hoped before 1 Rogatio, ne yi/is niti nerpopulum legibvs tolrerffur : the law was amended and pa--(d. .\- i/u'<,<;, CCaffuissent; neve quis, cum solutus esset, Interceaeret, CUM ti> tan ad popuhtmferntvr. ' 2 Tht' inllii'-nce of the equestrian order wa- manifested in the law carried by the tribune Roscius Otho, which gave to the equltes the fourteen rows of seats in the orchestra next to the senators. B. C. 65.] CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 285 the decisive day came, to strengthen their power, and perhaps gain control of the government. In that case they could entrust one of their leaders with an extraordinary command, and find in him a counterpoise to the power of Pompejus. It was for this object that they unveiled the scandalous rule of the senate, and proposed laws to overthrow its power. 3. The History of Catiline. In the meantime an insur- rection, instigated by one of the most daring profligates, had nearly subverted the government. The condition of society furnished ample materials for such an effort. There were too many who sighed for the times of Cinna, with its proscriptions and cancelling of debtors' claims. They waited only for a leader to fall upon society like a gang of robbers. That leader was found in L. Sergius Catilina, who possessed all the qualities necessary to make him a great man in such a time. He was descended from a patrician family, 1 and was a man of great courage and gigantic strength of mind and body. He hud proved his courage in the wars of Marius and Sulla. His ferocity was displayed in hunting down and killing the pro- scribed. He is said to have killed his brother-in-law with his own hands. These crimes, however, did not prevent his pro- motion. He was elected prater for B. c. 68, and obtained Africa the following year as his province. Here he spent two years in the practice, it is said, of every crime imputed to the pro- vincial governors of that period. He returned in B. c. 66, to sue for the consulship. A charge of extortion was raised against him which disqualified him to appear as a candidate. 2 4. First Conspiracy of Catiline (B. c. 65). Stung by disappointment 3 he determined to get possession of the gov- ernment by force. All the needy Romans, the dispossessed Italians, all who were lost in misery and crime, flocked to Catiline. He entered into a conspiracy with Autronius Paetus, 1 Sallust Cat. c. 5. * The consul Volcatius Tullus, who presided at the comltia, refused to receive votes for him. ' P. Autronius Paetns and P. Cornelius Sulla were declared elected, but they were set a*idc on account of bribery, and L. Atirelins Cotta and L. Manlius Torquatus were elected in their place. A law was carried at this time (lex Fabia de nwnero secfatorvm) to limit the number in the retinue of the candidates. 286 CONSPIRACY OP CATILINE. [B.C. 63. the late rejected consul, and Cn. Calpurm'us Piso, a profligate young noble, to murder the new consuls on the first day of their office, and seize the government. The plot, however, became known and its execution was postponed until the ides of February; on this day it failed also, because Catiline gave the signal before a sufficient number of the conspirators had assembled. Catiline plunged still deeper into crime. His guilty mind, at peace with neither gods nor men, found no rest by night nor day. His countenance was pale and disquieted, his eyes were haggard, his step was sometimes quick, sometimes slow ; and distraction was written in every feature and look, so effectually did conscience desolate his tortured mind. 5. Catiline Matures His Plot The government took no active measures to crush the conspiracy. "When the trial for extortion came on, Catiline was acquitted through the influence of the consul, L. Manilas Torquatus, 1 and by means of the most shameless bribery of the judges. From this time he arranged his plans more systematically, and enlisted a numerous body of adherents, among whom were the senators G. Lentulus Sura and G. Cornelius Cethegas. In the summer of B. c. 64 he sum- moned his followers, all who were ruined in fortune or lost in misery and crime, all the depraved and audacious, to a noc- turnal mooting. After comparing their own degraded and infamous life with that of the favored few who were in posses- sion of the government and of all the wealth, he promised his confederates, as consul, abolition of debts, 2 new proscriptions, and, finally, all the license and gratification which war and plunder bring. Some say that at this meeting the conspirators confirmed their oaths by drinking blood mixed with wine. 3 6. The Second Conspiracy. When the time for the consular elections of B. c. 63 approached, the conspirators set up as candidates Catiline and G. Antonius, a plebeian noble, a man without character and ruined in fortune. Meanwhile rumors concerning the conspiracy got abroad among the people, while more accurate and definite information was obtained from 1 Cic. SulL 29. Tahiti* nova. ' Sail Cat. 30 ff. B. C. 106.] CICEKO'S EARLY LIFE. 287 Fulvia, the mistress of Q. Curius, one of Catiline's intimate associates. Catiline, it was said, intended to murder the sena- tors, and to set fire to the four corners of the city. The public terror compelled the senators to overcome their scruples against "new men" 1 and cast their votes and influence for Marcus Tullius Cicero, who, supported by the nobility, the friends of Pompejus, and the large number of persons in the capital and country towns to whom he was favorably known, on account of his services as an advocate, was elected instead of Catiline, with G. Antonius as his colleague. Cicero detached Antonius from the conspiracy by voluntarily resigning to him the lucrative province of Macedonia, which had fallen to himself by lot. While the intrigues of Catiline are ripening, we must turn to trace the career of Cicero, because it is so intimately connected with this period of our history. CHAPTER XI/V. THE CONSULSHIP OF M. TULLIUS CICEKO (B. C. 63). 1. His Birth and Education. Cicero 2 had now attained the summit of his ambition ; he was consul at Home. Through him the senate had triumphed once more, and this was wholly due to Cicero's great popularity and splendid oratorical powers. As Cicero now steps on the stage on which he is to act a promi- 1 Since the time of G. Marius only two new men (homines nori), T. Didius, B. c. 98 and G. Cselius, 94, bad attained to the consulship. 1 GENEALOGICAL TABLE. MABCUS TULLIUS CICERO. M. T. Cicero m. (1) TERENTIA. (2) PtJBLILIA. QOTNTU9 CiCEKO m. PoMPONIA. TTTLLIA m. ~f1) Piso FIU-CI. \~ (2) CUASSIPKS. MABCUS. (3) DOLABKLLA... Q. T. ClCEBO, LEXTULUS, 288 CICERO'S EARLY LIFE. [B. C. 10G. nent part, it is necessary to preface the history of his consulship with a short account of his life. He was born among the Vol- scian hills at Arpinum, from a plebeian family, on the third of January in the year B. c. 106. Quintus, his brother, was four years younger. Both brothers gave such early promise of great ability that their father sent them to Rome, that they might have all the opportunities for an education which the capital could afford. Crassus, the great orator, superintended their education; and their first and chief instructor was the poet Archias, in whose MARCUS TULLIUS CICEKO.' defence Cicero afterwards pronounced that oration which so nobly defends the liberal studies. From the time he had assumed the toga virilis* he lost no opportunity of hearing the most famous orators in the forum, and he was in constant attendance on the greatest master of jurisprudence, Mucius Sca-vola, the celebrated lawyer and president of the senate, and also he watched eagerly the gestures of ^Esopus and Roscius, 1 From a bronze medal struck by tho town of Masrncsia. in Lydia. 3 It was customary for a Roman youth, when about 10 years of age. to appear before tlie pnetor in the forum and lay asid'e the foffft pr&'frfft. Die dress of boys, and assume the for/a pura or Tirttis, which indicated that he had reached the age when he might 0'..L r a;e in the active business of life ; see p. 404. B. c. 81.] CICERO'S APPEARANCE AT THE BAR. 289 the great actors. At the age of nineteen he served his first campaign 1 in the Social war, under Pompejus Strabo. 3. His First Appearance at the Bar. In the troubled times that followed, during the coalition between Marius and China, Cicero not only devoted himself with energy and zeal to the study of law, but also became acquainted with the principles of the three great schools of Grecian philosophy, from their most eminent leaders who were then at Rome: Phsedrus the Epicu- rean, Diodorus the Stoic, and Philo the chief of the New Academy. By constant practice in declamation, by thorough study of Roman jurisprudence, added to his love for Greek literature and philosophy, he sought, with indefatigable zeal, to lay the foundation for his future success as a lawyer and orator. When quieter times returned he undertook, at the age of twenty-six (B. c. 81), his first case, a civil suit for P. Quintius. His first appearance at a criminal trial was the next year, in defence of Sextius Roscius of Ameria, accused of parricide by Chrysogonus, one of Sulla's freedmen, who was himself implicated in the murder. 3 Cicero's courage in under- taking this case against the favorite freedman of Sulla was applauded by the whole city, and secured him the reputation of a fearless and zealous advocate. 4. Student at Athens. After this he took a journey to Greece, not, as Plutarch 4 asserts, from fear of Sulla, for his defence of Roscius is proof against that, but in order to perfect himself in his art and to strengthen his constitution. He devoted himself with renewed zeal and energy at Athens, then the great university of the world, to the study of philosophy under the most eminent teachers, in company with his brother and cousin Titus Pomponius, whom the civil discords at Rome had caused to retire to his estate 5 in Epirus, that he might, unhindered, devote himself there and at Athens to those 1 Tirocinium. Causa privata: these were tried either before the praetor or before the centumviral court. 3 It was a CatuameltUca to be tried in the court for murder (qucestio inter secario\ before the praetor M. Fannius, established by the lex Cornelia de secariis et veneficis. The jurymen were .selected from the senators. See p. 258. ' Tim. Cic., 3. * Near Buthrotum. ;J90 CICERO IMI'KK HES VERRES. [B. C. 75. literary pursuits in which his proficiency gained for him the surname of Atticus. It was to this intimacy that we owe those letters 1 so charming and interesting in style, which Cicero ad- dressed to his friend Atticus, and of which, in regard to their record of contemporary events, Nepos says that he who reads them will hardly require a regular hi>tury oi' these times. 2 After studying for six mouths at Athens under Autiochus, the mst eminent teacher of the old Academy, and at the same time prac- ticing oratory under Syrius, he repaired to Asia Minor, to heal- th e famous rhetoricians 3 in the chief Greek cities. After two years of study and travel he returned to Rome, completely changed, physically as well as mentally, and prepared to devote himself to the duties of an advocate, for which the state of society furnished ample opportunity. At this time Cotta and Hortensius were the great orators and undisputed leaders of the bar at Rome. Cicero delivered several orations, one of which his defence of Roscius the comedian, from whom he had taken lessons is still extant. 5. Impeachment of Verres. In the year B. c. 75 Cicero was elected quaestor. Lot assigned to him Lilybaeum (Marsala), one of the two provinces into which Sicily was divided. His equitable administration, his upright and honorable conduct qualities in those days very rare in a Roman official won for him the favor of the Sicilians, and laid the foundation for that great forensic success which he achieved five years after, when his popularity had raised him to the curule n-dileslrip. Shortly after his return an opportunity occurred for him to undertake a case whjch attracted the eyes of all classes to him. Sulla had restored to the senate the judicial power which assured the nobility impunity in their provincial administration. The plunder, robbery and desolation of the provinces would hardly be believed, had not the prosecution of Verres brought them to light. During his administration of three years Verres had 1 There wore only eleven letters written before Cicero's consulship. The first one was written B. c. 66. 1 Nepos Att., 16. Merippus of Stratonice, Dionysius at Magnesia. ^Eschylns at Cnidn. Molo anr) Po^i- t Rhodes. B. C. 03.] CICERO'S POLITICAL CONSISTENCY. 291 desolated the island of Sicily more than both Servile wars. As scon as he left the island the provincials determined to bring him to justice, 1 and applied to Cicero to conduct the prosecu- tion. Verres had noble friends at Rome the Metelli, the Scipios, and Hortensius, the master of the forum, who undertook his defence. Bribes, threats, devices for delay 2 were devised, but :11 were of no avail. The jurors condemned Verres, and the eloquent invectives which Cicero had prepared, although not delivered, were published and circulated, and read with great avidity. 6. Cicero's Political Consistency. Cicero was now the undisputed leader in his profession. In B. c. 66 he was elected prastor, 3 and earnestly co-operated in the popular movement that invested Pompcjus with the extraordinary command in the East. The action which Cicero had taken in the condemnation of Verres, which was really that of the nobility, and his ardent support of the Manilian law, have generally been considered sufficient evidence that he had deserted the senatorial and joined the popular party. It must be remembered that Cicero had grown up under the instructions of such great statesmen as Crassus and the Scasvolas, whose aim had been to conciliate the people and to restore the good old time when unity prevailed in the state. There was still a strong conservative party in the senate that wished to restore that time; with this party Cicero acted, and hence his sympathy with Pompejus, who still counted himself a member of the conservative party, and hence the sup- port of the senate, which raised him to the consulship. 7. Cicero as Consul. On the 1st of January, B. c. 63, Cicero entered upon his duties as consul, and one of his first 1 The trial was in the piTinanent jury court for exactions (qucestlo perpetua cle reiirfi'/iili.*-), before the pnetor M'Acilius Glabrio. See p. 238. * An attempt was made to take the case out of Cicero's hand* by setting up a eharn prosecutor in Q. Cajcilius Niger, Verres's qurestor. A preliminary trial (dMnaflo) was necessary to decide whether he or Cicero should be the accuser. The oration that Cicero delivered on this occasion is also called dirinatio. Cicero was allowed 115 days to col- lect evidence in Sicily; he returned in 50. contenting himself with a brief outline of the case. Cicero called the witne-^-s at once; their f'-timony was overwhelming. Hor- tentius i_;;i\r up the ca^e. and Verres went into exile. The following is a list of the orations: I. (1) Divinatio in Canlium ; (2) i ; (71 <1e mippli'-ii*. ' Cicero presided in this court (quceetio perpetua repetundarum). 292 THE CONSULSHIP OF M. TULLIUS CICERO. [B. C. 63. acts was to oppose and defeat the agrarian law of the tribune Servilius Rullus, which was tin- nu>>t sweeping measure that had yet been proposed for dividing the public land, and which was intended, no doubt, to give one of the popular leaders, an extraordinary command, like that of Pompejus. 1 8. Defence of Rabirius. The next opportunity that Cicero had to display his abilities was when Caesar induced the tribune Labienus to accuse an aged senator, Rabirius, of the murder 2 of Saturninus, a popular leader in the tumult in the year B. c. 100. 8 This was an attack upon the prerogatives of the .-en- ate their right to invest the consul with supreme power. If Rabirius was condemned, the people then had the right to nul- lify the action of the senate, and no tribune need in future fear the fate of Saturninus. Cicero no doubt looked forward to the day when he should need a similar decree against Catiline, and therefore defended Rabirius with all his energy and power. 4 In the meantime Cicero had defeated another scheme the repeal of the law of Roscius Otho. which gave to the cquites and all those who possessed the equestrian census the fourteen rows of seats in the orchestra, behind the senators proposed by Caesar, to still further widen the breach between the senatorial and eques- trian parties. When Otho entered the theatre he was received with a storm of hisses from the people; the knights applauded ; a fearful riot ensued, and Cicero was summoned. He invited the people to meet in the temple of IV'llona, and addressed them in such a manner that he completely restored their good humor.s When Caesar, shortly after, proposed that civil rights should be restored to those who had been proscribed by Sulla a measure eminently just in itself, but not considered at ihis time expedient, the eloquence of Cicero persuaded 6 the tribunes 1 (1) Oratio in stnatu Kal. Jan. de lege agrarin ; (2) ad Qitirites contra P. Ruttum. 1 See p. 229. * Reus perdnellvmte (i.e., accused of hi'.'h-treasonX The trial came first before the I)>minriii.{\. (';i-iUana>, a day on which the comifia could not be held ; it could not, therefore, have been postponed'until this day, as is usually sup- posed to have been the ca~c. * Videant con .///>/, yuid retptMlea detrtmentl 'V///;ons who had been stationed there in ambush for that purpose and taken to Cicero's house. The next morning Cicero sent lor the chief conspirators. Ignorant of what had happened, they came and were immediately arrested and led before the senate. The letters were opened; the conspirators acknowledged their guilt. Lentulus was compelled to resign the prajtorship, and was delivered with four of his associates to the custody of certain senators, who were made answerable for their appearance. 13. Effort to Implicate Crassus. Cicero related these events to the people the same evening, December 3d, in the third Catilinarian oration. He urged them to return thanks with the senate to Jupiter Capitolinus, whose statue by a singular coincidence had been erected in the capitol that morning, and looking down upon his people in the forum, had grained them favor and protection. An effort was made to implicate Crassus as well as Caesar in the conspiracy, in the hope that either their great influence with the senate would screen the culprits from justice or if they defended the conspirators they would criminate themselves. The senators refused unani- mously to believe the insinuations, and decreed that the informer should be imprisoned until he disclosed the name of the person who had instigated him to give such evidence. 14. The Conspirators Condemned by the Senate. On the 5th day of December, Cicero convened the senate to decide on the fate of the conspirators. The question was one of great difficulty. The senate had invested the consuls with dictatorial power, but this the people maintained did not give them authority to inflict capital punishment. So far Cicero had proceeded strictly according to the forms of law. The conspirators had been declared public enemies in order that they might be deprived of citizenship. He now brought the matter before the senate* and, according to the usual custom, 1 J'nntt 3Iotte, se<> map, p. 4. B. C. G3.J THE CONSULSHIP OF M. TULLIUS CICERO. 297 called on Silamis, the consul-elect, for his opinion first. Sila- nus declared that the conspirators should suffer the extreme penalty of the law, and all the consulars agreed with him. When the turn came to Caesar, who was prsetor-elect, he recom- mended that their goods be confiscated and that they be imprisoned for life in different Italian cities. With this opin- ion, Quintus, Cicero's brother, agreed, and a large number of senators, from fear of the people, inclined to the same opinion. Even Silanus retracted and explained his opinion by declaring that imprisonment was the extreme penalty that a citizen could suffer at Rome. When the turn came to Marcus Portius Cato, he rose and in tones of deep conviction and unflinching courage demanded the execution of the criminals ; he attacked Caesar and charged him with attempting to rescue from justice the enemies of the state. This decided the question. Cicero in the fourth Catilinarian oration 1 summed up the arguments on both sides, and called upon the senators to have no regard for his personal safety ; that whatever happened to himself he cared not, he would execute the decree of the senate whatever it might be. 15. The Execution of the Conspirators. The senate voted for the death of the conspirators. The charge raised against Ctesar by Piso and Catulus had been industriously circulated, and the knights who guarded the doors of the temple of Concord, where the senate sat, and were impa- tiently awaiting the result, threatened Caesar with their swords as he came out. Cicero took care to have the sentence exe- cuted at once. Lentulus with four others 8 was strangled in the vault of the Tnllianum. The people thronged round Cicero as he descended to the forum, and hailed him the savior and second founder of Rome. The streets were illu- minated, and each in the train of citizens that accompanied Pint. Cat. Min., 23; this speech was reported by the stenographers and published. The following are the nnal dates of the four Catilinarian orations with the corrections, on account of the disorder of the calendar : I. A'/ X>-HH'I>I. :\. (I. VI., Id. Nov. = Nov. 8, B. c. 63 = Jan. 12, B.C. 62. II. A (I /''->/)iif'/itt. a. d. V.. Id.Nov.-Nov.il. " " = Jan. 13, " " III. Ail Pnivilmii. a. d. III.. Non. Dec. = Dec. 3, " " = Feb. 5, " " 1111. Ad Xf/ttitiiM. Nouis Dec. = Dec. 5, " " = Feb. 7, " " " The other four had escaped. 298 Tin: ONM -Lsiiii 1 OF M. TULI.H-S CICKRO. |_ij. r. ;:;. Cicero home, acknowledged that Borne owed its safety to Cicero alone. 1 16. Defeat and Death of Catiline. While these events were going on in the city, Catiline and Maulius had collected two legions, mostly from the veterans of Sulla. When news reached them that the plot had failed at Home, many of the soldiers deserted, and Catiline endeavored to retreat into Cis- alpine Gaul. But Metellus Celer occupied the passes of the Apennines, while Catiline was closely followed hy Autonius. Catiline, hemmed in between the two armies, turned upon Antonius, who, ashamed to fight against his old friend, feigned sickness. The command fell into the hands of Petrejus, an old and skillful soldier. The armies met near Pistoria (Pistoja); the struggle was desperate and bloody. Catiline fell in the thick of the Roman army, to which he had cut his way, sword in hand. His two lieutenants were killed. Kot a single free- man was taken prisoner; they covered with their bodies the places where they fought. 2 17. The Position of Cicero. The conspiracy had been crushed and the republic saved from great danger, yet there was a deep undercurrent of discontent, und C'a'.-ar's warning against trifling with the constitutional .-acivdiu-ss of a Roman citizen's life, began to be felt. At the head of this faction were the magistrates of the following year, L. Caesar, and the tribunes Metellus and Bestia. When Cicero, according to custom, ascended the rostra on the last day of the year, to give an account to the people of the events of his consulship, Metellus forbade him to speak. " The man," said he, " who 1 Mommsen ([. c. vol. iii.. p. 188 f.) considers the execution as unconstitutional. There can, however, be no doubt, that from the patrician standpoint, the law of the republic invested the consuls with the power of lire and death as soon as the senate had issued i:s final decree. In support of this view we have theopinion of Cassar (B. c. 7) and of Sallust (Cat. 20>, both of the popular party, who rccounixe it as an existing riirht of the i-enaK nuihn imi',, maxima jwrmittthir. exercilum paniri, helium genre, rorcn' <,///> modit focion atquf (Avis domi milif-rr/" / fniiiiiiin Lahore : d/'it*r tine populi jufgu ntiUius earuii' -ilijufeft. Ceaar admits it ; with certain limitations.it is true, but still he recoinii/es the riirhf a- helon-jiiiL' to the senate. The people had often questioned this prerogative, and />f*>,i>-rita had declared it null and void ; but the nobility by no means reco. ' (Restored by Cauina.) and to bring him in collision with the aristocracy. He pro- posed to have the superintendence of rebuilding the Capitoline temple transferred from Catulus to Pompejus. 2. Triumph of Pompejus. In B. c. G2, Pompejus reached Italy, and instead of marching with his army to Rome as Crassus had expected, 2 immediately dismissed his soldiers until 1 The temple of Jupiter Capitolintis was built by Tarriuinius Sujierbus in B. c. 535. It was nearly square, being 900 Roman feet in length, and 185 in width (Vitr. iv., 7, 1). The figure of Jupiter WM the mort prominent object within the temple. In his right hand was a thunderbolt, and in lii-^ left a spear. The L'ates \\-ere of aid the irods would not a'low Hie plan to be altered (Tac. Hist., iv..53). It \va< finally, in A. i>. 45o. plundered by the Vandals and the work* of art carried off to Africa. " Plut. Pomp., 43. B. C. 100.] THE RISE OF CLESAR. 301 it was time for them to attend his triumph. He set out him- self for Rome, and asked permission of the senate to enter the city without forfeiting his claim to a triumph. Cato opposed the request, and it was refused. He remained outside the walls until his triumph took place. It lasted two days and was the most splendid that Rome had ever seen. He had conquered fifteen nations, and three hundred and twenty-four princes walked before his triumphal car. Pompejus acted with great moderation ; he simply demanded of the senate allotments of GAJUS JULIUS CJSSAR. land for his soldiers, and confirmation of his acts in the East The senate, influenced by Lucullus and Cato, refused these requests, and Pompejus had no alternative but to fall back on the popular party. 3. The Rise of Caesar. Just at this time Ca?sar returned from Spain, where he had achieved brilliant success and laid the foundation of his military career. From this time the power fell more and more into the hands of prominent men. Fortune had given Pompejus power which he did not know how THE RISE OF C/ESAR. [B. C. 70. to use. It was snatched from him by a man who was worthy of it. Gajus Julius Caesar was born July 12, B. c. 100, 1 and therefore was six years younger than Pompejus or Cicero. He sprang from an old patrician family, but the circumstances of his early life brought him in close connection witli the Marian party. His aunt had married Marius, and he himself, when seventeen years old, had taken the daughter of Cinna, one of the Marian leaders, for his wife. He refused, at the bidding of Sulla when dictator, to divorce his wife, as Pompejus had done. His name was placed on the list of the proscribed ; but he concealed himself among the Sabine hills until the intercession of the vestal virgins and nobility obtained his pardon. " You wish it," said Sulla ; "I grant it; but in this boy there are more than one Marius." Caesar, however, would not accept pardon, but so long as Sulla lived he avoided the capital. He went to Asia Minor, and in the siege of Mitylene he won the civic crown for saving the life of a citizen. On his return to Rome he took advantage of the popular dissatisfaction with Sulla's arrangements to win the favor of the people. He impeached Cn. Dolabella and Gr. Antonius.for extortion in their provinces. Although they were acquitted by the senatorial judges, still his success was such as to stimulate his ambition. To render himself still more proficient he determined to retire to Rhodes, then celebrated for its rhetoricians. At this time Servilius Isauricus was conducting the war against the pirates, and Caesar, while on his way to Rhodes, was taken prisoner by the pirates. They demanded twenty talents for his ransom. "It is too little," said he; "you shall have fifty; but once free, I will crucify you." And he kept his word. 4. He Restores the Trophies of Marius. In B. c. 70 he supported the claims of Pompejus for the consulship and the laws he proposed, because they admirably accorded with his own plans. In B. c. 69 Caesar was quaestor. In this year his aunt 1 Mommscn set the date B. c. 103, because he obtained the Eedile^hipin B. c. 05. praetor (hip B. c. 62, and consulship 59. while according to the leg ex annrile* these offices could not be held before the 37-38th, 40-41st and 43-44th years of age. Caesar was no doubt exempted, bv a special law, like Pompeju* M:I<| ninny others, from the law. though this is nowhere meiitnnod in our authorities. B. C. CO.] THE FIRST TRIUMVIRATE. 303 Julia, and wife Cornelia, died. In pronouncing, according to custom, their eulogy, he said: "My aunt Julia derived her descent by her mother from a race of kings, and by her father from the immortal gods. In our family are the sacred majesty of kings, who are masters of the world, and the divine majesty of gods, who are the masters of kings." * Three years later he dared to restore the trophies of Marius. When these glittered once more in gold and marble in their old place, the veterans crowded round the statue of their beloved leader, with tears in their eyes. As aedile he not only embellished the comitium and the rest of the forum, and exhibited three hundred and twenty pairs of gladiators equipped in silver, but in the diversions of the theatre, in the processions and public tables, he far outshone the most ambitious of his predecessors. 2 His prodigality was frightful ; his debts enormous. He owed one hundred million sesterces. 3 His liberality, his magnanimity, made him the favorite of the people. Even his vices endeared him to them. Cicero 4 says that genius, method, memory, literature, prudence, deliberation and industry were combined in him. When the chief pontiff died, the most illustrious men of the State solicited the office. Caesar, however, did not give place to them. On the morning of the election he said : " I shall this day be either chief pontiff <>r an exile." 5. Caesar the Greatest Man of Antiquity. Until Caesar was forty years of age his military experience was of the most limited kind. Then he became the greatest general of his age. It must have been a strange sight to see that profligate spendthrift, that elegant debauchee, his countenance pale and white, withered before its time by the excesses of the capital, that delicate and epileptic man, walking at the head of his legions under the rains of Gaul, swimming its rivers, climbing its mount- ains on foot, and making his bed among rains and snows in its forests and morasses. 5 When carried in his litter he read and wrote, and dictated to four and sometimes to seven amanuen- ses at once. He could be reading, writing, dictating and listen- > Snet. 6. * Pint. Caes. J $5,000,000 * 2 Phill , . ' Michelet, p. 336 ; Suetonius Caes.; Plut. Cses. 304 FIRST CONSULSHIP OF r.i;s\K. [B. f. ing all at the same time. At the most perilous moments he knew how to seize a shield and fight in the ranks of his soldiers. "He was," says Drumann, "great in everything he undertook; a.- a captain, a statesman, a lawgiver, a jurist, an orator, a poet, an historian, a grammarian, a mathematician, and an architect. 1 '' 6. The First Triumvirate (B. r. GO). As propraetor lie received the province of Spain. Even before his departure his old friend Crassus had to relieve him of a portion of his debt. He returned to Rome before the consular elections of B. c. 60, and found Pompejus at variance with the senate. Caesar made overtures to him, and promised to secure the ratification of his acts in the East and the assignment of lands for his soldiers. In return Pompejus was to support Caesar for the consulship. The success of the coalition 2 was secured by Caesar's (raining over Crassus, whose great wealth gave him prominent influence in the senate. This was the master stroke of Cesar's policy; to overcome the bitter jealousy between Pompejus and Crassus, and effect a reconciliation. 7. The First Consulship of Caesar (B. c. 59). Caesar was elected consul with M. Bihulus, a narrow minded optimate, as his colleague. He immediately brought forward his prop< als the agrarian law, 8 the ratification of Pompejus' acts 4 in the East, and a bill for granting the petition of the knights 5 to be relieved from the terms on which they had agreed to farm the taxes in Asia. After the most obstinate resistance on the part of the optimates the laws were carried. Twenty commissioners, with Pompejus and Crassus at their head, were appointed to superintend the distribution of the land. At the close of his consulship C.Tsar was invested 6 with the government of Cisal- s, vol. iii.. p. 74H. " This private league was afterwards known as the Fir.--/ Tri>nnnrt> . * The Itjr Julia ayrariti proposed the division of the o^er pud&ru* in Italy. The sec- ond lex agraria included the /// < /.* *t!ir- present, Clodius entered. rti-'ui-ed a.s a female musician. He was detected and the mysteries ha~ tily veiled, hut Clodius made his e-eape. The scandal created great excitement, was compromised. He divorced his wife Pompeja. The case wa>- brought before the senate. The trial la-ted tlmm-h B. r. 83 and til. Clodius bribed -.tie judges and procured hi- acquittal. He was deeply embittered against the sena'e, a':d particularly against Cicero, who h ul app-an-d against him as a \\itness. He vn n-f. vei -peance. aim for this purpose procured his adoption into a plebeian family, and tx-came a candidate for the tribunate. Caesar found in him a suitable instrument f \r accomplishing his designs against Cicero and the senatorial jwrty. GENEALOGICAL TABLE. APFIUS CLAUDU s * PULCHEB. AP.CL. PULCITCR C. CL. Pt T.CHEB. P. CLOWUS -. r>4. pnct. B. c. 56. trib. pleb. B. c. 58. CLAUDIA m. CLAUDIA m. CN. POWEJUS. M. BRUTUS. P. CLODIUS. CLODIA m. Octarlus. Sometimes called Claudius and sometimes < lodiu- (c. f. caudtx and coder, davxtrum and ,-w/v/ //i): it became the custom, in later times of the republic, for several of the Claudii to call themselve- Clodii. 1 The I'. r frinii' i' : 8 The lex 'r/>/iirf et tonpare leovm rooandarwn, I. f., that it should !>' legal w *ropo-c r..-;iii'.!- to the people on all !>. ifattf, rhatK on all die* fa*U non cormtialex. * 8oe naire 40. B. C. 58.] BANISHMENT OF CICERO. 307 The third re-established the ancieut guilds, 1 which the sen- ate had recently suppressed. The fourth' 2 ' annulled the most despotic prerogative of the censors, by forbidding them to deny admittance to any magis- trate to the senate who was legally entitled to a seat there. 10. The Banishment of Cicero. The next and most important service which Clodius performed for the triumvirs was to deprive the senate of its two ablest and most influen- tial members. Although Clodius was a bitter enemy of Cicero, and would gladly have driven him from the state, yet he could do nothing without the consent of the triumvirs. Agreeably to his instructions, he proposed a bill to entrust Cato with the government of Cyprus, which was to be converted into a prov- ince, and to interdict from fire and water any magistrate who had put Roman citizens to death without a trial. Cicero's name was not mentioned. He, however, saw his peril, dressed him- self in mourning, and went round the forum soliciting the com- passion of the people. The senators and knights assembled on the capitol to consult concerning the threatened danger. A deputation, headed by Hortensius and Scribonius Curio, was sent to implore the assistance of the consuls. 3 Deputations from the Italian towns flocked to Rome to offer their sympathy. Cicero appealed personally to Pompejus, and prostrated himself before him as a suppliant. Pompejus repelled him coldly, with the answer that he could do nothing without Caesar's consent. As for Caesar, he expressed his opinion plainly in an assembly 4 of the people convened by Clodius 5 in the circus of Flaminius, be- yond the walls. Here Caesar could be present, for as proconsul at- the head of the legions it was not lawful for him to enter the city. The two consuls spoke against Cicero, and Caesar repeated the opinion which he had maintained from the first in the senate that the execution of the conspirators was illegal, but that, in a These as^ir'anon- (collegia c0m]ri(alicia) were originally organized to conduct the sacred rites of ih compita (erois-roads). Although nominally religious, they had been turned into " street clubs," controlled by ward politicians, and' on that account had been suppressed by the senate in B. c. M ; they were now revived by Clodius (lex Clodia de COUeffUs). * The/#r Clodia de cenxoria notiome. 3 They dared not offend Clodius, for as tribune lie could procure for them a rich province. Contio. Clodiup openly boasted that he acted in understanding with Ciesar, Pompejus and MS. Cic. Sest. 17, yj f. ; Har. Resp. 82, 47. 308 THE CONQUEST OF THE "WEST. [ 15. C. 58-51. matter so long passed, he deprecated severe measures. All availed nothing. The armed bands of Clodius kept posses-ion of the forum. Cicero thought it best to yield to the storm, and after dedicating in the capitol a small statue of .Minerva, the tutelary deity of Rome as well as of Athens, withdrew from the city. 1 Clodius then carried a bill interdicting Cicero by name from fire and water within 400 miles of Rome. His property was confiscated, and his house on the Palatine was burnt. Caesar's measures in the capital had been satisfactorily accom- plished, and he was now ready to set out for his province. 2 It was time, for the threatening movements of the Celtic tribes demanded his presence. CHAJPTKR THE CONQUEST OF THE WEST (B. C. 58-51). 1. The Condition of Gaul. The Romans had already come in contact with the Celts in Gaul, and had converted the strip of land on the seaboard between the Alps and Pyrenees into a Roman province (B. c. 118). The Romans had for a long time regarded the Celtic province as very important, still they had made no systematic effort to extend their dominion in that quarter. The climate was healthy, the soil rich and fertile, and the intercourse with Italy, by land and sea. easy. Roman mer- chants and farmers had already resorted in great numbers to Gaul, and had disseminated there Roman civilization. The centre of this civilization was the old Greek city, Massilia, from which articles of luxury found their way up the Rhone and Soaue, and thence, by land, to the Seine and Loire, in exchange for the products of Gaul. 1 Cato left Rome about tbe same time. ' Towards thn end of March, B. c. 53. B. C. 58-51.] THE CONQUEST OF THE WEST. 309 2. Defeat of the Helvetians (B.C. 58). About this time the Helvetians, a Celtic tribe, becoming restless in their narrow territories, hemmed in as they were between the Jura, the Rhine and the Alps, on account of their scanty means of sub- sistence, determined to abandon their territories and seek larger ind more fertile abodes to the west of the Jura mountains. As Caesar was waiting before the gates of Rome, in the beginning of B. c. 58, he heard that the Helvetians had already assembled on the Rhone for the purpose of crossing and settling in the \\Vst. Thinking that this would endanger the safety of the province he hastened to Gaul, reached the Rhone in eight days, and by skillful negotiations delayed the advance of the Helvetians until he had constructed a line of iiitrenchments from the lake of Geneva to the Jura mountains. This defeated the attempt of the Helvetians to cross the river in this direction, and they were com- pelled to take their way along its right bank, and thus make their journey westward by a more northerly route. 1 Caesar hastily collected his forces, 2 fol- lowed up the left bank of the Soane, cut to pieces a part of the Helvetian army and pursued the remainder to [Bibracte, 3 " where he defeated them 4 in a terrible battle and compelled them to return to their own country. 3. War with Ariovistus (B. c. 58). Next, Caesar advanced porthward to Vesontio (Besangon), drove 5 back the Suevi, who had crossed the Rhine in great numbers 6 under their chief Ario- vistus, for the purpose of reconciling the contending factions THE FORTIFICATIONS FROM LAKE GENEVA TO THE JURA MX. 1 Through the pass de 1'Ecluse. " * He went to his other province and brought up the three legions there, as well as the two of newly enrolled recruits. He had in all 6 legions and -JOIX) Gallic horsemen. Bibracte was, according to GOler, on the site of the modern Autun; according to napoleon, some distance from Autun, on Mt. Bonvray. ' The Helvetians had set out with 868,000, their whole population, of which 92,000 were armed ; only 110.000 returned. ' The battle was fought near Czernay and Lower AspacU. 130,000 had already crossed. 310 THE CONQUEST OF THE UEST. [B. C. 58-51. and forming alliances in Gaul. The next year (B. c. 57) Caesar conquered the Belgic tribes, one of the three great nations that occupied Gaul. It was in this campaign that, the Romans being surprised by the Nervii. while pitching their camp, the line was restored by Caesar's seizing a shield and fighting in the ranks. During this year, Caesar's lieutenant, 1*. Cra>Mi.-. subju- gated the tribes in Brittany and Normandy, so that at the end of the second year two of the three great divisions of Gaul were in the power of the Romans. In the third year Caesar advanced against the Veneti, wholiad revolted, and succeeded in captur- ing their towns and defeating their fleet in the first great naval battle fought in the Atlantic ocean. The Morini and Menapii submitted, and Caesar seemed to have fully attained one of the great objects which he set out to accomplish the subjugation of Gaul. 4. The Invasion of Grermany and Britain (B. c. 55). The other half of his work to compel the Germans to recog- nize the Rhine as their boundary on the west still remained before him. Two tribes had already been driven over the Rhine in the pressure of the Germanic tribes towards the West, but Oaesar resolved to prevent them from settling in Gaul. They were defeated with tremendous slaughter, and Caesar determined to bridge the Rhine 1 and cross himself, in order to inspire the other German tribes Avith terror. In the autumn of the same year he crossed for a reconnaissance to Britain. 2 but his fleet was disabled by a storm, and he was content to withdraw, after a fortnight, to Gaul, for the winter. The next year he crossed again 8 with a large fleet, defeated the Britains under their leader Cassivellaunus, and compelled them to pay tribute and furnish hostages. 5. Caesar's Victories Honored in Rome. When the news of these prodigious marches and wonderful victories 1 This was B. c. 56 The bridge was erected, according to Napoleon, at Bonn; accord- Ing to GMJler, between Bonn and Coblentz. - According to Napoleon, lie Bailed from the harbor of the modern Boulogne. both this and the next year; according to GOler. he embarked this year from Wissant, and the next year from CalaK 5 He embarked from Portus Itius (probably Witsand, between Calais and Boulogne). B. c. 58-51. C. 58-51.] THE CONQUEST OF THE WEST. 311 reached Rome, a cry of admiration arose from all sides. The senate voted thanksgivings, in spite of the opposition of Cato. "Compared to the exploits of Caesar," said Cicero, "what has Marina done? He arrested the deluge of Gauls into Italy; but he never penetrated into their abodes, he never subdued their cities. Caesar has not only repulsed the Gauls, but he has sub- dued them. The Alps were once the barriers between Italy and the barbarians. The gods had placed the mountains there to shelter Rome in her weakness. Now let them sink and welcome. From the Alps to the ocean she has no enemy to fear." During the winter Caesar held his court, as usual, at Lucca, the most convenient point within his province, where he could watch the political complications in the capital and receive his numerous partisans and consult with them. Here consulars, senators and officials of all ranks crowded to his receptions, and all returned delighted with the courtesy and generosity of the conqueror. 6. Revolt in Gaul. Hitherto the Gauls had offered no united resistance, but in the winter of B. c. 54 they thought a favorable opportunity was offered for them to combine their forces, destroy their conqueror, and recover their independence, as Caesar was compelled to disperse his troops, on account of the scarcity of provisions. The corps among the Eburones, near Aduatica, was attacked, and on its retreat totally annihilated. The insurrection spread among the other tribes, and soon the insurgents, to the number of sixty thousand, laid siege to the camp of Q. Cicero, in the territory of the Nervii. Caesar, for- tunately, was still in Gaul. He hastened, with great speed, to Cicero's relief, raised the siege, and the insurgents dispersed. Caesar exacted terrible vengeance 1 from the revolted tribes, and in order to strike terror to the Germans, whom the Gauls had once more invited to their assistance, he crossed the Rhine again. In the following year (B. c. 53) he advanced to the north and exacted bloody vengeance on the Eburones, the lead- ers of the insurrection. The next year (B. c. 52) Caesar found 1 For this campaign he raised three legions (two were borrowed from Pompejus). He had previously 8j legions ; 1J was lost iu the attack ; he now had 10. 312 THE CONQUEST OF THE \\\.-\. [B. C. 58-51. all Gaul again arrayed against him in a general insurrection. The last attempt hud failed because the proconsul had appeared unexpectedly on the scene of action. Now he was at a distance, detained on the Po by the imminence of civil war. This, then, was the time to strike. The Roman army could be annihilated and the province overrun before Caesar could reappear. The Carnutes offered to take the lead. Genabum 1 was attacked and the Roman settlers were put to death. The cry of war. repeated by men through the fields and villages, reached the Arverni the same evening, a distance of one hundred and fifty miles. 2 7. Gallant Defence of Vercingetorix. Veivingetorix, the chief of the Arverni, joined the insurrection and called upon all to fight for the liberty of their country. Just at this time Caesar crossed the Alps, took measures to protect the province, forced his way across the Cevennes through the deep snow, and appeared unexpectedly to all in the land of the Arverni. After collecting his legions he marched directly upon Genabum, which had given the signal for revolt. It was pillaged and laid in ashes. Vercingetorix urged his countrymen to change the plan of the war, and instead of resisting the Romans in the open field or in their fortified towns, to burn their towns, cut off the supplies and lay the country waste far and wide. The plan worked admirably. Cae-sars foraging parties found it diffi- cult to obtain supplies, and the army began to be pinched by hunger. In the general dest met ion Avarieum (llnurtji'x) had been spared. Hither Caesar hastened with all speed, and pressed the siege with energy. The town surrendered and its ahundant stores relieved the wants of the army. Caesar was enabled once more to show a bold front to the enemy, and he entered the territories of the Arverni and laid siege to their capital, Gergo- via. 3 Here he met with his first defeat in Gaul, and was com- pelled to retreat. This was a critical moment for Caesar. His enemies in Rome were eagerly scanning the news, hoping that some disaster would befall him, while his position in Gaul depended on the halo of victory that surrounded him. His 1 According to Napoleon, the modern Gien. * Cses. bel. Gal. vii., 8. ' Near Clermont. , C. 58-51.] THE CONQUEST OF THE WEST. 313 retreat was the signal for the ^Edui to revolt, and the whole Celtic nation, with the single exception of the Remi, were in arms, and the warriors swore not to revisit their homes until they had crossed at least twice the ranks of the enemy. 1 .r, however, was undismayed. He called out the levy to protect the province, and advanced himself towards Agedin- cum to join Labienus. After the junction of the two armies Caesar turned to the south, in order to protect the province from invasion. 8. Siege of Alesia (B. c. 52). On his way was Alesia, 8 where Vercingetorix had intrenched himself with 80,000 men. The city was situated upon a hill, in what was supposed to be an impregnable position. Here the Celts had taken final ref- uge, and Vercingetorix had dispatched his cavalry to summon all Gaul to his relief. The Romans had hardly invested the place when they were surrounded by a tremendous army 3 which had assembled to relieve it. Caesar was in great peril, still he would not raise the siege, but by a masterly disposition of his forces he prevented Yercingetorix from breaking through the lines, defeated the Celtic army without, and compelled Alesia to surrender. The people were reduced to slavery, and the number was so great that each soldier had one slave. Ver- cingetorix, the noble representative of all that was brave and generous in his nation, was reserved to grace his captor's triumph and to perish in the dungeons of the capitol. The fall of Alesia ended the war. What followed 4 was only like the swell of the ocean after a mighty storm. A general insurrec- tion was impossible. The other tribes soon submitted, and after eight years the subjugation of the region between the Alps, the Rhine and the ocean was complete. 9. Caesar's Organization of Gaul. During the winter Caesar travelled through Gaul, settled the condition of the country, and conciliated the favor of the people. Honors and privileges were bestowed upon the chiefs and the cities, and even the franchise was granted to a number of noble Celts, several of 1 Bell. Gal., vii., 15. * Situated between Chatillon and Dijon, on Mt. Auxois ' 350,000 infantry and 8000 cavalry. In B. c. 51. 314 THE COXQT'EST OF TTTK WEST. [B. C. 58-51 whom were admitted to the senate. The territory was united to the province of Narbo until B. c. 44, when two provinces 1 were formed from it Gallia and Belgica. The taxes 2 imposed were light, and the levying of them was intrusted to each commu- nity. Ceesar left the Gauls their land, their laws and their religion ; and in a great measure their self-government was undis- turbed. In fact, he spared everything that did not interfere with his fundamental idea the Immunizing of Gaul. In order to turn their eyes toward Rome, the Roman monetary system was introduced, and the Latin language was made the language 1 In A. D. 17. Lugdunensis and Aqnitania were formed from Gallia. 'Forty million xexttrr .< i about $2.000.000) were levied annually. The gold col- lected in the temples and by the nobles was confiscated, and this brought so much into the market that pold fell, as compared with silver, 25 per cent. B. C. 5B-51.] ANARCHY IN THE CAPITAL. 315 of official intercourse. By these wise and judicious measures the country became thoroughly Romanized, and the laws and insti- tutions of Rome formed the basis of its social and political life. 1 XL. vni. ANARCHY IN THE CAPITAL RUPTURE BETWEEN C.ESAB AND THE SENATE. 1. Political Agitation in the Capital. During Caesar's absence Pompejus had been appointed by the triumvirs to rule the capital. In this he had undertaken a task far beyond his ability. To rule the waves of political agitation in the capital that swelled with past and future revolutions, required a greater magician than he. After Caesar's departure to Gaul, Clodius gave free reins to his audacity. Bands of gladiators roamed the streets and dispersed the rabble that represented the Roman people. It soon began to be felt that the throne was vacant, and that the master was in Gaul. Clodius was embold- ened to commence a violent attack even on Pompejus. The restoration of the clubs had given Clodius an opportunity to organize the whole free and slave proletariate of the capital. Utterly helpless to quell the disorder, and intimidated into the belief that a plot was formed against his life, Pompejus retired from the contest and shut himself up in his house. Cassar came to his rescue, and the next election freed him from his petty 1 In these eight campaigns Caesar had taken more than 800 cities, defeated 300 tribes or nearly three million of men. one million of whom he had slain, and made an equal number prisoners. When Caesar took command in Gaol, he had four legions, ?th, 8th, 9th. and 10th ; the llth and 12th, Caesar enrolled for the campaign against tlu- Helvctii ; the 13th and 14th for th<- Belirian campaign. The 14th wa- cut to pieces by the Eburones. but another 14th and al*o 15th were afterwards levied in Gaul. Caesar enlisted Gauls and one lesion, the Alk) was composed wholly of Gauls. The results that sprang from Caesar's wars in Gaul, had a momentous influence on the destinies of the worM ; for Caesar first taught the Romans to protect the frontiers of their empire by meant, of rivers or artificial ram- parts, to colonize the neaiest tribes along the frontier, and to recruit the Roman army from the enemy's country. By these means the migrations of the Germanic tribe* were checked, am: ':!> necessary interval for Italian civilization to Ix-conv established in Gaul, on the Danube, in Africa, and in Spain was gained.- -See Mommsen, vol. iv., p. 801. 316 CICERO'S RECALL FROM EXILE. [B.C. 57. persecution. The new consuls 1 were favorable to Cicero, and on the first day of their office, proposed ;i bill to recall him from exile. One of the tribune* interposed his veto, and pre- vented the bill from being carried in the senate. Pompejus proposed to bring it before the people, but a terrible fray ensued in which, according to Cicero, the Tiber and the sewers were filled with bodies, and the forum swam in blood. 2 2. Cicero's Recall from Exile (B. c. 57). Finally, n July, the nobles armed a party of swordsmen under T. Annius Milo to encounter Clodius. Desperate fights occurred in the streets, and at last the senate, in concert with Pompejus, deter- mined to invite the voters from all Italy to repair to Rome and assist in carrying a law for Cicero's recall. On the 4th of August the bill was carried, and on the next day Cicero lam led in Brundisium, where be expected to meet his family. All Italy came out to meet him, and so great was the public joy that he declared that all Italy carried him back to Rome on her shoulders. 3 On the 4th day of September he re-entered the city. All the streets and temples were filled with the vast multitude, so that no triumph had ever been equal to his return from exile. 4 Clodius in the meantime continued his agitation. He drove off the workmen who were rebuilding Cicero's house, and even attacked Cicero himself in the open streets. As the drilled bands of Clodius filed through the pub- lic scpiiares, no one dared attack him. He was a \ ietim reserved for the sword of Milo. 3. The Renewal of the Triumvirate (B.C. 5G). Pom- pejus yielded in various ways to the wishes of the senate and hoped to effect a reconciliation with the senatorial party. Cicero co-operated with Pompejus, and proposed that he should be invested with extraordinary powers for the purpose of supplying Rome with provisions. The senate, however, 1 P Cornelias Lentalus Spinther and Metellu? Nepos. Pro Sest.. 35. 38. ' Pint. Cic.. 33. 4 The ley Cornelia granted him indemnification 2,000.000 sesterces ($85,000) for his house on the Palatine: he had bought the house of Crsssna for 3 l million sesterces ($150.000); tlii^ left 1.', million for the land : his villa- at Tiicnlmn ($20.000) and Formise ($10,000). After his return he delivered four oration- : Po*i mlit'im : (1) Oratio mm senatui grating effit ; (2) cum pojntlo gratia* egit ; (3) de domo sua ad pontiftces ; (4) ad haruxpices. B.C. 56.] THE TRIUMVIRATE REHEWED. 317 was not yet quite ready to receive Pompejus as dictator, and Crassus, who was ardently attached to Caesar, openly opposed the bill. The discord between Pompejus and Crassus increased daily. The senate refused Pompejus the commis- sion to restore the expelled king of Egypt, and finally dared to attack the law carried by Caesar in regard to the Campanian land. The senate began to feel that the hour had come to begin the struggle against the triumvirs. When the consular elections came the senate put forward L. Domitius Ahenobar- bus, who threatened to propose a law for Caesar's recall. The nobility had thrown down the gauntlet to Caesar. It was time for him to act. In April B. c. 56, he invited Pompejus and Crassus to an interview at Luca 1 (Lucca}, reconciled them to each other, and arranged a plan for the following year. Pom- pejus and Crassus were to be elected consuls, and to obtain pro- consular commands, the one in Spain, the other in Syria. Caesar's province was to be granted to him for another term of five years. Crassus promised to keep P. Clodius and his gang quiet, while Cicero was to be reminded of the promise he had made, before his return from exile, 2 through his brother, in regard to his conduct towards Caesar. 4. The Second Consulship of Pompejus and Crassus (B. c. 55). It was impossible to carry the election of Pompejus and Crassus in opposition to the two consuls. Two tribunes were therefore employed to adjourn the comitia during the year, to prevent at least the election of others. A great num- ber of soldiers were dismissed on furloughs from Caesar's army to take part in voting. Even P. Crassus, the son of the triumvir, appeared with a detachment of troops. In the beginning of B. c. 55 the elections were held ; the armed bands of the triumvirs having driven their opponents from the Campus Martius. ' There were, according to Appian (b. c. ii.. 17). 200 senators and so many magistrates present at Luca that there were 120 lictors ; see also Plut. Cses., 21. ' Cic. ad. fam. i.. 9, 9 f.; and Q. fr. 2, 6. 2. From the llth of April to May 6, Cicero received no letter from his brother. On the 15th of May when the question came up in the senate in reference to the Campanian land. Cicero 'had received the warning from his brother (a'l f.im. i., 9, 101, and was not present. Cicero pave evidence of his resinned allegiance to Caesar by supporting the bill to give him ten legates, and to pay his soldiers from the public treasury (Cic. Prov. Cons., 11, 28); see Mommsen, 1. c. vol.'iv., p. 326, a, 318 CRASSrS DEPARTS FOR SYRIA. [B. C. 55. The arrangements made at Luca were carried out. Ca-.-ar's command was prolonged 1 for another five years; the two Spains were assigned to Pompc-jus. and Syria to OnsgQft 5. Pompejus and the Senate. Pompejus rejoiced to find himself once more at the head of an army ; but contrary to the expectations of all, he remained at the capital under the pretext of supplying it with provisions, while his lieutenants, Afranius and Petrejus, were entrusted with the command in Spain. Once more he adopted his old policy, and encouraged secretly the disorder in Rome, hoping that the senate would be compelled to nominate him dictator. The turbulence of the mob was worse than ever. Many began to foresee the ap- proaching end of the republic. Pompejus sought to ingratiate himself with the people. He built a magnificent stone theatre 3 on the Campus Martins, the first of its kind in Rome, capable of holding forty thousand spectators. At the dedication, plays 3 of Attius and of Livius Andronicus were presented, and five hundred lions and eighteen elephants were hunted in the arena by trained bands of gladiators. 6. Crassus Departs for Syria (B. c. 55). Crassus, al- though he was already sixty and had not entered a camp for sixteen years, was impatient to depart to his province and seize the riches of the East. From his province of Syria, he could conduct the war against the Parthians and penetrate into the distant regions of the East. The Parthians, however, had long been at peace with Rome, and the treaty of Sulla had been renewed by Pompejus. The senate refused to declare war. and the nobles sought by means of the tribune Atejus, to excite the religious scruples of the people against an in \asion into the territory of a people at peace with Rome. As Crassus was making the u-nal sacrifices in the capitol for the successful result of his expedition, the tribune announced the appearance of unfavorable omens. The senate refused to declare war. When Crassus was hastening from the city to command wa* extended until March 1, B.C. 49. which wa? equivalent to extpivlinsr it until January I. B. c. 48, as the senate generally took action on the provinces at the lK>i!inin of the year 1 See p 413. * Clytaemnestra and Trojan Horse. B. C. 53.] CRASSUS PKOCOXSLL IN SYEIA. 319 take command of the army, the tribune met him at the gate and kindled a fire in a censer, and with incense and libations devoted Crassus with terrible imprecations to the infernal gods. 1 Other strange omens followed him and dispirited his soldiers. His mind, however, was filled with glorious visions of conquest. He hoped to surpass the fame and exploits of Caesar and Pompejus, and to penetrate into the unknown regions of the East. 2 He passed the winter in Syria, where, instead of exercising his soldiers and preparing for war, he plundered the temples and confiscated the revenues of the cities. 7. Crassus Crosses the Euphrates. In the spring of B. c. 53, he prepared to set out on his expedition. 3 He crossed the Euphrates at Zeugma, but instead of following the course of this river, as his quaestor G. Cassias advised him to do, so that his ships could reach him with supplies, and so that the advance to Ctesiphon and Seleucia would be comparatively easy, he trusted to the guidance of an Arabian chief who promised to lead him by the nearest way to the enemy. This man had already served under Pompejus and was supposed to be friendly to the Eomans. When he had led the Romans from the river into the sandy desert, lie rode off under a frivolous pretext and left them. The rolling columns of sand soon announced the approach of the enemy. The air was filled with a horrid din, the deep and dismal sound of the kettle-drums struck terror to the Roman soldiers. AVhen the Parthian line appeared, it gleamed like battalions of fire, for their polished breastplates and helmets were of Margian steel. The cavalry poured in their long arrows with fearful effect, and the Roman line was crowded together. The soldiers fell thickly on every side. Cras- sus ordered his son the same who had served under Caesar in Gaul, and led the Gallic cavalry to charge on the assailants. The youth pushed eagerly forward, but was soon surrounded, overpowered and slain. The soldiers, worn out with the 1 Pint. Crass., 21. " Ibid. * He had seven legions: 4000 cavalry and 1000 Gallic cavalry ; map No, 7. 320 DEATH OF CHASSIS. heat and the dust, and blinded by the sand, were cut to pieces. Night put an end to the slaughter. 8. Battle of Carrhae (u. c. 53). The enemy galloped away, jeeringly shouting to the Romans that they would give the general a night to bewail his son. Crassus, prostrated with fatigue and disappointed in his hopes for i'ame and gold, prowd utterly helpless. Octavius and Cassius withdrew the army to Carrha 1 , abandoning the camp as well as the dead and wounded. The Parthian cavalry followed in pursuit, but the garrison of Carrhae came out to assist Crassus. and the army took refuge within its walls. Deeming the place indefensible, the Romans set out the next day on their retreat; but Smvnas, the vi/ier of the Parthian king, fearing that they would escape, proposed an interview and invited Crassus to capitulate on favorable terms. The mutinous soldiers clamored for submission, and ( IM-SUS was compelled to yield to the outcry. The proconsul and his officers were treacherously seized and slain. A small remnant of the army, under Cassius, escaped to the hills and made their way back to Syria. Twenty thousand Romans had been slain and ten thousand taken prisoners. 1 9. Clodius and Milo. Meanwhile at Rome matters had been daily growing worse. The disaster at Carrhae produced but a faint impression upon the politicians of the capital. Disorder and confusion had made such rapid strides that the best men began to contemplate the necessity of a dictatorship. It was evident that the rupture between the triumvirs was approaching. In B. c. 54, Julia died, to whom Pompejus was ardently attached. This broke one link that bound the trium- virs together. Caesar at tempted to re-establish the ties of affinity. but Pompejus drew back and tin ally married the daughter of Q. Metellus Scipio. The death of Crassus, however, was tin- : vst blow, for Caesar always felt that whatever else might happen, he could rely on Crassus. Ponipejus made use of the tribunes to prevent the consular elections, and the year B. c. 53 1 According to Appian. 90.000 were slain and taken prisoners ; the prisoners were kindly treated and allowed to settle in the coantry. 15. (.52.] POMPEJUS APPOINTED SOLE CONSUL. 321 opened with an interregnum. The city was a prey to the riotous bands of Clodius and Milo, and in B. c. 54 they were both candidates for office, the former for the praetorship, and the latter for the consulship. Their hired bands of gladiators fought in the public streets, and postponed the elections. Riots were of frequent occurrence and blood flowed in the forum and public squares. 10. Death of Clodius. It happened that Milo was travel- ing on the Appian way in a carriage, accompanied by his wife, and attended by a retinue of servants, and, as usual, a band of armed gladiators. Near Bovillae,* Clodius met him, and as the story goes, an affray ensued between their gladiators, in which Clodius was wounded. He took refuge in a tavern near by, but Milo gave way to his fury, attacked the house, and caused Clodius to be dragged forth and slain. When the body of Clo- dius, which was left in the street, was found by a senator, Sex. Tedius, and carried to Rome, a tremendous excitement ensued. The multitude streamed towards the Palatine hill, where the body was exposed to public gaze. On the following morning, excited by the harangues of the tribunes, the people bore the corpse to the curia Hostilia, and having made a funeral pile of the benches, tables, books and papers, set fire to it so that not only the senate-house but many of the adjoining buildings were burned. The only refuge from this state of anarchy was in Pompejus and his army. A few honest statesmen wer^ left, but the great parties had degenerated into factions and cabals. Even Cato said "that it was better to choose a master, than to wait for the tyrant that anarchy will impose upon us." On the 25th of February, B. c. 52, Pompejus was elected ' consul without a colleague,' 1 a title that sounded a little less harsh than dictator. 11. Pompejus' Third Consulship (B. c. 52). From this time Pompejus threw off all pretence of an alliance with Cassar and devoted himself to the cause of the senate. Order was re- stored, the armed bands were dispersed, and Pompejus, in order 1 Consul aim collega ; this- was ilk-gal, because the requisite ten years since his second consulship had not elapsed. * See map, p. 4. 322 THE TRIAL OF MILO. [fi. C. 52. to soothe the anxiety of the senate, declared that IK- would rule the state in the interest of freedom. Pompejus carried two 1 laws against violence and bribery at elections, al.-o measures to secure a speedy trial of those engaged in the murder of Clodius, and in the burning of the senate-house. Condemnation fell especially on the friends of Caesar. The jury ventured to acquit most of the partisans of the senate except Milo. Cicero prepared an oration in Milo's defence; but such disturbance arose during the trial that Pompejus stationed guards in the city, surrounded the court, and occupied all the approaches to the forum with armed soldiers, and sat himself in front of the treasury, to watch the proceedings. When Cicero arose to speak, the sight of the soldiery and the hostility of the people robbed him in a measure of that eloquence and wit which, on so many occasions, had. been so effective. Milo was condemned, and went into exile at Massilia, where Cicero sent him a copy of the splendid oration which he intended to have delivered. Milo sarcastically remarked that it was fortu- nate that it had never been spoken. " Else," said he, "I should not be enjoying the delicious mullets of this place." 12. The Measures of Fompejus. Pompejus sided more and more with the optimates, and admitted Cato into his coun- sels. He carried a law that no magistrate should have a province till five years after the expiration of his term of office. From this measure, Pompejus considered him .-elf exempt, for he immediately caused his own command to be prolonged for another five years. Tin* next law was aimed directly against Caesar. It provided that no one could l>e a candidate for a public office in his alienee. It was UTV important for Ca-sar when his proconsular government expired, to return to Rome protected l>y the consular office. His personal safety required that he should be exempted from the law. His friends saw this, and they declared Cesar's desire for a second consulship, and demanded that he should be exempt from the law. Caesar's name was still powerful among the people. His brilliant suc- 1 It, ri MIX! tt:sar successor ougm 10 ue nomiiiiiieu irorn tuts magistrates of B. c. 49, and could not. therefore, enter the province before Jan. 1st. B. c. 48. C:esar therefore had ten extra months, on the ground that a magistrate continued until his Micc-'.-sor arrived. According, however, to the law carried by Pompejus, that the magistrate did not enter upon the government of a province till five years after the expiration of his civil office, there was no difficulty in immediately filling any governor- ship from the maL'i-trati'- who had gone out five years before. Mommaen^ (lie Ttvchtfrage ir. cfec. According to Zumpt (Stud. Rom., p. 81 ff), Cae-ar could b;> recalled Nov. 13, B. c. 50 ; the chief passages for fixing the time for the expiration of his term of office are : Cic. ad At., vii., 9, 4 ; De. p. Cons., 37 : Sueton. Caes., 2C1. 324 RUPTtRE BETAKEN OJttAl AND THE SENATE. | H. C. 5l. games. 1 Meanwhile the elections for B. c. 50 had taken plan-. and ^milius Paullns and (i. Mareellus weio elected consuls. To watch his interests in the capital and manage the discussion with the senate, Caesar had bribed 2 one of the consuls and the able and eloquent but profligate and unprincipled Gajus Trebonius Curio, one of the tribunes, and when Mareellus pro- posed 8 that Caesar should be required to resign his command, Curio approved of the motion, but demanded that it should extend to Pompejus also, for in this way only could a constitu- tional state of things be restored. Caesar declared his consent to the proposal, and offered to resign at once if Pompejus would do the same. The only man who could possibly have effected a reconciliation and given voice to the conservative element in the senate had been removed from the scene of action. Cicero had been sent (B. c. 52) to govern Cilicia, according to the pro- visions of Pompejus' law, which required the governors of provinces to be selected from those who had held five years before an urban magistracy. 14. The Fompeians Defeated in the Senate. Mean- while the senate tried to strengthen the military force by decreeing that Caesar and Pompejus each should furnish one legion for the Parthian war. Pompejus demanded back the legion which he had lent during the Gallic war. Caesar com- plied, and had therefore to give up both legions, not for the Parthian war, for they were at once sent to winter at Capua. 4 Toward the end of the year Curio's proposal came up in the senate, and by 370 votes against 20 the senate resolved that both Pompejus and Caesar should resign their commands. Mareellus refused to announce the decree of the senate, and circulated a report that Ca-sar was marching on the city with four legions. He requested Pompejus, without being author- ized by the senate, to summon the two legions from Capua for the defence of the city, and to call out the Italian militia. Curio condemned these proceedings, and at the expiration of his tribunate 5 hastened to Cavar at Ravenna. 1 Lvdi f>inebres, in honor of his daughter. - H.- ifar.. 50. * Before their departure C&sar gave each soldier 250 drachma. * Dec. 10, B. c. 50. B.C.49.] THE GREAT CIVIL WAR. 325 14. Caesar's Ultimatum. Caesar dispatched orders to his \vhole force in Gaul to set out for Ravenna, meanwhile send- ing a letter by Curio to Rome, in which, after briefly stating his exploits and public services, and reminding the senate of his right to stand for the consulship, he promised to resign his command at the bidding of the senate if Pompejus would do the same. 1 Curio arrived in Rome Jan. 1, B. c. 49, the day on which the new consuls G. Marcellus and G. Lentulus, both bit- ter opponents of Caesar, entered upon their office. The two tribunes, M. Antonius and Q. Cassius Longinus, 2 devoted friends of Caesar, were hardly able to obtain a hearing for Caesar's let- ter. A violent debate followed, and finally the motion of Scipio, Pompejus' father-in-law, was carried, that Caesar should disband his army and give up his province to his successors by a fixed day, 3 on pain of being declared a public enemy. The intercession of the tribunes availed nothing ; and threatened, as they declared they were, by Pompejus' soldiers, they fled in dis- guise to Caesar. On the 7th of January the senate invested the consuls with dictatorial power, and called upon all to take up arms for the republic. This was the crisis. Civil war was inevitable. The senate intrusted the command to Pompejus. Caesar, on receiving news of the senate's vote, harangued 4 his soldiers, the one 5 legion that was at Ravenna, and being assured of their support, crossed the Rubicon, 6 which separated his province from Italy, and entered Ariminum. "The die is cast," said he ; "let us go where the gods and the injustice of our enemies call us." XLIX. THE GREAT CIVIL WAK (B. C. 49-46). 1. The Legality of Caesars Course. In regard to the legality of Caesar's course, it has generally been said that law 1 Csesar, Civ. Bel. 1 The cousin of G. Cassiu?, Crassus' legate in the Parthian war. * July l.t. 4 CSES., b. c. yii. 5 The thirteenth. Some time in Jan. = Nov., B. c. 50. 326 Tin: GREAT CIVIL WAR. [B.C. 49. was technically on his side. That the senate luul an undoubted right to appoint a governor to succeed Ca-sar March 1, u. < . -J'.i, is unmistakable. 1 By skillful management Ca?sar had brought about a condition of things in which it was impossible for the senate to follow strictly the law. The situation of affairs then that preceded the actual outbreak of hostilities, must be attributed to Caesar's inordinate ambition. The causes of the civil war and the tendency towards monarchy must be sought in the decay of the republican spirit, and in the increasing dis- organized condition of the government produced by the long years of revolution that had preceded. This, Caesar, as a states- man, saw, and his greatest claim rested in the fact that he was a statesman. He knew well that the fires of the revolution had burned out. Cato might dream of the possibility of reviving the republic, but Caesar knew that the time had gone by. He saw distinctly that anarchy at home and abroad could be sup- pressed only by a permanent supreme ruler. It was plain to him that the throne was vacant. The only question was, who should be the monarch. True to his nature lie seized opportunities. Events placed him where he stood, and the tide of events carried him on. 2. Cicero's Efforts for Peace. Cicero, who had returned from his province in November, B. c. 50, where he had won the title of imperator in a petty warfare against the native tribes, was waiting before the city with his lictors, hoping that he would be permitted to celebrate a triumph. In the meantime he had tried in every way, by writing to Ca\sar and entreating Pompejus, to effect a reconciliation. He saw plainly that whichever side was victorious the republic must perish. He fluctuated for a long time in his opinion, uncertain which way to turn. "For," says he, "Pompejus has the more honorable cause, but Caesar manages his with more address : in short, I know whom to avoid, but not whom to seek." Caesar knew 1 Mommsen admits that Caesar's term expired March 1. B. c. 49, but thinks, relying upon Cic. AC Prov. Cons., that this \va~ not a suitable time for Caesar's successor to enter upon his duties, since he must remain idle during January and February. But according to Pompejus 1 law of B. c. 52. five year- were to ela^e between a civil and military command, and the retiring eonsul must be idle not only two months, but five years. Cicero, for* instance, entered upon ui.s duties as proconsul iu the middle of B. c. 51. B. c. 49.] THE GREAT CIVIL WAR. 32? well the influence" of his name with the foreign subjects of the republic, and sought to win him to his side. Finally, still cher- ishing the hope of effecting a reconciliation, Cicero decided for Pompejus. In an interview 1 with him he made one more effort for peace, by trying to induce him to accept Caesar's proposals. Pompejus even sent private friends to Caesar at Ariminum to explain his motives, and Caesar took one more opportunity to offer such terms of accommodation that their rejection would place his opponents in the wrong. 2 When the answer came, requiring him to retire from Ariminum and dismiss his army, Caesar saw that all efforts for a peaceable solution of the troubles were in vain, and realizing how much was to be lost by delay, advanced on the road to Rome, ordering his other legions to follow him. 3. Brundisium (B. c. 49). The celerity of his marches was well known. Rumors came that he had occupied Pisau- rum, then Ancona and Arretium, and then that his cavalry was before the gates of Rome. Consternation seized the people, and ovt-u Pompejus fled in such haste that his adherents accused him of not taking sufficient precaution for their defence, and of ex- posing them, as th;>v wildly imagined, to the onslaught of Caesar's Gallic barbarians. Caesar continued his march and arrived, February 14, at Corfinium. Domitius Ahenobarbus, Casars designated successor in the governorship of Transalpine Gaul, held the place with a strong army. Ca-vir had only two legions. Still Domitius considered all as lost, unless n . iij ' i MAP OF BRUNDI8ITTM. rompejua Should Come to hlS aSSlSt- (Showing the shape of the harboi ance. The whole garrison surrendered, and the location of the town ' ) but Domitius and a few nobles made their escape by night. Pompejus bad already given up Italy as lost, and hastened to 1 December 10 and 25. Cic. Att. vii.. 4. 2 : 8, 4. a Caesar promi-ed to disband his army if Pompejus wou'd depart to his province (gpain), and if the levies ceased in Italy. 328 THE GREAT CIVIL WAR. [b. C. 49. Brundisium with all his troops, followed by a train of n-na- tors and nobles, to embark to Greece. When Caesar 1 arrived and began to besiege Brundisium, with great skill Pompejus withdrew 2 his army unharmed and landed it in Greece. Pom- pejus' followers openly expressed their dissatisfaction. Some hated his arrogance, others hoped to return and wage war in Italy. "We will starve Rome into submission," said they. "and not leave one tile upon the roof throughout the country."' "He left the city," said Cicero, "not because he could not defend it, but because this was his design from the first: to call to arms the barbarians and to lead savage nations into Italy, not as captives, but as conquerors. He determined to reign like Sulla as a king over his subjects. There were many who applauded this atrocious design." Ciosar tried to induce Cicero to return to Rome, but he preferred to remain in Campania, and Csesar respected his scruples. 4. Ilerda (B.C. 49). Caesar was unable to follow Pompejus from want of ships, and therefore returned to Rome to arrange matters there. A campaign of sixty days without a single serious engagement had made him master of Italy. Caesar entered the city and demanded the treasure hoarded in the temple of Sat- urn, 3 which was popularly believed to be the gold that Camillus had taken from Brennus. A curse was pronounced against any one who used it except to repel a Gallic invasion. The tribune interceded, but Ca\sir pushed him aside. "The fear of a Gallic invasion is past," said he. "I have subdued the Gauls." After arranging for garrisons to protect Italy 4 &nd taking measures to supply the city with corn, he prepared for the next campaign. Curio was sent with four legions to Sicily, and Valerius with one to Sardinia. Caesar, after first ordering the forces which he had assembled on the Rhone to proceed directly to Spain, set out himself about the middle of April. " I go," said he, " to engage an army without 1 Ctesar'? army emi-i-tccl <>f only nine legions of about 50.000 men : he had set out with cno legion and SflO cavalry. Ponipejn was the recognized chief of the Roman state, and had all its revenues and province* at hi- di-po-al. His army consisted of the seven Spanish legions, and ten legions in Italy : eminent men of his party .et out to raise recruits. ' March 17. ' jErari/tm Sanctiiu. ' Italy was left under command of Antoniu? ; Rome under that of Lepidus. B. C. 48.] THE GREAT CIVIL WAR. 329 a general ; I shall return to attack a general without an army. " On his way thither, the old Greek city Massilia l shut its gates against him, and he left G. Trebonius and Decimus Brutus to press the siege, while he proceeded directly to Spain to con- duct the war against Pompejus' lieutenants, Afranius and Petrejus. At first he met with a serious reverse at Ilerda (Lerida), but he soon succeeded in compelling the Pompeians to surrender, dismissed them unharmed, and enrolled most of their soldiers into his own army. 2 On his return he received the surrender of Massilia. Meanwhile his lieutenants had been successful in Sardinia and Sicily. Curio passed over to Africa, which had been put in a state of defence by Atius Yarns and by Juba, king of Numidia, who had sided with the Pompeians. Curio was slain in a battle on the Bagradas, which he had rashly hazarded, losing nearly the whole of his army. The death of Curio was an irreparable loss to Caesar, for he was a brave and skillful officer. The conquest of Sicily had thwarted Pompejus' attempt to starve Italy, while his general plan of the campaign to have his Spanish and Macedonian armies meet on the Po and invade Italy had been completely frustrated by the destruction of the Spanish army. 5. Pompejus' Resources. The great rendezvous of Pompejus' adherents was Macedonia. Thither came Cato, indignant that he had been left unsupported in Sicily ; Domi- tius from Massilia also came, and a large number of soldiers from the Spanish armies. From Italy emigration became quite popular among the aristocrats. 3 Pompejus had by no means been idle. He had the whole resources of the East at his disposal. Ships had been collected, his army had been increased to nine legions, and a cavalry force of seven thousand had been raised. Corn had been stored up to supply the army, and the fleet under Bibulus commanded the sea. Meanwhile Caesar was exerting every nerve to restore order in the capital and 1 Domitin? Ahenobarbus was in command, but he escaped. 1 M. Varro, who also commanded in Spain, was deserted by his troops and compelled to surrender. Cicero left Italy June 7 ; Cic. ad Fam. xiv., 7. 330 THE GREAT CIVIL WAB. [fi. C. 48. throughout Italy. During his absence in Spain, lie had been appointed dictator, on the motion of Lepidus, whom he had left in charge of the city. During the eleven days that he held the dictatorship, he carried laws to restore those condemned for civil offences, while Pompejus was in command of the city ; l for the restoration of private credit, by which all fear of cancelling debts was removed, 2 and finally for the extension of full citizenship to the inhabitants of Gallia Transpadana. 3 6. Battle of Dyrrhachium (B. c. 48). Caesar had already ordered his troops to assemble at Brundisium. From here, on the 4th of January B. c. 48, he prepared to embark with >ix legions, greatly thinned by toil and sickness, and six hundred horsemen for the coast of Epirus. Caesar himself crossed with the first division, but when his fleet returned for the rest of the army, it was attacked by Bibulus; nearly thirty transports were captured and the rest shut up in the harbor of Bruudi- sium. Caesar's position was critical, so much so that he determined to cross alone in a fisherman's boat to Brundisium and bring his fleet and army over. This, however, proved not to be necessary, for M. Antonius made every effort to relieve him, and soon succeeded in landing some troops. Pompejus hesi- tated to give battle to Cavar's veteran army, and retired to the high ground near Dyrrhachium. 4 Caesar proceeded at once to invest his position with works sixteen miles long, but famine began to be felt in his camp, and as tin- sir^r continued, his soldiers were obliged to make bread of grass. This did not dis- courage them. "We will eat the bark of trees," said they, "rather than allow Pompejus to escape us." Pompejus, how- ever, forced a passage through the lines, and Caesar was compelled to retire to Thessaly. 7. Battle of Pharsalus (B. c. 48). The Pompejans re- garded this as completely deciding the contest. The noble Romans threw off their reserve ; some advised Pompejus to re-enter Italy, others to reconquer Spain. The vast retinue of 1 Those condemned under the lex Pompeja de arribitu. ' Lf,x Julia de, peon ' Lex Julia de cititate Transpadanln danda. * See map, p. 157- B. C. 48.] THE GREAT CIVIL WAR. 331 consulars, senators and generals Were a great hindrance to any energetic and active operations. Some accused Pompejus of not wishing to conquer, and Dornitius asked how long Agamemnon, the king of kings, intended the war to last. The most insolent was Labienus, Cesar's old lieutenant, the only one who had deserted him. He swore that he would conquer his old general. The prisoners taken at Dyrrhachium he ordered to be put to death. " We will have no peace," said he, "until you bring us Caesar's head." The noble senators were so sure of victory that they began to dispute about the consulates and prsetorships, and some even sent to take houses in the capital in the great squares, in sight of the people, for the next canvass. The tents of the grandees were strewn with leaves, silver plate stood on the table and the wine-cup circulated. These fashionable warriors formed a great contrast to Caesar's veterans. 1 At length Pompejus was impelled by the taunts of his noble warriors to follow Caesar. He moved southward from Larissa and pitched his camp on the Enipeus, not far from that of Caesar. When Pompejus hesitated to cross the stream and engage Ca?sar, 2 this excited great indignation among the aristocrats in his camp. Pompejus had to yield, and about noon on the 9th of August, 3 led down his army into the plains of Pharsalus (Fersala). The battle resulted in the com- plete annihilation of his army. The victory Avas so decisive, that the kings, cities and peoples, which had hitherto acted with Pompejus, joined Caesar. Pompejus fled in the beginning of the engagement with a few followers to Lesbos and thence to Egypt, where he met a speedy and sad fate. He was landing in the harbor of Pelusium, 4 when he was assassinated by order 1 Cicero (ad Fam. vii., 3, written B. c. 46), aptly rams npthe situation : "I no soonei arrived in this army than I repented of what I had done, not so much from the danger to which I was exposed, as from the many faults which I discovered among them. First, the forces were neither lan;e nor warlike : then, except the general and a few others they carried on the war with such a rapacious spirit, und breathed such principles of cruelly, that I could not even think upor. our success without horror. To this I must add that some of our most distimrni-hed officer* were deeply involved in debt. In short. there was nothing good but the cause. Despairing of success, I advised (what I had always recommended), that proposal-; of accommodation should be offered. Failing in this. I endeavored to persuade Pompejus at least to avoid a general engagement." " Ciesar had about 22,000 men ; Poinpejus had 47,000 and 7,000 horse * June 6, of the Julian calendar. * See map No. 7. 332 THE GREAT CIVIL WAK. [B. C. 48. of the Egyptian court, which hoped in this way to win Caesar's favor. 1 Many of the conservative- party, among whom ('icero, made peace with the new monarch. The ultras, however, would hear of no compromise. They knew that the republic had perished, but they could never be reconciled to the monarchy. 8. The Alexandrine War (B. c. 48-47). 0;vsar never failed to follow up his successes. He left a few soldiers to watch Cato in Illyricum and hastened himself in pursuit of Pompejus. When he reached Alexandria the head of Pompejus was presented to him. He turned from it in horror, and ordered the remains of his great rival to be honorably buried. Caesar, true to his plan of settling the condition of affairs in whatever part of the empire he happened to be, divided the Egyptian kingdom, agreeably to the will of the last king Auletes, between his two children, Cleopatra and her brother Ptolemy. This decision was opposed by the guardians of the young king, and Caesar was involved in a war which detained him nine months at Alexandria. His position for a time was very criti- cal, but soon reinforcements 2 arrived, Ptolemy was defeated, 3 and the kingdom of Egypt was restored to Cleopatra and a younger brother, also named Ptolemy. 9. Battle of Zela (B.C. 47). During Caesar's stay at Alexandria strange rumors of his fate spread, and the wildest confusion prevailed t hroughout the empire. Italy greatly needed the monarch, but before returning to Rome he crossed to Asia Minor and crushed the rebellion which Pharnaces, the son of 1 In Egypt the line of the Ptolemies became extinct with the death of Alexander. The eldest -on of Lathyrus \v;- proclaimed king under the title of Ptolemy XL. surnamed Aulete*. This wa< ratified by Rome B. r. 59. }l\- arbitrary mea-ures cau-ed hi- expul- sion, and he lied to Home B.C. 58. He was re-tored by Qabinins, the proconsul of Syria, and reigned until B.C. HI. He left a daughter, the celebrated Cleopatra, and two sons. Hi~ will directed that the throne should be -ha red by Cleopatra and her eldest brother Ptolemy XII. The execution of the \\ ill was Icfr to the senate, which appointed Pompejus enarai&n. The brother and siina. Jan. 4, B. c. 46. 1 GENEALOGICAL TABLE. M. PORCIFS CATO, tr., m. LIVI A. M. PORCIUS CATO UTICENSIS, FOB CIA m. pr. B. o. 54. in. 1. ATILIA. L. DOMITIUS. 2 MABTTA. AHENOBARBC-8. POBCIA m. 1 M. Branca M. Poi icius CATO. PORCIUS CATO. PORCIA.- 2. M. BRCTCB. died B. c. 42. B.C. 46.] CAESAR RULES AS MONARCH. 335 have been unconquered through life, and superior in the things 1 wish to be. Csesar is the vanquished, the falling man, being clearly convicted of those designs against his country which he has long denied." After taking a bath and supping with his friends and the magistrate of Utica he held a long conversation on the paradoxes of the Stoics, and then withdrew and read in his bed the dialogue of Plato on the immortality of the soul When he sought for his sword at the head of his bed and did not find it, he called a slave and asked for it. "Now," said he, " I am master of myself." He re-read the Phaedo twice, again slept, and then sent to the sea-shore to see if his friends had departed. He sighed when informed that the sea was stormy, and soon sent again to see if his friends had put back. When the birds began to sing he fell asleep again. Soon after he arose, took his sword and plunged it into his body. Thus perished the only free and unconquered man, and the ancient republic expired with him. 1 The few others that escaped the field of battle, such as Labienus, Gnaeus and Sextus Pompejus, departed for Spain, and like Sertorius sought for a last refuge in the mountains of that still half-independent land. Numidia was made a province under the name of Africa, 2 and its government entrusted to Sallust the historian. CHAPTER I*. CAESAR RULES AS MONARCH. 1. Powers Conferred upon Caesar. The new monarcl returned to Borne. 3 The great struggle was over ; the republic that had lasted five hundred years had perished, and the process was to be reversed by which the magistrate had been stripped of his authority. 4 All power was to centre again in one man. "When the news of the battle of Thapsus reached 1 Plot. Cato, 68 ff. "See p. 171 ; also map, p. 317. July 25, B. c. 46. See p. 8.*. 336 C^SAR RULES AS MONARCH. Eome the senate decreed a supplication for forty days. Caesai was nominated dictator J'trium plenum : This is Mommsen's view, and it seems very probable, although not confirmed by any of the original authorities. Lange (vol. iii., p. 461 f), however, i| ii' "Minns it ; the name is found first on all the 1 coins struck by Ca-sar after his own name. It was the restrictions in regard to the temporal and the local limitation of power, i. ., inside or outside of the pomerium, the collegiate arrangements, the co-operation of the senate, or of the people in certain cases, that distinguished the consul from the king. * Its number was increased to nine hundred; the number of quaestors, from whom the senators were selected, was raised to forty, in order to keep it up to this number. The new members were selected from the equites, noble foreigners from Spain and Gaul, officers, &c. 338 (LESAIt RrLF.s AS \lo\AUCH. sank once more to its old position the advisory council of the king. The whole executive power fe 11 into the hands of the monarch. The financial administration 1 was no longer man- aged by the senate, but by Caesar and his cabinet. In regard to judicial matters the different jury-commissions were retained, but the jurymen were selected from the senators and equ; 4. Caesar's Work. Caesar put an end to the anarchy of the capital, checked the club system, reduced the recipients of the largesses of corn from 320,000 to 150,000, and strengthened the laws in regard to crime and violence. He commenced other vast projects, as the building of a new senatc-ho; theatre to rival that of Pompejus, a public Lai in and Greek library, and laid out a plan for changing the course of the Tiber, by which the Campus Vaticanus would be transferred to the left bank and could be substituted for the Campus Martins, while the latter could be used as sites for public and private edifices. This improvement would have drained the Pomptiue marshes, and the capital would have been supplied with a bet- ter seaport. Agriculture was encouraged, efforts were made to develop a flourishing middle class by reviving the Licinian laws, and laws were enacted in regard to luxury, usury, bankruptcy, and debt. 5. He Aims to Fuse the Empire into One Body Politic. One of Caesar's aims was to obliterate 1 the political distinction between Italy and the provinces. When Cisalpine Gaul received full citizenship its former place was taken by Transalpine Gaul. Latin rights were conferred on the colonies in Africa, Spain, and Gaul. 8 The old law that no troops could be stationed in Italy was extended to the provinces, and hence- forth soldiers were stationed on the frontiers only. In this way the provinces all entered into a state of preparation which paved 1 The leasing of the direct taxes was abolished. Indirect taxi-* were coll'-ci'-d hy slave- and fre;-dmen. from which in time grew the procurator-. There were fourteen provinces. 7 European Ili-pania. citerior and ulterior, Gallia Tranwlpina, Gallia Clealpina with Illyricum. Macedonia with Greec< dinia with ('or-ica five Asiatic, Asia. Rithyuia and Pont us. rilir ; a with f'ypni-. Syria, Crete two African, Cyrene and Africa. To these drsar added Gallia Lngdnnensis, Belgica, and Illyricnm. c.<-. < ir thoroughly remodeled the system of administration : Dec>ninF were limited to Afrie-i and Sardinia : middlemen were -el aside, and the i:overnor< were respon-ible to c.T-sar. '' The new colonies in <>ml were Baetenr . A relate (.\rif*). ArauMo (Orange\ Forum Julii See colored map. No. :3. ASSASSINATION. 339 the way for the future political equalization of the empire. 1 i- undertook the codification of the laws, a work already contemplated by Cicero, commenced a survey of the empire and reformed the calendar. 2 CECAIPTER, LI. CAESAR'S ASSASSINATION ANTONIDS AIMS TO GRASP THE POWER. 1. The Spanish War (B. c. 45). In the midst of these reforms Caesar was interrupted by an insurrection in Spain. Labienus and the sons of Pompejus had raised a large army there, and the revolt had become so serious that Cassar was obliged to set out in person. The struggle was protracted for several months, but Caesar's good fortune triumphed. On the field of Munda, 8 after a hard fought battle in which thirty thousand of 1 Under the republic the magistrates of the city of Rome had been magistrates of the empire, but now they were only first among those of the many municipalities of the empire, and the consulship was merely a post of dignity which preserved importance becau-e a governorship was attached to it. * This was effected by his authority a* chief pontiff, with the aid of the astronomer es. The Romans had hitherto had the lunar year of 355 flays. Every second year a month of 22 fir 23 days had been intercalated alternately. This intercalation was too much by about 2 days. The rectification of the error was left to the pontiffs. They had arranged the intercalation so carelessly, shortened or lengthened the year to enit their plea-ure or extend the year of office of a favorite, or to postpone the day when a note became due, that the confusion was so great that the Roman year anticipated the true time by 90 .lays, and therefore the consuls who were supposed to enter on their office Jan. l,B.c.~46, really entered Oct. 13th, B.C. 47. An intercalary month of 23 days had been inserted after F IK 24, B. c. 4t>. but this left the year three intercalary months of 22, 23 arid *2 davs. i. e., 67 days from the true time. This deficiency Caesar inserted as two months between Nov. and Dec., which addition can be regarded as the 29 days of Jan., 2s days of Feb., and the 10 days which the solar year differed from the lunar. " This year was called ihe year of confusion " (annna confusionit). Reckoned from Jan. 1, B. c". 46, this year consisted of 445 days, but reckoned from Mar. 1, the beginning of the civil year," of 365 days, jn-t one solar year. From B. c. 45 the extra ten days which were added to tin- lunar year were so arranged on account of the festivals that 2 were inserted after Jan 28, 1 after April 25, 1 after June 28. 2 after Aug. 28. 1 after Sept. 2^, 1 after Nov. 28, god 2 after Dec. 28. These days were all regarded as i/is />/-//' non comitiales. The year B. c. 45 received an intercalary day after Feb. 24 (ante diem Mtuextum Kal. Martlus), and henceforth one day \va* to be added in the same manner every four years. [The 24th of February was, on the Roman mode of reekontncr backwards, the sixth before the kalends (the 1st) of March; and the inserted day was called the ."VYM '/-sixth (bissextw) before the Kalends.] There was a slight error in Cesar's calendar, and this in the course of cen- turies amounted to 10 days, and was corrected by Pope Gregory XIII. in 1582. and provisions were made to prevent similar errors in the future. The reformed calendar was adopted by England in 17.V.'. ' According to Hubner ( Jahn's Jahrb. 1<62. p. 34), Munda was north of the modern Ronda on the road between Cordova and Gibraltar. 340 SIGtfS OF DISCONTENT. [fi. C. 44. the enemy perished, he gained a crowning victory. 1 On his return to Rome in September he celebrated another triumph, followed as usual by games, festivals, and gladiatorial shows. New marks of honor were conferred upon him by the servile senate. 2 He was to sit on a golden chair in the senate and at the public games, clad in a triumphal robe, and a diadem set with gems was decreed to him. 2. Signs of Discontent Amidst this obsequiousness of Caesar's adherents, there was an undertow of discontent. A rumor spread that he was intending to assume the name of king. This name from the days of Tarquiuius had been hate- ful to the people. The multitude felt that a hopeless servitude had commenced, while Csesar dialed under the restraint of public opinion, and his temper became capricious and arrogant. Conspiracies were formed against his life ; but still he could never be induced to surround himself with a permanent body- guard, for " it is better to die at once," said lie, " than to live always in fear of death." His mind \\as tilled with far other thoughts than the taking care of his life. Yearning to retrieve the disaster at Carrhae, he began preparations for a war against the Parthians. But the Sibylline oracle had declared that Parthia could be conquered only by a king. One day as he was, returning from the Latin festival on the Alban Mount, he was hailed as king. Stilled murmurs rose from the multitude. Caesar exclaimed, " I am no king, but Civsar." His friends were not satisfied. At the Lupercalian feast, on the l.">th of February, when he was seated on his gilded chair before the rostra, Antonius offered him a diadem, but Caesar rejected it saying, "I am not king; the only king of the 1'omaiis is Jupiter." A few days after, his statues were crowned with ro\al diadems. The tribunes removed the diadems and prose- cuted those who had saluted him king. The people called the tribunes Hrutuses, because Brutus had expelled the king, but Caesar deposed them from office. 1 Varus. Labienus. and Gnseus Pompejns perished ; Sextns Pompejns escaped. The battle took place March 17. B. c. 45. " The Romans made jests of the roreijjneis whom Osar had admitted to the senate. Placards requested the public not to show the senators the way to the senate. B. C. 44.] PLOT AGAINST CESAR'S LIFE. 341 3. Plot Against Caesar's Life Still, in spite of Caesar's moderation there were many who cherished bitter hostility towards him. The idea that one man was to rule over them rankled in their breasts. When senators came to inform him that they had decreed him some extravagant honors, en- grossed as he was in other things, he did not rise to receive them but said, " there was more need to retrench his honors than to enlarge them." This seeming haughtiness rendered the senate furious. A plot was formed for his destruction which embraced sixty or seventy conspirators. Many 1 of them had been pardoned by Caesar and raised to offices of rank and honor. Cassius was said to be the most active conspirator. He had competed for office with Brutus, and both having set forth their claims, Caesar said, " Cassius assigns the better rea- sons, but I cannot refuse Brutus." Cassius needed the charm of a great name to sanction the deed. M. Junius Brutus, the nephew and son-in-law of Cato, who pretended to trace his lin- eage from the founder of the republic, gave this name. Brutus was an ardent student of the Stoic philosophy; he had a rugged and eccentric nature, a wild yearning for effort, for painful sacrifice ; but in practical life he was feeble and irreso- lute. To him the conspirators looked, and when they saw that he hesitated, billets were thrust into his hands, inscribed with the words : " Brutus, thou sleepest ; thou art not Brutus ! " To the statue of the ancient Brutus was affixed a paper with the words, ' Would that thou wert now alive ! " The rumor got abroad that Caesar's friends intended to obtain a decree from the senate to confer upon him the title of king over foreign subjects. This was to come up in a meeting of the senate which was to be held March 15, to make the necessary arrange- ments for the Parthian war. This rumor probably hastened the long contemplated action of the conspirators, and it was agreed to assassinate Cassar on the ides of March. 4. Assassination of Caesar. Meanwhile rumors of the plot got abroad. The pale looks and agitated demeanor of the 1 D. Brutus was appointed governor of Cisalpine Gaul ; Trebonins had been gover- nor in Asia ; G. Cassius had been praetor ; Casca and Cimber had received marks of honor. 342 C^ISAE'S ASSASSINATION". [B. c. 44. conspirators excited even the suspicion of Caesar; for he .said one day to his friends, "What think you of ( 'as.-ius " I do not like his pale looks." Prodigies and warnings were not wanted. Men spoke of lights in heaven, .-(range noises by night, and of the apparition of a solitary bird in the forum. Strabo speaks of battalions of fire in the air, and Suetonius tells that the horses which Caesar had let loose at the Rubicon would not eat, but shed tears. A soothsayer warned Caesar of the ides of March. His wife entreated him not to attend the meeting of the senate on that day. She had dreamed a fear- ful dream, and the auspices too were unfavorable. The rem- nant of Roman superstition 1 in Ca-sar's mind had nearly prevailed when the raillery of D. Brutus, who had come to escort him, dispelled the show of irresolution. The conspira- tors well knew that delay would be fatal. They were alarmed every moment at floating hints, and even in spite of their care, a man thrust a paper into Caesar's hand on his way to the senate chamber. He thought it a petition and held it unread in his hand. To the augur he said, " The ides of March are come." " Yes," replied the augur, " but they are not yet passed." The senate was already seated when Caesar entered, and the conspirators crowded around his chair. Ciinber solic- ited the recall of his brother from exile, the others united in the solicitation. Displeased at their importunity Caesar rose from his chair ; Cimber pulled the robe from Caesar's shoulders, while Casca, who stood behind, gave the first blow. C.-e.-ar caught the handle of the dagger and said, "Villain ! CUM a, what dost thou mean?" Casca called for help; Caesar de- fended him.-elf for a time, but when he saw Brutus among his assailants, he exclaimed, et In Unite, "Thou, too, Brutus!" and drawing his robe over his face fell pierced by twenty-three wounds at the foot of Pompejus' statue. 2 5. The Conspirators have no Plan. The conspira- tors had made no adequate preparation for carrying out their 1 Even Caear was superstitions: at the battle of Pharsalus he prayed to the gods whom he derided : lie crawled on hi.- knees up the temple of Venus ; he appealed to the omens before crd^sint; the Rubicon. * The senate met in the senate-house of Pompejoa. B.C. 44.] CESAR'S ASSASSINATION. 343 plan to restore the republic. They hoped the senate would ratify the act, but when they looked round the hall was empty When Brutus rushed to the forum to harangue the people, his voice was drowned in tumultuous cries. There was a gen- eral feeling of consternation, no one knowing on whom the next blow would fall, or whether riot and massacre were to begin again. The indifference of the people, whose instinct told them that they had nothing to gain from Caesar's death, tilled the conspirators with dismay. Lepidus, as proconsul, was before the gates of the city with an army, and a large number of Caesar's old soldiers were in the city waiting for assignments of land. The result was that the liberators, as they called themselves, had to take refuge in the capitol, offering as a pretext that they were going to return thanks to Jupiter for their success. Here they were joined by the small remnant of the aristocratic party. Cicero was one of the first to come to them, and advised that the senate should be convened. Tliis they dared not do, but proposed instead to empower M. Antonius 1 to restore the republic. 6. Amnesty Declared and Caesar's Acts Confirmed. In the first alarm Antonius 2 had escaped in disguise to his house. During the night he had communicated with Lepidus, and had secured Caesar's private papers as well as his treasure of seven million sesterces. Hitherto Antonius had been known as the minister and favorite companion of Caesar, bat now he was about to display the arts of a consummate intriguer. He de 1 Some of the conspirators had proposed to assassinate Antonius also, but Brutut had protested. 5 GENEALOGICAL TABLE. M. ANTONIUS, triumvir, m. 1. FADIA. 2. ANTONIA. 3. FULTIA. 4. OCTAVIA, sister of AUGUSTUS. 5. CLEOPATRA. ANTONIA major. ANTONIO minor, m. L. DOMITIUS AHENOBABBUS. m. DBUSUS, the brother of the emperor TIBEBICS, ON. DOM. AHEN., DOMITIA LEPIDA, GEKMANICUS m. LmA m. The Emperor m. AGRIPPINA, m. M. VAL. MESSALA. AGRIPPINA, dr. of 1. G. CJESAR, CLAUDIUS m. (afterward w. of JULIA, dr. of 2. DRUBUS. 1. PLAUTIA. CLAUDIUS). AUGUSTUS. son of Ti- 2. .ELIA. MESSALIKA, m. CLAUDIUS. BERIUS. 3. MKSSALINA. 4. AGRUPINA. L. DOM. ATIEN.. adopter! by CLAUDIUS A.D. 50, and called NERO mother of CLAUDIUS C^ESAB DRUSUS GERMANICUS; emperor A.D. 54-68. NEBQ. 344 C/ESAR'S FUNERAL OBSEQUIES, [n. c. 44. clared his adherence to the republic ; the senate was convened on the 17th of March, and it was voted, under the lead of Cicero, that amnesty should be declared and the acts 1 of Caesar rati- fied. The conspirators came down from the capitol, a recon- ciliation took place, and Caesar's alignment of the provinces was confirmed. 2 This reconciliation, however, was only a pretence, and Antonius hoped to crush the conspirators long before they could assume their commands. 7. Caesar's Will and Funeral Obsequies. First Anto- nius made public Caesar's will. Gajus Octavius, the son of Caesar's sister's daughter, was adopted and declared his heir. Legacies were left to many of the conspirators. His gardens beyond the Tiber were bequeathed to the people, and every citizen was to receive three hundred sesterces. This liberality over- whelmed the people with gratitude, shame and indignation. The funeral obsequies followed. 3 The funeral pile was erected in the Campus Martins ; the body, concealed from public gaze, was laid in a glittering shrine in the forum ; a waxen effigy which turned in every direction, exhibited the twenty-three wounds. The people, deeply moved by the sad spectacle before them, were still further excited by dramatic representations of the deaths of Agamemnon and Ajax, caused by their nearest relatives. Last of all, the consul Antonius pronounced that marvellous oration, 4 which excited the fury of the people to the utmost. . They rushed through the streets to the houses of the conspirators. Brutus and Cassius had fled from the city; the others dared not show themselves in public. The success of Antonius was complete. Still acting his part as a consum- mate dissembler he counselled measures of moderation ; pro- posed that Sextus Pompejus should be recalled, and just when he was expected to ask for the dictatorship he proposed its aboli- tion. The joy of all was great ; but they soon found that they were subject to a new and more capricious power. Antonius pretended that his life was in danger, and asked for a body- guard, which the senate blindly granted. The senate had ' Acta Claris. - Cisalpine (tanl wa* allotted to B. Brutus : Macedonia, to Marcn- Brahu : A-in. to Tr^'oniu* : Bithynia. to C'iinlvr : iind S . m. to Cis>iu-. * On the came day probably. i ,i-i Ul'i pv&hn laud-atio, ta mixerafio, ' Ho, Cic. Phil, ii., 3i. B.c.44.] CESAR'S FUNEKAL OBSEQUIES. 345 already confirmed Caesar's acts ; Antonius caused the sanction to be extended to acts which Csesar had merely contemplated. Antonius being in possession of Caesar's private papers, began to use them for conferring honors on this one, banishing that one, and when no vestige of a document could be found, he fabricated what he wanted. Caesar's disposition of the prov- inces was reversed. 1 " The tyrant is dead," said Cicero, " but the tyranny still lives." Antonius seemed on the point of obtain- ing all he wished, when a new actor appeared upon the scene to check him in his mad career. 2 LIT. OOTAVTOS, THE HEIR OF CjSSAK ClCERo's ACTIVITY THE SECOND TKIUMVIKATE. 1. The Popularity of Octavius. Gajus Octavius 3 had been waiting at Apollonia to join Caesar on his way to the East, when a letter from his mother informed him of the dictator's assassination. He had enjoyed for years Caesar's favor, and had been appointed his heir in his last testament. He immediately proceeded to Rome, determined to claim the inheritance, and boldly as- sumed his adopted name, Ga- jus Julius Caesar Octavianus. He arrived at Rome in the beginning of May, B. c. 44, and proceeded directly to the prae- tor, as one was required to do who assumed the rights and 1 Syria was taken from Cassiux and assigned to Dolabclla ; Macedonia, Antonins took to himself. '' II' 1 had Rained control over Lopidus by giving him his daughter in marriage and by nominating him p'ififex mai'hnnx. 3 The following table shows the relationship between Cocsar and Octavius : GAJUS OCTA.YIUS. 346 OCTAVIUS, THE HEIR OF CAESAR. [l!. C. 44. duties of an inheritance. When Antonius returned from the southern part of Italy where he had been to gain over Caesar's veterans, Octavius demanded the treasures of the dicta- tor that he might discharge the obligations of his uncle's will. Antonius replied that all was spent ; that it was not Qatar's, but the public money. Octavius, however, was not dismau'd. With great adroitness he contrived to win the favor of all par- ties. He sold his own property and borrowed enough from his friends to discharge Cesar's legacies. The people were won by shows. Octavius rose rapidly in popular favor, and Antonius suffered in contrast. Octavius conciliated the senate, cajoled the liberators l into believing that he had no personal ambition, but was only seeking to defeat the selfish designs of Antonius. He saw in Cicero one who could secnre him the support of the- senate, without which it was impossible to make headway against Antonius. 2. Cicero and Octavius. At this time Cicero's mind was in a condition to receive his advances. Cicero knew that the two consuls, as well as the most distinguished men of the senatorial party, condemned the policy of Antonius. As early as June he himself had said that a coalition between Antonius and Octavius must be prevented. In short, he knew that there was material enough in the senate hostile to Antonius to con- trol its action. Therefore, when Octavius approached him with the promise that he would take no revenge on Caesar's murderers, and that he would be guided by the advice of the GENEALOGICAL TABLE. G. JULIUS C^ISAB, the grandfather of the Dictator. G. JULIUS CJESAR m. AURELIA. JULIA m, G. MARIUB. I ,1, I I I G. JULIUS CAESAR, JULIA major, m. JULIA minor, m. Dictator, in. t. L. PINARIUS. Anus BALBUS. 1. COSSCTIA. 2. Q. PEDITS. 3. CORNELIA, d. of CINNA. ATIA m. OCTAVTUS. 3. POMPE.IA. 4. CALITKMA. G. J. (,'. OCT. ArorsTUS, see p. 434. 1 Cicero has preserved ;i vivid pi"tnre of the indecision of l he conspirators Si this time. He left Italy in dJMrusi, but was driven back by adverse winds and returned to Rome Anad Fain, x., 34) written July 28. scons to indicate that friendship existed between him and Octavius. Pedia. ' say mi the island of La vinu- ''iers, on the island of Rhentis i /, ' AntonioB was to have th- : -.aie- and Narbonensla; Octavius. Africa. Sicily ;ri-l Sa 1 iiui;.. f,cpi-In~ and PlancuB u TO !o have the consulship the next year. Tri'inf'in /,',;/,///;/.< Con*fi/vetl(/C't-i<. i<>iHa jampuMica arina.Mtn B. C. 42.] AHTOtflUS AND CLEOPATRA. 351 others escaped to the fleet of Sextus Pompejus. Most of the vanquished soldiers were enlisted in the army of the con- querors. 2. The Treaty of Philippi. After the battle the victors made a new division of the empire ; Octavius received Spain and Numidia; Antonius, Transalpine Gaul and Illyricum. Cisalpine Gaul was joined with Italy. No share of the plunder was granted to Lepidus, under the pretence that he was in- triguing with Sextus Pompejus. Octavius, still suffering from ill-health, was desirous to return to Italy to satisfy the soldiers with new assignments of land. 3. Antonius and Cleopatra. Antonius preferred to remain in the East. Here he repeated the exactions that had already made the names of Brutus and Cassius infamous. "You shall furnish money," said Antonius to the Greeks of Asia, "and Italy, lands." He forgot, however, the claims of his greedy soldiers and lavished his plunder upon himself and his parasites. It was in Cilicia that he met Cleopatra, the "Serpent of the Nile." He had already seen her in the train of his master Cfeesar. She had hastened, with full confi- dence in her wit and beauty, from Alexandria to deprecate the conqueror's wrath because she had furnished aid to Cas- 8ms. When Antonius saw her sailing up the Cydnns in & galley with purple sails, rowed by silver oars, he was completely enchanted, and willingly followed her to Alexandria as her slave. He forgot Kome and Fulvia and the war with the Par- thians in the charms of her society. MABCUS ANTONIUS. 352 THI: TREATY OF rmrxmsiUM. [B. c. 40. 4. Octavius in Italy. Meanwhile Oetavius was busy in Italy assigning the promised estates to his soldiers. As no money came from Antonius he was obliged to despoil the temples and to drive away the old proprietors from their farms that he might satisfy the demands of the disbanded veterans. 1 Whole cities with their adjacent districts were given up to spoliation. 2 Great disorder prevailed. Fulvia attempted to foment the discontent of the proprietors who had lost their lands and of the veterans who were not satisfied with their plunder, in hopes of recalling her faithless husband from the East. Octavius turned from one class to the other, but could not satisfy both. Finally, his general, Agrippa. repressed the discontent, and besieging Antonius' brother in Perusia, com- pelled him to surrender. 5. The Treaty of Erundisium (B. c. 40). The news of the Perusian war aroused Antonius, who embarked for Italy with a powerful fleet and a few legions. He made a compact with Sextus Pompejus to overthrow Octavius, but the name of Pompejus had long since lost its charm. The soldiers refused to fight and compelled the two triumvirs to treat. A new partition 3 of the Roman world gave Antonius the East to rule and defend, while Octavius was to be entrusted with the West, and with the conduct of the war against Sextus Pom- pejus. The compact was sealed by the marriage of Antonius to Octavia. 4 his colleague's sister, while Octavius married Scribonia, the sister-in-law of S. Pompejus. The rivals, thus reconciled, repaired to Home, entered the city with an ovation, and celebrated games and festivities. 5 6. The Treaty of Misenum (B. c. 39). The treaty of Hrundisiuni marked the end of the civil war in Italy. It con- 1 According to Appian each soldier was to have 5000 denarii : each centurion, five times and each tribune ten times a* much : this with an army of 28 legions about 170,000 men, amounted o about 1000 million denarii = nearly $300.000.000. :1 Virgil lost Ins property at Andes in Cisalpine Gaul, but recovered it through the influence of Miecenas. Horace, Tibnllus andPropertius. were involved in the land con- us. The Ofellus of Horace (Sat. ii.. 2. IV.'' irive- a lively picture of a proprietor who was doomed to work for a master on the land that had once been his own. 1 The dividing line was at Scodra in Illyricum ; L<-pidiis \va- allowed to retain Africa. * Octavia had recently been left a idow by the death of Marcellus ; Fulvia had died Shortly after Antonius' reiurn. s This took place durinjr the consulship of Pollio, and Vergil celebrates the peace of Bruuuisium in his fourth eclogue. B.C.38.] THE TREATY OF TAEE^TOf. 353 signed the centre of the empire to a statesman who restrained the insubordination of the soldiers and restored order. Sex- tus Pompejus had been excluded from the treaty. His fleet commanded the sea and cut off the supply of wheat from Sicily and Africa. The populace became furious and compelled the triumvirs to treat with Sextus. They promised to resign to him Sicily and Achaja, while he engaged to supply Italy with corn. The three chiefs entertained one another on board a 1 moored in the harbor near Misenum. "Shall I cut off the anchors of the ship, and make you master of the Roman world?" said Menas, 1 one of Pompejus' captains. "You ought to have done it instead of saying it," was his reply. 7. The Treaty of Tarentmn (B. c. 38). The agreement, however, was never executed. Sextus never received Achaja, and he in turn failed to evacuate certain places on the coast of Italy which had fallen into his possession. Sextus flew to arms, and threatened the seaports, and the price of grain rose in con- sequence at Rome. Antonius appeared off Brundisium with a fleet of three hundred sail. Octavius was so distrustful of his designs that he forbade him to land. Antonius sailed round to Taivntum, but by the mediation of Maecenas, 2 Octavia, and other friends, a reconciliation was effected. The triumvirate was renewed for another five years, and Antonius left one hun- dred and thirty vessels for Octavius to use against Pompejus, while he received twenty thousand soldiers for the Parthian war. 8. (Victory off Naulochus.^-It was necessary for Octa- vius to build a fleet and practice his sailors in order to wrest the dominion of the sea from Sextus. With this view he constituted a secure harbor 3 on the southern coast of Italy. The next spring he attacked Sextus off Mylae, and by the skill and energy of Agrippa, gained a partial victory. 4 Soon after, the great sea-fight off Naulochus decided the contest. Deserted by his followers Sextus fled in despair to the East, in hopes of obtaining the protection of Antonius. 1 Appian call* him Mrnodorns. * Horace accompanied Maecenas to Bnmdisium and has given a lively account of the Journey in the tiftl' satire. 3 Tho Ink. < Avcrnus and Lncrinns. between Misenum and Puteoli. were connected; water was let in from the T\ rrhenian sea. * Near Mylae. 354 THE FALL OF LEPIDtTS. [B. C. 36. _ 9. The Fall of Lepidus (H. c. 36.) Scarcely was this danger from Sextus passed, when a new one, not less threaten- ing, arose. The Pompeian soldiers opened communication with Lepidus, who had come from Africa and had joined Agrippa in the siege of Messana. The gates were no sooner opened than the Pompeian troops saluted Lepidus as imperator. Finding himself at the head of twenty legions, he resolved to hold the island for himself. The prompt action of Octavius prevented civil war. He boldly entered his rival's camp almost unat- tended, threw himself among the soldiers, and made appeals to them which were successful. They deserted Lepidus as easily as they had joined him. Octavius deposed him from the trium- virate, and confined him to the island of Circeji, but allowed him to retain the title of chief pontiff until his death in B. c. 13. 10. The Position of Octavius. Octavius now had no other rival than Antouius. Sextus Pompejus, who was the last of the old senatorial party, had fallen into the hands of Antonius' lieutenant, who put him to death. His death and Antonius' absence left Octavius the undisputed head of the Ca3sarians. Octavius had now attained that position in which he felt himself strong enough to be merciful. The strength of the old parties had been so broken up by death and confisca- tion, that the remnant were prepared to support any govern- ment which promised order and security. The people joined the senate in welcoming Octavius as the "restorer of peace by sea and land." Measures were taken to maintain in Rome a vigi- lant police, and brigandage was put down in Italy and Sicily. Octavius began now on a greater arena to display that state-craft which he had maintained from the first and which never de- serted him. He granted all the liberty consistent with his safety, but veiled his government under the forms of the con- stitution. 11. The Ministers of Octavius. In nothing did he show his discrimination more than in calling around him two such men as Agrippa, the able general, and Mu.'cenas, the admirable counsellor. We have seen the perseverance and obstinate cour- age of Agrippa ; how he was ever active in constructing and B. C. 37-34.] ANTONTUS AND THE EAST. 355 repairing fleets, and exercising sailors. Maecenas had already rendered important service in reconciling the triumvirs, and in calming and restraining the multitude when the fleet of Sextus ciu off the supply of grain. His genuine taste for learning and his encouragement of men of letters, Octavius found to be equally valuable in turning men's minds to literature, which contributed greatly in reconciling them to the loss of liberty Maecenas' mild and elastic mind seemed formed to calm and quiet Italy after so many mighty storms had swept over it. THE BATTLE OF ACTIUM THE END OF THE CIVIL WARS 1. Antonius and the East (B. < . 37-34). After the re- newal of the triumvirate, in B. c. 37, Antonius, who had already become tired of Octavia, left her in Italy, and deter- mined to carry on his long projected campaign against the 1'arihians. 1 By the middle of B.C. 36, he had assembled one hundred thousand men on the Euphrates,* with the purpose of completing the success that his lieutenants had already begun. He penetrated as far as Praaspa, three hundred miles beyond the Tigris, but the Parthians cut off his munitions of war, and his treacherous ally 2 deserted him. He was com- pelled to commence a disastrous retreat, which cost the lives of eight thousand of his soldiers. In the following spring (B. c. 34), he made one more effort, 3 and advanced into Armenia, where he collected an immense amount of booty. Aftei this he returned to Alexandria, celebrated a triumph, and as ' Tin 1 Pai-tlii'ins, led by Labienus, a son of Caesar's old general, had invaded Syria, Cilicia and Curia ; Ventidms had defeated them twice in Syria ; Labienus and Pharna- ]i;iti'-. i In- ablr-t general of Orodes, had fallen in battle. Sosius took Jerusalem and de- throned Antiiioiius ; and Canidius, another lieutenant, penetrated into Armenia, defeated the kings of Iberia and Albania, and spread the terror of Autonius' name and po\ver through these barbarous regions. Autonius found himself master of the three great MI which the commerce of the world traveled that of Caucasus, that of Palmyra, and that of Alexandria. Thf klna; of Armenia, ' Plut. Anton. 356 OCTAVIfS AND TIIK \VKST. [B. C. 37-33. sumed the insignia and dress of an Oriental nionarcli. Cleopatra sat by his side as queen, to whose influence Antoaius liad eu- tirely surrendered himself. He gave the title of king to her Children, annexed the provinces of the Roman empire to the Egyptian kingdom, and plunged into the wildest dissipation. 2. Cleopatra, the Queen of the East. In order to retain her influence over him, and to wean him effectually from Rome, Cleopatra daily invented new pleasures and constantly amused him. She possessed a thousand charms, a thousand varied graces, and the gift of many languages. She was an ad- mirable singer, a skilled musician. Her flattery was varied as it was delicate. She transformed herself daily to please him. She gamed, she drank, she hunted, and followed him in all his exercises. In his night rambles through the streets of Alexandria, stopping at the doors and windows of the citi- zens to throw out jests, she attended him dressed MS a slave. She already dreamed of planting her pavilion on the Tarpeian rock and of dictating her will among the trophies of Marius. She must wean Antonius from Rome ; then the Alexander of the East could conquer the West. One day Cleopatra had an Egyptian diviner say to him : "Thy genius fears Octa- vius ; when it is alone its port is ereet and I'carle.-s ; when his approaches it is dejected and oppres-ed." 1 Octavius possessed Rome ; it was his capital. Alexandria alone could be the capital of the empire of Antonius. Here the commerce of three continents found its mart. In this vast caravansary every nation lodged. In this great centre, the religion and mysticism of the East and the philosophy of the West met. This mighty world was mirrored in its queen, the female Mithri dates a vari.-d. va>t and multifarious mind, like that of the ever fruit- ful Isis. under whose attributes she triumphed. 1 3. Octavius and the West. Meanwhile Octavius was yearly increasing in popularity. His manners were affable, and his concern for the public welfare unwearied. He established a mild and firm government at Rome, and led his legions with ' Wchelet : Pint. Ant She was adored in Eeypt. When, after her death, the etatne of Antonius wa. overthrown, an Alexandrian gave two millions sterling to have those f Cleopatra \ett.-2HicJielet. B.C. 32.] DECLARATION OF WAR AGAINST EGYPT. 35? success against the Dalmatians, the Salassi, and the Panno- niaiis. During the aedileship 1 of Agrippa, he rebuilt and beautitied Home, repaired the highways, cleansed the sewers, restored the aqueducts, and multiplied the fountains. At the same time the people were conciliated by largesses of money, oil and salt, while the games and shows amused them, and reconciled them to his government. The spoils from his Illyrian and Dalmatian campaigns were so enormous that they were not only sufficient for these vast works, but they enabled Octavius and Pollio to establish public libraries. 4. Declaration of War against Egypt. Thus far the two rivals had maintained all appearances of good-will towards each othei , but in B. c. 33, they began to exchange complaints. Ocfavius accused Antonius of lavishing the provinces of the Roman empire on the Egyptian queen, and circulated the report that he wished to give her Rome even. 2 The consuls for B. c. 32 were, according to previous agreement, partisans of Antonius. They began their year of office with a violent in- vective against Octavius, who at the time was absent from the city. On his return, convening the senate, he stationed guards at f ]\Q door, and entering himself surrounded by a body-guard, delivered a bitter invective against Antonius and promised to make formal charges against him at the next meeting. The con- suls tied to Antonius. In the meantime Octavius obtained pos- session of Antonius' will, which the latter had deposited with the vestal virgins. It confirmed his donations of provinces and treasures to Cleopatra's children, declared one of them, Cassario, to be the heir of the great dictator, and finally directed that his own body should be entombed with hers at Alexandria. No one could any longer doubt the rumors that he intended to make Cleopatra queen of the Roman Avorld, and remove the seat of em- pire to Alexandria. The indignation of the people was aroused, and it was loudly demanded that Antonius should be declared a public enemy. Octavius refrained from this, but he directed the 1 B. r. a-?. 3 The principal witnesses against Antonius were Calvistu* and Plancus, who had been Antonius' confederates and had deserted him. 358 . BATTLE OF ACTIUM. [l5. C. 31. senate to declare war against Egypt "It is not Antonius with whom we are going to war, for he is like a man under enchantment, who has no longer any power over himself, but with Mardion the eunuch, Pothiuus, and Iris, Cleopatra's hairdresser." 5. Battle of Actium (B.C. 31). Antonius received the declaration of war at Athens, and replied by divorcing Octa- via, thus breaking the last tie that bound him to his country. Preparations for the coming struggle were pushed forward on both sides. Antonius had an army mustered from all the East. The Mauritaniaus, the Arabians, the Jews, the Medians, sent him aid; the kings of Cilicia, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia and Commagene followed his banner in person. The vast host l was assembled on the coast of Epirus to cross to Italy. 3 Octavius busied himself in collecting the forces of the West. The triumvirate expired on the last day of B. c. 3.2. On the 1st of January, B. C. 31, Octavius entered upon his third con- sulship. Embarking from Brundisium for Corcyra, he lauded his army at the Acroceraunum promontory, and directed his march towards the Ambracian gulf 3 and established his camp opposite Actium, 4 where he afterwards erected -Xicopolis. The fleet was commanded by the faithful Agrippa, and consisted of light Liburnian galleys manned by crews which had gained experience in the wars with S. Pornpejus. It cruised over the whole Ionian sea. defeated and destroyed a part of Anto- nius' fleet, and thus secured command of the sea. Antonius' supplies began to fail, and the di-satisl'artion and desertion of his soldiers compelled him to risk a battle. His friends wished to decide the contest on land, but Cleopatra insisted that they should fight by sea. ller advice prevailed, and on the 2d of September, Antonius drew up his line of battle. The contest was long and still undecided, when Cleo- patra, who was in the rear of the line of battle, with sixty 1 Nearly 1CO.OOO foot, 1-JOO horse, and 800 ships, many with ten bank? of oars. 1 Octavius had 80.000 foot. 1000 horse, and .':>> ewels, according to some 400. 'The army and fleet of Autonius was at the southern entrance of the Ambracian gulf. * At the tip or acte of the peninsula stood a chapel sacred to Apollo, called the Acriuiu ; see map, p. 157. B. C. 30.] RESTORATION OF ORDER. 359 ships, took advantage of a favorable breeze and fled. Antonius saw her flight, and immediately sprang into a five-oared galley and followed her. 1 The battle still raged furiously, but before evening the fleet was entirely destroyed, and a few days after the army joined the victor. 6. Restoration of Order. Before following the fugitives, Octavius restored order in Greece and Asia, which, on account of the exactions of Antonius, gave him a hearty welcome. To sippease the soldiers it was necessary to sell at auction his own effects as well as those of his friends. New colonies were planted and ample promises were made from the spoils of Egypt. 7. Suicide of Antonius. As for Antonius he was in despair. He wished to be alone. His friends, his power, had abandoned him. Cleopatra found means to woo him from his solitary life. The time of the "inimitable life" 8 was gone, but another was instituted by no means inferior in splendor and luxury, called the "inseparables in death." The time was passed in festivities and in trying various kinds of poison, and experimenting with venomous insects to see if there existed a voluptuous death. 3 When Octavius approached Egypt, both sought grace from the victor. Pelusium,* the key of the country, fell into his hands. Once more the soldier-spirit blazed in Antonius and he fought like a lion before the gates of Alexandria. Cleopatra had already received flattering mes- sages from Octavius : it was only necessary to disencumber her- si'lf from Antouius, who had already been deserted by his fleet and army. Cleopatra had word sent to Antonius that she had destroyed herself in her fortified mausoleum in which she had taken refuge. Antonius heard the news. "I will die then,'* said he, and stabbed himself with his sword. Eeviviug a little, 1 According to Merivalc (vol. Hi., p. 3181, Antonius despaired of victory either by sea or land, before the battle, ami had already prepared for flight when he was attacked. If this was lii^ plan, the leaving of the army without any arrangements for retreat, and without even a leader (which would be explainable in the haste and despair after a lost battle) would be an act of downright folly. Plutarch makes no mention of such an ii. tent ion, and even Did. (iv., 15.), whom Merivale follows, seems to lay little weight U"on it. ' Plut. Ant. Pint. Ant. ard Did. li., 2. * See map No. 7. 360 SUICIDE OF CLEOPATRA. [B.C. 30. he heard that Cleopatra was still alive. He ordered himself to be carried to her, and his litter being raised up to the window, he was taken into the mausoleum, where he died soon after iu her anus. 8. Suicide of Cleopatra. The soldiers of Octavius en- tered by the same window. "Wretched Cleopatra!" exclaimed her attendant, "you are taken alive." She pretended to stall herself with a poniard which she carried for this purpose; but she really clung to life and hoped to seduce Octavius "by the grace of a beautiful grief and the coquetry of despair." All failed before his cold reserve. She resolved to die, when she was informed that Octavius wished to remove her to Rome. One day she was found dead 1 among her attendants, lying upon a golden couch, with a diadem on her forehead. 9. Octavius Sole Ruler. The death of Antonius left Octavius without a rival. The restoration of the republic was, impossible. The long years of civil war had exhausted the world. It yearned for repose. The time had come when the monarchy was inevitable; with it came the man who knew how to grasp the reins with a firm hand and veil his supremacy under those constitutional forms so deeply rooted in the ideas and habits of the people. The crafty policy of Octavius in representing the battle of Actium as a revolt of the Ka.-t against the West, as an effort to obliterate the rule of Rome, Was completely successful. All classes were deeply impr with the great danger which they had escaped, and which had threatened to subvert their laws and religion. Before returning to I tome to celebrate his triumphs, Octavius organ i/ed Kgvpt as a province, 2 and appointed Cornelius (Jallus, a distinguished patron of literature and friend of Pollio, governor. Octavius then began his journey homeward. In Judrea he continued the kingdom to Herod, and settled the condition of Syria and 1 The manner of her death was never known. It was popularly believed that she died from the stinij of an asp, which wa< brought to her concealed anioni: some figs. Oct:i\ius iid-ipK'd tlii-i report, and in his triumph her image wa< carried, the arms being encircled with a-p-. J On the plan that Caesar had arranged ; the officer of finance (procurator) rendered his accounts directly to Octuvius. SCMMARY. 3G1 Asia Minor. In August of B.C. 29 he arrived in Rome to celebrate three magnificent triumphs 1 for his victories in Dalmatia, at Aetiuni and in Egypt. The restoration of peace was inaugurated by closing the temple of Janus for the third time in all Roman history. 2 1 At his triumph he gave each soldier 1000 sesterce:? ; each citizen 400 sesterces ; 120.000 veterans were settled in Italy and the provinces. The enormous sum of 860 million se-terces = nearly $40.000,000 was ju'iven to indemnify the former possessors. " It, was closed first during the reigii of Nuuia and then not till B. c. 335. SUMMARY. CIVIL DISSENSIONS B. c. 133-31. During the preceding period the government had fallen entirely into the hands of the nobility. The sen- ate governed almost without opposition. In fact the nobles had such influence that " new men " were ex- cluded from all share in the government. The opposi- tion led by such men as Cato and Flaccus wasted their efforts in trying to check the spread of luxury and to elevate one of their own nunrber to the consulship. Meanwhile the state drifted into troubles from which the wisest could not free it. The Licinian laws had been disregarded for so many years that all the lands in Italy were absorbed in the large estates ; and instead of employing free laborers, the possessors found it more profitable to have their lands cultivated by slaves which the wars in the East had made cheap. In time the im- portation of corn which was sold in the market at Rome below the cost of production in Italy, compelled farm- ing on a large scale to be abandoned, and the conver- sion of the land into pasturage. Tiberius Gracchus attempted to remedy these evils by reviving the Li- cinian laws. This, however, was disagreeable to the nobility, who succeeded in frustrating his measures and finally murdered Gracchus himself. From this time the downward step was rapid ; the old inherent respect for law and order soon disappeared, and the govern- ment became the prey of violent and unscrupulous demagogues. The death of Tiberius did not deter his brother Gajus from coming forward with still more sweeping measures of reform the relief of the poorer classes and the break- ing down of the power of the senate. The senate triumphed and Gajus was killed with three thousand Rome Ruled by a Clique. The Opposition. Agrarian Laws of Tiberius Gracchus, B.C. 133. Murder of Tiberius, B. C. 133. Laws of Gajus Gracchus, B. C. 123-2. His Death, B.C. 121. .-I'M MARY. Knl- of the Oligarchy, B, C. 121-70. War with Jugitrtha, B.C. III-I0.1. Cfanbri nud Teu- toiies, B.C. 113-101. Battle of A'jn:- "i-xli.'f. B.C. I O2. Battle at Vercellue, B. C. 101. Appiileian Laws, B. C. IOO. Livian Law*. B. C. 91. Social War, B. C. 90-88. Julian Law, B. C. 90 Lex Plant ia IVipii in . B. C. 89. Va rin n Prosecution. Finnni-ial OrUrts, B. c. 88. Sulla. ( d only four clasps, as was probably the case, then each of the 70 centuries of juniores furnished 120 men each, or 8400 in all. ' Sec page 23. * The phalanx, as changed by Philip, became known first to the Romans in the war with Pyrrhus. That K from the 70 centuries of juniores=7000 or 3300 for each legion , the fifth class fnrniobod 1500 men. THE MILITARY ORGANIZATION*. 367 ably the case, S. Tullius organized only four classes, and three of these formed the phalanx, then the phalanx was six men deep with a front of GOO. 1 The first class furnished 2400 men for each legion and formed the first four lines ; the second ela.-s, 000 na-n, formed the fifth line, and the third class, also GOO men, the sixth line. The soldiers of the first rlavs were called principes ; the first, second, and third classes in opposition to the fourth class, which fought outside of the phalanx, were called hastati, because they were armed with the hasta ; or they were called triarii, hecause they were composed of men from three classes. The soldiers were armed at their own expense and received no pay. They served usually for one campaign of a few weeks or months, and returned to their usual avocations as soon as the campaign was ended. 6. The Rise of the Equestrian Order. In the war with Veji.it became necessary for the Roman army to remain in the field summer and winter, year after year, until the city was taken. To secure this it was necessary that the soldiers should receive regular pay. The long and continued wars with Pyrrhus and with Carthage compelled the continuance of this system, and henceforth the army drew regular pay from the city treasury. With the introduction of pay for the soldiers was connected another important innovation in the military organi- zation. Service in the infantry, in consequence of the regular pay. became less burdensome, and there was no difficulty in obtaining, a sufficient number of soldiers. The richer citi- zens, no longer in request for the infantry, offered themselves more and more for the cavalry service. They provided their own horses, and the state gladly accepted their services. These volunteers laid the foundation for what was afterwards known is the equestrian order. 7. The Organization of the Army at about B. C. 340. About the same time other changes were begun that led to a complete transformation of the army. The manipular legion took the place of the old Doric phalanx. The wars with the 1 That ip. 60 centuries of juniore* of 190 men each, or 7200 in all -30 maniples of 130 men for each legion. THE MILITARY ORGANIZATION. Gauls caused material changes in the manner of equipping the soldiers, while the long wans in the Samnite mountains shotted the necessity of still further changes. The soldiers were no longer ranked in the lines according to the Servian classes, but each assumed the place to which the time he had been in the service and his experience entitled him. The recruit now entered first among the skirmishers, who fought with stones and slings outside of the line, and worked his way up to the first , then to the second, until finally he was admitted into the corps of the triarii. Many essential details in regard to the organi- zation of the Roman legion until about the time of the second war with Carthage, are matters of conjecture. It was probably drawn up in three lines, viz.: hast at i, principes and frittn'i ; the last line being triple, consisting of the Iriarii proper, the rorarii and the accent. In the first line the youngest troops were stationed ; in the second, those in the full vigor of man- hood ; in the third, the veterans ; behind these were the rortn-ii and accensi, the less experienced soldiers and supernumeraries. The three lines were thus composed : ' 15 maniples or 30 centuries of hastati&i 60 men each .... 1800 15 maniples " " "principes " " " 1800 The triarii 600 The rorarii and <<<' n.i. . . 1000 Total 5200 8. The Organization of the Army in the Time of Polybius. Polybius, 2 who lived for many years at Rome and had excellent opportunities for obtaining information, has left a clear account of the legion as it was organized in his time. It then consisted of thirty maniples or companies 1 Thi* is Marquardt's (ROm. Staatsver., p. 352) conjecture. According to Livy (viii.,8) there were : 30 maniples of f/cis/rtti and principe* 1890 15 " ' triarii. rorarii and accent, with 45 rexUlaril 2835 Total 4725 See p. 186, n. 1. THE MILITARY ORGANIZATION. 369 arranged in three lines, hastati,*- principes, and triarii, like the black squares on a chess-board ; the roraii and accensi have disappeared and their places have been taken by 1200 velites, 2 enlisted from the lowest of the Servian classes as light troops or skirmishers. In the two first lines there were in each maniple 120 men subdivided into two centuries of sixty men apiece ; in each maniple of the third line, there were sixty men also subdivided into two centuries of thirty men each. Besides these 3000 heavy armed soldiers, there were the 1200 supernumeraries, 3 the three hundred cavalry and the quota from the allies, 4 who furnished an equal number of infantry, and, in the time of Polybius, three times the number of cavalry. 5 9. The Tactic Order. The tactic order of the maniple, as can be seen from the annexed figure, shows that the gen- i i i i i i cm cm czn czn CZD cm cm cm cm cm cm cm cm cm cm en i i i i i i cm cm cm cm cm cm cm eral could advance the principes into the intervals of the hast at i or withdraw the hastati into the intervals of the principes. The triarii or veterans were the reserve corps and were brought into action only when the other lines were 1 The hastati are no longer armed with the hasta, but with the pilum ; the principec are the second line instead of the first as originally, and the triarii, also called pdani, arn armed not with the pilum but with the hasia. This is the estimated number. 3 The following table will make it clear : Haxtati 10 manijwH each 120 men = 29 centuriae each 60 men = 1200. Principes 10 manipuli each 120 men = 20 centuriie each 60 men 1200. Triarii 10 manipuli each 60 men = 20 centuriie each 30 men = 600. VelUex = 1200 ; 20 velites assigned to each centuria. Equites = 300, divided into 10 tunnce each 30 men ; each titrma had 3 decuriones, one of which commanded the whole turma, 3 optiones and one vexilf >u/i. 4 These must be distinguished from the auxiliaries who enlisted in the country whert the war happened to be carried on, as occasion required. When the Italian tocil received the franchise, the army was composed of only two classes, Romans and auxiliaries. 5 One-third of the cavalry and one-fifth of the infantry were selected as an elite corps called extraordinarii ,' the others were called onlinnrii. To a consular army of two legions or 8400 men. there were assigned 10,000 socii, (i.e., 8400 onlinarii and 1600 extraordinarily The nnliii/irii. subdivided nt > cohorts, were stationed one-half or ten cohorts? of 420 men each, on each wing (film; there were four cohorts of 400 men each of extraordinarii : each cohort, was commanded by a prafectus cohorti*. and each ala by prafecti tocior///// . 370 THE MILITARY ORGAXI/ATIOX. broken. The light troops (vclifrx) were armed with the javelin ; they began the battle in front of the line, but retired as soon as they had discharged their weapons. 10. The Offensive and Defensive Weapons. The hastati, principex and trian'i wore a full suit of defensive armor 1 consisting of a bronze helmet, 2 surmounted by a crest composed of three scarlet or black feathers about one foot and a half high, a shield, 3 greaves 4 and brea-t plate. 5 The offensive weapons were a sword, javelins, and since the second Punic war, the short Spanish sword. In the time of Polybius the hastati and principea were armed with the pi! inn and the triarii with the hasta, but at a later time all three lines were armed with the pilum? The light troops had no breastplate, but were furnished with a strong circular shield, 1 a headpiece of leather, light javelins 8 and the Spanish sword. 9 Each legion had six superior officers called military tribunes, 10 two of whom commanded for two months alter- nating from day to day. For the command of the allies the consul nominated twelve officers called jn-trfrrfi sod- orwn, 11. The Second Period. Hitherto the military system had rested on the principle that military sen ice was due from those citizens that possessed property. The increase of the city rabble, which naturally looked to the military service as a means of bettering their condition, the increasing disinclination of the citizens to enter the army, and the consequent enlist- ments from the subjects, led first to a reduction of the census Lorica ; the first cla- j wore sometimes the lorim . This was a wooden shaft cither squareor round, four and one-half feet long, with an Iron head of about the same length. /'iirma. " ///<' veRtora. In the second Punic war the Romans be'_ran to make n-e of tagUtorii and fnnditorex to oppu-e the Balearic avchcr< and slin^crs employed by Hannibal. These consisted of foreign mercenaries, Nnniidians. Maiiritanians. Cretan-, etc.. or of allies, 10 Tn'"'i iiiil'i'mit. At firs; the con-ul nominated for the four leglone, which it ua- ciMomary to rai-e tlie twenty-four military tribunes ; hut since B. c. 3T.2. six ; Bteee B. O. 811, Mxtem ; and since B. r. 057. all (lie twenty-four tribunes were elected by the people in the n>,ifi>i irt/n/tn. While the people continued to elect the tribunes for the first four lesions, the consul. a< the army heca-.ie larger, nominated the others ; hence the di-tinction tnh>n,i ii-, li-'un-ii, and /v///V\ \\ere given up, and every OIK- admitted to tlie legion was assigned a. place at the discretion of the officer. The legion consisted of ten cohorts of 600 men each, drawn up sometimes in one line, 1 usually; however, in three. The wholo legion was equipped alike. There was only one standard, those of the old legion being superseded by the silver eagle, carried by the fi;>t century of the first cohort. The place of the , and was commanded by prcefecti alarum; the few Roman ry////V.\- present with t.he legion acted as aides-de-camp to the general, or in some oilier post of special honor. In addition to these must be reckoned the auxiliary troops, which also consisted of infantry and cavalry. The number was not fixed, but varied as occasion required. They were divided into cohorts, but in regard to the manner in which they were coinniand-d and organized, the original authorities have not left suilicicnt information. 13. The Legion in the Time of Caesar. Nothing was done by Cn'sar in regard to the army farther than improving its discipline, appointing adjutants and enacting that three years' service in the cavalry and six in the infantry were neces- sary in order to hold a municipal office before the age of thirty. There are no means of determining the normal number in a legion in the time of Caesar. It is estimated at about 5000. 5 1 This was tlic u-ual order of battle with the Cinibri : the arranirenionf of the army in ou' two ci'-'i' < i/'//i/>. r>. or three line- (a<*i.ex trijilt-x} a* occasion required, was customary. l-'iiiiilitore*. . 43>, and Lange, p. 18. estimate it at 5100, vi/.. : 10 cohorts of 480 men each and *KJ t THE MILITARY ORGANIZATION. 373 The actual number in field service was usually very much less. According to Riistow, 1 the legion was divided into ten cohorts of 300 to 360 men each ; each cohort into three maniples of 100 to 120 men each ; each maniple into two centuries of 50 or 60 men each = 3000 or 3600 men in a legion. The officers were military tribunes and centurions as formerly. 14. Order of Battle. When in order of battle, the three maniples in a cohort formed a line in the following order from right to left, pilani, principes, hastati ; the centuries in a maniple were arranged behind each other, 12 men in the front line and 10 deep, viz. : Xl ^fn EEEEEEEEEBBE ~2? /Is rrrrrrr^rrrr Xl L 1 BEBEEEEBEEEB ^ i a BEBEEEEEEEEri ^ Pr xi , s EBBBEBBEEEEE r i "! *a BHHBB BBBBBBB ft T EBEBEEEEBEEH H BEBEEEEEEEEB ] rrrrrrrrrrrr H Fr. Piv March to rifjht flank Xlj -^ Sf^^Z 360 men ^>\f>^ ^^- /% ^/zU^2 >\f>^ *"^^^ The order of the cohorts in the legion 2 was as in the fol- lowing figure. 3 This was the usiuil order of battle. 4 If there were six legions, 24 cohorts formed the first line, 18 the 1 Heerewesen a. Kreigs f. p. 3 ff. 4 Offensive. 4 In front the legion extended &40 feet, in depth about 600 feet. The interval between the two lines was 250 feet ; between the cohorts in the front line about 120 feet See p. 374. ' .1'vV.v /v;//v / .- (JSler (Die Kampfe bei T)yrraclnum u. Pharsalus. p. 123 ff t thinks that Csfisar arranged his army in line of battle either in three corps or divisions (acies 'nil!- x beside each other, or in two corps ((ic\e* duplex), or in one (acies simplex), but the divisions or corps were always beside each other in one line. THE MILITARY ORGANIZATION. second, and 18 the third, the latter being regarded as the . nr. 1 The caxalry, divided into /it rind' and commanded by a (Urn rin. \v;Is generally stationed jv 6 > SK on both wings ; sometimes, as at secunda acies Pharsalus, wholly on one ; and 9 8 occasionally, -is ut Bibracte, be- U^\ D^f hind the legicn. The defensive order of the legion when not in one line, was as in the following figure. 2 15. The Pay of the Army. We have already mentioned that the infantry received regular pay from the state after the begin- ning of the siege of Veji in B. c. 406. 3 The cost of the clothes, weapons, and rations furnished by the state was deducted from the pay. In the time of Polybius the pay of a legionary was | of a denarius or 3 asses, or about seven cents per day ; that of a centurion twice as much, and that of an eques, one denarius or about 20 cents. 4 C'a'sar 5 fixed the annual pay at 225 denarii equal to about 137 for each soldier, payable in three installments of 75 denarii each. 6 The pay remained as lixed by ( 'a-sar until the time of Domiiian. 7 16. The Equipments. The equipment of the Roman soldier was very burdensome. Although wagons were pro- vided for the baggage, tents, instruments for grinding corn, etc., still each soldier had to carry in addition to his shield, helmet and breastplate, a pilum, a sword, corn for seventeen 1 Sometimes the legion was formed in one line (acies simplex), sometimes two (acies duplex), and occasionally four (wirx ame a< the n'.iin-n i/miilr/iti/in on the line of inarch. 'Previous to this time the /;/(. had received A sum "'* < '/" * f rt\ to purchase and keep u/ '//n their horses: but the support of the infantry was borne bv the tribes. Wuat the pav was a t this time i- a matter of conjecture. Mommsen (feOm. Trilm-. p. -Hi sets it at vj h)a-e< or pounds of copper yearly = 1-JOO sextans for ten months. For :*!) clays this amounts to l-t) denarii, or to I'JOO asses for the soldier. SHOO for the centurion, and 3000 for the [ to a ilri,ni't>ix. instead of 10 a-; formerly i reckoned in uncial a~-e-, the pay was 1920 asses, or 5^ daily. ' A day laborer earned in Rome at this time J of a denarius per day. and if we reckon 330 working days, he earned about the same a- a soldier. ' See p. 457, n. a THE MILITARY ORGANIZATION. 375 days, sometimes for a mouth, one or more stakes for forming the palisade of the camp, and intrenching tools. 1 17. The System of Encampment. About the time that the manipular legion took the place of the phalanx, 2 regular system of intrenching the camp was developed. The place where the army encamped, even for a single night, was s?lected with care ; it must be easily defensible and accessible to wood and water, and provided with a regular system of fortifications. The system of encampment varied consider- ably at different times, and as its most essential features are important for all who wish to understand the most common descriptions of the movements of the army, we shall consider it under three periods, viz.: I. In the days of the republic. IT. In the time of Caesar. III. Under the empire. 18. First Period. Polybius has given a description of the Roman camp in the time of the republic, for a consular army of two legions and the contingent from the allies, amounting to about 18000 infantry and 2400 cavalry. 2 The situation for encamping was generally selected by a tribune, 3 and several centurions detailed for the purpose. The front side 4 of the camp was turned, according to Polybius, in that direction where wood and water could be most easily obtained. After a general survey of the ground, a spot was selected which would afford a good view of the whole camp ; this was called the praetorium, or tent of the consul. 5 It was in the form of a square, each side of which was 50 Roman feet. The whole camp was laid out in a square of 2150 6 Roman feet. For forti- fications, a ditch was dug inside and a mound raised, and other defences were constructed that are not fully described by Poly- 1 Some of the soldiers, if not all. carried intrenching tools saws and baskets, etc., (Josephus iii., 5, 5) ; the whole amounted, according to Vegetius (i., 19), to 60 Roman pounds about 45 pounds avoirdupois. * If we estimate the legion at 4300. 3 It was not until a later time that the place was selected by castrorum metatores. * According to Hyginus, who left a description of the camp in the time of Trajan, the front side was turned towards the enemy. Differences of opinion prevail in regard to the side on which the pnrfu pr-tr>ria wa-. but Xissen seems to have satisfactorily proved that the front side contained the porfu }tr iinr'i'i. Marquardt (Rom. Staats., p."401) has accepted this view ; on the opposite side was the porta ilfcvmana. * So called from praetor, the original designation of the chief commander. * This is the distance as estimated by Xissen. and it has been accepted by Marquardt (1. c. p. 402); formerly the distance was estimated at 2017 Roman feet. 376 THE MILITARY ORCLLNlZATlOH. bius. Parallel with tlie front side of the pru'torium and extend- ing 50 feet from it, were the tents of tlie trihunes. In front of these, running from side to side, \va.- OIK- of the two chief roads, the via principality or priitcipia, 100 feet wide, which divided THE CA-MP AS DESCRIBED BY POLYBIUS Porta , | praetorla ZOO 200 11 250 150 50 100 100 60 50 100 50 100 50 60 100 100 50 150 260 I 200 o o i S o I ' t 1 * < s 200 o a g _ , P I 3 n s 1 '- 1 V - 1 | Q ^ g 3 * 09 ~ I "o a c o I 1 9 o 00 pq ~ Oi o 00 \ '.' ii i 00 00 V If s. s /. a, 'C ^ S = - M 00 - "u 4 s C3 oj Si 00 1 3 3 B o 1 Pk ~W~ PM M a w R Via A ^* pnn.-iimlis Piuhcti locior. UfMl Tribunl Tribuni Ugtti PnwrfKti .-!..! . Pedites iK-h-rtl Equitcs im determined by the grf>ma, n roa'l 50 feet wide was made, running to the two principal ix>riri/ui pili by means of a trumpet. 5 porta ducuniana 1 On the front side of the prcetoriwn was the ara where the commander eacriflced. on the left side the contiones were held, and the tribunal was there from which the general addressed the troops, pnmouncrcl decisions, etc. The nnaitrale was used only foi auspicia ex tripudns (see p. 38. n. 2, and p. ) : see plan. p. 377. Excubiae. 3 Vigilite. ' Tessera. * Bucina. 378 THE MILITARY ORGANIZATION. 20. The Camp in the Time of Caesar. 1 Very e.-< 'tidal alterations took place in the camp after the Social war when full citizenship was Conferred upon the Italian allies Al- though sufficient material from any of the old authorities is not at hand for a full description of the camp at this time, yet Riistow's investigations have satisfactorily determined its main features. The form of the camp 2 was oblong, the corners being rounded off, the length being to the width as 3 to 2. The space between the ramparts and the tents was only 120 feet. The camp was divided into three equal parts by the two main streets, via j>/-ti/r{j>(ili* and rid ijinntnna. In the first part 3 wa- encamped next to the ramparts about one-fourth or one- fifth of all the cohorts. Between these on either side of the via prcetoria were the spaces for the Icyati and the tribunes, one fourth of the cavalry and one-half of the artillery. In the central part ' were encamped one-fifth of all the cohorts, all the staff officers except the li'ijuti and tribunes, the praetorian cohorts and one-half of the cavalry. Here were also the altar 5 for worship and the tribunal. In the hack part, 6 on either side of the qiKFxtnriidn, were the rest of the cohorts, about half of the whole number, and also the foreign ambassadors, prisoners and hostages. The situation of the legions and of the different cohorts and all the most important details can be understood at once from the plan given on the preceding page. 7 21. The Tents of the Cohort. In the camp each cohort had a space of 120 feet front by 180 deep. One-sixth of this (30 feet deep and 120 front) was for each century. 8 From the front, twelve feet were taken for the street, leaving eighty feet for the eight tents (six for the soldiers, one for the centurions, and one for the servants), and twenty-eight feet for the seven intervals between the tents. Of the thirty feet in depth for each century, six feet were used for the street, 1 See plan, p. 377. ' Castro, (tstira. J Pi : 4 La/era prafrtrii. A/<>. 'Itetentura. 1 The sides of the camp varied according to the number .of cohorts ; the length of the front side can be obtained from the following formula : # = 200 Ya ; a being the number of cohort* : the length - Thcro were six centuries in each cohort, divided into three manipuli, viz.: pilani, principeg an THE MILITARY ORGANIZATION. 379 .. unnnnnnr PI. 2. unnnnnoc UDDDaDDC Pr.2. H.I. nnnnnnn ten for the tents, five for the arms, and nine for the animals. This will be understood from the following plan : 22. The Camp in the Time of the Empire. Under the empire the army became a per- manent organization and the number of legions was largely increased. IJnder Augustus there were twenty-five, 1 under Septimius Severus thirty-three, and after .the admission of the barbarians into the army, the number increased enormously, while the strength of each legion decreased. 2 The chief authori- ties for this period are Hyginus and Vegetinus, the former of whom describes the system of encampment, and the latter, the organization of the army. Josephus, the Jewish historian, carefully observed the Roman encampments, and gives many details that form a useful supplement to Hyginus. 3 23. Military Engines. It only remains to add a few words in regard to the military engines 4 used by the Romans. The Romans made but little advancement in this method of warfare until their acquaintance with the Greeks. In besieg- ing a town, 5 the chief difficulties to contend with were the trenches and walls. 6 The trenches had to be filled up before unnnnnnc 1 The first information we have in regard to the army of Augustus is from Tacitus (Ann. iv., 5). in the year A.D. 83, when there were twenty-five (see p. 429) ; Mommsen (Res gestoE Divi A wjuxti, p. 49) thinks that Augustus retained after the peace only eighteen legions : see p. 429. 2 In the fifth century there were 175 legions ; each legion was decreased on account of sickness, desertion and dismissals. Zosimus (v. 45) mentions five legions that num- jori/f uonaio. If the town \vas small and accessible on all sides and the besieging army large, the own was assaulted oirbern opintrfnare). A ring of soldiers was drawn around the walls (Ofij/iilitm ctirtiini nngere), a part of whom discharged their mis.-iles upon those manning the walls, while the others advanced, protected by their shields joined above their heads so a< to form a covering like the shell of the tortoise (testudo), to plant scaling ladders (scote) and 10 burst in the gates. 380 TIM: MILITARY the walls could be attacked. Tin's was done with fascines and earth. Then the wooden besieging t.>wers and battering rams were jm shed forward. On the different stories of these towers, which were higher than the walls, were placed soldiers armed with missiles to clear the walls or to cross to them by means of the drawbridges. The long beams of the battering BESIEUISG TOWER. rams 1 with iron heads, suspended under :> roof 2 were then swung backwards and forwards to inake a breach in the walls. These engines were supported by the artillery, the catapults and biiflixttr-.. the former of which projected darts, and the latter hurled stones or balls against the besieged. 'An--. THE MILITARY ORGANIZATION. 381 CATAPTJLTA. 24. Manner of Besieging a City. In besieging a city the battering ram was generally brought up to destroy the lower part of the wall, the ball i she to overthrow the battle- BAI.I.I-T.S 382 THE MILITARY ORGANIZATION". ill*, .,,: l,.!i|i I THE MILITAEY ORGANIZATION. 383 ments, 1 and the catapults to shoot the besieged. In order to protect the soldiers who were engaged in filling up the ditch or working the engines of war, 2 from the missiles of the besieged, a large number of wooden sheds 3 with strong roofs covered with hides cr other incombustible material and open at both ends, but protected at the sides and placed on rollers, were pushed forward. In order to annoy the defenders a mound of earth 4 was thrown up, and as it advanced to the points selected for attack it was raised iu elevation to equal that of the walls. On this mound the towers 5 were constructed, from the successive stories of which the archers hurled their weapons on the besieged. Sometimes mines, supported by beams, were dug under the fortifications. 24. Manner of Defence. In defence the besieged dug counter mines, burned the beams that.the walls might give way, hurled from the walls of the town darts, stones and fire, threw the besieging ladders back with forks, 6 or seized those on them by means of tongs, 7 and drew them within the walls with cranes. 8 To divert the action of the battering-ram, large stones were lowered by ropes, pinchers were used to catch hold of it, or sand-bags were let down to neutralize its force. 9 . * Such as the artillery already mentioned, and falces wwrafe, for loosening the stones in the wall: terebra,, for'boring into the wall ; dmabrm (known to antiquarians under the name of ' celts ' from the old Latin word ce/tes, a chisel) ; axes for removing stones in the walls. a Called, according to their form, rinte, te*tu 385 CHAPTER, MANNERS AND CUSTOMS; EDUCATION; PRIVATE AND DOMESTIC LIFE. 1. The Streets; Public Buildings; the Forum. As the Komans advanced in refinement, culture and wealth, they gradually relaxed their old austerity and simplicity. After Rome had outgrown the other Latin towns and become the capital of Italy, the narrow and irregular streets, 1 often overhung and darkened by wooden dwelling-houses, to which story after story had been added, as the population of the city increased, seemed mean and insufficient. Gradually, however, the tediles paved the streets, and after the Gallic COB- flagration, public buildings of considerable splendor were constructed. Still, Rome remained even to the end of the republic, a net-work of crooked, narrow lanes, along which shops and houses of poor and mean appearance were con- structed. There were not more than two streets in Rome suit- able for heavy carriages to pass in, and in the others the litters of the wealthy struggled to force their way through the dense crowd. The butchers' shops in the forum gave place to the beautiful porticoes, where silversmiths and bankers carried on their business. Various works of art 2 were also erected in the forum, most of them being the spoils from Etruria 3 and the Greek cities in Southern Italy or in the provinces. Here also 1 It was on account of the narrowness of the streets and not, as the Roman poets tell us, to restrain luxury, that no one except the vestal virgins and the Roman matrons was allowed to drive in a carriage in the city. a As the statue of Attus Navius, that of Horatius. of Code?, of Cloelia. of Brutus, a bronze figure of the suckling she-wolf (still preserved in the Capitoline mneeum); it is :n Etruscan style and possibly the same which the lediles Gnaeus and Quintius Ogulnius erected in B.C. 296. Here were also the Fi<->n> Rn>>nrilix, the sacred fig tree, a statue of Mnrsyas-. and the ancient statues of the Sibyls. J When Volsinii was captured, 2000 statues were taken to Rome. Plin. Nat. Hist 7, 16. 17 386 A PLAX OF THi: JOKL'M. ROMAN FORUM were the temple of Vesta, ami the /v/m or official dwelling- house of the chief pontiff. Besides these buildings then- uas the senate-house, on either side of which t\vo magnificent basilica 2 were constructed. On the south side was the famous 1 The Volcanal was a space dedicated to Vulcanic : the grtrwtftiiti* \\ as a raised plat- form on wliich foreign ambii ador- stood while waiting to be admitted to the senut". The furnm on both side* was lined with simps ifuftfrmF). The row on the south 'i''f vas erected first and \va- therefore ca ' ni : those on the north sid. . Tlv Fornt.i- F'lii'i'iintx was an arch erected to Q. Fabiiis Maxiinn-. Tin was the elevated platform from which people were addressed (so-called because it was adorned with the beak* of the ships taken from the Antiates IB. c. 3"lSt. On the slope of the Capitoline hill towards the forum was said to be the spot where Romulus formed his uxyiiim. The cul'ininii .!/(//;/ \va- -aid to l>e so called because Ma>nius. when ho -old his pro|)erty for the IxHtHtrri Portia ifhi-. erected in B.C. 184, was the first ba-iliral. d oiie column from which he and his de-rondants could nnriri rafiiftiff*] were Ivld te-re. Near the ))rison were th in which the bodies of criminals uho had been put to death were exposed : for a notice of the other buildings and localtfes. ^e" p. 41fj. These were covered porticoes in which persons met to transact business ; in thee the courts of law sat ; many of them were converted into churches in the time of Cou- stantine (see p. 501 c. 6). ROMAN HOUSES. temple of Castor and Pollux, while under the Capitoline hill were the temples of Saturn and Concord, 1 and the tabulanum or record office, where the state papers were kept. Towering above all and overlooking the forum was the temple of Jupiter on the Capitoline hill, with its summit decorated with the four- horse, chariot brought from Etruria. 2. Roman Houses. For many centuries the houses of the Romans were poor, one story high, and without chimneys, the smoke escaping through the doors, windows 2 or the opening 3 in the atrium, 4 which was covered with straw, shingles, or unbaked clay. The interior of the house consisted of the atrium only, in which was the household altar, the marriage-bed, the table for meals and the hearth. Here, in the olden time, stood the images of the ancestors, though this custom lost its signifi- cance and became obsolete, when many whose ancestors had held no curule office, became wealthy, assumed high-sounding names, and lived in magnificent edifices. As wealth began to 1 See p. 213. 1 The?e were mere openings through the wall* closed by shutters ; later, windows of transparent -=roue "ere made. "and under the empire, glass wasn*ed. > Implmlum. ' That is. the ''blackened'' chamher. 388 ROMAN HOUSES. flow into Rome from the provinces, houses 1 of great splendor were erected, and finally, when the Romans began to vie wit j TIIK VESTIBULE.' (The House of Pansa.) each other in displaying the spoils that their rapacity had wrung from the provincials, marble palaces arose, adorned 1 The Roman of wealth occupied the whole of hi- house : other* reut"d. according to their mean*, cithern whole hou.-e or a Hut of some larire inxit!ti. the name by which all hired houses went. The, poorer cla-* e- took a small rent in an upper i-tory. Sulla paid for the ground floor of a house in the capital a rent of 3009 sesterces a year, and the tenant of the upper story. 2000. We learn from Cic'To (p. C:P!., c. 7t, that, lodgings rented a* hiirh a- :', M*)!) --terce* ($1200;. C;vlin> paid only 10,000. The usual time for \ a- the Kalend- of July. 1 Or finitliiifnin. according to the description of Yitnivius vi.. W. the vestibule KF an open place before the houe- ware of the dog," is found. Separate rooms were afterwards set apart for cooking, for banquets, for the domestics, and also for a private chapel for the worship of the gods, while the atrium in the houses of the great was used solely for the reception of KOOM OP A PERSON OF RANK ra ROME. clients and friends who came to pay their respects or to seek help or legal advice, or to learn their patron's plans for the day. 3. Furniture. The rooms in the houses of the wealthy were often furnished with great splendor and magnificence. Expensive cedar-tables, veneered Avith ivory ; dinner couches of bronze, richly adorned with silver and gold, and often inlaid with tortoise-shell ; seats of cedar-wood and ivory ; the magnifi- cent candelabra, the elegant lampadaria, and lamps of various patterns ; vases, costly mirrors,urns, incense-burners, 2 and costly mum"). The roof is supported by four pillars, one at each corner of . The roof slopes so as to conduct the water into the comjilwtivm (reservoir). Beyond the implurinm is the altar, where the penates were worshipped. The (abAnvtn, vrtQl it* pavement of mosaic, leads to the perintylvm. where the most intimate friend" were rec.-ivd. The /VvV/; //;/>/// i~ in the rear and to the right of the peristyHum. ' Marble columns were first used by L. Cra.->ns. " Foculi. 390 PLAN OF A HOUSE. goblets, many colored carpets from Babylon and Alexandria, beautiful chairs, 1 and hundreds of other objects, tilled the mag- nificent palaces and villas of persons of wealth and distinction. The walls were usually brightly colored and adorned with fres- coes paintings from the stories of Grecian mythology, scenes from daily life, landscapes some of which have been pivscrvcd almost in their original freshness. In the houses of persons of rank, the vestibule was ornamented with masterpieces of Gre- cian sculpture, the walls overlaid with costly foreign marble, and the doors and door-posts richly decorated with tortoise-shell and gold and silver. 2 1 The paintings at Pompcji show t hat the chairs used by the Romans were very various and many of them remarkably iike ours. The general word for chair \\ as -,"/, ihianr fore*,*ihe entrance, leads to the M re.?(ift?Hm . In order to recon- cile the description of a Roman house. a< given by Vitruviu-, with the remaitis found at Pompe.ji. we might consider the uma'l :e the door as the // v/;/,///,/;/,. ;ind the remaining space before one enter-; the arrtum, a- the ; rc/tlt >/nnn at the side of 1 wa- a mall room ti^/fni for the porter (janitor) and the watch-dog : 2 i* the spaeiou- atrium : in the houses of the mid lie inn] poorer classes this war- the sitting-room and kitchen : here were the bed and I he imt rumen te for spinning and \veaviiiL r . In uie booses of the wealthy, this was the reception-room for clients who came to ask their patron foradvice or help, and visitors who came every morning to pay their respects or ^olicit favors. Here the images of the dead wen exDoeed. In thereof there was an opening for the admianon of light and escape of smoke. In later times, when whole troon-i of people crowded the homes of the rich and noble, the arrangement of the ntri'nn wa- changed. The hearth and kitchen were removed to another part of the building, while the lares were placed in a m Ttif ffrx-iT" 'lift nfit UK ' lit tutu '!' Until or ftrtnf tAtt : there irer? l-tiocl-erx on thf floor* : (It? floor '- fastened >'-i/h a bolt or bar; inside doors by locks ; the keys are of alt trlzff and often ofpi-c'iliar shave. ilKTHOD OF WARMING. 391 4. Method of Warming. The houses were heated by means either of a fire-place l or of a portable furnace, many speci- mens of which have been found at Pompeji. Sometimes rooms were heated by hot air, introduced by pipes from, a furnace below. Rooms intended for winter use were on the sunny side of the house, and as the climate was mild this enabled the occupants to dispense with artificial heat. COOKING UTENSILS. a, b, c, (cijatki), tnia and trutta, ladles for drawing wine from deep casks : e, d, ladles for dipping water, gravy or soup ; /, resembles our saucepan ; g, a two-handled vessel for kitchen use ; h, sarfago, shaped like our pans ; i, a pan for poaching eggs ; k, a kind of metal sieve for straining wine ; /, coal scoop ; m and n, cochlear, liguta, spoon, one of which resembles a fork. 5. Cooking Utensils. In early times the food was cooked in the atrium, but when this became the reception- epecial chapel (mcrariurri). In the floor of the atrium was a cistern (compluvium) for the rain water a which came through the opening in the top (impluvium). On the right were stairs leadkig to the second story where the rooms for the servants were ; six side- rooms (ciibinda) communicate with the atrium by doors ; the two other rooms being without doors are called /<< or sidewings of the atrium. Here were rooms for guer-ts and the family, the wall* of which were often decorated with paintings and frescoes. 4 is the tnbliiwm, a part of the atrium, where the archives (tabula) were. This was the original Roman house. When the atrium was used for visitors, other rooms were addi d ; 5 wa< a paage. sometime* passages ( faucet) to the ;,-> ixfyH"iii !"!). similar to the atrium, surrounded with marble (8) columns and intended for the master of the house and his friends ; here wa* a fountain. Around the peristylium were the sleeping apartments . of the family, and dressing rooms and alcoves. The large room to the right was th" tri'-iininin or the dining-ball, where the conches (triclina) were placed on three ide of the rooms, the other being left open for entrance. There were two sets of dining-rooms, one for summer and one for winter. In 9 the L'lie-N assembled <" etui}. Larger entertainments were given in the atrium ; 10 is a corridor communicating with the {?<>/.. To the left of the corridor were the kitchen, and another room for wash- ing the dishes ; 11 is a garden with regularly hnpod be !< : r_> is an open hall. The house i< Mil-rounded on four sides by streets. Part of the facade and the right side are rooms used for various purposes, partly as sho and partly let to lodgers, and one connected With the atrium was sometimes used by the master for business. 1 Foculi ; the Romans had no proper stoves. The roof sloped so as to throw the water into the cistern. 392 METHOD OF LHMITINQ. room, the kitchen * was removed to another part of the house. In the houses of the rich, the grain was usually ground with hand-mills, while the middle classes bought their meal 01 bread at the bakery. Among the numerous cooking and household utensils may be mentioned stoves, knives ami per- haps forks, strainers, frying-pans, vessels 2 for boiling water, kettles 3 for hanging over the fire and cooking food, sieves, 4 spoons, 5 ladles, 6 mortars, 7 coal-scoops, andirons, steelyards, and implements 8 for cleaning the walls, floor, ceiling, and fur- niture. 6. Method of Lighting. Although the Romans displayed great ingenuity in constructing beautiful lamps from bronze and precious metals, still they were unable to devise any method to prevent the ornamented ceiling of their rooms from being blackened, and their breath oppressed by the smoke. Their oil-lamps 9 were without chimneys to consume the smoke, and were either suspended by chains from the ceiling <>r placed on a candelabrum. 10 The wicks were made of the tow taken from flax, and the instrument for trimming the wick was often attached to the lamp by a chain. Many very beautiful lamps of bronze and terra-cotta are still extant ; they are usually of a long, or a round form, flat and without feet. On the upper part where the oil u was poured in, there are mythological designs in relief of great beauty. 12 The magnificent candelabra and lampadaria were the inventions* of a later age. 13 7. The Meals. The Ivomans were at iirst exceedingly simple in their mode of living; but after the wars in the East, refined luxury displayed itself nowhere more prodigally than at the table. In early times a sort of hasty pudding made of 1 Cviina. ' Mliarium. Ahce ni-nn. '('/if/rum. CocMear. TrvUce. ' PUa. Scopa. * Lucernce. 1 " Candles (canddoe) either of wax (cerea) or of tallow (debated) were nsed before lamps were invented; the candelabrum was at first a cundlcsiick. afterwards used to support lamps; the candelabra for candles were also called fumt't// ; the poorer c]a~-c- u--f wood ; they were sometimes c<>n>tnicted so that the lamps could be raised or lowered. ! 1 Perfumed oi; was often used. 11 The name of the maker is often stamped on the bottom. 11 The hiciiniiclii (pensile*) were like our chandeliers; the ltni>ii/i(laria were stems of trees, or pillars standing on a base from the top of which the lamps were suspended : see engraving, p. 389. THE MEALS. 393 farina 1 with vegetables, 2 fruits, 3 and dairy produce, constituted the principal articles of food. The Romans had three meals each day a light breakfast, 4 , at noon a lunch, 3 and towards evening 6 came the dinner, which in the houses of the rich was often very bounteous and consisted of three courses. First 7 came fish, eggs, and various kinds of vegetables served with piquant sauces, intended to excite the appetite for the more substantial dislK-s which were to follow. Then came the courses 8 consist- ing of many dishes which it would be impossible to give a description of here. The favorite fish, which was the chief object of Roman epicurism, were the turbot, 9 the shell-fish, 10 oysters, and snails; the favorite poultry were peacocks, pheasants, pigeons, geese, field-fares, 11 dncks, and chickens. Among meats the greatest favorite was the tame and wild boar ; this was generally the chief dish, and came whole on the table. The practised gourmand pretended to be able to tell by the taste from what part of Italy it came. These courses were followed by a dessert of pastry and fresh and dried fruits. The table was really the centre of the luxury of the Romans after the wealth of the East was placed at their disposal. Foreign delicacies and wines became then indispensable. In spite of the sumptuary laws, meddling with the private affairs of life, 12 which shallow moralists then as now advocated, the Romans displayed at their banquets their hosts of slaves, 13 their dancing girls, their rich furniture, their carpets glittering with gold, their antique bronzes, and their silver plate. 14 1 The flour made from far, a kind of wheat. ' Leyxmina. * Olera. * Jentaculurn ; consisting of bread, seasoned with salt, with dried grapes, olives and cheese. . 5 Prandium. At the ninth hour = in summer, IJo'clock ; in winter, 2} o'clock. ' Gfustus. ''i : prima, nltera, tfi-fi'i cena. ' Rhombus. ' Cochlw, ostrea, according to Pliny (N. H. xxxii, 6, 1) the pcdmn memarum dlritum 1 ' Ttir>l>ix : this was a great luxury ; they were often sold, when fattened, for 3 denarii (nearly 40 cents) apiece. 1 " The expense of an ordinary meal was fixed in B. c. 161 at 10 sesterces (50 cents) ; in B. c. 81. at 30 sesterces ; for the same period the expenses allowed at banquets were 100 and 300 sesterce-. "An exquisite cook cost 100,000 sesterces ($5,000), while an ordinary slave was worth only i(>0 sesterces. " Scipio /Emilianus possessed 32 pounds of silver plate (600) ; Q. Fabius (cos. B. c. 121), 1000 pounds (500.000) : Marcus Dru-us (trib. plebs. B. c. 91), 10,000 pounds ($200,000); in the time of Sulla there were at Rome about 150 silver state dishes weigh- ing lO'i pounds each, several of which caused their owners to be placed on the pro- ion list. ( J4 TAI'-I.K ISA<;|-:S. 8. Table Usages. Wlieii eating, tin- Komans reclined on couches * which were placed on three sides of the room, 2 leaving the fourth free to give the slaves access to the table to arrange the dishes and also to hand round the meat and bread. Each couch held three, and the place of honor was on the middle one. 8 At a later time when round tables 4 came into use, the couches were changed for semicircular sofas. There were no table-cloths, but the tables themselves were often exquisite, being made of the finest polished 5 wood. Each guest brought with him a linen napkin 6 to fasten over his breast. Instead of knives 7 and forks, two spoons were used the cocldnn- and ligula both being pointed at the end. The food was served in a great variety of dishes, some round, flat, oval, and others hollow, with and without handles, which, as well as the different drinking vessels, it would be impossible to de- scribe here. 9. The Roman Family. The word family with the Romans signified everything which a freeman had under his control, 8 and included persons whether free or slaves as well as articles of property. The word, however, was generally re- stricted to the members of the household, at the head of which stood the pali'rfuniilni*. Every free man not under the control of another was considered a patcrfinnilias. Sons, although married and having children, were not released from the authority of their father 9 until his death. If we count all the members of a family, the children and grandchildren, the slaves and clients, the whole under the control of the paterfuinilidx assumed a very important position in the state. Several families united to form a house, 10 and indicated their common descent by a family name. 11 In this way arose a * Lectl tr'ii-i'iii'tun*. In the earlier ages those couches were not known ; the Romans uscrl in rut -itiin'4. a en-torn to which the women and children adhered. ' Triclinium. 3 The lowest place on the middle one was the seat of honor ; the reverse on the others. Pliny relates that Cicero paid as much as 1.000,000 sesterces for a table. s Rubbed with (w/t.tii/i'i. * 3fojiji>i . ' Knives (tmctores\ were used nt a later time. " In potentate. ' Pn/r in />oft -''!: unless the son became a flamen Diali, or the daughter a vestal virgin (virgo vestali*). '"Gens. ' ' Xomen gentile. NAMES. 395 family pride which caused the members to preserve with great care the sanctuaries, the legends, and the exploits of their own house. In the course of time, as intercourse with foreign nations increased, the strict laws of the paternal authority were relaxed, and the ties that bound the members of a house 1 and of a family together were loosened. 10. Names. Every Koinan had usually three names, the first denoting the person, as Marcus ; 2 the second, the gens, as Tullius, and the third the family, as Cicero. A fourth or fifth name, called the agnomen, was sometimes added on account of some illustrious actions or by adoption, or from some other circumstance. Thus the complete name of Scipio the Younger, was PuUins Cornelius Scipio Africa nus JEmilianus ; Africanus being added for his exploits in Africa, and ^Emilianus because he was adopted from the ^Emilian gens. Women had no per- sonal names, but were known only by that of their gens. Thus, the daughter of Cicero was called simply Tullia ; a younger sister would have been called Tullia secunda or (minor), tertia and so on. The wife of Cicero was Terentia. 11. Marriage. The Romans had two kinds of marriage ; 5 in one the woman passed entirely from the control 6 of her father into that of her husband; in the other, 7 she did not so pass, but remained subject to her father's authority. In order to bring about a laAvful marriage of either kind, the parties must be of age, unmarried, and, until the passage of the Canuleian law in B. c. 445, 8 of equal rank. A marriage of the first kind could be contracted in three different ways, viz. : confarreatio, coemptio, i. e., fictitious purchase, or usus, i. e., prescription. The first, or marriage by confarreatio, had to take place in the presence of at least ten witnesses, the Pontifex Maximus, and the priest of Jupiter. 9 A cake of sacred corn 10 was broken and tasted, and the marriage formula repeated. This form of mar- riage was confined exclusively to the patricians, and even after the passage of the Canuleian law, it could not be adopted by the 1 Gens. * Prcenomen. * Nomen. * Cognomen. 5 Nu))ti : in Pompeji two chemists' shops have been found with signboards on which wa.- painted the ;-nake of the god ^Esculapius. 398 TRADES. each other in regard to remedies and methods. " Physicians- disagree," says Pliny, "only in order to avoid the appearance of consent; hence the dreadful inscriptions on tombs 'The number of his doctors has killed him.'" We know of no reg- ulations in regard to the amount of medical education neces- sary in early times to qualify a physician to practice at Home. Under the empire, 1 this was under the supervision of the archiatri? who examined and appointed physicians 3 to reside in every town. 4 Toward the end of the republic, and especially in the time of the empire, when dissipation and hot-bathing produced frequent diseases of the eyes, oculists 5 appear a> a separate class. Besides these we hear of dentists, of specialists for diseases of the ear, of lady physicians, of professional " rubbers," and of vendors of ointment, salves, and of various forms of quackery which the play writers seized upon as favorite subjects for their satire. 6 14. Trades. A genuine Roman considered all manual labor as beneath his dignity. Landed property on a large scale. and even speculation in state leases, were the only legitimate sources of income of a free Roman. All retail traffic and even commerce, if not on a large scale, were little esteemed. Hence the practice of the trades and the retail traffic were given over to slaves, 7 freedmeu, foreigners, and the lowest class of the plebeians. There existed at Rome various mechanics' guilds 8 1 At the time of Nero. * The arcldatri palatil, the physicians of the palace ; and archiatri popuiareg, those of the people. * Physicians often received large incomes. Pliny (H. N. xxix., 5) mentions several who-.e incoiiii' w,is J.">:'..nu sf-teree- per annum ('. . * In the excavations at Pompeji (in the *tra accompanied tho boy*, and (lie initrires the jrirl-. ' In learning to read, the method of syllabi - '1. 1 This elomentarv ronrse was taught '.i\ the / or literatores. ' Taught by the >ji !-T rhetores. For fuller information on the system of education, see Hist, of Lit., p. METHODS OF TEACHING. 401 17. Method of Teaching. Primary instruction was, to a great extent, pursued as an amusement. Children learned the alphabet by playing with pieces of ivory on which the differ- ent letters were marked. In the school, reading was taught in a class, the boys repeating in a kind of chant after the teacher, first the letters, then the syllables, and then the whole word. For writing, copies were set on waxen tablets, which the pupil imitated, the master often guiding his hand. A knowledge of arithmetic was communicated by means of a calculating board 1 and counters. 2 On I he board perpendicular lines were drawn, and the value of the counter varied according to the division in which it was placed. Practice was given in orthography and the rules of grammar by the master repeating aloud a passage 8 from some popular author, which was written down and com- mitted to memory. 18. Holidays and Punishments. Holidays were given to the schools regularly in December 4 and March. 5 The latter was the end of the school year when the boys paid their annual fees. There was also in the elementary schools probably a vacation during the summer months, in order that the wealthier citizens might take their children with them to their country-houses and villas. In the elementary school, the rod or ferule was used even for very trifling offences, for miss- ing even a single letter in reading, as Plautus informs us. In- struction in the schools must have begun very early in the day, for Martial 6 complains that even before the crowing of the cock the air resounded with the noise of flogging and the cries of the children. 19. Books Writing. In early times books were very rare and dear ; but towards the end of the republic so many trained slaves 7 were kept by booksellers and speculators 8 con- stantly copying them, that they became as cheap, perhaps, as Abacus. a Calculi ; hence our worrt calculation. * Dicfafa. At the Saturnalia (see p. 33, n. 3); at first only one day. later two, and finally seven. Tho Qinr/>/rttria, in honor of Minerva, for five days (19th to 23rd). IX.. 30 ; also Juv. vii.. 222. ' Librarii. Atticns kept a largo number ; he even made a trade of copying books, and kept Copifs of Cicero V works for sale. 402 BOOKS ; WRITING. with us. 1 The material on which books were written was gen- erally the bark 2 of the Egyptian papyrus; parchment 3 was sometimes used though not so generally, In-cause it was much higher in price. The papyrus was rolled together iu narrow IMPLEMENTS OF WBITINO.* strips 5 to form the book, while parchment was folded into sheets and sewn iu different sizes like our books. The ink was a kind of black pigment, prepared from lamp-black ami gum. Instead of pens, the Romans used a reed 6 cut like our quills. 7 1 Martial d., 118) speak* of a book containing 119 epigrams a costing 5 denarii, and even less. In early times authors like Piautu-. Terence ami others, sold their comedies to the aediles ; at a later time, booksellers paid the author for the right of publishing. Pliny iKp. iii.. ~i< wa< offered iiM.OOO sesterces for his Cuininmtuni Kl-t. Liber ; in the time of the empire the preparation of thi.s bark by means of bleach- Ing, etc., was brought to groat perfect : '..n. Invented by Enn LT.UMUS; sometimes leather, linen, and even silk were n-ed. The circular wooden or ineMl case >< //;-' or *./>.>. <"t/n. t the left, with a cover, contains six volumes rolled up (hence the word volume i and labelled that they may be easily distinguished. In 1'rout of the case are a sty/"" and a pentagonal inkstand, very Rimilar to those now in nse. A little to the right i a pen made of reed, hence called calamus. Next to the ca-e of bo >ik< i the totefib joined together as with hinirev and covered with wax. Above this H another, pinned as it were to the wall with a xfi/F'i* ; to the riulit of the la-t lies a book of tablets open. In the centre are single volume- in one of fhe cases on the left IB open, and the other shut. On the right are four volumes, two of which have their ti'!"-. one attached to the fxipi/r'i* it-elf, and the other to the >n>i>,'ii;<~>i* or cvlinder of wood iii it- centre. The books were carried in the scrini'/m. Whon a Roman, either in the city or on a journey, wished to use books, a slave accompanied him to carry the fcrininm. The children of the rich were accompa- nied to /fi who carried th'-ir book* and writing-tablets. Books and documents when not in use wer" den-) ife-l in the srrii'V/'n. which wa< sealed if the documents were important. A librn-y of 30.0 find even ai.OO'i volume-' w;is not uncom- mon. In the time of AntT'i-tus there were 31 libraries in Koine. Others were added by later emperor*. The Vlpi'in I'br-iry wa- the nio-t imnortant of all. T'iopoaks of a spon/.-, n/itn cure* ml < nm perferenduni ; "1 wish you would forward the package ad- dressed to M' Curius." The letters deviated tiie most from ours in the manner of beginning and closing. The beginning consisted of the names of the wriUT and receiver, with u friendly greeting as : Cicero, S. D? Trrlmlio ; "Cicero sends greeting to Trebatius." In formal letters the full name and title were given, as: Q. M<'t. 7 I'nder the empire after the public and military roads were constructed connecting the provinces with Italy, regular lines of post wagons \\ere estab- lished and the arrangements for sending messengers and 8 let- ters were systematized. 21. Dress for Men. The dress of the men among the .Romans was, during the greater part of their history, very simple, consisting of a loose upper garment called the toga, and of an under garment which fitted more closely, called the tmdra. The t<>;ro Trtbatio ; "Cicero to Trebatius.'' * O. Metfllui. the son of Quimu-. 4 M. Cici-ro. procon-ul. sends (.'reeling to G. Curio, tribune of the people. * Statorvg or Otm " r>iW-'in'<. 7 Carrier pigeons were also u>ed (Plin. Ep. x.. 50); for further information in regard to the poet-office, see Hi-t. Lit., p. . 4i"i : also IIit of Lit., p. " A red >'/'/' a~ <-al!'' COVEKING FOR THE FEET. 405 while engaged in manual labor, yet, when a Roman appeared in public, lie reassumed it. It was made of pure white wool, 1 and was nearly semicircular in form. In adjusting it, one end was thrown over the left shoulder to the front, so that the round side fell outward; it was then drawn over the right shoulder be- hind the body so that the arm rested as in a sling, while the remaining portion was drawn in front and thrown over the left shoulder. 2 During the civil wars, the pallium or Greek cloak came into fashion, but Augustus forbade its use. The pcenula or mantle was worn by all classes. . b. Sokfe of ordinary form. c. Half- Figure of a Man sun- sliocs. d. Common shoe, e. Man's shoe posed to be dressed (calceus senatorius). , m the Pcenula. Toga. 22. Covering for the Feet. The coverings for the feet were very numerous, but they may be classed under two sorts, the calceus and the solece. The solece or sandals were strapped to the bare feet, and were worn in the house, while the calceus, nearly resembling our shoe, was worn in the street. The poorer classes and the slaves wore wooden shoes. It was customary for a Roman to wear one signet-ring on the fourth finger of the left * All garments for both sexes were at first made of wool, but towards the close of tho republic, silk and various other fabrics were introduced. '' This was the earliest and simplest mode of adjusting the toga. 406 DRESS FOR WOMEN. hand. At first the rings were of iron except those of the highei classes. When luxury and wealth increased it was no uncommon thing for a fop, desirous of displaying his wealth, to have his hands literally covered with rings, and Juvenal tells us that the effem- inate Crispimis had lighter rings for summer than for winter. The toga was so cumbrous that its use became in time restricted to state occasions, 1 Avhile wealthier people wore the lacerna, and the pool classes, simply the tunic. The Roman boys wore a toga with a purple hem, 3 until about the completion of the fifteenth year, when they assumed the toga virilis. 23. Dress for Wo- men. The dress of the Roman la- dies consist- ed of the in- nertumc,the stola and the palla. The stola, the characteristic dress of a Roman matron, con- sisted of a loose tunic gathered in and con- fined at the waist by a girdle and ending in a deep border or flounce, 4 which extended to the feet. The palla was a shawl large enough to envelop the whole figure, and was worn when a lady went abroad. The Roman ladies bestowed Handmaiden wearing a eleeved ftola and/xzffo, drcsMiiir a bride who wears a tunica with open sleeves, a stola with the instita and a light palla. EMPRESS LmA. 1 1 Vestisforensis. ' Toga prcetexta. ' The cut is taken from a statue of the Empress Livia found at Pompeji ; the innei tunic, the stola and the palla are visible. * Instita. BATHS. 40? great care upon plaiting and arranging their hair. The aid of hair-dressers and curling-irons was called in, and various kinds of combs, pomades, and dyes were used, and when under the empire the great ambition was to have yellow hair, wigs of this color were worn. The women often drew over their head a net, sometimes made of gold thread, veils, caps or turbans. The ornaments worn by the ladies were often very rich and beauti- ful. The necklaces, 1 neckchains, bracelets, and earrings were made of pearls decorated with gold and precious stones. Among the toilet articles were fine polished mirrors, 2 perfumery bottles, instruments for the nails, combs, hair-pins, and a countless variety of cosmetics, among which rouge and white paint were not forgotten. 24. Baths. The .Roman in early times used the bath only for health and cleanliness, and the bathing-houses were simple, consisting only of two rooms, one for the cold plunge- bath and one for the warm bath. As wealth and luxury in- creased, warm, hot and vapor baths were introduced, and mag- nificent buildings 3 were erected, decorated with great splendor and supplied with all the conveniences which a voluptuary could desire. These became the popular resorts for amuse- ment and pastime and the exchange of the gossip of the day. The bather on entering paid his admission fee, 4 and then passed to the undressing-room 5 where slaves were in waiting to take charge of the clothes, and then to the warm chamber, 6 or the cold one, 7 as he wished. After this he was rubbed down and anointed with oil. The bathing-houses in Rome must have been very numerous, for Agrippa, the friend of Augustus, added 170. Under the emperors magnificent piles of buildings called thernue, including baths, gymnasia, and libraries, were reared, all of which were opened free to the public. 8 The fol- lowing cut is a ground plan of the thermce of Caracalla, which A necklace was found at Pompeji consisting of one bana of fine interlaced gold, vhich WLTO suspended 71 pendants ; at the end of the chain there is a clasp. Made of metal. * A qnadrans. the fourth part of an as = about 1 cent. Apodyteria. "Tejndanum. ' Frirjidarium. Hitherto those who desired to win the favor of the people gavj them a day's bathing free. 408 THE GAMES OJb' THE CIKt'lS. were more splendid tlian any of the others, and the remains of which are the best preserved : 1 IT imiTfTiinninnr BATES OF CARACALLA. (THEU>LE Antoninianae) I I I I II I I I I I Prigidarium, room for a cold bath. TejMarhim. warm room. Cike>tm or *ri>n >>&. before the play commenced, but this wa-* not pulled up a in our theatres, but drawn dwn under the stage. 3 T:I J S ^ roo ,i j,, the Piazza Oampo de' Tiori. " Twelve arches are still standing: they are. occupied bv smiths and other artisano as workshops. 414 THE THEATRE. of all. The citizens sat promiscuously in the theatre until the orchestra was set apart for the senators, and by the Koscian law the fourteen rows of benches directly behind those of the senators were assigned to the Equites. The theatre, like the amphitheatre, was open to the sky, but the sun and rain were THEATRE OF POMPBJTTS. (Restored by Canina.) kept out by an awning, while the air was cooled and scented by fragrant spray. Actors l were never held in esteem at "Rome ; they were mostly slaves hired from their masters by the magis- trate for the occasion, although in the time of Cicero we hear of the comic actor Roscius and the tragic actor ^sopus, 2 who were held in high esteem and obtained great wealth. 29. Funerals. The ceremonies of the Romans in cases of death and at funerals, were intimately connected with their religious notion of a future life. The belief was at an early 1 The actors (hlst.none.if) in tragedy wore a boot called cat.fi'irnw. while the comic actors wore a thin slipper called ttoccnx, and hence cfithnrnim arid soccug are sometimes figuratively employed for rrasri'dy and comedy. Actors of mimes anpeared with bare feet (hence called ptoHiptCbs). Actor- irrm-ralh \\orr mask-; FCC Hist, of Literature ' The esuvt.- of .K-opu- ..mounted to 20.000.000 sesterce- <$! ,000.000V THE FUXERALS. 415 time very deeply rooted in their minds that the spirit of the unburied wandered restlessly about without gaining admit- tance to Hades. The burial of the dead then became the most sacred duty. The nearest relatives closed the eyes of the deceased and raised a loud shout of woe. Notice was at once sent to the temple of Venus Libitina, where a register was kept and a fee paid, and where undertakers 1 were in attendance. A slave was sent at once by one of these to wash and anoint the corpse, and dress it 2 and lay it in the atrium, where the images of the ancestors of the deceased were exhibited. A cypress tree or a pine was then placed before the house as an em- blem of death and to give warning to priests that they might not enter. The funeral procession moved solemnly to the sound of music and the loud wailing of women. The bier was followed by all the family attired in black, and was preceded by a line of men who represented the ancestors of the deceased, clad in the insignia of their office. If the deceased had gained warlike renown, won great victories, conquered towns, then a tablet was carried inscribed with these deeds. In this way the procession moved to the forum, where some one of the relatives delivered the funeral speech, 3 extolling the deeds of the departed and those of his ancestors. 4 The procession then resumed its course and proceeded to the place which must be outside of the walls where the body was to be interred. To- wards the close of the republic cremation was common. After the body was consumed, the embers were extinguished with wine, the charred bones collected, sprinkled with wine, then with milk, dried with a linen cloth, mixed Avith costly perfumes and deposited in one of the niches in the family tomb. 5 On the ninth day after the funeral, a repast consisting of a few simple articles of food was placed beside the tomb, which was adorned with garlands and sprinkled with essences. Be- side the niches in the tomb were placed lamps, lachrymatories and the inscription. 7 1 Libitinarii. * In the toga, ; in the case of magistrates in the toga prtetfxta. * Landatw. 1 In case of the poor, these ceremonies were entirely omitted ; poor persons often belonged to burial clubs which, on the death of a member, advanced a sum to pay the funeral expenses. s Columbarium. ' On the cir/piu. 7 For further information on these subjects, see Guhl and Koner and Becker's Gllus. 1. .Viliarium vtkrooi ' I T.8*tr~i 3. ScMa Xantka 4. T.*. >V*p'. C;e-ar iilanned manv improvemenU, but they were carried In to execution by h: The forum Julium was constructed, and" before the time of Trajan the other new fora were built, connecting the old forum with the magnificent structures in the Cuni|in< Martins. Near the temple of Saturn was the triumphal arch of Tiberius i-ee fronii-piece'. The have not yet been extended farther than tlie modem road running along the northern side of the Roman fonim. The fornm of Trajan has been excavated : the magnificent column of Trnjan is ptill standing. The foundations of several columns belonging to thi? five-balled basilica in thi~ fonnn. have been discovered. Remains of the forum", properly so-called, can b Vo. r>. Via del Campo Carleo. THE IMPERIAL GOVERNMENT. CHAPTER L.VII. THE EMPIRE ESTABLISHED BY AUGUSTUS. 1. The Policy of Octavius. The great Roman revo- lution which began with the tribunate of Gracchus ended with the battle of Actium. It resulted in centralizing the adminis- trative as well as the military power into one man's hands. The people realized that the only hope of domestic tranquillity rested in a supreme ruler, 1 and the senate was ready to confer the necessary powers and dignities. Octavius, however, had learned circumspection from the fate of his illustrious prede- cessor. He therefore rejected the position of dictator raised above the laws, and the hateful name of king, and sought to veil his supremacy under the forms of the republic. The most vigorous and restless spirits among the aristocracy he enlisted in his service, and subdued their energies by the restraint of discipline, the allurements of honor, and the ideas of military devotion. He was well aware that the fidelity of his legions could defend his authority against rebellion, but their vigilance could never secure his person from the dagger of the repub- lican. Caesar had provoked his fate ; a consular tribune might have reigned in peace, but the title of king had aroused the Romans against his life. Octavius, therefore, determined to deceive the people by the image of liberty ; he knew that they would submit to slavery provided they were assured that they still enjoyed their ancient freedom. In this pleasing illusion the feeble senate and the enervated people cheerfully ac- quiesced. 2 1 Tacitus Hist, i, 1. Omnem pofenfiam ad vnvm conferri pads interfmt. * Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. 418 THE EMPIRE ESTABLISHED BY AUGUSTUS. [u.r. :Jl- 2. Changes in the Constitution. The system of admin- istration devised by Octavius, although actually combining within his own hands the prerogatives of the several repub- lican offices and the functions of the legislative and the judicial departments of the state, preserved the show of republican government. The framework of the old constitution still ex- isted. The senate and the people still exercised their preroga- tives, and Octavius had professed to act hitherto in obedience to these. According to law, the imperator must disband his army after the triumph was over. This necessity lie avoided, and henceforth the legions swore fidelity to him alone. The aim of Marius and Csesar had been to subvert the rule of the senate. Octavius was sensible that such an assembly, consist- ing ostensibly of six hundred members, now that it was hum- bled and disarmed, would be a useful and tractable instrument to secure his dominion. 1 On its dignity, therefore, he sought to found his empire. With the view of raising its authority in general estimation, he revised 2 the list of senators, ejected unworthy members, 3 limited the number to six hundred, 4 raised the property qualification 5 for admission, admitted worthy members from the provinces, and henceforth conducted the government 6 through its name and agency. 7 The most im- portant concerns were deferred to the decision of the senate. It still retained jurisdiction in criminal matters, and many important cases were pleaded before it. In this way it afforded the last refuge to the spirit of ancient eloquence. In its legis- lative capacity it was nominally the source of power, as it still 1 Gibbon. Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. 1 This was accomplished in virtue of \i\- poteslas consularl*, which originally included the power of the censors, with Agrippa a* hi-* colleague. ' 190 in all. It had been increased to 1000 by Antonius. 5 Gradually raised from 400.000 to 1.200.000 sesterces. This \\a- the minimum cen- sus. Lentums the augur, the richest man in Rome. was worth 400 million sesterce* ($20.000.0001. A man who possessed half that sum was considered very wealthy. "Richer than Crii-pus," says Martial (iv, 54. 7). to express L'reat wealth. Crispus was worth 300 million - l.'i.OOO.OOO). The income of a man worth 300 million ses- terce-; v.us about SI. 000.000. It is sometimes asserted, on the authority of Bid. i'liii.. 28V that Augustas was r'-lea //.,/, is -I in'1/ifrV/ux. ' He ennobled many plebeian houses and supplied them with sufficient means foi supporting their rank by creatiusr a vast number or civil oftices. A. D. 14.] THE EMPIRE ESTABLISHED BY AUGUSTUS. 419 had the right of ratifying all the laws. Regular meetings were held on three stated days of every month, the Calends, the Nones, and the Ides. The emperor sat and voted with the other senators. 3. The Artful Policy of the Emperor. In B. c. 29 and 28 Octavius was consul, with Agrippa as his colleague. He had a census * of the people taken. It was on this occasion that Agrippa named him the chief of the senate, 2 a title that had been in abeyance since the death of Catulus in B. c. 60. In the year B. c. 28, Octavius issued an edict resigning the powers conferred upon him by the triumvirate, and declared that lie was satisfied with the consular and tribunitian powers, but would retain only the latter, as this alone was sufficient to protect the citizens. 3 On the 13th of Jan., B. c. 27, however, he made an oration to the senate, exhorting it to preserve the dominion he had acquired and the peace he had restored, and professed that he wished to be relieved of the burdens of power. 4 4. Senatorial and Imperial Provinces. The senators, either mistrusting his sincerity or fearing the return of anarchy, begged him with one voice to retain the military power, which, after long apparent resistance, he consented to do, but only under the pretext of using it for the security of those provinces which still required military control. The quieter and well organized ones were to be left under the jurisdiction of the 1 There were 4,063.000 citizens between 17 and 60 years of age, representing a total of both sexes of about 16 millions ; in B. c. 70 there were 900,000 ; this difference is par- tially explained by the fact that in the last census citizens living out of Italy were included. " Princep* xenatii*. 3 The jus (rib., i. e., the original powers of the tribunate, innnlaMlity and interces- sion, and not tin.- jK>te<(ax trib.. the powers that the tribunate had acquired. The tri- umvirate expired at the end of B. c. 33. The measures carried since that time he declared illegal. He was still in possession of the imperium conferred in B. c. 32 (it was prolonged in B. c. 29). It was in no way connected with the triumvirate. No one, however, reminded him of it. ' That is. he wished to give the imperium and the government of the provinces back into the hands of the senate. This cannot mean that the emperor meant to resign. Mommsen (Mon. Anc.. p. 98) thinks that he did actually give the imperium (militin; it must be remembered that the word kept its full meaning only in the cam])), and with it the government of the provinces back to the senate; he had already commenced this policy in B. c. -J8. when he made Asia a senatorial province, and now simply completed what he had bc<_'im. This view rests almost u holly on one inscription on a coin found in Asia, viz. : imp. C;esar divi. f. cons. VI. liberta'tis p. R. vindex, also Ovid. Fast. I., 589. This inscription, however, agrees equally well with the view expressed in the text (which is also reconcilable with the whole policy of Octavius;, that he gave the provinces to the senate and received them back again. 420 THE EMPIRE KST.MU.ISUKI) BY AUGfsTrs. [if.C. 31- senatc. This arrangement secured him the command of the armies and the conduct of the foreign wans. Although assumed for only ten years, it became permanent. Hence arose the distinction between the winilnriul and the im/n-rial provinces. 1 Into the former the senate sent proconsuls and propraetors as governors, while the governors of the latter were the lieutenants 2 of the emperor, who reserved the proconsular power to himself. In all, the chief taxes were substantially the same as under the republic. The income of the one found its way into the treasury 3 of the senate, that of the other into the imperial chest. 4 The governors in all the province's as well as all other public officers received a regular salary. 5 5. Titles and Powers Conferred upon Octavius. By this deference to the old republican institutions, Octavius managed to have the powers which he already possessed legal- ized, and at the same time satisfied all parties. In the senato- rial provinces no regular army was kept, so that Octavius still retained control over all the troops. The senate and the people, however, were so impressed by his magnanimity that they con- ferred additional titles upon him, the most important of which was Augustus, 6 an epithet against which no objection could be 1 The imiterial prori//' 'P. Ccetaris) were, although from time to time changes wt-rc mule: 1 1 ' //7*/>"<'' /'" :""! '-) L".--itit/iia, (3) OaUia Xa-rbo~ I) Li/rfdtinfiudfi, (5) Aq<" / '.' fffico. (7) Germania superior, (8) Germania inferior, (9) Syria, (10) CUicia, (11) Cypr>i.-; (12) ^Egypt. The senatorial provinces (;// itw) : (1) Africa, (2> A*ia. (3i A (4) Illyri'- mil , i3i M'K-'iioit'ia. (('<> >'<'< /'/< <7i r/./<; uiih Cyrenaica, (8) IHthynia, (9) oar- : gee map. ji. :). * Lerjati A'i'in*ti. to be distinguished from the Itr/nti leyionix lio took tli<- place of the military tfibinu-s (\>. 37'Ji ; tfu-y wore tlie civil" governors with the coniuiand of two or tluvi' lr_'ion-. and as many all'icil troops ; these commands were permanent. The governors uc re seh cted for tlieir ability, and they conducted themselves with modera- tion and justice as \\ell us ability. s jErarium. In the j)ro\ inces the chief direct impost was the capitation tax, which comprehended both a land and a poll-tax. Ten per cent, was as-e <-d on the annual produce of trrain and live percent, on that of wine, fruits, oil. etc. The land in the provinces was divided in portions (ctipif/n estimated at 1000 xrJi'Ji. about :5.;io ; (hence French #(A or sou.) Tho.-e who po-.-e.-M-d no land paid on personal effects, or a poll-tax. The mines, --alt-works, quai-vie-. forots, ti-heries in the provinces, were either farmed by speculators, or leased at a tix.'d rate. To these sources of revenue mii-t be added the customs' duties, the tolls of roads and bridges, and the various other impo-ts (as those on dress, furniture, articles of luxury, columns in hou-es. etc.). The revenues from the ial provinces were paid into the treasury at Home ; those of the imperial pro- vinces were applied to the expenses of government in each province. 1 Fisru* ; this is to be distinguished from the private property of the emperor (res privat" 'A proconsul in Africa received 1.000.000 sesterces = 54.000 : a procurator who acted a- quipstor in the imperial provinces, n r -ived from 60.000 to 100.000 .-ester' " Skr. (/hiifh. 'I' dare; cf. augura, auyurium, augustus : the rights of the godr- ucn A. D. 14.] THE EMPIKE ESTABLISHED BY AUGUSTUS. 421 advanced, for no man had ever borne it before. This was another step in the artful system by which he established his imperial authority. His moderation was remarkable; it was in .spired by fear. 1 6. The Tribunate Conferred on Octavius. The next step taken by Augustus, as we shall henceforth call him, was in B. c. 23, when he was suffering from a fever, from which it seemed likely he would never recover. He gave it to be under- stood that in case of his death he wished the supreme power to return to the senate as in the days of the republic. After his recovery he wished to read his will to the senate to prove that he had not attempted to interfere with its prerogatives by appointing a successor. This was a new reason for gratitude. When he therefore, during this year, resigned the consulship which he had held for the eleventh time, an opportunity was offered for conferring upon him the powers of the tribunate, 2 thus making him the chief of the people as he was already of the senate. About the same time the proconsular power, and soon after the consular power, with permission to have twelve lictors and to sit upon a curule chair between the two consuls, \\viv conferred upon him for life. 3 This invested Augustus with the most important powers that the state had to bestow. From this year he well might date the period of his supreme authority. caiicd " august," and the word was derived from a root which means to announce, reveal so Ovid Fast, i., 608 ft.). The title was always reserved for the emperor; the name of Caesar was often assumed by his relatives ; from the time of Hadrian it was given to the per-on who was considered the future heir of the empire. 1 "After lie had cajoled the soldiery by donations," says Tacitus, "the people, by distribution of corn, and all by the charms of peace, he began gradually to exalt himsefr above them ; to draw to himself the functions of the senate and of the magistrate, and the framing of the laws ; in which he was thwarted by no man, for the boldest spirits had fallen in battle or by proscription. The surviving nobility were distinguished by weai'li and public honors according to the measure of the promptness to bondage : and as Hi >>e innovations had been the cause of their aggrandizement, they preferred the prcM nt state of things with safety to the revival of ancient liberty with personal peril. Neil her were the provinces averse to this condition of affairs. They mistrusted the government of the senate and people on account of the contentions of the great and the avarice of the niairi-frates. The protection of the laws was enfeebled and borne down by violence, intrbrue, and bribery." - Ffittxta* trib. This seems to be the view of Tacitus, though many, among others Monimsen (Mon. Anc., p. 2S>, have from Diod. (li. 19 and xlix. 15) arrived at a different conclusion ; that the./'/-- Mb. should be conferred in B. c. 36 and then again in B. c. 30, and now the jiotestas trib. seems contradictory. Monimsen has supposed that it was not accepted in B. c. 36 and 30 : but Tacitus (Ann. i., 26) expre^ly says that he possessed in B. c. -28 the jit* trib. By the distinction between jus tnb. and pofestas trVti. the difficulty is obviated. See p. 4iy, n. 3. 3 That this prerogative was conferred upon Augustus i questioned by Momiuseo (A. S., p. 13;, because it is not mentioned in the Monumentum Ancyranum. 422 THE EMPIRE ESTABLISHED BY AUGUSTUS. [B. C. 31- for he well deserved the title of emperor. 1 Without being con- sul or tribune he had control over legislation hy these anoma- lous consular and tribunit ian powers. The regular consuls were too much overshadowed by his superior eminence, and too well drilled in compliance to exercise their initiatory functions. In this way Augustus became the fountain-head of all legislation, but he had not the authority to issue ordinances with the full force of law. This power 2 was granted to him in H.C. 19, when the supervision s over the laws and customs was transferred to him. Tliis substantially completed the fabric of his imperial functions. A few years later, on the death of Lepidus (B. c. 12), the last dignity of the state, the chief pontificate was added. 7. Imperialism Disguised under Republican Forms. To all outward appearance-; (lie republic, was fully restored. The senate still met and transacted business with apparently the old freedom of debate. The, magistrates and priests dis- charged their fund ions as in the days of the republic. The popular assemblies elected the magistrates and passed laws, and the whole republican machinery w;;s in operation. Augustus demeaned himself as an ordinary citizen ; his dress was ihat of a plain senator, and he walked the streets as a private citizen. In the senate he appeared only as one among his equals. At his table he set an example of sobriety and temperance, and his daughter and granddaughters busied themselves like their neighbors with spinning and weaving. He avoided all pomp and show. His mansion on the Palatine was moderate in size. He voted in the public assemblies like an ordinary citizen, and appeared in the courts when summoned by his neighbors as a witness. The ancient free forms, however, only threw a trans- parent veil over an actual despotism. Augustus wished to 1 Tacitus (Ann. iii., 5ft) recognize* this, for he says : Augustus devised this designa- tion of supreme power, ihat by avoiding the title of king or dictator, he might yet have an appellation by which he would overtop all the other author!: ie. * This function has b"'en denied to Augustus by H'l-ck (ROui. (Jesch., vol. i., p. 398) and by Merivaie (vol. iii., p. :wri. The absence of it would really be in contradiction to liis whole system.iu which he sought to invent every net with the form of legality. The vi"\v rests primarily on Diod. iliv.. 10>, i< confirmed by the law de imperio Ve.spasiani (Orelli Inscrip. i.. p. 5firi. indirectly by the new (Jreek text of the Monumentiim Ancy- rantim (Mommsen, p. 14t. This is also ;h'' opinion of Walter (Gesch. des rom. Rechts., vol. i., p. 418), of Rudorff (ROm. Rechtsgesch, vol. i, p. 142\ and of Moramscn (Men. &nc., p. 101). *" ' Cura Cegum et morum. A. D. 14.] THE EMPIRE ESTABLISHED BY AUGUSTUS. 423 accustom and reconcile men's minds to the new regime, and remove every obstacle to his supreme authority, and so skill- fully did he do this, that both republican and monarchist were satisfied; for the one flattered himself that the republic still existed, while the other was convinced that it had passed away forever. The power of the Koman aristocracy had been broken by the civil wars. Augustus sought to humiliate it still further. The honor of a triumph was limited to the imperial family. The dignity of the consulship was lowered, by limiting its duration first to four and then to two months. New patrician houses were created. The senate was purified from time to time by ejecting unworthy members. The people, 1 satisfied with bread 2 and public shows, viewed with secret pleasure the humiliation of the aristocracy, while the Italians, deeply im- bued with the philosophy of Epicurus, sought to enjoy their present blessings and tranquillity without being interrupted by the memory of their old, tumultuous freedom. To all, he held out the prospect of honorable employment in the service of the state. 8. His Policy Compared -with Caesar's. His great predecesso" had sought to break down the barrier between Italy and the provinces, and to mould the whole vast empire into one body politic under the sway of one supreme ruler. The same policy is visible in the measures devised by Augustus. Just as the aristocracy had become a privileged class in respect to the people, so the people had prided themselves on their superiority to the provincials. These distinctions Augustus wished to obliterate both by humbling the aristocracy and by elevating the provincials. Citizenship was more widely extended by founding colonies in the provinces, and municipal rights were bestowed upon many provincial cities, while on the other hand Italy was deprived of the two most important privileges that it had hitherto enjoyed freedom from a standing army and from taxation. Now nine praetorian cohorts 3 were organized 1 He provided for the poorer classes by settling them in colonies. * The recipients of the largesses of com wore reduced from 320.000 to 200,000. ' This \va* the beiinninc; of the so-called praetorian guard ; it took its name from the praetorian guard of the general (see p. 210, u. 5), and consisted of picked troops, each of 4:>4 ITALY AND Till; i'UOVIN' [B. (.'. ol- under the command of praefects, 1 of which throe were stationed in Rome, while the others kept order in different Italian towns. Besides these there were the three city cohorts,'* a soil of armed police, the seven cohorts 8 comprising the regular police force, and the body-guard of German or Batavian soldiers for the imperial household. In regard to taxes within the city, a duty of one percent was imposed on articles sold at auction, five per cent, on inheritances, and two per cent on the sale of slaves. H.VIII. ITALY AND THE PROVINCES. LXTKRNAL IMPROVEMENTS. 1. Measures to Restore Order. Throughout the whole empire Augustus was unwearied iu his exertions to preserve order and tranquillity. In the city of Home particularly Augus- tus felt that during his absence it was necessary to have some one whom he could trust to control the people and watch the senate. For this purpose he divided the city into fourteen regions, and each region into several smaller divisions called vici. A magistrate 4 with suitable police force was placed over each vicus, and all these officers were under the prefect of the city. To the position of prefect, Augustus appointed first his most trusted friend and confidant, Marenas/' and placed the city cohorts under his command. Augustus, however, did not stop here. He tried to restore the old simple habits of living and the religious c'^.vms of the people. He erected new tem- ples to the gods, repaired old ones, had the Sibylline books 1000 men ; the city cohorts were commanded by two /'/<>/' <>> pr&toris ; under Tiberius these cohort- \\ere collected at Rome and were cnininunil<-d by Sejjinus alone. 1 A prefect (protfertus) acted as the deputy of an officer. ' Tin ///v/W7. ' Cohort- * ri'/Unm. ' Prctftetut Hrtti ; this office is to be distinguished from the citv prefecture which had existed under the republic. Its jurisdiction extended in a circle within twenty miles of the city. 5 Itooenat had held this office in B. c. 36 durin? the war in Sicily, and also in B. c. 31 daring the war with Antonius ; in B. c. Co it became a permanent office. A. D. 14.] ITALY AND THE PROVINCES. 425 revised, filled up the priestly offices, 1 issued laws to restrain luxury, limited the expense at the public games and prescribed that not more than sixty pairs of gladiators should appear at one time, and strengthened the laws against bribery and corruption. Celibacy was punished by incapacity to receive bequests, and the childless married man was deprived of half of his legacy. 2 Above all, Augustus encouraged every one by his own example, while the literary men under his patronage attempted to lead men's minds back to the good old times, and to restore the antique virtues by which Rome had won her greatness. 2. The Military Roads. In the provinces this system of administration was felt. The sense of unity and common dependence was fostered. The provincials no longer feared the exactions of the proconsuls, for the governors were directly responsible to the emperor. The laws were administered with justice and impartiality, and intercourse and intercommunica- tion were encouraged. This was a great gain, for in almost c\ cry country throughout the Roman world, towards the end of the republic, misgovernmcnt and anarchy had brought untold miseries upon the people. A new order of things was to begin, and the provincials welcomed any change that would bring peace and security. Geographical and statistical information was collected, public roads, 3 and particularly those great high- ways 4 which had hitherto been confined to Italy, were extended to the whole empire. From the golden milestone 5 in the forum as a centre, these roads radiated in every direction over the vast empire. Throughout their course mile-stones were erected, and they were kept in repair by tolls. To promote easy and quick communication, first messengers and then post-wagons, changing from station to station, carried the news and ordi- nances to every corner of the empire. 6 Houses were erected 1 That of thejlamen Dialis had been vacant since the massacre of Merula by Marine and Cinna. 2 The so-called lex Papia Poppcea. " VUE publlcce. * Vice mitttares ; they were called highways because they were raised above the leve! of the plain and banks of the rivers. 6 Avreum rnitiarium erected in B. c. 20. Some few remains of this are supposed to have been found at one end of the arched wall which is supposed to have been the rostra, near the arch of S. Severn* ; at the other end are remains of the Umbilicus urbit Jtom,(e, or ideal centre of the city and empire. Suet. Ausr. 49: the people 'were compelled to furnish at their own expense post- wagons, horses, and couriers. This became in time an intolerable burden (see p. 402, n. 2\ 426 ITALY AND THE PROVINCES. [b. C. 31- along the roads at a distance of live <>r six miles, and at each of the houses forty horses were constantly ready. By the help of these relays, it was easy to trau'l a hundred miles in a day. 1 This vast system of life Agrippa exhibited in his painted world, 2 as it was called, which contained a list of countries, rivers, and places, with the order and distance of each from Home. The census was taken in the provinces, so that the direct t. the poll tax and the land tax, as well as the indirect taxes, could be justly apportioned. 3. Commerce. Rome still remained the emporium of the vast commerce from the populous provinces. Gaul and Spain, Sardinia and Sicily, Africa and Egypt were all wheat-growing countries, and all contributed their produce to the support of Rome and Italy. The products of India fabrics of cotton and silk, both then rare and costly, pearls and diamonds, gums and spices found their way directly from the mouths of the Indus and the coast of Malabar to Berenice* and thence to Alexandria. Papyrus, the best writing-material (hen known, came from Egypt; woollens from Miletus and Laodieeia, and win-* from Greece. Each community retained for the most part its own commercial laws and custom duties, and the direct trallic with Home was free to all. The awe-stricken provincial gazed in wonder on the imperial city. Along her great highways the armies marched, and a knowledge of her laws and institutions was carried to every corner of the earth. 3 All this helped to foster the sense of unity and common dependence, and paved the way for fusing into one family the manifold nations of the Italo-Hellenie empire. 4. The Imperial City. The imperial city itself grew more magnificent and imposing. The great highways that pierced the Servian walls and found their centre in the forum, the vast aqueducts, the temples, the baths, all made it in the eyes of the Orientals and the Greeks, an object of veneration 4 and 1 At a later time it is known that a magistrate traveled from Antioch to Constan- tinople in 5\ clays, a distance of 725 Roman miir- i; : '>5 KnirlHi mile-. OrUtptctut. M Hvale. * Un-ler the reizn of Augustus \\as completed the Baf Mure.'lhi- 1 1 'ill sM'i.lin;; on t'le via del Theatro di Mareello) erected in B. c. 13 by Marcellas, aiid the Portico of Oc.avia. * At the foot of the S. Arabicus; see maps N- >?. 7 and 4. A. D. 14.] ITALY AND THE PROVINCES. 427 wonder. Within its walls the three great civilizations the Latin, the Greek, and the Oriental found their centre, while from it emanated influences before which, as Roman culture gradually -spread, the laws, customs, and languages of the provinces yielded more and more. THE PANTHEON '(ITS PRESENT CONDITION, 1879). 5. The Aristocracy Humbled. We have already spoken of the measures of Augustus to humble the aristocracy. The former powers and privileges of the aristocracy he took to him- self, and sought to open to them new avenues of honor accord- ing to the promptness of submission. The senate, as formerly, formed the centre round which the new aristocracy revolved. Its chief task was to devise and carry into execution the will of the emperor, while preserving before the eyes of the world the appearance of independence. Beside the senate, Augustus insti- 1 This was one of the many edifices erected in the Campit* Martin* by A^rippa in B. c. 27, and was dedicated to Mars. Venus, Julius Caesar, and all the deifies of the Julian line, and hence called Pantheon. If is now the church of ,9. Maria ail .Wnriyrts. The belfries at the corners are modern additions. This is the only ancient edifice at Rome which is still in a srood state of preservation. The original statues and decorations ha- e been I'epl'ccd by modern work-. Five steps formerly ascended to the pavement, but the ground has now been raised to the pavement. Two marble reliefs excavated in front of tne temple, are now in the vestibule. 428 ITALY AND THE PROVINCES. [fi. C. 31- t uted in B. c. 27 a privy council, 1 selected from the number of his most devoted and trusted confidants, which prepared and put into shape important affairs of state or legislative measures. 6. The Equestrian Order. As a connecting link between the senatorial class and the mass of the people, stood the equestrian order, 2 whose chief business was. as former! v, that of bankers and merchants. To this class, belonged also the sons 3 of senators, until they were admitted to the senate, as well as those who, like Maecenas, possessed the requisite census, but still were not members of the senate. 7. The People. Below these stood the mass of the people that only demanded ease and tranquillity, bread and public shows. 4 The number of festivals \\ as largely increased. Augustus himself instituted extraordinary festivities eight gladiatorial games in which as many as ten thousand gladia- tors appeared, cm tests with athletes and running in the circus, animal hunts, and feasts at the dedication of the temple of .Mars Ultor. Poorer citixens were provided for in new colonies. The recipients of the largesses of corn, which, under C;esar, had fallen to 170,000, were raised again to 200. <><)(, and in B. c. 5, to 320,000. This number receiving the largesse- of corn which was bestowed upon all males down to the small children, shows, if we count the women, an unemployed and thriftless population of 600,000. 5 This vast mass, swayed by every gust of passion, although wholly deprived of political power, for the popular as-em!>lies had lost all real share in legislation, exercised considerable influence. They still prided themselves that, they represented the Roman people, and the emperor sought to conciliate their favor. 8. The Condition of Italy. The rest of Italy might be considered the suburbs of Rome. The energy and native vigor of the Italians had, for the most part, perished in their 1 CtmcUliim secretum principis. 2 Those who possessed 400,000 sesterces and were born from free parents. 5 They were oi*tingai*hed by the name of equites Ulustres. J'ariem et Circenses. * The population of Rome was in B. c. 4. according to FriedlSnder (Sittengc.sch. Roms, p. 54 ff) and Gibbon, about one million : according to Lipsius. at about the same time, four million; Zumpt and Marquardt .-(tit at two million* : Merivale, at about 5fi2.000. The onlv means of determining the population is from the number of recipients of corn. Hock's estimation based on the Mm. Ancy. has been disproved by the discovery of the r.c-v Greek text. A. D. 14. ITALY AffD THE PROVINCES. 429 contest with Rome for independence. Augustus tried to remedy the confusion occasioned by the confiscations, and sought to restore order and peace. For this purpose he divided the whole of Italy into eleven regions, and magistrates were appointed who made life and property secure. In order to promote the participation of the Italians in the popular assem- blies at Rome, it was arranged that the decuriones* of each city could vote at home and send the result to Rome, which is as near an approach to the modern representative system as any nation in antiquity ever attained. 9. The Army. On the army the existence of the whole fabric of the Roman state mainly depended, for it guaranteed security against internal as well as external foes. At the close of the civil war Augustus had fifty legions, of which he re- tained eighteen in his service. To this number he added, in B. c. 4, eight new legions, but afterwards lost three in the defeat of Yarns, which he replaced by two new ones, thus leav- ing at his death twenty-five legions. Their stations for the most part remained fixed and permanent. Eight were stationed along the left bank of the Rhine, three in Spain, seven in Dalmatia, Pannonia and Mcesia, four on the eastern frontier of Asia, two in Egypt, and one in Africa. 2 Rome and Italy were protected by the praetorian and city cohorts. The aggre- gate of these legions formed an army of at least three hundred thousand men. 3 The soldiers formed a separate class, and being far removed as they were for the most part from the demoralizing influences of the capital, they preserved much of the old virtue, pride and bravery of Ro-re The time of service was fixed in B. c. 5, for the praetorians, at sixteen years, and for the others, at twenty. 4 On the army rested the strength -of the empire, and it was not long in discovering the secret. Soon the praetorians, and later the 'esrions in the provinces, disposed of the throne at their will. 1 The mernbers of the provincial senate. * For the stations of the lesion- in A. D. 23. we map. p. 439; alsoMarqnardl I.e., p. 433. 3 MerivaleV (vol. iii., p. 411 S. i e-tiniate is a little different ; the number ir. the text isba-cd on the estimate of Mommsen (Mmi. Anc., p. 47). 4 Each legionary received 225 denarii ; each pnetorian, 720 denarii or daily two denarii. Domitian increased the pay of the legionaries. Maryuardt, 1. c.. p. 4(i.i. 430 MILITARY OPERATION-. [B. C. 27. 10. Fleets. A regular navy was organized to keep the seas clear of pirates, to guard grain -hips, and convoy the vessels bringing tribute from the East or the West. It \\us under the command of Agrippa, and was stationed at Ravenna, Misenum and Forum Julii (Frejus) in Gaul. CHATTER H.IX. THE MILITARY OPERATIONS INVASION OF GERMANY THE IMPERIAL FAMILY. 1. Measures in Gaul. Augustus carried on numerous and important wars, either in person or by his lieutenants, but his efforts were directed to secure peace and tranquillity, not to extend the boundaries of the empire. In B. c. 27, he departed by the Flaminian way, through northern Italy to Lugdunum (Lyons), where he remained for some time in settling the boundaries of the four provinces into which Gaul was divided, and in devising a system of roads centering in Lugduuum. Here, as in Italy, he humbled the aristocracy. The re-public had found it for its interest to elevate the aristocratic party first in the Italian towns, then in the provinces. In this more than in anything else, the monarch found it for his interest to change the old policy. The defence of the frontier along the Rhine was carried out on the plan in which (Ja>sar had con- ceived it. These encampments, which were for the most part lixcd and permanent, were the foundations for the flourishing cities that grew up on the left bank of the Rhine. 2. Other Conquests. Augustus then employed his army against the rebellious Iberians, but. being taken sick he left the conquest of the Cantabri to his lieutenant. Military colonies 1 were founded for the protection of the country, and the Latin language and customs were introduced. The Salassi 2 were chas- About sixteen colonies, among which were Cord>iba (Cordova), and Cuesarea >ixtn iSani'_'n-sn. They hail offered resistance when Au^u.-iu.- puued through their country to Gaul. 432 MILITARY OPERATIONS. [B. (..'.'. tised, the colony of Augusta Prcetoria (Aosta) was founded, and thus the great highways over the Little and Great St. Bernard were rendered secure. An expedition was undertaken into the spice region of Arabia Felix under ^Elius Gallus in B. c. 24, but it was unsuccessful. On the southern borders of Egypt some successes were gained against Candace, the Ethiopian queen. 3. Visit to the East. In B. c. 22, Augustus made a pro- longed visit to the East. On his way, colonies were planted in Sicily, special privileges were conferred on Sparta ; Tyre and Sidon felt the powerful arm of the monarch. The great object of the tour to secure the standards taken from Crassus by the Parthians was accomplished. 4. Secular Games. When Augustus returned to Rome the imperium was conferred upon him for another five years, and as the empire could be considered as securely established, he determined to celebrate the event by secular games. The Sibylline books were examined ; and the forms of the ceremony were investigated with great care. Heralds traversed the streets inviting the citizens to witness a spectacle which " none of them had ever seen, and none could ever see again." Sacrifices were offered, the " game of Troy " was enacted, presents were distributed to the people, and the festival ended by singing a choral ode composed by Horace for the occasion. 5. Campaigns on the Rhine. In B. c. 15 the Rhaati and the Yindelici were subjugated by the emperor's stepsons, the former by Drusus Claudius Xero, who entered the country of the Rhaeti over the Tridentine Alps ; the latter by Tiberius, who ascended the valley of the Rhine from Gaul as far as Lake Constance. 1 Severer and bloodier contests were met with on the Rhenish and the Danubian frontier. The Rhine had long been regarded as the permanent boundary of the empire in that quarter, and the chain of fortified posts along the left bank had served to check the incursions of the Germans. The em- peror's stepsons were desirous of extending the Roman power 1 The road over the Brenner to Augsburg (Augusta Vindelicorum) was constrticteu (extended by Claudius to the Danube). About the s-ame time king Cottius submitted, and the roads over Mont Onis. M. Genevre. and M. Viso secured; a column was erected at SeTf m. 1. CLAUDIA. ,:. SCUIBONIA. 3. LIVIA DRUSILLA. (j.p. Siland 140..) JULIA m. 1. M. MAIN-KLLI-S. 2. M. V. AUUIPPA. 8. TiBKUirs (emperor), (no i^ne.) in" tana) 1. O. CESAR m. LIVIA, 2. L. OSAB. 3 JULIA m. 4. AGRIPPINA m. 5. A-.IMI-I-A I'osrr- the iter of Ger- L. ^EMILIUS GEKMAMCUS. MIS : put to niaiiicns, died A. D.4. PAULLDS. death in A. D. 14. 1. M. .KMILIUS LEPI- 2. ^Kmi.iA LEPIBA i. l)ur>u.i.A, m. 1. A. J. SILA- d. of Gcnuauicus. NUS ; 2. DRCSCS. 1. L. SII.VM-. -,;. M. SILANUS. 3. JUNIA CALVINA. 1. NERO m. JULIA, d. of Drusus, 2. I>i:r-i> in. EMILIA 3. CALIGULA (emperor). son of Tibrru-. LEPIBA. 4. AGRIPPINA m. Cx. DOMITIUS. 5. DUUSILI.A in. 1. L. UABnin ; 0. LIVIA m. I. M. a. M. JiMiLius LEPIDUS. VK-IVH> : -j. c;. VARUS. NERO (emperor). A. D. G.] TROUBLES IN THE IMPERIAL FAMILY. 435 wife Julia, and the honors bestowed by Agrippa upon her sons, withdrew to Rhodes, where he remained seven years a discon- tented exile. At length the dissolute conduct of Julia com- pelled Augustus instigated as he was by his wife Livia, who hated Julia and looked upon her children as a hindrance to the aggrandizement of her own to banish her to the island of Pandataria* on the coast of Campania. There still remained to Augustus his five grandchildren, sons of Julia and Agrippa, on the two oldest of whom, Gajus and Lucius Caesar, rested the foundation of his joy and hope and plans for the future. 8. Troubles in the Imperial Family. 1 The position of the empeior was becoming lonely and precarious. The world was at peace. The impulses that had moved Rome were sup- pressed. The emperor appeared no more in the popular as- semblies, and in the senate and public festivals but seldom. The vast expenses of his government compelled him to im- pose a tax upon the Romans, 2 which, to the end of his reign, remained a cause of complaint and dissatisfaction. About the same time a pestilence swept over Italy. It was evident that the tide of popular favor was ebbing. Finally the premature death of his two grandsons, G. and L. Caesar, compelled him to adopt Tiberius. Rumors spread that Livia and her son Tiberius had removed the two Caesars. All happiness fled from the breast of the emperor. He adopted Tiberius and Agrippa Postumus, while Tiberius was compelled to adopt the young Germanicus. 3 The tribunitian power was conferred upon Tiberius for life in B. c. 9, and the proconsular power in B. c. 13. 9. The Empire Shows Signs of Weakness. In A. D. 6, great preparations were made for a campaign against Maroboduus, the king of the Marcomanni, a powerful people in Germany in the modern Bohemia. At the head of six legions Tiberius advanced from Carnuntum 4 against Maroboduus through the Hercynian forest, united with his lieutenant, who was leading an equal force from the East, and was within a few days march of the enemy, when an insurrection in Pan- 1 See p. 434. " See p. 425. 3 Drusus had been honored with the title of Germanicus, which was allowed to descend to his son * Near Haimbui-g. * See map No. 6. 43G DKFEAT OF VARU8. [.\.D.9. nonia and Dalinatia warned him to turn back. The struggle in these countries to throw off the Roman yoke lasted for three year*. The insurrection produced a tremendous impression in Italy. The senate was summoned, the slaves armed: tin- enemy, it was said, could be in Rome in ten days. A powerful army was raised, and the Dalmatians and Pannonians were at last compelled to submit. It was evident that the empire began to show signs of weakness. Augustus himself was dispirited. The populace began to murmur against him. The bereave- ments in his own household cast a shadow over his life. 10. Varus Defeated by Arminius. The emperor's la>t days were further clouded by a great political disaster. P. Quin- tilius Varus was governor in Germany, and as he saw no signs of resistance, he believed that he could rule the Germans as he had formerly ruled the effeminate and servile Syrians. Without troubling himself about military measures, he traveled over the country, imposed taxes, and pronounced decisions as it' he were a prator in the forum at Rome. Among the bold and turbu- lent Germans the spirit of freedom and independence only slum- bered ; it was not broken. The national hero Arminius 1 raised the standard of revolt. Under this prince a confederacy of all the tribes between the Rhine and the Weser 2 was formed, to throw off the yoke of Rome. The governor collected three ieu r ions,and advanced in A. D. 9, to quell the revolt. The Ger- mans retired ; but the Romans pushed on until they had advanced into the Teutoburger forest Then Arminius turned and defeated them with tremendous slaughter. 3 The denies of the woods were covered far and wide with the corpse- of the army, for nearly forty thousand soldiers perished. The eagles were lost, and Varus perished by his own hand. 4 The news of 1 Hermann. * Visuriris. Opinions differ in regard to the place when- the battle took place. It is generally supposed to have been in that part of Oniiii: near the source of the Ems and Lippe (almost directly . 10. and that Tiberius'* triumph took place A. D. 11. ' The Teutonic tribe*, prrs-ed by the Koin:in< on the Elbe and by the Sclavonic nations on the Oder and Vistula, would huve been either gradually overpowered and loot, or, at auy rale, would never have been able to spread that regenerating influence A. D. 14.] DEATH OF AUGUSTUS. 437 the disaster caused the utmost alarm in Rome. The emperor liiin.H'lf was astounded. In his despair he dashed his head against the wall and exclaimed, " Varus ! Varus ! give me back my legions." The next year Tiberius crossed the Ehiue, but the Germans refused battle and he was satisfied with strength- ening the defences on the frontier, and Avithdrew from the country. The Rhine became once more the frontier of the empire. Tiberius returned to Rome to celebrate his triumph over the Pannonians. 11. Death of Augustus. The emperor's health had long been delicate ; it was plain that it was now failing. In the summer A. D. 14, Tiberius was to advance into Illyricum once more, and Augustus accompanied him as far as Beneventum. On his return Augustus was taken ill at Xola. Here he died on the 19th of August, A. D. 14, thirty-five days before the comple- tion of his seventy-sixth year. It is said that as he was dying he asked those around him " if he had not acted well his part" There was much truth in these words, for he had in truth been an actor in all he did. 12. The Prosperity of the Empire. The long and peaceful reign of Augustus must be considered a fortunate age for the Roman people. The restoration of the republic would have been only the signal for new commotions. The govern- ment of Augustus, if not the best, was the best that the Roman people were fitted for. Security in person and property had been established, and the arts of peace had flourished. Augustus could well boast that he " found Rome of brick and left it of marble." Attention was given to agriculture, and a warm en- couragement to literature, so that his age was the most brilliant in Roman annals. Under his rule commerce rode securely on every sea. The products of agriculture increased both in Italy and in the provinces. The peace, the prosperity, and the refine- over the best portions of Europe to which the excellence of our modem institutions may, in great measure, be referred. If this bo so, the victory of Arminhis deserves to be reckoned amomr those t: : 1.500.IHIO se-tert-es were to be distributed amoni: tin; people. Each praetorian wa- I" have KM HI. each -oluier of the city cohort 50), etc. 1 This \va.- erected in the Campus Martius. The remains arc to be found on the Via de' I'ontefici. No. 57. In the Middle A^'cs it was used as a fortress. Only :i few of the tomb-chambers are preserved. 3 Index rerm a *t yeftanim. * Sec map No. 7. 440 THE REIGN OF TIBERIUS CAESAR. [A. D. 14-37. CHAPTER LX. THE REIGNS OF TIBERIUS C.ESAR AND OF GAJUS CALIGULA. 1. During his long reign Augustus had fully attained his purpose. The monarchy was established. 1 He left no childivu to succeed to his empire. After the death of his grandsons Gajus and Lucius Caesar, whom we have already mentioned, the only hope of a peaceful succession rested in Tiberius. 2 Augustus therefore asso- ciated him with himself in the govern- ment, to which, after repeating the same policy that had l>een so successful with his predecessor in pretending that he wished to be exempt from the emperor's duties, he succeeded at the age of fifty-six. 2. Constitutional Changes. The last remnant of power, the election of magistrates, was taken from the people and transferred to the senate. The 1 The character of the old republican government wa< totally changed. No traces were to be rpand of the spirit of ancient institutions. The system by which every em/en shared in the government beinj; thrown aside, all men regarded the orders of the prince as the only rule of conduct and obedience. (Tacitus, An. i., 4.) * GENEALOGICAL TABLE. LIVIA DBUSILLA m. TIBERIUS CLAUDIUS NKEO. (See p. 435.) NERO CL DRUSUS senior, afterwards DRUSUS GERMANICUS ; m. ANTONIA, minor. TIBERIUS NERO CAESAR (emperor TIBERIUS) ; m. 1. AGRIPPA. GERMANICUS LmA m. 1. C.ESAR; CAESAR in. 2. D. CAESAR junior. AORIPPINA. G. Tt. CL. DR. CESAR. (emperor CLAUDIUS) 111. UROrLANILLA. DRUSUS CAESAR junior; died A. D. 23 leaving a daughter JULIA. DRUSUS died A. D. 20, A. I). 14-37.] THE REIGN OF TIBERIUS (LESAR. 441 emperor nominated candidates from whom the senate elected the praetors and consuls. The people simply announced J the election. The emperor assumed the appearance of great moderation. He rejected all adulation, and permitted the senate to decide with freedom the measures which he proposed. Every word, however, was treasured up for future recompense. 3. The Revolt of the Legion. During the reign of Augustus there had been great dissatisfaction among the sol- diers. They demanded an increase of pay and a limit to their term of service. When Tiberius assumed the throne, this dis- satisfaction broke out into open enmity. To the legions in Pannonia, Tiberius dispatched his son Drusus, who gave assurances that their grievances should be redressed. An opportune eclipse of the moon restored his ascendency over the minds of the superstitious soldiers. Germanicus met with equal success on the Rhine, where the sedition was quelled. 4. The Invasion of Germany. Germanicus transported his legions over the Rhine 2 in order to find employment for the discontented soldiers and to avenge the slaughter of Varus. The Cherusci were defeated, and the bones of the Roman soldiers, which had been bleaching in the Teutoberger forest for six years, were buried. One of the lost eagles was recovered, but an ambuscade prepared by Arminius, demanded all the skill of Germanicus to extricate his army. Again all the resources of Gaul, Spain, and Italy were taxed for another campaign. The army was conveyed through the Drusus anal to the Zuyder Zee and so to the Ems, and thence to the Weser, where a great battle was fought. The results, however, were indecisive ; the German tribes were far from being subdued, when Tibe- rius, jealous of the fame that Germanicus was acquiring, re- called him on the pretext that events required his services in the East. Germanicus, after celebrating his triumph, 3 in which the wife of Arminius and the recovered standards of Varus de- lighted the people, departed to the East. Here he accomplished his task with great skill. Commagene and Cappadocia were 1 Renuntiatio. * See map, p. 431. In A. p. J?. 442 THE REIGX OF TIBERIUS C^SAR. [A. D. 14-37. reduced to the form of provinces, 1 and after a tour through Egypt, he returned only to sicken and die, poisoned, as it was asserted, by Cn. Piso, his adjutant. His death caused great grief at Rome. Piso was brought before the senate for trial, but when lie was called up for his defence he committed suicide. 5. The Law of Majestas. ^Meanwhile Tiberius grew more gloomy and suspicious. Everything that stood in the way of his imperial authority was crushed with a cruel hand. The members of the few noble houses that were left deemed themselves quite equal to the emperor. These, then -fore, were the especial objects of Tiberius' jealousy. He sought to hum- ble and depress them. Against the intrigues of the discon- tented class the law of majcstas*\\v& revived. This law applied originally only to acts against the commonwealth, but Augus- tus had extended it to defamatory writings. The law \\as now used to throw a protection around the person of the em- peror. Xot only acts, but even words or conduct which could be considered as dangerous to his safety were declared to be embraced in the law. A host of informers 3 started up. En- couraged as they were by Tiberius, every place swarmed with them, and the lives of the higher classes were rendered insecure. Suspicion spread into every grade of society, for every friend might prove a traitor. If any one wished to pay off an old debt of vengeance, or to retrieve his fortune, he had but to choose his victim, and invent a crime or some plausible story, or report some careless word or threat against the emperor. In fact, it was dangerous to speak and equally dangerous to keep silent, for silence even might be construed into discontent. 6. The Character of Sejanus. Tiberius called none of the higher classes to aid him in the government. He formed no "privy council" like Augustus, but resolved to administer the whole government himself. Tins was impossible, and he 1 See map, p. 439. " The crime of majestas (see p. 258, n. 6) was defined by Paturninus in B.C. 100, In order to guard the champions of the plebeians. Sulla restricted it to acts against the state. Under Caesar the law remained the same, but Augustus extended it to writings intended to bring the emperor into contempt. - Del : A. D. 14-37.] THE REIGN OF TIBERIUS (LffiSAR. 443 therefore looked for some one to assist him who was too mean in origin to be dangerous. This man was ./Elius Sejanus, whom he placed in command of the praetorian guards. 1 Sejanus conceived the bold design of securing the succession of the throne to himself. It was evident that the government would descend in the family of the Caesars. He therefore determined to destroy the heirs to the throne, and leave ic open to Tiberius to make an independent appointment. Drusus was soon re- moved by poison. Sejanus inspired the emperor with hatred of Agrippina, the wife of Germanicus. Finally he persuaded Tiberius to retire to the island of Capreae and leave the affairs of the capital in his hands. Other members of the imperial family, Agrippiua and her two sons Drusus and Gajus, were removed or imprisoned. Sejanus, the Eomans said, ruled at Rome, while Tiberius was lord of one island. Tiberius became jealous of Sejanus, who had already determined to assassinate the emperor, but Tiberius was too crafty for him, and Sejanus was betrayed, seized, and executed (A. D. 31). 7. Death of Tiberius. For a moment the citizens hoped that Tiberius would return to the mild policy of his earlier years. He grew, however, more morose and cruel. In fits of gloomy insanity, he gave way to his cruel nature. Many were put to death, while others in despair sought relief from the general degradation and terror by suicide. Meanwhile the excesses and the unnatural profligacies to which Tiberius had abandoned himself, had impaired his constitution. His feeble health promised Eome a speedy deliverance from the tyrant's rule. He expired in the seventy-eighth year of his age and the twenty-third of his reign. 3 8. Character of Tiberius. The character of Tiberius as painted by Tacitus was hateful and contemptible. There can, however, be no doubt that in the first years of his reign, he governed with firmness and ability. He devoted himself to 1 The praetorians were collected in a camp inside of the citv ; the camp was near where the railroad station now is, in the C'ampo Marcao or ^filitare, ' His property \v a< left to Tiberius Claudius Drusus, son of the elder Drusus, to Ga.jns, the son of Gennanieus. and Tiberius Qemettaa. the son of the second Drn-us. Ga.jus was a favorite with the legions, aud had received the nickname of Caliinila. frorp cu!i:-u. i/diiiary buskin. 444 TIIE REIGN OF CALIGULA. [A. I). 37-41. the government of Italy, maintained order in the capital, and never, to the very last, relaxed his care of the provinces and the frontier. In the trials 1 for high treason, Tiberius at lirst often interposed on behalf of the accused. Instances of his liber- ality 2 are mentioned. There can be no doubt that he began his reign with a desire to administer equal justice. Even in his later years, when a great change had taken plaoe, the stories of his cruelty and suspicion related by Tacitus and Suetonius must be accepted with some degree of allowance. 9. Caligula' (A. D. 37-41). Tiberius associated no one with himself in the government. He designated no one to the throne on his death. The senate, however, recognized Gajus Ca3sar, commonly called Caligula, the favorite of the army, and invested him with all the powers of his predecessor. He commenced his reign by issuing a general pardon to all state prisoners. He paid great deference to the senate. He \vas apparently mild and generous, and the people formed great. expectations of a peaceful and happy reign. He banished the delators from Italy, revised the roll of the senate, restored the comitia for the election of magistrates, and as consul, he pro- posed many just and liberal measures. He threw himself into the work of government with all the energy of his impetuous nature. The labor was too much for him. His brain \va.s excitable. When he slept, his dreams were wild and terrible. There were symptoms of madness in his nature. From this time he rushed into the wildest dissipations and extravagancies. 10. Sports of the Amphitheatre. The games of the amphitheatre were celebrated with great magnificence. Not only senators and knights were forced to the indignity of ex- hibiting themselves in the arena, but the emperor himself fought as a gladiator, his safety being insured by the blunted swords of his antagonists. Augustus had limited the number of gladia- tors, but now these restrictions were disregarded, and whole bands were slaughtered. The combats of wild beasts were on 1 Freytag counts up only 147 trials in all. and as pome were tried twice, only 134 per- sons' accused of hisrh treason; Sievers (Tacitus and Tiberius, p. 44). enumerates in the tan ~:x years only 48. Iii t'ae time of the great fire, when many people were left homeless and destitnte. A. D. 37-41.] THE REIGN OF CALIGULA. 445 the same magnificent scale. When the number of condemned criminals was not enough to satisfy the emperor's thirst for blood, then the spectators were exposed to the lions. 11. Caligula's Extravagance. When his sister, for whom, he entertained a vicious passion, died, Caligula had a golden statue erected to her in the senate-house and also one in the temple of Venus, and the senate decreed her divine honors under the name of Panthea. He completed the temple of Augustus, began the Claudian aqueduct, that of the Anio Novus, 1 and constructed a bridge 2 from his residence on the Palatine, across the forum to the capitol in order to facilitate his intercourse with the Capitoline Jupiter, whose image on earth he pretended to be. His vast extrava- gance soon wasted the treasures 3 which Tiberius had accumu- lated, and he was forced to resort to increased taxation and to extortions. The law of majestas was revived. Executions, exiles and confiscations became frequent. When these resources were exhausted at Rome, he led an army into Gaul, put to death the richest citizens there, and confiscated their property. 12. His Impiety. Caligula had been imbued in his youth with the ideas of the oriental potentates by Herod Agrippa, a Jewish chief who had been brought up in the palace with him. Stories were reported that Caligula had said that he was going to assume the diadem like an oriental prince. He pretended to commune with Jove himself, and finally proclaimed himself a deity, and ordered his statue to be erected for worship in the temple of Apollo at Miletus, in Asia Minor, and in the temple of the Jews at Jerusalem. He appeared in the costumes of Hercules, Bacchus, Apollo, Juno, Diana and Venus in turn, pretended to imitate the thunder and lightning of Jove, and finally proclaimed himself supreme over all the gods. 13. His Insane Insolence. On one occasion this tyrant is said to have exclaimed, "Would that the people of Rome had but one neck ! " His demeanor grew more insolent until finally he was struck down in the fourth year of his reign by one of the praetorians whom he had insulted. 1 TliN \va- -lised on nrohcs 100 fe.-t hiirh and brought water from a distance of 59 Roman miles. Se;- p. -447. - Remains of this bridge have been found on tlir' Palatine, just below the Victoria. * 270,000 sesterces. 446 THE KEIUN OF CLAUDIUS. [A. D. 41-54. CHAPTER H.XI. REIGNS OF CLAUDIUS AND OF NEEO CONTEST FOR THE EMPIRE GALBA, OTIIO AND VITELLIUS. 1. Claudius (A. D. 41-54). After the death of Caligula great confusion prevailed at Rome.. It was evident that tin-re was a vital defect in the government. No provision was made for a regular succession. The right to nominate a successor the senate might have assumed for itself ; but while the senators were discussing the feasibility of restoring the republic, the pra-to- riaus acted. They found Claudius * in the palace hidden behind a curtain, dragged him out and proclaimed him emj>eror. Hitherto he had been thought to be imbecile, and had been left to grow up in obscurity and neglect. His fear was exces- sive, and he sought to propitiate the nobles rather than to crush them as Tiberius and Caligula had done. He set him- self diligently to work, recalled the exiles, reversed many of the arbitrary measures of Caligula, and seemed intent on secur- ing a return to good government. 2. Invasion of Germany and Britain. There was re- newed activity in the armies on the frontier. The army crossed the Ehine and chastised the Chatti and Chauci. The most important enterprise, however, was an expedition to Britain. For years but little interest had been taken in this country. The rapid progress of Roman civilization in Northern Gaul, the growth of cities on the banks of the Rhine, 2 and the spread of commercial relations along the shores of Holland, had awak- ened a spirit of friendly intercourse with Britain. Londin- ium (London), which Tacitus describes as "famed for the vast concourse of traders, and her abundant commerce and plenty," had become a centre of trade, and tiie ves-i-1- of the Thames found their way to the Ehine. Under Claudius the southern 1 He was the yonnur^t -on of the elder Drnsus anil Antonia. 3 The places such as Augusta Trevirorum(7Vwe) on the M<>-11<'. and Colonia C'ar.dia Augusta Agrippineneii (C'otoynei named iu houor of hi* wife A^riupa. A. D. 41-54.] THE REIGN OF CLAUDIUS. 447 part of Britain to the Avon and Severn was conquered, fortifica- tions were erected and the colony of Camulodunum ( Colchester) founded. From this, as a centre, Roman arts, manners and trade found their way into the yet unconquered regions of the island. 1 3. Eastern Princes. In the East the frontier provinces were placed under the gov- ernment of native princes. Herod Agrippa was con- firmed in the government of Galilee ; Antiochus was restored to the throne of Commagene, and Mithri- dates received the kingdom of Bosporus. 4. Work at Home. At home Claudius at- tempted to imitate the policy of Augustus. He en- deavored to raise the dig- nity of the senate, filled up its vacancies, and admitted noble provincials after the example of Caesar. Many magnificent works were un- dertaken. The " emissary " was constructed to drain the Fucine lake {logo di Celano), a harbor was formed at the mouth of the Tiber, and Section of the Claudian Aqueduct compared with the triple aqueduct of Agrippa. 3 the aqueduct begun by Gajus was completed. Claudius revised 1 On his return he enlarged the pomenum. 5 Fig. 1. Section of (a) Aqua Claudia and (b) Anlo Nona at the Porta Maggiore. Both were constructed hy the emperor Claudius, A. D. 52 ; the Claudia 45 miles long bringing water from the neighborhood of Snbiacoon the Via Snblacensis : (he Aqua Nova was conducted from the sources of that river; it was 59 miles long and come of the arches 109 feet in height ; (<*) is an opening to srive vent to the air. Fig. 2. - Section of the triple aqueduct of Agrippa : (a) the A'/na Harriet built by Q. Mareius Rex, B. c. 144 It was 36 miles long and was high enough to supply water to the Cipitoline Mount. Pliny pronounces the water of this aqueduct tin- colde-t :md best of all ; (*) the Aqua Tr)ilrt built by the censors in B. c. 127, and afterwards connected with the (c) Ayva Julia erected by Agrippa B. c. 33. 448 THE REIGN OF NERO. [A. I). ."> l-US. the list of the knights, and took a census which showed a result of 5,984,072 citizens representing a population of about twenty- four millions. 5. The Infamous Messalina. These undertakings were at least proofs of good intentions. Claudius, however, had the misfortune to marry for his third wife the infamous Messalina. Under her influence his reign became disgraceful. She did not scruple to show her contempt for Claudius by forcing Silius, a young and handsome Roman noble, to public marriage with her- self. When this disgrace came to the ears of Claudius, he direct- ed her to be executed, and married his niece Agrippina. " From this moment the government assumed a different character," says Tacitus, " for a woman had control of everything." 6. The Adoption of Nero. The great aim of Agrippina was to advance her son Domitiusand secure for him the succes- sion. For this purpose she courted the favor of the army and the people, recalled Seneca from banishment and made him her son's tutor. Domitius was adopted into the imperial family and received the name of Nero. He then married Octavia, the sister of Britannicus. 1 Nero was now in his sixteenth year, and the plans of Agrippina were ripe for execution. Claudius was taken sick, but she determined to hasten his end by poison. The crime of poisoning had become so frequent, that professional poisoners existed in abundance. One of these, Locusta, well-known from the satire of Juvenal and the irony of Tacitus, prepared the fatal potion. The emperor died in the sixty-fourth year of his age. 7. Nero (A. D. 54-68). During the first five years 2 of his reign, Nero, restrained by his teacher Seneca and Burrus the cap- tain of the praetorian guards, governed with mildness, reduced the taxes, and increased the authority of the senate. Within his own household were his greatest foes. No sooner had he ascended the throne than his mother determined to seize the reins of government herself. She declared that Britannicus was after all the true heir, and that he had arrived at manhood. This excited the jealousy of Nero, and Britannicus was put to 1 Br'tannicus was the < ized.and the statues of the gods carried to Koine,. The city "< >e with marvellous rapidity from its ruins. On a port of the aiea was constructed the new palace, "the golden house " asit was called from its splendid deco- rations. It occupied a part of the Palatine, and extended to the foot of the Esquiline and the Ccelian, and included in its vast en- closure, gardens, artificial lakes, bat hs and pleasure-grounds. On the spot where the Flavian amphitheatre was afterwards erected was one of the artificial lakes. Before the house stood the colossal statue of Nero, which was one hundred and seventeen feet high. 2 10. Discontent of the People and the Army. The exac- tions for these expenses caused great discontent, and at length a conspiracy \\'as formed under the guidance of Calpurnius Piso. It was so unskillfully laid that it was detected, and many victims, among whom were Lucan and Seiieea, perished. The city. sa\s Tacitus, was filled with funerals, while the temples reeked with sacrifices. Fear made the tyrant more cruel. Discontent reached the armies, and Xero determined to sacrifice his pro- consuls. Corbulo in the east was a,, especial object of suspicion. In A. D. 66 Nero undertook a j ;: i y through Greece to K".ypt. In Greece he conic- id?d for musical prizes at the national festi- vals, and sank BO de.-p in vices that all classes jrere disgusted. The armies in Spain, Gaul, Africa and Germany raised the standard of revolt almost at the same time. "This revealed," says Tacitus, the secret of the empire, that a prince could be created elsewhere than in Home." When the news of the revolt reached Nero he fainted away. "Never," cried he, "was such ill-fortune as mine; other C;e~ar> have fallen by the "sword, I alone must lose the empire while alive/' 11. Death of Nero. The pra-torians deserted Nero, and even the populace assailed him with clamors. He fled by 1 Tacitus xv.. 44. Gibbon fir-t sn<_".re. 68.] THE REIGNS OP GALBA AND OTHO. 451 night from the city. The senate met, declared him a pub- lic enemy, and doomed him to death " after the manner of the ancients." " What is that ? " asked Nero. On being told that the culprit was fixed naked with his neck in a cleft stick and scourged to death, he called his slave to put an end to his life, 1 while he muttered, "What a loss my death will be to art." 12. G-alba and Otho (A. D. 68). Galba had already been proclaimed emperor by his troops, and the senate ratified the choice. Hitherto the Romans had never looked outside of the Julian line for an imperator ; now that this family was extinct, any one might aim for the highest prize. Scarcely had Galba arrived in Rome when the legions in Upper Germany revolted. This induced him to associate a young and active colleague with himself in the government. The choice fell on L. Piso, whose frugal habits and austere virtues increased the unpopu- larity of Galba. The soldiers, from whom the usual donations were withheld, received their new commander in gloomy silence. No one was more disappointed when Piso was associated in the government than Otho, the husband of Poppaea, who had entered Rome with Galba and hoped to succeed him. "When he found his scheme interrupted, he ingratiated himself with the soldiers, who were in ill-humor on account of the parsimony of Galba, and was saluted imperator. When Galba appeared, he was deserted by the praetorians and killed in the forum with his colleague. Otho, who was accepted by the senate, adopted suit- able measures for the government of the city. The nobles were conciliated, consuls appointed, and exiles restored. The legions in Spain and Gaul, however, declared Vitellius emperor, while the legions in the East declared for Otho. Civil war seemed imminent between the East and the West. Two divisions of the army of Vitellius were already entering Italy under Valens and Caecina, through the passes of Mt. Gen^vre and the great St. Bernard. Otho encountered their forces at Bedriacum, near the confluence of the Adda and the Po, but being defeated he put an end to his own life, and Vitellius became emperor. 1 Dnrin2 the re i 211 of Nero the Briton* CA. r>. 6!) under Boadicaea revolted, and Corbnlo carried on a war against the Parthian* and Armenians. 452 THE REIGtf OP VJTELLIUS. [A. I). (>'.). 13. Vitellius (A. D. G8-G9). Vitellius was a glutton and a tyrant, cowardly and vacillating. 1 He neglected every duty and left the management of affairs to the victors at Bedriacum. The contest had been waged thus far by the soldiers in the West. There were nine legions in the East under the coin- mand of discreet and able leaders. T. Flavius Vespasian us the commander in Palestine, was declared imperator by his soldiers Leaving his son Titus to conduct the war against the Jews. Vespasian dispatched his generals, Antonius Primus and Mu- cianus, across the Eastern Alps into Italy. The second battle of Bedriacum decided the contest. The victors advanced to Rome, and a division of the army forced its way through the Colline gate. A terrible combat followed in the streets. The populace looked on, applauded or hooted as in a theatre, helped drag the fugitives forth for slaughter, and snatched plunder from the (load and tho dying. During the melee the Capitoline temple was burnt. The adherents of Vitellius took refuge in the praetorian camp ; but this was soon stormed and taken, and Vitellius was put to death. CHAPTER, LXIt THE FLAVIAN EMPERORS: YESPASIAN, TITUS, DOMTTIAN, A. D. 69-96. 1. The Revolt in Germany and Gaul. Vespasian had scarcely heard of the honors decreed to him by the senate when the empire was threatened with the loss of one of its best provinces. The army in Gaul and on the Rhine had been very much weakened during the late civil wars. Claudius Civilis seized the opportunity to excite a mutiny among the Gauls who served in the legions. The revolt spread through 1 Tacitus, Hist, iii., 36, describes him admirably. A. D. 69-79.] THE EEIGN OF VESPASIAN. 453 Gaul, and the Druids predicted another fall of Home by Gallic arms. Mucianus hastened to meet the danger. The Gauls who had not yet joined the insurrection, held a congress in the territory of the Rhemi whose capital Rheims after- wards became the sacred seat of the French monarchy and decided on submission. Some other tribes took occasion to desert to the Romans. Civilis had already been compelled to retreat to the island of Batavi, where he defended himself with great skill and desperate courage ; but the obstinacy of the Romans conquered. Civilis saved his life by swimming across the Rhine. 1 "When Vespasian arrived in Rome he began at once to restore discipline to the army, to improve the administration of justice, and to purify the senate. Economy and order were introduced, the finances restored, and luxury and extravagance restrained. 2. The Colosseum and other Structures. Vespasian expended large sums in public works, rebuilt the capitol, erected a temple of peace and a new forum, and, more than all, com- menced the most stupendous work of antiquity, the Flavian amphitheatre, or colosseum? as it was afterwards called, either from its size or from the colossal statue of Nero which stood near by it. He patronized learned men. Under his reign Quin- tilian, the rhetorician, enjoyed the salary which Vespasian al- lowed to public teachers. The only exception to his clemency was the banishment of the Stoic and the Cynic philosophers. 3. Military Exploits. When Vespasian was declared imperatur, he left his son to conduct the Avar against the Jews. In A. D. 70 Jerusalem was taken, the city demolished, and the Jews from this time were scattered over the empire. Among the prisoners taken to Rome was Josephus, the historian of the war. The arch of Titns, which still stands at Rome, displays the representation of the Jewish sacred vessels that were car- 1 Merivale fays that Ci \ilis at thf time crave up the island, and fled across the Rhine. Tacitus (v., 19) 'states distinctly that he retired to the island (J intvlam conce#*U\ and after its capture (v. 23) fled acroimachl(X\ It seated 87.000 persons. It was erected within the site of Nero's golden house. 454 THE REIGN OF VKSPVSIAX. [A. I). 09-79. ried off by Titus. In Britain, Agricola extended the limits of the empire to the north, and compelled the wild tribes iii Cale- donia to submit. THE FLAVIAN AMPHITHEATRE IN rra PRESENT CONDITION. (Meta sudans.') 4. Character of Vespasian. Vespasian's government was a model of moderation and economy. He was the restorer of the state. He shared the imperial duties with his son, who was acknowledged emperor without difficulty on the death of his father. 5. Titus Declared Emperor (A. P. 7 9-81). Titus, when he ascended the throne, laid aside the failings of his youth and ruled with so much firmness and justice, that he was called "the delight of mankind." The law of majextas was allowed to slumber, and the infamous trade of the delator* was sus- 1 The mfr.i xi/ was a magnificent fountain erected by Domitian. Th<> gladiators are supposed to have washed here after their contests in the amphitheatre. A. D. 79-81.] THE KEIGN OF TITUS. 455 pended. His government was so just and equitable that no one was punished for political offences. 6. Eruption of Mount Vesuvius. During the first year of his reign, the eruption of Mount Vesuvius took place. The towns of Herculaneum,* Pompeji, and Stabiae were over- Tn?: ARCH op TITUS. (Ix ITS PRESENT CONDITION, 1879.) whelmed. The elder Pliny 1 lost his life in investigating the cause of the eruption. Pompeji was covered with ashes and sand, so that everything remained in a remarkable state of preservation. The city has been excavated, and the vast num- ber of remains enables us to form a tolerably correct conception of the civilization and domestic life of the Romans in the Italian cities in the time of the empire. 7. Death of Titus. During his reign a great fire swept through the city. The Colosseum, 2 which had been begun by his predecessor, was dedicated with magnificent games that 1 The ynunirev Pliny gives an account of the eruption in t\vo letters (Ep. vi., 16 20) ta his friend Tacitus. a This name appears fir.-t in Bede In the 7th century. * See map, p. 98. 456 THE REIGN OF DOMITIAN. [A. D. 81-96. lasted one hundred days. 1 Titus associated no one with him in the government, though he often spoke of his brother as his destined succes.-or. 8. Domitian (A. D. 81-96). Domitian, the last of the Flavian dynasty, was a cruel tyrant. He took delight in nothing but contests of wild hearts and in gladiatorial g?mes. During his reign began the series of contests with the barbarian tribes on the Rhine and the Danube frontiers, which soon shook the power and threatened the very existence of the empire. The Dacians crossed the Danube and ravaged the province of Mcesia. Domitian's general, Julianus. prosecuted the war with success, yet Domitian concluded a peace, by which he promised to- pay the Dacian king Detvbalus, tribute. In Pannonia also the enemy was successful. Agricola, who had carried on a successful campaign in Britain and was in a fair way to subdue the whole island, was recalled bccau.-e Domitian was jealous of his fame (A.P. 84). In order to provide shows and games for the people, Domitian plundered the nobles. He exacted large 1 The following admirable description of the nmphitheatro and its* sports is from Gibbon: "The banting, or exhibition of \vikl b< ;i>t>. ua- conducted with a magnificence suitable to a people u i.o styled tlu-m-elves tin- masters of the world ; nor was the edifice appropriated- aintnenl lew expressive of Bnmangn ; rity admires, ai'd will long adimrr. the awful remains of the am; I Titus, which so well de- served tlie epithet of colo.--jil. li was a building of an elliptic figure, five hundred and sixty-four feet in leiiL'th, and four hundred and sixtyeven in breadth, founded on four- scon- arches, and rising, with four successive orders of architecture, to the height of one hundred and fortv feet. The out-ide of the edifice was encrusted with marble, and decorated with statnee. The slopes of the vast concave which formed the inside were filled and surround' -d with sixty or eiirhty rows of .-eats uf marble, likewise covered with cushions, and capable of r-ceivin^ with ease above fourscore thousand spectators. Sixt \-foiir vomitories (fur by that name tlie doors were very aptly distinguished I poured forth the immense multitude: and the entrance . ind staircases, were con- trived with such e\i|iiisite skill, that each, person, whether of the senatorial, the eques- trian, or the plebeian order, arrived at his destined place without trouble or confusion. Nothing WU omitted which in any respect could be subservient to the convenience or pleasure of the -nectators. They were protected from the sun and rain by an ample canopy occasionally drawn over "their heads. The air was continually refreshed by the playing of fountains, and profusely Impregnated by the grateful scent of aromatic*. In the centre of tlie edifiC" tlie arena, or statre, was -tn-wed with the finest sand, and sue cessjv. ly a-.-nme 1 the most different forms. At one moment it seemed to rise out of the earth, like the garden of the H'--perides, and wa- aft'-rwards broken into the rocks and caverns of Thrace. The subterraneous pipe- conveyed an inexhaustible supply of water; and what had just \^-fi>ve appeared :i level plain ini^ht be suddenly converted into a wide lake, covered with armed vessels and replenished with the monsters of the deep. In the decorations of the th Koman empi-rors displayed their wealth and liberality; and we read on various ocea-ions. that the whole furniture of the amphitheatre" consisted either of silver, or of . Every part of the empire was adorned with magnificent build- ings, roads, bridges, or other useful improVementB. 5. Prosperity of the Empire. That Trajan was unwearied in his attentions to the details of business is attested by his correspondence with the younger Pliny, who was governor of Bithynia in A. r>. 103. His management of the finance- \\a- remarkably good, and his administration of justice \va- linn and THE FOBUJC OF TRAJAN. UN n- I>KI>I.NT CONDITION, 1*70.) impartial. During his reign the empire reached the highest state of prosperity, and extended its limits on the east and the west to the furthest points it ever reached. He was suc- ceeded by his legate Hadrian. 6. Hadrian (A. D. 117-138). Hadrian returned to the policy of Augustus, and gnu- his attention to defending the boundaries of the empire rather than enlarging them. He voluntarily relinquished Armenia, Mesopotamia, and Assyria. Hadrian was a man of great ability, and he was deeply versed in almost every department of learning. He had the same genial manners as Trajan, and the same application to business. 462 TBE REIGN OF HADRIAN. [A. D. 117-138. Returning to Rome laden with the spoils of war, he was enabled to win favor with all classes by his liberality. He remitted to the inhabitants of Italy the arrears of taxes due to the fiscus for sixteen years, and burnt the records of the debt in the forum of Trajan. In the provinces a large part of the arrears was also remitted. 1 7. His Travels. Disturbances in the East, and all along the frontier, compelled Hadrian to leave the capital. The Danu- bian frontier particularly demanded his attention. He had no sooner, however, quitted the city than a conspiracy was formed against him ; he returned and quelled it with severity. After some slight success against the Dacians he recrossed and broke down the bridge that Trajan had thrown across the Danube. After a short stay in Rome he visited Gaul, crossed over to Britain and saw the advance which had been made in wealth and civilization the country was well provided with roads which centred in Eboracum (York),* the capital, and a large inland and foreign trade brought wealth and prosperity. Thence he returned to Gaul, crossed the Mediterranean, and visited the distant East From Syria he journeyed homeward through Asia Minor, making a long stay at Athens, the seat of the great university of the then civilized world. 2 8. His Buildings. On his return to Rome, he spent his time in diligent administration of the empire, and decorated the city Avith splendid buildings among which may be mentioned the temple of Roma and Venus, and the Mausoleum on the right bank of the Tiber, which is still a majestic ruin under the name of the Castle of St. Ancjelo. Other works were distributed over the empire, as the villa at Tivoli, extensive ruins of which still remain, the ramparts in Britain, the temple of Augustus at Tarraco, a basilica at Ximes (Xemausus), and costly structures at Alexandria. He also established a university at Rome under 1 The amount remitted to the fiscus amounted to 900 millions sesterce?, as we learn from inscriptions (Orelli Inscr. eel. vol. i., p. 193 ; Eckhel. p. 478). Many think that this act of Hadrian was sculptured on the two marble screens found in the comitium. * During this journey he had an opportunity to see how intolerable the burden of furnishing free post-wagons and couriers had become to the provincials : he therefore abolished it in the provinces as Nerva had done in Italy, and paid the expenses from his own purse (Jlscus). By him the postal department (cursus pubiicus) was regularly organized, * See ma-i No. 7. A. D. 117-138.] THE REIGK OF HADRIAN". 463 the name of the Athenaeum, and endowed its professors on a magnificent scale. 9. Revolt of the Jews. During his reign the Jews revolted on account of the foundation of a Koman colony under the name of jElia Capitolina on the site of Jerusalem, and the erection of the shrine of Jupiter in the holy temple. The Jews fought with great desperation, but were finally subdued. Five hundred and eighty thousand are said to have fallen in battle, MOLE OF HADBIAN RESTORED.' while vast numbers perished by hunger, pestilence, and fire. The last hope of Jewish independence was gone ; the race was now completely dispersed. The colony of JElia Capitolina was then strengthened and the sacred city rebuilt ; but the Jews were forbidden to enter it, while to the Christians the same freedom was granted as to the Romans. 2 1 This mausoleum is now the Castle of St. Anir'-lo. ' Se" BoreTihonrir Essai sur 1'liistoiro et la sre'osrraphie de Palestine, Meri vale's account of the cause of the insurrection, see 1. c., vol. vii.. 369 f 420 ft". For i')4 REIGN OF ANTONINTS PITS. [A. D. 138-101. 10. His Inquiring Spirit. Tin- persecution of the Chris- tians was discouraged. In :ill parts of his empire Hadrian showed himself a M'eker of the truth; Judaism, Christianity, the fantastic theosophy of the Gnostics, and the doctrines, of the Alexandrian schools, all claimed his attention, and into the investigation of all he threw himself with ardoi and vehemence. 11. Hadrian, Emperor of the Roman World. Of Hadrian it may be said that he Avas the lirst emperor who understood his position as master of the world. All through- out the vast empire conquerors and conquered were recognized as one people, while their equalization was left to the gradual influences that were at work to bring it about. Hadrian asso- ciated Commodus Verus in the labors of administration, and adopted him as his successor. He died soon after, and then Hadrian nominated M. Aurclius Antoninus as his successor, at the same time compelling him to adopt two heirs, L. Yerus, the son of his late colleague, and Aunius Yerus, his own sister's son. THE AGE OF Tin: ANT<>MNKS CONTIM KD PROSPERITY OF TIII-: KMI-IUI-:, A. D. 138-180. 1. Antoninus Pius (A. r>. 138-161). Aurelius Anto- ninus, commonly called Antoninus Pius, a title bestowed upon him by the senate, was in simplicity of character and devotion to business one of the best of rulers. lie as-ociated Marcus Aurelius Avith himself in the government, and for twenty- three years they ruled together, vying with each other in noble qualities and in the excellence of their administration. Anto- ninus avoided war that he might promote the arts of peace. During his long reign he never left Italy. The empire remained in u state of peace and general contentment. He watched A. D. 138-161.] REIGN OP ANTONINUS PIUS. 465 with vigilance over the frontiers, and in some quartern, as in Britain, Dacia, Mauretania, and Egypt, troubles occurred tc occupy his legates, but no war of any magnitude. His reign has been pro- nounced happy because it was barren of events. In the internal administra- tion Antoninus made no changes. He continued a liberal policy toward the senate ; he founded schools, 1 repaired roads and harbors, 2 and encouraged trade. The persecution of the Chris- tians was checked, and to him Justin Martyr addressed his apology for Chris- tianity. Antoninus died at Lorium* in the seventy-fifth year of his age. His ANTONINUS -PJU>. last thoughts were devoted to the wel- fare of the republic, and the last watchword he gave to the soldiers was cequamnritas, which means not alone equanimity, but also AQUEDUCT op THE PONT DU QABD, AT NIMES. ' The alimentation of poor children was extended by founding a charity school foi girls, which he named after his wife Faustina, to whom he also dedicated the magnifi- cent temple situated at the corner of the forum where the via sacra enters. 2 The city of Nimes. from which his ancestors came to Rome, owed to him tha amphitheatre and aqueduct which are the finest ruins of Roman architecture out of Italy- i ej map, p. 4. -Kir, REIGN OF M.YRCTS AURKLHIS. [A. D. lbi-180. purity, *<:)'< nity, and content mml of niiud. In this one word Was embodied the whole character of his life. 2. Marcus Aurelius (A. D. 101-180). This prince was surnamed the philosopher, for he modeled his life upon the precepts of the Stoic philosophy. He devoted himself to the cares of his office with patient atten- tion, but his mind was always with his chosen studies, with the sophists and the rhetori- cians. Pronto informs us that he was accounted the best ora- tor of his age. 3. Activity of the Bar- barians. On the frontiers the barbarian forces, pressed by other tribes in their rear and cramped in their ancient homes, became more and more men- acing. The time was coming when the pale student of the Palatine must pass his days in the saddle and his nights under canvas in the wildest frontiers of the empire. 1 First, in the eastern provinces, the Parthian king broke the peace and in- vaded Armenia ( A. ]>. Ml). Aurelius' legates defeated him in battle, invaded Mesopotamia,* destroyed Seleucia, and pene- trated to Babylon. The Parthian king purchased peace bv ceding Mesopotamia to Rome. In the meanwhile, at home. Aurelius conducted the government with deference to tin- senate, and chose the ablest men for his ministers and prefects. He shared the government with Verus, and for the first time in the history of the empire there were two Aur/nsfi. 4. The Plague. The Syrian legions brought back the plague, which extended along the line of their march through several provinces, and so devastated Italy that whole towns with their villas and lands were left without inhabitants or cultivators, MAECUS ACEELIUS. Men vale. * See map No. 7. A. L>. 161-180.] REIGN OF MARCUS ATJRELIUS. 467 and fell to ruin or relapsed into wildernesses. The efforts to overcome the disease were directed by the celebrated physician Galen. The cause of the pestilence was charged upon the Christians, and the emperor permitted two cruel persecutions in which Justin Martyr died at Rome, and Polycarp at Smyrna. 5. The Frontier. The dangers from the barbarians grew more menacing on the frontiers. Aurelius put himself at the head of the legions, and during the space of fourteen years 1 he was occupied almost unceasingly in checking the advance of the invaders. During the rest of his life he was engaged on the Dan- ubian frontier in contests with the Marcomanni,* the Sarmatian, the Scythian, and the German tribes. But little is known of the details of these campaigns. The emperor died at Vindobona ( Vienna) during a campaign, in the fifty-ninth year of his dge. 6. He Founds an Orphan School. During the inter- vals in the numerous campaigns, Aurelius found time to enlarge the charities of his predecessors. He founded an institution for orphan girls, and in A.D. 170 remitted the debts and arrears of taxes due from Italy for a term of forty-six years, and ordered the papers of claims to be burnt in the forum. 3 The equestrian statue which the senate decreed to Marcus Aurelius still stands on the platform of the Campidoglio. 3 7. The Climax of the Empire. Aurelius was the last of the princes styled the five good emperors. From his time the glory and prosperity of the Roman people declined rapidly. Au- relius united in himself the different talents of a man of learn- ing, of a fine writer, a skillful soldier, and a judicious ruler. His "Meditations" have made him known to posterity. They are a record of his thoughts and feelings, rather than a formal treatise on ethical philosophy, and form one of the most delight- ful productions of the human mind. 1 Prom A. D. 167 to 180. * See map No. 7. ' To this act some suppose the sculptured figures on the marble slabs in the forum refer : that they led up to the statue of that emperor. 3 This was erected in the forum near the arch of 8. Severus ; in 1187 it was trans- ferred to the Latcran, and in 1538 to this piazza. In the piazza Cr>Ionna stand-; the column of M. Aurelius. inscribed, like Trajan's, with reliefs from the wars aarain^t the Marcomanni. Four reliefs from the arch of Aurelius are in the Conservatore palace. i68 INTERNAL CONDITION OF THE EMPIRE. CHAPTER INTERNAL CONDITION OF THE EMPIRE. SYMITOMS OP DECLINE. 1. The Barbarians. Under the reign of the Antonines, the empire presented externally a high degree of prosperity. From the death of Domitian to that of Marcus Aurelius, the government throughout the vast extent of the empire was administered with honesty and wisdom. The armies were re- strained and the forms of civil administration carefully lire- served. The boundaries of the empire had been maintained on the North, while on the East the dividing line between the Roman world and the barbarians had been advanced from the Euphrates to the Tigris. The symptoms of decline, although hardly visible to common observation, had deeply impr Aurelius. and had awakened his anxieiy and apprehension for the future. The attacks of the barbarians on the fron- tiers, which had hitherto been local and desultory, now be- eame frequent. The emperor was compelled to carry on war on the Rhine, the Danube, and the shores of the Euxine at the same time. The barbarian tribes seemed to be impelled by new impulses. The unity of the empire imparted a germ of union to its assailants. They presented themselves on every front iev ,-tronger in arms and tactics as well as in numbers. It was evi- dent that the resources of the empire were reduced. In the reign of Aurelius the invasion of the Marcomanni was repulsed with great difficulty. It excited deep alarm and foreboding throughout the empire. 2. Causes of Decline. The brilliancy of the city and of the great provincial capital?, the magnificence of the games and of the entertainments, still remained undimmed. As yet no distinct murmurs of poverty or distress were heard among the INTERNAL CONDITION OF THE EMPIKE. 469 populace, and it is scarcely possible that during these long years of peace and uniform good government that any but the wisest could detect signs of decay or dissolution. Still, causes were at work that reduced the people to pauperism, crushed out the military spirit, extinguished the fire of genius, and spread decay and desolation throughout the wide extent of the empire. These causes, moralists * say, Avere the disappearance of the pre- cious metals in the East in exchange for silks, carpets and orna- ments, and for whatever else in dress, for the table, or the embel- lishment of their houses pleased the fancies of the Romans or gratified their tastes, which, under the odious name of luxury, were silently weakening the foundations of the government and sapping the subjects of their vigor and military spirit. 3. Luxury and Wealth. The idea of luxury must al- ways be a relative one. The standard varies in different 1 countries and different ages. Many of the luxuries of Europe are daily fare in Asia, while articles of every day use with us are unknown in the East. Those articles which intone age in- dicate wealth become in the next common property. In fact every person, every people, and every generation declares those articles to be luxuries which they can dispense with. 2 It is true that, during the period from the battle of Actium to the death of Hadrian, vast fortunes were accumulated, and the ministers of luxury and pomp multiplied possibly beyond the conception of modern ideas. Still the amount of property held by a single individual was probably not larger than that in modern times, and the luxury and mugni licence were con- fined to the great, to the few, and must not be taken as the groundwork of calculation for Italy and the Roman world. The agricultural laborer, as well as the artisan in the provinces, maintained himself as at the present day, by his own labor and that of his household, with few slaves, or according to Zumpt, with none. The stories that Suetonius has related of the civil wars, left 3800 y Nat., I.. 33, 47. Tht> u ..^ .. 200.000 *erfs who were them*el 470 INTERNAL CONDITION' OF THE EMPIRE. vast extravagance of Caligula that he squandered the income of three provinces 1 \n a single banquet of Mero and of Vitelliu.v' are exceptional; the other emperors for many cen- turies were frugal and often parsimonious. The richest man throughout the Roman world had only about four hundred million sesterces, 3 and only two 4 are mentioned as po-.-rs.-ini: tin- sum The largest income of the richest Roman family \vas about one million dollar.-. 5 4. The Standard of Luxury. It must also be remem- bered that the Roman writers, te I 'liny. Yarro, and Seneca, fo whom we are indebted for most of our information, looked to the past as the golden age, and condemned every change, every new convenience, every refinement of life, as dangerous inno- vations. Varro condemns the importation 6 of food, and the use of vessels as mediums of transporting the products of other lands, and Pliny finds in the artificial growth of asparagus and the use of ice the evidence of the most unbounded extrava- gance. 7 It -is the opinion of Friedlauder, 8 that the luxurv of the table in ancient Rome did not exceed that of the wealthy 1 Ten million sesterce-. 1 He was chiefly addicted to the vices of luxury and cruelty. He made generally three meal- a day, sometime.- four : breakfast, dinner and tapper, and a drunken revel after all. This amount of victual- h, j could well enough bear from a custom to which he had enured himself, of frequently v,>mitiii'_'. For the-e several meals he would make differ- ent appointments :it the lion-c- of In- friend- <>n the .-ame day. None ever entertained him at a le-v* expense than 100.000 sesterce" ($20.000). The most famous was a set enter- tainment given him by hi- broi.ier. at \\bic.h. it i- said, there were -erved up no Ics- than two thousand choice fi-hes and -even thon-and birds. Yet even this feast he himself outdid at a feast which he icave upon thcilrst u-e of a dish which had been made for him, and which for its extraordinary si/.c, he called "the shield of Minerva." In this dish there were chopped up together the livers of char-fi-li. the bruins of pheasant- and peacocks with tongnee of flamingoes and the entrails of lampreys (Suet. Vitell., 13). During the whole time of tie empire he found only one imitator. IQagabalOfl. 'About $23.000,000. Voltaire .-thaate.l Ma/arm's property at 200.000.000 francs. Baron ,T. Rothschild's (died in :808> property na- c -rimated at eOOO million franc- : John .1 A-toi was north >:> to 30 miliion dollars, and A T. Stewart left at lea-t (JO millions, an 1 Vanderbilt 80 millions. The value of L">ld in the time of the Roman empire was at least twice, possibly live time- as much a- it i- now. * Cn. Lentulu- and X:irci-n-. Nero'- fre-dman. ' $1.218.000. There is no rea-on to believe that the importatinnnf food from Asia ami Africa into Europe to-day is ea-ier or le-- cotly than into Rome in the time of the empire. Thucydides regarded it as one of th- greatest advantage- of Athens that the products of all lands fonnd a market there. Vnrro's view would find but little approval to-day in Germany, where a per-on in the middle ranks of life ha- for breakfast, coffee from ; -'lia. tea from China, snijar from the \Ve-t Indie-, cheese from England, wine from Spain, caviare from Ru-sia. ithout anvbeinj; regarde 1 a- luxuries. Rnsch., p. 428. 1 The mantle woven from jrold which ihe empre A-_ r iippina wore, Pliny, Diod. and Tacitus mention a- something mar\ellou> and unexampled. Charles the Bold, at the battle of Gkandron, had 4ld and silver wa- 1 to 10 : in the time of Constantino. 1 to 14; : these figures show that the imports from the Ea-t \\ ere far from exhausting the supply of silver ; that the produce of the mines supplied the demand. 3 Nat. Hist. iii.. 5. * Gibbon, vol. i., p. 70. 5 A thousand dollars spent in luxury will pay nearly a thousand dollars of wasres. A thousand dollars employed as capital will, in ten years, pay twenty thousand dollars of wage;. 472 INTERNAL CONDITION OF T1IK KM PI RE. The Romans lived on their accumulations. The proletarians were supported in the capital in idleness, a form of luxury which is the most costly of all indulgences, for it corrupts all manners, perverts all offices of nature, wastes all the powers of labor, and has its complete result in poverty, ignorance and political servitude. 1 Although mon.-y was diffused throughout the empire in exchange for luxuries, yet this had no elevating effect on the condition of the people. The gap between tin- rich and the poor was too great. The few were very rich, and the many poor. The latter instead of being encouraged, were depres^-d. There were no influences 2 to elevate t he mas>es. The grades of society became fixed, and no one could hope to cross the barrier. 7. Extent to which Idleness can be Carried. Gib- bon estimates that no state can, without soon becoming ex- hausted, support more than about one-twentieth of its able- bodied male population in idleness. The proportion at Koine was much larger, and when the period of conquest ceased, and the amount of wealth expended in enjoyment exceeded the limit of production, the standard of industrial prosperity fell, the laboring classes were oppressed, commerce and agriculture declined, poverty spread throughout the empire, and the un- willingness to multiply became stronger and stronger. 3 8. The Decrease in Population. The decrease in the population had been noticed even in the time of the republic, and Polybius says, Rome could no longer place such armies in the field as she had raised in the Second Punic war. In the time of the Gracchi unfavorable legislation bad caused the number of small farmers 4 to decrease to such an extent as to awaken the anxiety of the best men in the state, and Ca?sar and his successors struggled earnestly to remedy this evil. Livy speaks with wonder of the armies that had fought in former times in Latium, where now only a few slaves tilled the land that had once been the homes of so many hardy Avarriors. In the time of Hadrian there was possibly some slight gain in the population: yet. with this exception, the returns of the 1 Walker. The Science of Wealth, p. 397. * See p. 427. Roscher, p. 318 ff. ' See p. 210. INTERNAL CONDITION OF THE EMPIRE. 473 census show no steady increase in the number of citizens from the second Punic war to the death of Marcus Aurelius, that cannot be accounted for by the extension of the franchise. 1 This decrease in the population, combined with the disinclina- tion to military service, rendered it impossible to keep a native army on foot. Augustus found it difficult to fill up the void caused by the defeat of Varus. During the reign of Augustus several laws were passed encouraging marriage, and in B. c. 18, the senate decreed that marriage should be imperative on citizens of suitable age. These efforts, however, produced no lasting effect, 2 for, as Plutarch tells us, people married not to have heirs, but to become heirs, since they could only receive legacies in case they married. The decrease in population continued through the succeeding generations. 9. The Cause of the Decrease in Population. Roman civilization, instead of being industrial and favorable to the growth of population, was military, and therefore de- structive. 3 The Punic wars and the long wars in the East gave a serious check to the increase of population. But be- fore Italy could recover from these losses, the Social 4 and Civil wars followed, and the drain of life became almost con- stant for nearly two centuries. Still, Italy might have recov- ered had not other and even more deleterious influences come into play. The importation of grain, which was sold in the markets in Rome below the cost of production in Italy, caused even farming on a large scale to be abandoned, and the conversion of the land into pasturage. The veterans who had been settled in colonies soon became tired of work, sold their little farms and returned to swell the impoverished crowd in the capital that lived on the pittance doled out to them by the state. The result 1 The population of the city, estimated. ' n the time of Augustus at about 1-J to 11 mil- lions, had dwindled in the time of Diocletian to one-half that. The number of citizens, provincials and slaves throughout the empire, cannot be determined with any certainty. It h;is been estimated to have been in the time of Claudius 130 millions, a total that nearly equals half of that of modern Europe (estimated at 312.398.4SO in Belim and Wag- ner' Bevolkemng. der Erde 1 ) ; this ctimate is based on the assumption that the number of citizens (in the time of Claudius about 20.000.000) was half as many as the provincials, and that the slaves equalled the free inhabitants. " Tacitus, Ann. iii.. 25. and Pliny. Ep. iv.. 15. ' See Roscher, p. 381, * Jfearly 500,000 perished iu the Social war. 474 INTERNAL CONDITION OF THE I-MI'IUK. was that the rural districts had become almost a desert ten- anted by a few wild herdmen and gangs of slaves, while the free population that had once tilled the soil, wasted away under the vice and the profligacy of the capital. Infant icide and expo- sure of the newly born children which Polybius had specified as one of the causes of the decline of population in Greece, became fearfully prevalent at Rome. Ovid. 1 Seneca.'-' Plutarch, 3 and Quintiliau, 4 tell us that the exposure of children as well as tlh destruction of the unborn was practiced at Rome on a gigantic scale, and although laws were passed to encourage the charitable to rear foundlings, still infanticide was the crying vice of the empire and one of the chief causes of the terrible depopulation of Italy. 10. Lack of Industrial Enterprise. To these consid- erations must be added the hvk of all industrial enterprise among the Romans. They considered all labor as degrading, and were satisfied to live in the capital in idleness supported by the bounty of the state. They had no mechanical nor in- ventive genius; the practical proficiency which they seem to have attained in mechanics and engineering was almost wholly due to Grecian architects aided by foreign labor. The trades were handed over to slaves and 1'reedmen, the pro>pcn>u.s middle class had disappeared, while the populace, conciliated by gladiatorial games and the distribution of corn, sank lower and lower, until they became the brutal, sensual mob, which Juvenal and Tacitus paint in the mo 4 hideous colors. In the age of the Antonines, this populace had become a motley mul- titude without opinions or purposes, over which a lethargy, a torpor was creeping that numbed every noble instinct, Their only thought was to live on the public rafions, to spend their days in idleness, in the circus and in crime. The higher el had outlived all their high ideals, and could put forth no effort to awaken the masses from their slumber, nor to induce them to shake off their inactivity. 1 Ovid, De Nnc., 22. Seneca, Ad. Hclv., xvi. Ded., cccvi. INTERNAL CONDITION OP THE EMPIRE. 475 11. Influence of Civilization on the Barbarians. Even the barbarians admitted within the empire, lost their ancient vigor. The sudden change from a life of rude and violent adventure for the Eoman baths and schools of rhetoric, caused an unnatural lethargy. The abrupt introduction to a highly civilized and luxurious life, was too much for them. 12. Superstitious Observances. A society in such a critical condition could bear no sudden shock. In A. D. 166 the plague broke out, and famines, earthquakes and con- flagrations fell in rapid succession upon the capital and the provinces. The vital powers of the empire possessed no elas- ticity. Every blow seeemed to tell upon it with increasing strength. To repel the barbarians on the frontier, the legions were recruited with strangers, slaves, and the refuse of the streets. Other barbarians were admitted and settled within the borders of the empire, that the first blow might fall on them, and possibly be repelled. In these disasters the people devoted themselves anew to superstitious worship, and raised shrines to every deity whose poAver they thought could avert the coming evils. The prevailing schools of philosophy all arrived at the same result stoical indifference to actual life and a future state, a profound resignation to the gloomy fate that weighed down the world. Religious belief, except in the lowest forms of superstition, was absolutely dead. The ancient gods had lost their hold on the people, and no new objects of worship had taken their place. 13. Christianity. "In the midst of this darkness, a still small voice was heard out of the East, ' Come unto me, all ye that labor and are heavy-laden, and I will give you rest ; ' and after a while the same voice was heard, saying, 'God so loved the world that He gave His only-begotten Son, that whosoever believeth in Him should not perish, but have everlasting life ;' and, again, a Roman citizen of Tarsus cried, ' This is a faithful saying, and worthy of all acceptation, that Jesus Christ came into the world to save sinners.' There was rest then for the weary and heavy-laden ; there was a God, too, and life everlasting, for those who believed in Him and His Son, 476 IKTERKAL CONDITION OP THE EMPIRE. who had come into tin.- world to save .-inner-; and so the new doctrine came to Rome, lu that sluggi-h mass tin.- leaven \\;is hid that was to throw the whole world into ferment; into that dark soil, in which so much that was precious had been interred, a grain of seed was cast that was to grow into a stately tree -hadowing the earth. The doctrine spread at first, as we may readily suppose, among slaves, whose weary lot was con- soled with the thought that the Founder of their creed had expired on the bitter cro-s iv-erved for them; then gradually among other classes, but especially the Asiatic Greeks and oilier foreigners, with which Home was full, until, after much ] cution and many relapses, it reached the highest class of all, and Christianity became the religion of the land.'' 14. Equalizing Influences. We have already, from time to time, noticed the policy of the empire to conciliate foreign nationalities. Its aim was to preserve and amalgamate the varied communities with their different languages, cn.-toms. and religious creeds. Caesar had commenced the policy which the empire completed, and universal toleration was accorded to the customs, religions, and municipal freedom of the provin- cials. The right of ciii/enship was extended to the whole empire. The tendency was to ell'ace distinctions and to weld the varied and diverse elements into one harmonious whole. 15. The National Religion. The liberty, however, ac- corded to the foreign forms of worship did not relieve the Roman from the obligation of attending to his own. It was the national deities under whose protection the empire had at t nined its prosperity. The neglect of this worship would bring adversity and final ruin to the state. Thus far all had joined in the popular worship. This duty that every man in his devotions should conform to the customs of his country every philosopher from Cicero to Epictetus had en- joined. 16. The Deification of the Emperor. Under the em- pire tin custom of deifying the emperor-; was introduced. This practice originated in the belief that the soul or manes of the departed ancestors becani" deities; and as it was a com- INTERNAL CONDITION" OF THE EMPIRE. 47? tnon practice for children to worship the manes of their fathers, so it was natural for the nation to pay divine honors to the emperor, who was regarded as the parent of the country. The statue of Augustus had been set up in the provinces for wor- ship, and the figure of his genius had been placed in the chapels at Rome beside those of the Lares. Tiberius had de- prived Cyzicus of its freedom because it had neglected the worship due him. Caligula accepted his divinity as a fact. 1 He ordered images of the gods, and particularly of Jupiter, to be brought from Greece, in order that he might substitute hia own head for that of the god. 2 The result was that the empe- rors were invested with a sacred character, and distant peoples saw in their apotheosis and the vote of the senate conferring divine honors under the title of "Divus," 3 only a fitting climax to their greatness and that of the empire. 17. Persecution of the Christians. The custom of burning incense before the emperor's statues became a test of loyalty. In this act of adoration, as well as in the national worship, the Christians not only refused to join, but actually denounced them. The people regarded every calamity as a visitation of divine anger, and sought with scrupulous care to ascertain the cause. It is no wonder that the people attributed their calamities to the anger of the gods whose worship had been neglected. Under the republic, in moments of despair, a Gaul or a Greek had been buried alive in the comitium. In the age of Aurelius, victims were sought among those not of a foreign nation, but of a hostile faith. Aurelius regarded the crime of the Christians, 4 the crime of refusing to worship the gods, not as an outbreak of turbulence and disobedience, as had been the case under Nero, but as an insult to the majesty of the national divinities and the national worship. Under the protection of these divinities, the empire had flourished, and now, in the crisis of its fortune, was not the time to test their 1 Seneca relates that Caligula started up onco from his seat when a thunder-storm had interrupted the gladiatorial games, and with fearful imprecations against heaven, de- clared that this divided empire was intolerable, that either Jupiter or himself must speedily succumb. Lecky, HM. E>irop. Mor., vol. i., p. 275. " Suet., xxii. 3 It must be remembered that divus means not alone divine but deified. Seeley, Rom. Imperialism. 478 THE PERIOD OF TRANSITION". [A. D. 180-284. value by a wanton defiance. The firmness of the Christians the emperor looked upon as strange and unnatural, and he could not excuse them from not joining in a service which he regarded as innocent and decorous. 1 18. Infidelity We talk of unbelief and despair; but what atheism or despair can equal the set gray monotony of despair that was spreading over the Roman world ! The peo- ple could not even curse God and die, for they had no gods to curse. The world was sick at heart, and the words that Tacitus puts into the mouth of .Tiberius found an echo throughout the Roman world. 2 For their hearts were scarred and .seamed with evil thoughts, savagery, and lust. The principles of decay were at work. The brilliant administration of the Antonines only delayed the threatened dissolution. In the age that fol lowed the contrast was sharp and decisive. THE PERIOD OF TRANSITION, A. D. 180-284. 1. Character of the Government. The imperial gov- ernment had two distinct periods. During the first, which ended with the death of Aurelius, the government was mainly administered wisely and beneficently. Peace rci-ined through- out the empire. All classes were secure, for the wise administra- tion of the Antonines guaranteed law and order. The second period began with the accession of Diocletian. The period that intervened, that is, from A. D. 180-284, was a revolutionary age an age of transition. It presents some of the worst tyran- nies, some of the bloodiest revolutions, and some of the most enormous calamities known in history. The plague reappeared. The half-barbaric soldiery became mutinous and finally om- nipotent. When the government emerged from the fiery 1 Morivale, vol. vii., p. 489. * Tact. An. Hi.. 54. A. D. 1 80-28-4.] THE PERIOD OF TRAtfSITlOST. 4?9 ordeal, it had introduced reforms that enabled it to exist for many mituric-s. 2. Commodus (A. D. 180-192). Aurelius was succeeded by his unworthy son Commodus, the last of the Antonines. His skillful generals postponed the fatal day on the frontiers, and Commodus might have passed his life in debauchery, had not a plot against his life aroused him from his lethargy. It was frustrated. The assassin rushed upon the emperor and cried, "The senate sends you this." The assassin was seized by the guards; but these words aroused all the rage of Commodus against the hated order. The delators sprang up again. The ranks of the senate were thinned. In A. D. 189 a pestilence appeared followed by a famine. Commodus gave no heed to the administration. He took delight only in gladiatorial com- bats. Justice was bought and sold. The " Boinan Hercules," as he was called, fought as a gladiator more than seven hun- dred times. Armed with the sword and mail of a secutor 1 he fought against antagonists whose only weapons were of lead or tin. 2 He was finally assassinated by his mistress, and his memory was declared infamous by the senate. 3. Fertinax (A. D. 193). Commodus was succeeded by Pertinax, but ho only had time to banish the delators and to promise to conduct the administration on principles of justice and economy, when he was murdered by the praetorians. The praetorians sold the crown to the highest bidder. It was pur- chased by a wealthy senator, Didius Julianus, for 25,000 ses- terces (about $1000) to each soldier, amounting to 300 million sesterces for the whole praetorian guard of 12,000. Each of the armies on the Euphrates, on the Danubian and the Rhenish frontiers, rose in revolt when they heard of this, and nomi- nated their own candidates. Septimius Severus, who com- manded on the Danubian frontier, was the fortunate one. He acted with energy. The senate confirmed his title. 1 The Secutor (pursuer) contended with tho Betarius (Net-bearer). The Secutor pur- sued the Retarius. who fled until an opportunity occurred to throw his net over his opponent and then dispatch him ; see p. 410 and note. - Ho received from the common fund of crladiators a stipend so enormous (about $40.000i that it became an exorbitant tax on the Roman people. 480 THE PERIOD OF TRANSITION. [A. D. 1 80-284. 4. Septiinius Severus 1 (A. D. 11)3-211). Septimius Sev- erus was an able soldier. He disbanded the praetorians and banished them from the city. The emperor, however, could not dispense with guards, and, accordingly, the praetorians were restored on a new model, and the number increased to 50,000. The commander of this new force r;mked next to the emperor, and to him was intrusted not only the command of the guards, but legislative and judicial powers, as well as the control of the finances. The senate was deprived of all power. The em- peror carried on a campaign against the Parthians, took Ctesi- phon, and received the sulmi>sionof the kings of Mesopotamia and Arabia. The magnificent triumphal arch erected (in A. D. 203) to commemorate these victories still stands at the head of the forum. Severus died at Eboracum (York) in preparing for a campaign against the Caledonians, who had made incur- sions into Britain. 5. Caracalla and Elagabalus (A. D. 211-222). Severus left the empire to his two sons Geta and Caracalla (211-217). ( 'araealla killed his brother and then put to death Papinian, the great jurist, for refusing to justify the fratricide. The franchise was bestowed (in A. D. 212) upon all free-born inhabitants in the empire in order to increase the revenue from the five per cent, tax which Augustus had imposed on Eoman citizens who re- ceived inheritances, or made sales of merchandise. Caracalla 1 GENEALOGICAL TABLE. BASSIANUS. JULIA DOXXA AUGUSTA, second wife of JULIA >LESA AUGUSTA, wife of I'TIMirs SEVERUS AuGl'STf-. JtJLIUS AVITUS. M. AUKEI.IUS AVTO- L. SET MMS AUGUSTUS, GETA Ai commonly called CARACALLA. mcius JULIA 'OUSTUS. Al (il-T SEX. VA CEI.1 SOBMIUS A. \vjfc of BIU8 M A IS - .US. JULIA MAJUEA AUGUSTA, wifi: of GESSIUS MARCIANUS 1 M. AURELTUS ANTO- NINUS AUGUSTUS, commonly called ELAGABALUS. M. AURELIUS SEVE- RUS ALEXANDER AUGUSTUS. A. r>. 180-284.] THE PEKIOD OF TRANSITION. 481 was murdered by his own soldiers at the instigation of Macrinus (217-218), who succeeded to the throne. After a reign of four- teen months, he was defeated in battle by Elagabalus (218-222) the sun-priest, who was a true oriental, and appeared in the streets in the oriental costume, painted and bedizened. During this period all literature disappeared, and it is only from notices of foreigners that any glimpse is given of the life in the capital. 6. Alexander Severus (A. D. 222-238). Elagabalus was succeeded by Alexander Severus, who was an emperor of a very different type. He had been carefully educated, and he strove as far as possible to restore the declining state. He re- established the council of state, and endeavored to elevate the senate in public esteem. 1 His efforts, however, were unavailing. The mili- tary power had become predominant, and it re- quired a great man to quell it. The praeto- rians put TJlpian, the great jurist, to death, and Dio Cassius, the historian, escaped the same fate only by going into exile. The emperor fell in a mutiny instigated by Maximin, a Thracian peasant, a man of gigantic stature, who had won the favor of Severus. The degradation of Rome was now complete. Its chief was an illiterate barbarian. He was followed by Gordian (A. D. 238- 244), who was murdered by the soldiers; by Philip (244-249), who celebrated the thousandth anniversary of Rome by mag- nificent games ; and by Decius (249-351), who persecuted the Christians, and was slain in a war with the Goths. ALEXANDER SEVERUS. 1 During his reign the magnificent baths (thermae, AntoniniancE), beffnn by Caracalla In 212, were completed. See p. 408. 482 THE PERIOD OF TRANSITION. [ A. D. 180-284. 7. The Age of the Thirty Tyrants (A. n. 251-268). After the death of Decius, the generals in different provinces were declared emperors, 1 and such confusion prevailed in every quarter, that this period is called the age of the thirty tyrants. The barbarians renewed their attacks with irresistible force. Every part of the frontier was threatened at once. The em- pire seemed on the point of dissolution. Still, under more able and vigorous generals it rallied once more; its power was re- covered, its limits suffered no diminution; its weakness, how- ever, was fully known to its enemies as well as to its subjects. 2 8. Five Good Emperors (A. D. 368-384). - Under Claudius (A. D. 268-270), Aurelitm (A. n. 2; 0-2 ;.")), Tacitus (A. D. 275-6), Probus (A. D. 276-282), and Cams (A. a 282-283), five able emperors, the fragments into which the empire had begun to split were reunited. The security of the frontier was re-established. Claudius routed the Alemanni in North- ern Italy, and gained a great victory over the Goths at Nais-us iu Mcesia. Aurelian defeated the Goths in I'annonia, drove the Alemanni out of Italy, and in order to protect the city in case of future invasions, surrounded it by a wall of about thirteen miles in length. This wall, although many times restored since then, still stands for the most part on the line which Aurelian traced for it. lie founded " the city of Aurelian " 3 on the site of Genabum, relinquished Dacia to the Goths and the Vandals, and removed the Iioman >et tiers across the river into Moesia, a part of which was henceforth known as " Dacia Aure- liani." After defeating the Goths, he undertook a war against Zcnobia (A. D. 264-273), the queen of Palmyra. This city had 1 As Odenathus, who founded the kingdom of Palmyra ; Celsus in Africa ; Marinus In Asia Minor ; Piso in Thi-^aly, etc. 1 On the Upper Rhine and the head waters of tin- Danube, the Suevj, or . as Tacitus calls them, the Chatti, had joined with the I':>ji, Marcomaimi and Quadi. under the gen- eral name of Alemanni : these tribes had formerly availed Rluetia. Pannonia. but later they broke through the Roman ramparts, entered the a *, and threatened Gaul and Italy : in Tsl they penetrated into Italy ;i- t'.ir a- Ka\enna. They gained no permanent fooling, but failed awny before the" enervating intliienre* of the climate and civilized life; on the Lower Rhine, the Chatti. (,'hauci. Cheni-^ci and other tribes, under the name of Franks, invaded Gaul and penetrated into Spain and i into Africa ; they made no ]>ermani i ver Danube and on the shores of the Euxiiie, the Goths and tl. inie the most threatening : they occupied Dacia. they were bold na\ itrator-. they crossed the Euxine and ravaged the coa-t of Asia Minor. Ou the ia-teni frontier, the i.'-w dyna.-ty of tlv- Sa--anidse was growing in power. About this time the Saracens came into notice, plundering the out- skirts between Egypt and Palestine. J Orleans. 484 KEIGN OF D10CI.KTIA.V. [A. I). 284-305. attained remarkable prosperity. Philosophy and the arts flour- ished, and Zeuobia herself was illustrious for her political wis- dom, and the encouragement she gave to the critic Longinus. The city, the ruins of which are still among the most remark- able of the ancient world, was taken by storm and Zenobia led in triumph to Rome. Tacitus (A.D. 275-0), the next emperor, was elected by the senate. He lost his life in a campaign again.-t the Alaui in Asia Minor. On the death of Tacitus his brother Florian (A.D. 270) assumed the imperial purple, but he was de- feated and put to death by I'mbux (A. i>. ^'lO-'.'.s-*). Probus \va.-, engaged during his whole reign in driving back the barbarians on the frontiers, and in quelling disorder within the empire. He delivered (iaul from the ravages of the Germans : he crossed the Rhine and recovered fo& agri cbcumates, and repaired the ancient fortifications from the Rhine to the Danube. Probus was murdered by his soldiers, \vho conferred tne crown upon Aureliu* Cant* (A.D. v's^-3), the prefect of the pnetorians. Cams proclaimed his two sons to be C;vMMK.\ i;v DKX T.KI i AN (A.I). ~2*- 305) WERE COMPLETED BY ( '<>NM A.NTINK. 1. Character of the Imperial Government. The ac- cession of Diocletian marks a new era in the history of the empire, lie inaugurated a new policy of government, Avhich did away with the last semblance of liberty. From this time the old republican names entirely dUippear the senate and the consuls ceased to have any power. Until the death of Marcus A.D. r'S-4-305.] REIGX OF DIOCLETIAN. 485 Aurelius, the government retained much of the character of the old republic. Just as formerly the dictator had managed the state with the confidence of the aristocratic senate, so then it was guided by a permanent prince, nominated by his predeces- sor. In the first case the power of the dictator was limited in point of time, that of the latter by nothing except his own will. For the most part, however, the emperors chose to re- gard the senate with deference and to secure its co-operation in the government. The question with Augustus had been to arrange the relations of the military to the civil powers so as to make them as little oppressive and as durable as possible. In the first period, that is to the death of Aurelius, the Roman people were distinctly separated from the barbarians. 2. The Military Power. During the transition period (A. D. 180-284) the military power became predominant. The Germans were admitted into the empire. The old limits of the frontier still remained, but barbarians swarmed throughout the empire. The word Roman ceased to be a national designa- tion. The army was recruited from the barbarians Goths and Vandals. Victories were still won, but mostly by barbarian hands. During this period the empire showed a tendency to separate, to break into fragments. Gaul, Britain and Spain, tended to separate from Italy and form new nationalites. In the time of the thirty tyrants, Gaul and Spain were actually separated and governed for some time by independent em- perors. The East sought to break away from the West, and this tendency was at a later time recognized by a permanent division of the empire. 3. Changes Made by Diocletian. These dangers, how- ever, were overcome, the empire rallied, and a new system was introduced that enabled it to support itself over its whole ex- tent for more than another century, and in the Eastern half for many centuries. It was no longer the question to arrange the relations between the imperator and the senate, but between the iuijK'i-dtnr and his let/a/ i, and the army. But now, as then, the only hope of peace was in a strong central government. Liberty was still further diminished, and power still more absolutely 486 I;I:H;X <>F DIOCLETIAN'. [A. D. 284-305. concentrated into one man's hand. 1 In effecting this revolu- .tion there came first the temporary arrangement of Diocletian, whose first act was to associate with himself (A. D. 280) his companion in arms. Muslin in ,<, under the title of J//////.V/MX, to rule over the West, while Diocletian himself encountered the enemies of the empire in the East. In A. P. '-.'D^. he appointed two Ccesar* as assist jmts, (litlt'i-'ntx and ('t>nx/> work in c nistrnc-itiu' ttie-- I- Th.'.v were ill und'T \ti-n. A. n. fit ; (2i under !)>* /;//'/". v. n. 9"> ; i.'il under Trujnu. A. D. 100 ; (4) under Mn '-. A. i>. ^(B ; (li) under Maxim- AD. > : i7i under DPC'IHS. A under Valerian, A. D. 258: C3) under , A. D. 275 ; (W) under Diocletian and .I THE ROMAN EMPIRE IN THE TIME OF DIOCLETIAN Scale of Miles 1U0200300400600600700800 English Fuk A S-c.N V A. D. 305-324.] REIGX OF DIOCLETIAN. 487 of all commodities rose. An effort was made by an imperial edict 1 to fix the maximum prices of all necessaries of life throughout the empire. 5. Diocletian Abdicates. In A. D. 305, the emperors resigned the government into the hands of the Caesars. Dio- cletian returned to Dalmatia, his native country, and built a magnificent palace at Salona on the Adriatic coast. ABCH OF CONSTANTINI ENT CONDITION.) 6. Contest for the Empire (A. D. 305-324). On the abdication of Diocletian and his colleague, the two Caesars assumed the title of Augustus, and appointed two new Caesars : Maximin, to whom Syria and Egypt were assigned, and Severus who ruled in Italy and Africa. Constantius died soon after at York (A. D. 300), ;md his son Constantino was proclaimed 1 In 1826 Col. Leake discovered a copy of this edict (issued A. D. 303) at Stratonicea (J&ki-Ifisxar). in Caria. A maximum price is fixed for oil. salt, honey, butchers' meat. poultry, same. ti-h. veeetables. fruit, clothe*, hoots and shoes, corn, wine and beer, the of laborers and artisans, schoolmasters and orators: merit which in the second eentury of the empire had been in Rome about two denarii per pound, v as fixed at eight f the waze* of agricultural laborers was twenty-five. Mommsf.n, Do* Edict Diocl. de Pretax Rtrum \'tn-di:im ; also Gibbon, vol. i., p. 440, note. 488 REIGN OF CON>TAXTIM:. [A. D. 324-33? Caesar by his legions against the wish of Galerius. A series of bloody wars followed, and Constantino having overcome all his competitors, became sole emperor. 1 He received the epithet of "Great," to which his success had well entitled him. 7. Military and Civil Powers Separated. Under Diocletian the imperial power had been strengthened by sharing it with three able generals whom he attached to himself. The empire was firmly ruled from four centres Xicomedia, Sii-- mium, Milan and Trevcs,* while the undisputed ascendency of Diocletian retained all the advantages of unity. This plan enabled the empire to subdue and pacify her subject nationali- ties, and to surmount the great danger that threatened its exist- ence the tendency to break into fragments. Constantino completed the revolution begun by Diocletian. The tyranny of the leg at i was broken by separating the military power from the civil. Formerly, the Icyatiis had at the same time been both a civil and military governor. Now the emperor alone possessed both civil and military power and the Icy/if i becann' civil governors. In this way the second danger was overcome, the formidable military go\ernurs were disarmed. The imag- ination of the people wa- daxxlrd by the establishment of a court with oriental magnificence, and their hearts were won by the alliance of the church with the Mate. 8. Reorganization of the Empire. The whole empire was divided into four prefectures, 2 and tlu'n<.'lii to subdue UK rebellion but he was compelled in retreat. Fora time- there \vvre six Auirusti : Galerius. Maximin and Licinius in the Eu-t, and Con-iantine Maximian and Maxentiiu in the West. First. Maximian tryins: to dethrone his son in Rome, \\a- t'.i-feated and compelled to takerefture in Gaul, where lie was killed by Oon-taniine in A.D 310. Galerius died in A. D. 311. Maxentitis was defeated in A. D. 31-,' by Con-tuntiiic in the battle of Turin, and as he was anemi>tin<; to escape to Rome over the Milvian bri'lu'" i he wa- forced Into the Tiber and drowned. The Roman senate decreed games and festival-, and had a tri- umphal arch erected in memory of the victory. It i- adorned with admirable sculptures, stripped from the arch of Traian. Th-> l>a-ilirn of Constantine WM erected by Maxen- tiii". Maximin was defeated 'in A. n. 313 by Licinius at Adrianople. and died in the flight. There remained only Licinius and Conntantine. Affr a long and bloody struggle, Licinins b<-ing defeated at Adrianople and Clialeedon. Consiantine remained sole emperor (A.D. 334). * Antrnsta Treverorum. " The four prefectures were tlio-e (.f ,li (; the Ea*1. embracing ail the A-i:>tir province". For a list of the 120 provinces and their orgsnfntioa in the year -111' A. D., see pp. xxix. and xxx. At A. D. 324-337.] REIGX OF COXSTANTINE. 480 into thirteen dioceses, consisting of one hundred and twenty provinces.* The military power was entrusted to a master of the cavalry (magister equituni) and a master of the infantry (magister pcditum), under whom were counts (comites) and dukes (duces) ; the civil power was committed to four praetorian prefects, and to the so-called vicars (vicarii} of the dioceses, and to the consulars, presidents, proconsular and cor- rectors (correctores) of the provinces. 9. The Capital ; Taxation ; The Army, For a long time the progress of civilization had been toward the East. This tendency Constantine recognized by transferring his residence to Byzantium, which henceforth received the name of Con- stantinople. By transferring the seat of government to the East, the degradation of Rome * became complete. Even the seat of the western empire was at Milan. The new capital was fortified with walls and towers, embellished with palaces and churches, and decorated with the fairest treasures of art. There were two senates and a multitude of senators scattered throughout the empire. The number of legions was increased from thirty-one to one hundred and thirty-two, while the strength of each was decreased to about fifteen hundred men. The whole army, mostly recruited from barbarian tribes, under two commanders, later under four, occupied seven hundred and eighty-three permanent stations on the frontiers. In order to support this new government, a galling system of taxation was necessary. The taxes were raised by the old method. 2 the court were seven chief officers (1) the Grand Chamberlain (prcepositus sacri cubicuH) ; (2) the Chancellor (magitter officiorwri) (3) the Qusestor (qutzstar sacri cubiculi); (4) the Treasurer Uenera.1 (coines sacrarum largitionum) (5) the Treasurer of the Privy Purse (comes rerum privafarum) ; (6 and 7) the commanders of the body-guard of infantry and cavalry (comite* domesticorum eqvitum et petlitum). Each of these had a large number of attendants and officials" under him, each of whom, as well as all who came in contact "it'i 'li-n. was declared holy (wrn), and any injury to one of them was regarded as high treason. A system of graduated titles was introduced, composed of three ranks, (1) the illustrious (ittuxtres), (2) the respectable (specfabiles). and the honorable (daris/iimi). Those who had not been raised to the senatorial rank had the title of perfectissimi or egrerjii; the senators were Gtamsimi ; the two other titles were reserved for the higher officials. 1 From a description of the city written about A.D. 312, we know that Rome had C> obi-lisks, 8 bridges. 11 baths, 856 bath-rooms, 19 aqueducts (4 now in use). 2 circuses, 3 amphitheatre*, 8 tlicairrs. 4 L'ladiatorial schools. 36 triumphal arches. There were 423 streets, 1790 palaces. 46.602 dwelling-houses. From the 37 gates diverged 23 roads. Frittl/ancler. 1. c., vol. i., p. 12 f. 2 The land-tax, poll-tax, tax on trades, indirect taxes, custom dues, forced contri- butions; it is not certain that Constantine added others. * See map, No. 8. 490 EEIGN OF CONSTAVI ; [A. i). 10. Christianity the State Religion. The most im- portant change that Constantine introduced was the adoption of Christianity as the state religion. Constantine related to his biographer Eusebius, that while marching from Haul at the head of his legions, he beheld in the heavens a luminous cross with this inscription, By this conquer (TOVTU vino). In con- sequence of this vision he made a standard for the whole army the labarwn after the pattern of the cross. In A.D. 313 the cele- brated Milan decree was issued which gave the imperial license to the religion of the Christians. When Constantine becaiin- sole ruler, he openly declared in favor of Christianity. The favor that Constantine bestowed upon the Christians was dictated by policy; for he hoped to secure their support in the contest with his rival. Just as Augustus had based his empire on a revival of the Pagan faith, so Coustantine accepted the Christian, and sought to effect a union between church and state. The efforts of Constantine to bring into harmony the Christian, and Pagan faiths were unsuccessful. He could not keep even the Christians in agreement with one another. In A. D. 325 the first general council of the representatives of the church at Nicaea (Nice) met to decide the controversy between Arms and Athanasius. 11. Character of Constantine. Constantino's charac- ter was not free from serious faults. He had Licinius and his own son put to death. His religion was a strange mixture be- tween Christianity and Paganism. lie worshipped Pagan divinities, consulted the haruspices. and indulged in Pagan superstitions. The reforms of Constantino were of great importance, because they changed entirely the character of the government. The power of the senate was gone forever, and the restrictions of the old constitutional government disap- peared. Constantine created a new senate and a new hierarchy of officers, which became the prototype for the graduated scale of nobility of Europe. His military talents and powers of organ- ization were great. On the Rhenish and Danubian frontiers he drove back the Germans and the Sarmatians, and at the time of his death was about to conduct a campaign against the Persians. A. D. 337-476.] THE DECLINE OF THE EMPIEE. 491 THE GRADUAL DISSOLUTION OF THE EMPIRE THE KEUNION OF THE EAST AND THE WEST. 1. Bloody Warfare. Constantine had divided the em- pire among his three sons, Constantine, Constans, and Con- stantius. After several years of bloody warfare Constantius (A. D. 353-361) gained the sovereignty. While he was engaged in the East, he sent Julian, whom he had named Caesar, to protect Gaul from the Alemanni and the Franks, who had over- run the whole province. Julian drove them out of the country, led three expeditions across the Ehine, and ravaged Germany far and wide. On his return he was proclaimed emperor, and marched against his rival to maintain his cause. A civil war was prevented by the death of Constantius. 2. Julian (A. D. 361-363). Julian had been educated by the Platonic philosophers, and was a pagan by conviction. He attempted to destroy Christianity by directing against its pro- fessors every weapon of petty persecution. He discharged the superfluous officers, improved the administration, and tightened the reins of discipline in the army. He was a brave soldier. He undertook a campaign against the Persians, and attempted to make Babylonia a Roman province. He fell while trying to effect a retreat from the Tigris, and was succeeded by Jovian (A. D. 363-4), whose reign is remarkable for nothing except the disgraceful peace which he concluded with the Persians. 3. Division of the Empire. Jovian was succeeded by Val- entinian (A. D. 364-375), who resigned the East to his brother Valens (A. D. 364-378), while he took upon himself the defence of the Rhenish and Danubian frontiers. 1 Valentinian was killed 1 With his court first at Milan, afterwards at TrSves, in order to conduct the war against the Alemanui. 492 DISSOLUTION OF THE EMPIRE. [A. D. 337-476. in u campaign against the Quadi and the Sannaiians, and the Empire of the West fell to his son Gratian (A. D. 315-383.) 4. Invasion of the Huns. While Valens was ruling in the East, the Huns appeared on the Danube and defeated the Visigoths, 1 who, being hard-pressed, obtained permission in A. D. 376 to cross the Danube and settle in Moasia. But the Goths being provoked by ill-treatment from the Roman officials, seized their arms and defeated the Romans at Mar- cianople and Adrianople (A. D. 378), and slew Valens. 5. Gratian (A. D. 375-383). Gratian, who had succeeded Valentinian, feeling unable to cope with the new foe, placed, in A. D. 370, the East under the superintendence of the brave Theodosius (A. D. 379), who has justly been called the Great. Partly by successful battles, partly by negotiation, he succeeded in reducing the Visigoths (A. D. 382) and afterwards the Ostro- goths (A. D. 386) to subjection and settled them in Moesia, Thrace, Asia Minor and Illyricum, and admitted forty thou- sand of them into the Roman army. 6. Theodosius. In the West, Gratiau was killed by Maximiis (A. D. 383-388); and Valentinian II, (A.D. 388-392), who had succeeded Gratian, as well as Eugenius (A. D. 392- 394) were conquered and put to death by Theodosius (A. D. 374). As sole emperor (A. D. 394-5) Theodosius re- pelled the barbarians and strengthened the frontier. On his death the empire was divided between his two sons Ar- cadius and Honorius ; the former was under the guidance of Rufinus and the latter that of Stilicho. This division of the empire is of importance, for it was the recognition of a ten- dency that had long been at work. Henceforth there existed a jealousy betAveen the East and the West. The barbarians were often treated with by the Eastern emperor and induced to turn their arms against the West. From this time dates the estab- lishment of the Eastern Empire, which existed from the reign of Arcadius (A.D. 395) 2 to the capture of Constantinople by the Turks in A. D. 1453. 1 Wlien the Visigoths (Western Goths) entered the empire, the Ostrogoths (Eastern Goths) pressed forward to fill their vacant room. Date of the final division of the empire ; the frontier line followed np the Sanie ahont 60 miles from Belgrade, thence up the Drimis to its source, and then across the mountains to Lissus. See map. s FROM THE TIME OP CONSTAXTLXE TO THAT OP THEODOSIIJS. (For the names of the Provinces corresponding to the numbers see pp. xxix. and xxx.) TEEF. OF rilK EAST. ^gf> OF ILLYR1CTTM. H) OF TTA1 Dioce. I. Aegypt; 11. East; 111. Pontus; IV. Asia; Y. Thrace. Tl. Macedonia; Ml. Dacia. Till. Italia; U. lllyric PARTITION OP THE EMPIKE, A.D. 395, * , Africa. XI. Gallia; XII. llispania; X1I1. Britannia, L.D. 337-170.] DISSOLUTION OF THE EMPIRE. 493 7. Stilicho. In A. i>. 398 the Goths of Mcesia and Thrace ignited under Alaric; but instead of being repressed by the Eastern emperor, Arcadius made Alaric general over Eastern llyricum. The invasion of the West that followed was attributed 3 the connivance of the Eastern emperor, who turned the Goths 1 j wards Italy in order to save his own territories. The brave tilicho checked the invaders, finally defeating them in A. D. 403 ear Pollen tia and Verona, and compelling Alaric their leader 3 retreat. In A. D. 405 the Vandals, Suevi, Alani, and Bur- undians, under the leadership of Rhadagaisus, were defeated ear Florence and almost totally annihilated. The remnant f the barbarian army crossed the Alps, and plundered Gaul, 'rom this time (A.D. 406) dates the final severance of Gaul from lie Roman empire. The Sueves, Alans and Vandals, who gave heir names to the province of Vandalusia, (or Andalusia) passed ito Spain (A.D. 409), while the Burgundians founded the ingdom of Burgundy. About the same time (A.D. 418) the ingdom of the Franks was founded by Pharamand. In A.D. 08 Alaric reappeared. Stilicho had fallen, having been sacri- ced to the jealousy of the emperor. Rome was besieged, and nly saved by paying an enormous ransom (A.D. 409). 8. Sack of Rome by Alaric. In A.D. 410 Alaric re- urned for the third time. Rome was taken and sacked, and lout-hern Italy overrun. His successor, Adolphus, concluded treaty with Honorius by which the Goths settled in Gaul, lis successor, Wallia, drove the Vandals and Alans beyond the iierra Morena, and founded the West-Gothic kingdom with its apital at Tolosa. When the Vandals crossed over to Africa he West-Goths extended their power over the whole of Spain. 1 The place of the Mceso-Goths in the Teutonic family can be seen from the following ible: TEUTONIC. GERMAN. SCANDINAVIAN, including ICELANDIC, DANISH, etc. IcEso-GoTmc. Low GERMAN, including HIGH GERMAN, including FRIESIAN, OLD SAXON. OLD HIGH GERMAN, ANGLO-SAXON. ENGLISH, MIDDLE HTOH GERMAN, DUTCH, FLEMISH. MODERN HIGH GERMAN. 494 DISSOLUTION OF THE EMPIRE. [ A. D. 337-470. 9. Tendency of the Empire to Break into Frag- nients. About the same time Britain (A. D. 418) broke away from the empire. Gaul and Spain soon afu-rwards were lost. Illyricum and Pannonia were overrun by Goths. Africa was wrested from the empire by the barbarian Genseric. Honorius died in A.D. 423, and was succeeded by Valentinian III. (A.D. 425-455) with yEtius. "the last of the Romans," as his minis- ter. During his reign the Huns, under Aftila, who called himself "the Scourge of God," crossed the Rhine and entered the empire. Being defeated by the West-Goths and the Franks under the leadership of .-Etius at Chalons (A.D. 451), they in- vaded Italy the next year and spread desolation and rain over the whole plain of the Po. Padua, Verona, and Aquileja were destroyed, and the inhabitants fled to the islands of the Veneti, A.D. 337-476.] DISSOLUTION Of TffE EMPIRE. 495 and laid the foundation of Venice. The chief kingdoms that were founded by the followers of Attila were that of the Ostro- goths in Pannonia, that of the Gepidae in Dacia, and that of the Heruli in Dalmatia. 10. Sack of Rome by Genseric. Valentinian was mur- dered by Maximus, who lost his life the same year in the sack of Rome by the Vandals under Genseric (A. D. 455). The vessels of the barbarians were heaped with gold and silver treasures, and with the ornaments from the temples and the forum. The capitol was stripped of its gilded tiles, and the golden candlesticks that Titus had brought from Jerusalem were taken to Africa. 11. Count Ricimer. Maximus was followed by Avitus (A. D. 455-6), but the latter was soon compelled to abdicate by Count Ricimer, who commanded the foreign troops in the pay of Rome. Ricimer created and deposed emperors until A. D. 472. During this time Italy was subjected to incessant depredations, so that Ricimer applied to Leo, the emperor of the East, for aid. On the death of Ricimer Leo appointed Nepos emperor, but Ores- tes, who had obtained the title of patrician, which ranked next to the emperor, deprived Nepos of the royal purple and gave it to his son Romulus Augustulus. Odoacer, by whose aid Orestes had defended the empire, demanded pay for his mercenaries, and, according to the custom of the barbarians, one third of the land of Italy. When this was refused, Odoacer gathered the barbarian forces throughout Italy. Orestes was shut up in Pavia and killed in the assault upon the city. Augustulus was com- pelled to abdicate, and was permitted to retire with an ample revenue to the villa of Lucullus in Campania. The senate sent a deputation to the Eastern emperor Zeno to represent that there was no longer any need of a separate emperor for the West, and entreated him to confer the administration of the Italian provinces 1 on Odoacer. He granted what he could not refuse, and Odoacer 2 with the title of patrician ruled Italy as the vicar of the Eastern emperor. 1 See list of Italian provinces, p. xxii. After a reign of fourteen years" Odoacer wa compelled to yield his throne to Theo- doric. who founded the kingdom of the Ostrogoths in Italy. 496 FALL OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE. [ A.I). 476. 12. Reunion of the East and the West The Kast and the West were once more united, and for more than three cen- turies the empire was ruled from Byzantium instead of Koine. The year A. D. 476, often mistaken as the date of the fall of the Roman empire, only marked the reunion of the West with the East. It was not till later times that this year became such an important epoch. The consequences of this reunion, however, in emancipating the popes from the authority of the emperors, in hastening the development of a Latin as opposed to Greek and oriental forms of Christianity, and in bringing the Teu- tonic ruler of the West under the power of the popes, were from the first very great. 1 The form of government the Roman emperor, the consuls, the senate still existed, and the people cherished the delusion that the barbarian king was only the vicar of the absent emperor. 2 For more than three centuries a single emperor ruled the world. I. XIX. THE INTERNAL HISTORY THE FALL OF THE WESTERN EM- PIRE CHRISTIANITY THE STATE RELIGION. 1. The Fall of the Empire. It is important to re- member that the history of the Western Roman empire did not terminate with the year A. i>. 4T<>. Legally it had no ex- tinction ; the seat of the civil government was simply trans- ferred to Byzantium. The imperial government had been established to protect the frontier and to promote peace and security in Italy and the provinces. 3 Different emperors 1 Bryce. Holy Rom. Empire, p. 26. ' Ttiere is no ancient authority for the common statement that Odoacer assumed the ttUe of " king of Italy "; he reigix'd as kingovrr his own people. For mediaeval his- tory it is important to remember that the line of emperors never ceased : that from A. D. 476 to 800, the time when Charles the Great assumed the empire, the Byzantine em- peror -m iXeoplatonism) into conformity with the national religion, by calling the demon- . who were supposed to hold Intercourse with men and whose Interventions explained the mysteries of the world* I firm and *nnej> and genii. This device snccef-ded, in a measure, and the new philosophy rained acceptance among the higher classes. Preller. ROmNche Mvthologie. p. 3H, also Seeley, 1. c., p. 91. CHRISTIANITY THE STATE RELIGION. 501 free choice were done. The government was none the less despotic, but free-will made terms with the victorious power of government and accepted a fraction, but a secure fraction, of its original possessions. A distinction was introduced like that which we now recognize between political and social life. In political life, despotism reigned with more undisputed title than ever, raid was more remorselessly cruel. But from social life despotism was almost expelled." * 7. Progress of Christianity. We have already spoken of the entrance of Christianity into the Roman empire, and the fact that it found its first converts among the slaves and freed- men. Since that time Christianity had made great progress, and had found favor with many of higher rank. In the begin- ning of the second century, Pliny 2 speaks of the Christians as a well-known class, and the laws 8 against them as well under- stood. The revival of religion during the revolutionary age was felt in the action of the government against the Christians. It was in the name of religion 4 that Decius and Aurelian assailed the Christians. In the time of Diocletian, the Chris- tians had become so numerous that his edict commanding them to offer sacrifices was resisted throughout the empire. 8. Christianity the State Religion. Constantine, though personally indifferent to every form of religion, had the acute- ness to perceive that Christianity was a great power in the state, and in order to conciliate the favor of its followers, he issued an edict, 5 licensing the religion of the Christians, and promising them his favor and protection. After his success in the field, Constantine recognized the rights of Christians, and protected their churches. 6 Still, hr did not break with Pagan- Seeley, 1. c., 89. He was governor of Bithynia in A. D. 111-118. Secundum niandatq tua hedrriax vetueram. It is a mistake to suppose that Christianity made the Roman world religious ; it was? intensely religious before Christianity had become the state religion. The Edict of Milan. A. D. 313. From this a^e dates the rise of that form of architecture, which was modelled upon the Roman oarilica, in which the main body of the building (the nave, so-called from its resemblance to the interior of a ship. Havi) uorommodated those assembled foi pleasure or business : the aisle (alir. -winrj*\, divided from the nave by pillars, afforded freer passage as well as retirement from 'the crowd; while the semicircular end (ap*f} was for the prsetor and those who appeared before his tribunal. In the churches these divisions became the nare, a'n>lfn, and choir. The two oldest and finest examples of Christian basilicse were those of St. Petrr, built by Constantine (on the site of the preseni St. Peter's), and St. Paul, built !>y Honorius. 502 CHRISTIANITY THE STATE RELKiKiV. ism. He was chief pontiff of Jupiter, and even looked forward to being himself enrolled among the objects of national worship. He was unwilling to make- any distinction l bet ween his I'a^an and Christian subjects, or to establish Christianity by any formal act. Still, by the edict of toleration, and by practising the forms of Christian worship himself, Constantine encouraged his subjects to embrace something better than the .Sun-worship The forms of Paganism had waxed old and were ready to vanish. It was well that it was so ; it was well that " the Roman empire, searching eagerly to find a religion, discovered in its own bosom a worship which had the two things which the age demanded a supernatural pretension and an ideal of moral goodness." 3 1 The retention of the old Pagan name of Dies soli*, or Sunday, for the weekly Chris- tian festival, in in gre:it measure owing to the union of Patran and Christian sentiment, with which the first day of tin- week \v;i< r-coinnu-ndrd by Constantino to lii~ ou Pagan and Christian alike, a* the " venerable day of th<- snn." His decree regulatini; i's observance ha- justly been called a new era in the history of the Lord's Day. It a- his mode of harmonizing the discordant religions of the empire under one common institu- tion. Dean Stanley, Eaxttrn Church, p. 193. " Seeley, 1. c., 95. SUMMARY- FIRST PERIOD OF IMPERIALISM B.C. 31-A. n. ISO. Extent of the Empire. Reign of \iii;iiHi . B.C. 3I-A.D. 14. Powers Con- f- rr' d on Augustus. When Augustus became sole ruler, the Roman empire extended from the Atlantic ocean to the Euphra- tes on the east, and from the British channel, the Ger- man ocean, the Rhine, the Danube, and the Euxine on the north to the African desert on the south. Augustus carefully avoided every title that could give offence tc the people. The senate was raised in general estima- tion, and on its dignity he founded his government- While avoiding all show and grandeur and discarding every title, even the name of dictator, that had any unpleasant recollections attached to it, he managed to grasp within hi? own hands all the offices of the state that had any real power attached to them. As imper- ator he had the proconsular power or command of the armies ; as president of the senate he guided the coun- cils of that body : as consul and censor, he had the powers attached to these offices, and finally the tribu- nitian power and the chief pontificate were added. SUMMARY. 503 Augustus restored order in Italy and the provinces. Nine praetorian cohorts kept order in Rome and Italy. To these must be added the regular and special police force in the city. During the reign of Augustus cam- paigns were carried on against the tribes in northern Spain, as well as those of the Eastern Alps the Rhse- tians and Vindelitians, and those on the Rhenish 1 and Danubian frontiers. The last years of the emperor's life were clouded by a defeat in Germany under Varus. During the reign of Augustus several important provinces were added to the empire Egypt, the gran- ary of the empire, Rhaetia, Noricum, Pannonia and Mcesia. Under his successors, the boundaries of the empire were still further extended. Cappadocia and Germania, acquired by Tiberius ; Britain, by Claudius ; Mauritania Tingitana, Mauritania Caesariensis, byGajus Caesar ; Alpes Cottiae and Thrace (A.D. 46), under Nero ; and Arabia (A. D. 105), Dacia (A. D. 107), Armenia (A. D! 114), Mesopotamia (A. D, 115) and Assyria (A.D. 115), by Trajan. During the first period of imperialism, the forms of the constitution were generally observed. Some emperors as Tiberius and Nero by reviving the law of Majestas, and the encouragement they gave to ' informers,' were cruel tyrants ; the weight of their tyranny, however, fell chiefly on the city, while the provinces were ably governed. Under Trajan, Ha- drian, and the Antonines, the government was wisely and honestly administered, and the empire reached a high state of prosperity. The city of Rome was adorned with magnificent structures, while roads, harbors, bridges, aqueducts and buildings were con- structed in the provinces. TRANSITION PERIOD A. D, 180-284. During this period the prosperity of the empire de- clined rapidly. The remnants of the old republican government disappeared. The soldiers deserted and either settled among the provincials, or formed them- selves into banditti and ravaged the country. Popula- tion declined, morality decreased, patriotism died out, provinces seemed on the point of breaking away from the empire, the internal administration was neglected, the soldiery made and unmade emperors, and the empire seemed tottering to its fall. When Diocletian ascended the throne, he restored the discipline in the army and introduced reforms that enabled the empire to exist for many centuries. Police Measures. Campaigns. Defeat of Varus, A.D. 9. Extension of the Km pi re Period of Good Government. Prosperity. Period of Anarchy. Mutinous Soldiery. Diocletian, A. D. 284-305. 1 The principal towns on the Rhenish frontier were Colonia Asrrippinensis (Cologne}, Bonna (Bonn). Ad Conflnentes ('Wfiifs'i. Mogontiaeom (Mm/enm), Borbetomagus {Worm*}, Argentoratum (Strasburg), and Augusta Rauracorum (Basle). 504 SUMMARY. Reforms of Diocletian. Reforms Completed by Constantine. The New- Capital. SECOND PERIOD OF IMPERIALISM A. D. 284-476. Diocletian's first act was to associate Maximian with himself as ruler, under the title of ' Augustus.' Then two ' Caesars,' who were to stand to the Augttsli as sons and successors, were created to rule the more unsettled provinces. This arrangement secured the throne against a vacancy, and thus deprived the soldiers of the power of making or unmaking emperors at their pleasure. Throughout the empire anarchy was repressed, and the praetorians were diminished in numbers and made to feel the restraints of discipline. The reforms begun by Diocletian were completed by Constantine. The praetorians were abolished, a court on the oriental plan was organized, and a graduated system of titles introduced. The army was reorganized, the military power was taken from the legal i and reserved for the emperor. By transferring the capital to the East, and by the creation of a new senate, Constantine broke away from the restraints which the senate had hitherto exercised on the authority of the emperor, and Irecd himself from the restrictions which the old constitution imposed upon him. The government was converted into an oriental despotism. Constantine showed favor to the Christians, granted them the free exercise of their religion, and by dis- associating the government with Paganism, he founded it to a certain extent on Christianity. The empire, strengthened by these reforms, rallied and continued its existence for several centuries. The creation of several co-ordinate rulers was a source of numerous quarrels, and the partition of the empire into praefectures increased the tendency to break into fragments. Constantine was hardly dead before a series of bloody wars commenced between his ap- pointed successors. The empire was soon divided. A jealousy sprang up betsveen the East and the West. The Eastern emperor often turned the barbarians towards the West, in order to save his own dominions. Rome was sacked by Alaric (A.D. 410) and Genseric (A.D. 455). The western provinces were overrun by the barbarians, the army became a barbaric horde, and province after province broke from the empire, until finally Italy alone was left. This also the barbarians determined to pos- sess. The emperor was deposed, and Odoacer, the bar- barian chief, ruled Italy as the viceroy of the Eastern emperor. Christianity. Disadvantages of these Changes. Dissolution of the Empire, A. D. 337-476- Reunion of the East and the West, A.D. 476. . INDEX. AbruzzI, 7. Accensi, 368. Actium, battle of, 358. Achaean League, 158, 163, 166. Achaja, a Roman province, 181. Ades, 372; duplex. 372, n. ; simplex, 372, n. 1; triplex. 372, n. 1 ; 373, n. 4 ; 374, n. 1. Adherbal, 216. Addicts, 56, n. 1. Adolphus, 493. AdrianOple, battle of, 492. jEdiles, 385. JSgatian islands, battle at, 136. ^Elius Sejanus 442. JSgatian islands, 126. ^Emilianus, P. Scipio, 169, 177 202. xEmillius Paulus, slain in the battle of Cannse. ..Eneas, 26. ^Equians, 3. 76, 93. jEmrium, 76. Stills, 494. ^Etolian League, 158 ; dissolved, 165, n. 3. ^Etolian wars, 161, 162. Africa, a Roman province, 171. Ager Oalftcus, 5, n. 1 ; Rmnanm, 11, n. 1 ; 114, n. Agri decumates, 45S, 4S4. Agrarian law of S. Ca.ssius. 62 ; of T. Grac- chus, 203 ; extended by G. Gracchus, 209. Agricola, 454. Agrigentum besieged and taken, 120. Agrippa, minister of Augustus, 354. - Menenius, 57. Agripplna, 449, 470, n. 7. Alani, 493. Alaric. 493. Alba Longa, 26. Alban Lake, Alcmanni, 482, 497. Alesia, taken by Caesar, 313. Alexander SeySrus. emperor, 481. Alexander, king of Epirns, Alexandria, 332. Alimentus, Cincius, the annalist, 25. Allia, battle of, 77. Allies, 184 ; number of Italian, 232, n. 3. AJlobroges, embassadors of the, 295. Alps, 6 ; Hannibal's route, 136. Amphitheatre, meaning of, 411, n. 4.; 411 f. Ancus Marcius, 30 ; conquers Latin cities and removes the inhabitants to Rome, 30. Ancyra, 438 ; Monumentnm AncyrSnum. 438. Andriscus, 166. Annus confusionis, 339, n. 2. Antiochus, king of Syria, 156; proposes partition of Egypt, 161 ; receives Hanni- bal, 101 ; invades Greece, 162 ; defeated at Thermophyhe, 162; at Magnesia, 162; cedes all his territory in Asia Minor t the Romans, 162. Antium, conquest of, 96. Antisignati.%i-2, n. 3. Antoninus, M. Commftdus, emperor, 479. Antoninus Pins, emperor, 464. Antonius, G., 287. Antonius, M.. the orator, 246. Antonius.Marcus (Mark Antony), 830, 343 f 351 ; death of, 359. Apennines, 6. Appian Way, 111. Apollonia, 345. Appian, the historian, 116a, 255, n. 8. Appius Claudius Caecus, 106. AppulSjus, 227 ; his laws, 222. Apulia, 6. ApulSjus, 500, n. 1. Aqua Appia, 112, 11. 3; Claudia, 199, n. 1. Aquae Sextiae, battle of, 223; colony at, 211 n. 3 ; 214, n. 4. Aquiieja, 221. Aquillius, M', 226. Arabia, 432, 459. Arausio, battle of, 222. Arcadius, emperor of the East, 492. Archeiaus, 249. Archim5des, 146. Architecture, modelled on the basilica, 601, n. 6. Ariobarzanes, Ariovistus, 309. Aristobfllus, 282. Aristotle, the philosopher, 116a. Arius, 490. Armenia, 278, 279 ; Lesser Armenia, a prov- ince, 283. n. 3. Arminius, 436. Army, organization of, 367, 368 ; pay of, 374 ; in time of Augustus, 429. Armor, 23. Arrogatio, 52, n. 1. Artaxata, 281. Aryan, 9, n. 8. As (coin), 22, n. 5, 194, n. 1. Asculurn, battle of, 106. 506 IXDEX. Assidui, 22, n. 2, 387. Asellio, 8. Sempronius, praetor, 240. Asia, a Roman province, 179. Asia, 3. Athenio, 226. Athens, 249. Attfla invades Italy, 491 Atrium, 25, n. 1 ; 887. Atallan farces (Atellanas Fatntte), 413, n. 1. Att&lus, king of Pergamns, 204, n.5; 283, n. 3. Augurs, 39. Augustus, 420, n. 6. See Octavius. Augusta Praetoria, 423. Aulus Gellius, 43, n. 1. Aurelian, emperor, 482. Aurelian law, 271. Aurelius, Marcus, emperor, 466. Awpicia, 38, 39 ; privafa, puMica, 72, n. 1 ; ex calo. 88, n. 2 . ex anous, 38, n. 2 ; ex trepudiis ; ex quadrupedibus. 38, n. 2 ; ex diris, 88, n. 2. B. Baths, 407. Baecftla, battle of, 148. Bajae, 262. Balearic slingers, 372. Ballista?, 880. Barbarians press upon the frontier?, 466 ; their confederations, 482, n. 2; their ir- ruptions into the provinces and Italy, 484, 492. 49s ; their civilization, 498. J9a*i/lca, 286. BatSvi, revolt of, 453. Bedriacum, 451 f. Belgic war, 310. Berenice, 425. Bibulus, M., consul with Caesar, 304. Bifrons, 36. Bissextus, 339, n. 2. Boadicaea. 451, n. 1. Boarding-bridge's, 121. Boji conquered, 103. Bonna Dea, sacrilege of Clodius, 808, n. 1. BonOnia (Bologna), road to, 111. Books, 401. Bospftrus, Cimmerian, 281. Brennus, 77, n. 1. Bmndisitim, 327 ; treaty of, 852. Bruttii, 6. Kruttium, 6. n. 2. Britain, invaded by Caesar, 310 ; second in- vasion, 810 : conquered by Claudius. I Hi; conquests extended by Vespasian, 404. Brutus, D., governor of Cisalpine Gaul, put to death, 341, n. 1 : 348, n. 1. Brutus, 342; L. Junius, ill, n. 1 ; 342, 349. Brutus, M Junius, one of the conspirators, retires to Macedonia, 350 ; collects an army, 349 ; plunders the cities in Asia Minor. .349 ; crosse- to Greece, 350; de- feated at Philippi, 350; kills himself, 350. Burchana, island of, 433. Burgundians, 493. Byzantium 158, 489. C. Csepio, commander at the battle of Araiisio. 222 : gold of Tolosa, 227, n. 5; condemned tn death, ,",>,!. Caesarea Augusta (Saragossa) founded, 430, n. I. Caesar, Augustus, his early career, 345; treaty with Antmiius, : Caesar, Gajus (Caligula), 444; succeeds Tibe- rius, 444: death of, 1 1:>. Caesar, Gajus Julius, ri-i- of, W ; qu;i-tor, 302; aedlle, 303 ; restores the trophietof Marius, 303; greatest man of antiquity, 303; propraetor in Spain, 304; forms a cabal with Porapejtu and Ora-sus, 304 ; consul, 304; carnesan Agrarian and oilier laws, 304 ; proconsul, 305 ; intrigues with Clodius, 305 ; campaign- in Gar.l. 3'IS-314 ; the Rubicon, 325 ; legality of his course, 325; drives his opponents from Italv, *27: enters Rome. 3^8; conquers in Spain, 32'.) ; dictatorship. 330 ; < > to Greece, 330; battle of Dyrrhachinm 33Q; battle of Phaisuh; drine war, 331 ; conquer* Pharnaces,332 returns to Rome. 333 ; battle of Thapsus 334; powers con ferred,3.'i5: histriumiihs 836; tm])erdtor, $i~ ; his work, policy, 338; Spanish war, 889 ; n diadem, 340 ; conspiracy airainst him. 340* ion. Ml ; his' will. 344; his ob- sequies, M44 ; his debts, 3(i2. n. 5. Ca-sar, L. Julius, consul, :>3ti ; in Socia" war, 237; proposes /<./ Julia, 237. Calabria, 6. Calendar, reformed, 339, n. 2. Caligula, emperor, 114. Calistus, Pallas, his great wealth, 282, n.5. Calptirnian law, 183, n. 1. Camillus, M. Furius, 49, 76, n. C'ainpairiia, 7. Campania. 4 ; (felix), 4, n. 1. Camp ' i i. 254, n. 3. Cannae, 140 ; Romans defeated, 141; plan of battle, 141 ; pian of. 141. Canlfibri conquered by Augustus, 430. Cannleian iaw, 72. Capitol, building of, 18, 300, n. 1. Capitolium, 14. Capua opens it* gates to Hannibal, 142; sii-ire of, 149; retaken by the Romans, ME Caracalla, emperor, 480. Carbo. Cn. Papirius. consul, 251, 253. Carrhae. 320. Oarinus, emperor, 456, n. 1. Carthage, its trade. 117; government, 118; compared with Rome, 118: sie-re of. 170; captured by the Romans, 170; rebuilt, 211, n.: capital of the Vandal kimrdom, 47."); Carthaginians, their descent, 116a ; navy and army, I Ilia ; trade, 117. Cams, emperor, 482. is, L. Longimis, lieutenant of Cras- .-us, 319; departs to M'-sopotamia, 319; leads the army to Carrhae, 320 ; retreats to Syria, 320; originates the conspiracy against Cn>sar, 341 ; deparN to Syria, 344, n. 2 ; plunders the cities in the East, 349; marches with Brutus to Greece, INDEX. 507 850 ; defeated at Philippi, 350 ; his death, 830. Cabins, Spurius, Agrarian law of, 62. Catilln.-i, L. Sergius," early career, 285; first conspiracy, 283 ; second conspiracy, 286 ; accused l>y Cicero, 21)3 ; leaves Borne, -J. n. ; his son, 101. liirftin,i. 1S2. n. 8; limited to Africa and Sardinia, 338, n. 1. Decuridnes, 4-29. DejotaVus, tetrarch of Galatia, 283, n. UelatOres,442, 454. DemarStns of Corinth. 45, n. Demetrius of Pharos. Iviil. Dm(irius, value of, 22, n. 5, 191, n. 1. Dictator. 54 ; his duties, 1l6b. Dictat -rship, 212, n. 4. Diilius Jnliunus, emperor, DiodOrus. llfin. Dies fasti, 40. n. 1, 84, n. 4; i-omiti'lles, 40, n. 3, 84, n. 4. Diocletian, emperor, 484 ; reforms, 485 ; ab- dicate-, H,S7. Dion Caseins, the historian, 116a. Divfodfio, Wl, n. 2. /Uri^ortx, 2! (3. n. 1. Dolabella, Cn., impeached by Csesar, 302. Domitian, emperor, 450: his cruelty, 457; he is worshipped as a god, 457; the la-t of the " twelve Cu-sars," 457; Tacitus and Domitian. 457. Damns rer/ia, 35, 41 ; publica, 37. DrapSna. 126. Drama, Roman, 413. I>re^- for men, 404 ; for women, 406. Dnisus. M. Livius. outbids (;.-ijus Gracchus for popular favor, 211. Drusus, M. Livius. sou of the former Dru- ms, 888: his efforts for reform, 988; his laws, ^:JI ; lii- propo-al to give the allies the franchise, 231 ; hi- d>-ath, 235. Drusus Germanlcus, 432, 440. Dvo&ri sacrorutn, 38. Ducfs , 489. Duillius, Roman admiral, 121. Dyrrhachinm, 330. E. Ebnrones, revolt of the, 311. EcnOmn*. 12-,'. Education, 399. condition of, 150: i he succession in^ :ttl. n. 1 ; a Roman province, 300. Elaizahiiliis, emperor, 480. Encampment, ~yiein of, 375. EiiL'ines. military, 37H. K'nia, 180. Ennius, 400. Eporedia, 2al. Eiinestriati order, rise of the, 367; 210, n. 6 Equltes, , n. H. Etruria, 3. Etiusca-is. 11 ; their civilization, 11; theu art, 11 ; their influence on the Latins, 1;>. their origin, !:>; defeated at Lake Vac li- mo, 103. Euirenius, emperor, 492. EumSnes, king of Perj/amus, 170. Eunus, the leader in the Servile war, 180. Excavations, 15, 11. 1, 17, n. 1, 31. P. Fabian gens and Vejentines, 63; all plain at the CremCra, 63. Fabius Maximus, nrpointc-d pro-dictator, UW; his policy, 138; recaptures Taren- tum, 150. Fabius Pictor, 25. rx, 82, n. 1. Faustina, wife of Antoninus Pius, 465, n. 1. FaustOliis. -.>,>. Feria* i/n/x raflr,/-. 243, n. 6 ; rorrrepfce, 242, n. 6; i>n/>fic,,,i . y, . college of, 41. Fimbria. defeated and slain, 251. /V-r".v, 420, n. 4. 4(W. n. 2. 486. Flaccus Valerius 1!M. a:*;. Flamen. :i : />/-//;*. 36, 43. Flaminlnus. T. <^ui: ctins, commander in the second >liici donian war. 1(K); gains a victory at CynocephaJa, 1^1 ; procaima the independence of I he (;ieek states, 161. Flamiuius ( i ian Inw, 129; de- feats the Gaul- at Telumon. 131 ; defeated and slain at Lake Trasimenus, 137. Florian, emperor, 483. 215. n. 2. Forum Bomanvm, 17; JlfMiiinn, 44, n. l-'i-nin !ltv. 208. Franks, kingdom, 493. Frentanians, 5. Fulvia, mistress of Q. Cnrins, 293. Fulvia, wife of Antonius. 349 ; create- di tnrbance in Italy, 352. Fulviiis Xobilior," M., caj)tures Ambracia, 1(>3. Funerals, 415. G. Gabinitis, A., tribune, 273. Galatia. 283, n. Galba, Sulpicius, his treachery, 176. Galba, emperor, 451 . Galerius. emperor, 486. Gallia CtealjjUna, 3, n., 305, n. I. INDEX. 509 Gallia TransaJplna, 305, n. 1. Gallic-mis, emperor (see Analysis, xxvii). (Julius JSlius, 43'.'. Gaul, conquered by Cu;sar, 308-315. Gauls in Italy. 7(i ; march against Rome, 77; buttle of tlie Allia, 77; they retire, 77 ; Livy's account, 77. Gens, 46, n. Gentes, 18, n. 7. GenSbuni, 482. GensSric. 494. Gepldse, kingdom of, 495. Gi'i-maiilcus adopted by Tiberius, 435 ; quells a mutiny on the Rhenish frontier, 441 ; his campaigns in Germany, 441 ; his death, 442. Geta, 480. Glabrio, M. Acilius, 280. Gladiatorial games, 409. Glaucia, a demagogue, 227. Gonlian, emperor, 481. Goths, 432, 485, 492. Gracchus, Gajus, proquiestor in Sardinia, 208 ; tribune, 208 ; his laws, 209 ; Drusus outbids him for the popular favor, 211 ; his death. 212. Gracchus, Tiberius Sempronius, his con- nections, 201 ; his service in Spain, 202; tribune, 202 ; his measures for reform, 202; his death, 205. Greecia Magna, 103. GracontaAs, 386, n. 1. Gratian, emperor, 492. Greece, 158. Greek colonies In Italy, 103. H. Hadrian, emperor, 460; he returns to the policy of Augustus, 4fiO ; his travels, 463; his buildings, 462; his villa at Tibur,462. Hamilcar Barcas. 126 ; takes a position on Mt. Eryx, 126; he departs to Spain, 128; his conquests, 132; death, 133. Hannibal succeeds Hasdrubal, 144; attacks Saguntum, 133; returns to New Carthage, 134 ; crosses the Ebro and Pyrenees, 135 ; reaches the Rhone, 135 ; his route over the Alps, 135 ; arrives in N. Italy, 135 ; takes the capital of the Taurinians, 135. skirmish on the Ticinus, 136 ; defeats Scipio and Sempronius at the Trebia, 137 ; crosses the Apennines and reaches the Upper Arno, 137 ; defeats G. Flamin- ius, 137 ; his treatment of Roman pris- oners, 138 ; his plan for the campaign, 138; eludes Fabius, 139; wins the battle of Cannae, 111 ; obtains Capua, 142; takes Tarentum, 149 ; his brilliant campaign to relieve Capua, 149 ; he marches to Rome, 149 ; retires to Southern Italy, 149 ; loses Silapia, 150 ; loses Tarentum, 150 ; marches northward to join his brother. 150; recalled from Italy, 152; defeated at Zama, 154; flies to Antiochus, 161; then to Frusias, 162 ; his death, 162. Hanno 143 Hasdrubal, brother of Hannibal, left in Spain, 144; defeated by Scipio, 144; marches from Spain to Italy, 150; de- feated in the battle of Metaurus, 151; bis death, 151. Hostel, 366, 369, ff. Hantmctt, 42. Helvetii conquered by Ciesar, 309. Heraclea, battle of, 105. Hereclium, 22, n. 6. Hernlcans, 3 ; treaty with Rome, 62. Hiero, king of Syracuse, 119 ; sent against the Mamertines, 119; defeated by the Romans, 120 ; makes peace with Rome, 1*0 ; his death, 145. HirtiiiSj A., consul, 347. Hispania Citerior and Ulterior, 181. Honorius, emperor, 492. Horatius (Horace), 4, n. 2, 7. Hortensian law, 84. Hortensius, Q., 84. Horteusius the orator, 291. House, Roman, 387 ; furniture of, 389 : plan of, 390 ; method of warming, 391 ; of lighting, 392. Huns, 492. Hyrcauus, 282. I. Tde-i, 259, n. 8. Indo-European, 9, n. 8. lapygians, 9. Icilian law, 59. /r/noW/w, 185, n. 3. Ilcrda, 328. Illyria and Illyrians, 130, n. Illyi-ian wars, 128, 132. lllyrlcum, 130, n. ; a province, 188. ImperSfor, 252, n. 2, 337, 418, 485. Imperium, 50, n. 1, 52, 147,432, 419, n.Sand 4 ; censorium, 74. n. 1 ; consuldre, 51, n. 4, 1 ; plenum, 49, 337, n. 3 ; regium, 19, n. a Instruction, 400. Interrex, 20, n. 1, 24. Iranian plateau, 9, n. 3. Istria, Italia, 1, n. 3. Italic. 9, n. 2. Italians proper, 9. Italy in early times, 1; geography of, 1; divisions, 1 ; early inhabitants, 9. J. Janicfllus, 14 ; flag on, 40, 84. Janus, 35; temple of, 36; closed for the third time, 361. Josephus, the historian, 453. Jovian, emperor, 491. JwRou, 50, n. 6, 204, 9. Juffirum, 22, n. 4. Jugurtha serves under Scipio, 216: his in- trigues for the throne, 216 : bribes the commissioners, 216 ; puts Adherbal to death, 217: war declared against him, 217; comes to Rome, 218; procures the assassination of Massiva, 218; defeated by Metellus, 218; tekeii prisoner, 221 ; carried to Rome, 221. Julia, aunt of Caesar, 303. Julia, daughter of Caesar, 320. Julia, daughter of Augustus, 435. Julian, emperor, 491. Julian laws, 237. ! 510 INDEX. Juniores, 23. Juno Jlonita, temple of, 211, n. 1. Jupiter, as, n. 3. In idler t'airitoTuii/x, :i7 ; temple of, 18, n.4; Xtalor, 2*. n. 1 ; L ,ri>, \ I. n. (i; connubii, 109, n. ; I, n. 7; cum pltbe age/uli, 59. n. 3 ; nuffrayii, 309, n. 3 ; prorocationis, 52, n. 7, 10y u. :;. necwque, 20, n. 1. Juatitium, 242, and n. 7. Juv6nal, the i>oet, 457. Jus Latii, 237, n. 4. K. Kseso Quinciins, 65, n. 5. Kalends, 259, n. 3. Kings (regal period), 27 ff. ; Caesar rales as king, 337. L,. LabiSnus, 313, 331, 355, n. 1. Laelins, 201. Languages, Romance, 499. Larcins, T., 54. Latin cities, !4, n., 95, 4. Latin confederacy dissolved, 96. Latin war. revolt of the Latin league, 95; battle of Mt. Vesuvius, %; defeat of the Latins, 96. Latins, 3, 116, n. 7. Latium (vetus), its limits, 3; Latium ad- jectnm, 3, n. ; incorporated with the Roman state. 95. n. 5. Law, system of Roman, 67. . n.2. Lrffatio libira, 206, n. 2. Legends of curly Rome, 26. Legatus, 372, 488. Legion, 365, 371, 372; number in time of Constantine, 489. Lej; 64, n 2 (defined): annalb, 185. n. 4, 1166 ; ^Emilia, 73, n. 3 : xnturiata, 74, n. 1 ; Calpurnia de rejjelunifte, 183, n. 1 ; Cornelia de tribunicia pofetstate, 257, n. 1 ; curia'a, 20. n. 1. 24. n. 3, 50, n. 2. 85. n. :! ; a L. ISr'ito rffiftitio, 50, n. 3; />. Oil. n. 7; Riiptlia, 1S1. 11. 1 ; - 4; "' . n .">. lepldus, M.. con.-ul. 2(i2 ; favor- the repeal of the Sulhin laws. 2J. Lepldus, M., one of tlic trimin irs .'US. 35-t Letters, how written, 403 ; Cicero's to At- ! ticns, 290. I.icinian laws. 80 ; revival of, 205, 338. Licinins. emperor. 488, n. 1. Lietors, 47, n. 1. LilybnMim, >iego of. 125. Li i-ia Drusllla. 435 : third wife of Augustus, 434, n. 1. Livius (Livy), the historian, 259, n. 2. | Locn pistes, 22, n. 3. Locu-fa, 448. Londinitiiii Loiiglnu-. q. C.-is.-his, 325. Lucanla, :.. Luccn-s. Iti, n. 2. Lucietia. story of, 45, n. 1. Lucullus, 1. ., condui'ts the war against Mithridates,276;his icionns in A> his unpopularity. 2;s ; defeats Tii:raiie<, 278 ; superseded l>v I'unipeju-. i 1 . 3. Luna, last Italian colony sent to, 200. n. ]. Llisitanians. 17H. /.'/-// 4ti. Marius. t he Younger, 253. Marria<: Marrnclui, 5. Marsian-. .">. Mar-ic or Social war. 236. 1. the poet, 401. Masini-sa forms a treaty with Sripio 153; makes forays into the Carthaginian tr- ricorv. W.i ; aids Scipio, 169. Ma -s ilia, 308. 329. Maxentius declared emperor. 488, n. J Maximin, emperor, 481. Maximian. 486. INDEX. 511 Maximus Velerius, 457, n. 4. Meals, 392. Medical men, 397. M lilnn/'ix, value of, 194. n. 1. Mediterranean sea infested by pirates, 273. Meininius. G., 218. Menenius Agrippa, '!">'!, 419. Mesopotamia (province), 459. Mesial Una. 448. MessSna, 119. Metaunu, battle of, 151. Metellus Celer, 298. Metellus Oretlcus, 299. Metellus, L., victory at Panormus, 124. Metellus, O., victories in Macedonia, Metellus (Numidicus) consul, 219; conducts the war in Africa, 219 ; superseded by Marius, 2-20. Micipsa, 216. '.Misenian villa of Cornelia, value of, 262, n. :j. Milan (Mediolanum), 131. 489. Milan, edict of, 501. Military system, 113, 365. Military roads. 111, 425. Military tribunes, with consular power, 72, 73, n. 1. Milo, 320. Mithridates, king of Pontus, 247 ; his con- quests, 2-18; invades Asia, 2-18; massacre of Italians, 249; defeated by Sulla, 250; makes peace with Rome, 250; defeats Murena, 277. Palla, 406. Pnllas, a freedman, 262, n. 5. Pallium. 405. Palmyra, 482. I'ainionia, 130. 512 INDEX. Panormus. 124 Pansa, consul, 347. Papyrus, 402. Paterfamilias, 18, n. 5 ; pairalrus, 41. Patrla potestas. 18, n. 6. Patcrculns VellCjiis, 457. Parthians defeat Crassus, 319. Patres familian pa , 19, n. 8, 20, n. 1 and 0, 38, u. 1, 50, n. 2 ; amscripti, 52. Patres majorum et minonun gentium, 22. Patricians, meaning of the word, 20 ; they alone have political rights, 20; contest between the patricians and plebeians, 55. Patron, 20. Patronus, 20, n. 5. Patrum auctoritas, 20, n. 1, 21, a 6, 64, n. 2; transferred to the senate, 83. n. 5. Paiillus, ./Emilius, consul, 323 ; bribed by Cuesar. 323, 262, n. 5. Paullus, L. .dSmilius, conqueror of Perseus, 164. Paulas, spelling of, 132, n. Pedites, 22, n. 7. P:i>] Simians, 5. PergSmus, 179. Perperna serves under Sertorius in Spain, 264; procures his assassination, 264 ; de- feated by Pompejus, 264. Perseu* succeeds Philip, king of Macedo- nia, 166 ; defeated at Pydna, 167. PeregrT.nl i/eclitidi, 21, n. 8. Persius, 484. Pertinax, emperor, 479. PharnSces, son of Mithridates, 283 ; con- spires against his father, 288; defeated by Caesar, 333. Philip, emperor, 481. Philip V., king of Macedonia. 132; sends ambassadors to Hannibal, 159 ; takes Orf- cum and Apolionia,15!); peace with Rome, 159 ; prepares for war against Rome, 159; unites with Antiochus to dismember Egypt, 160: Rome declares war anahist him, 160; defeated at the battle of Uyno- cephalae, 160; harshly treated by the Romans, 163 ; his death, 163. Philippi, battle at, 349 ; treaty of, 351. Phalanx, -.i'l.V Pictor. Fabins, 25. Phoenicians, llfja. 117. Phaartes. king of the Parthians, 281. Philosophy, 193, 500. Piracy. Pirates, war with, 275. Piso. 297. Pius. Antoninus, emperor, 464. Placen tia, colony at, 131 ; taken by Hanni- lal. 136. Plague, 466. Plebiscltnm, 58, n. 3, 64, n.; Atlnmm. 8S. n. 2 ; Genucium, 82, n. 5 ; IcUium, 59, 66 ; Mieinum.i-5. n. 3. Plebeians. Plebs. origin of, 21, n. 2 ; their riirhts, 21 ; contests^ with patricians, 54. Pliny, 112. Plutarch, 202, n. 5 ; 208, n. 4 : 214, n. 3. Po (river), boundary of Northern Italy, 2?7, n. 4. Pollio, 360. Polybius, 27, n. 1 ; 164, n. 2. Pomerium, 15, 27, 58, u. 5, 184, n. 1 ; i xteud- ed by Sulla, 257 ; by Claudius, 447, u. 1. Pompaedius Silo, 235. PompejopOHs, 275. Pompejus Strabo, 2.%. Pompejus Cn. (Pompey), assists Sulla, 252 ; takes command in Spain. 263 ; sides with the popular party, itk ; ends the war in Spain. 21)4: cu's to pieces a body of gladiators, 266 ; consul, 267 ; restores the tribunitian power. 268 ; puts an end to piracy in the Mediterranean, 275 ; ends the Mithridatic war, 281: his return to Rome, 283; his triumph, 300; form- a cabal with (U-sar and Crassus, 304: mar- ries Julia. C;vsar's daughter, : J .06 ; rules the capital, 315 ; renews the triumvirate, 316; his second consulship, 317; leans towards the senatorial party, 318; sole consul, 321 ; rupture with "Cwsar, 324 ; retreats from Rome. 328 ; besieged at Dyrrhachium, 330; defeated at Pharsalns, 331 ; liis death, 331. Pompejus Sextus, master of the sea, 351, 353 ; defeated and flies to the East, 353. -. Dtini: bridges. 219, u. 5. Ponfrfex, 40. h. 9 ; maxlmvs, 25, 37, 41. Pontiffs, college of, 40. Pontius, G., defeats the Romans, 99 ; de- feated and put to death, li>2. Pontus, kingdom of, 247 ; a Roman prov- ince. 283, n. 3. PoplicSla, 53. PopulSres, 202, n 5, 203, n. 2. Population (see Census), decline of, 472; of the empire, 473, n. 1. Popfilu*, meaning of, 20 ; change of mean- ing, 81. Poppea Sablna, wife of Nero, 449. Porcian laws, 184, n. 1. Porcius Cato, M. See Cato. Porsenna, Lais, aids Tarqtiiniiis,17: makes peace with Rome, 48. Porta, 370. Portus, Itius, 310. n. 3 ; miigionis, 28, n. 1. Po**e*t0. 11. 1 ; number iu time of Constant hie, 489. Provpcatio, 52, n. 7; 211, 184, n. 1. Prusias, king of Bithynia. 102. Publilian law of Volero, 63. Publilian laws, 82. Publicani, 182, n. 8. Punic war, first, 117; second, 132: third, 167. Puzzolana, 4, n. 3. Pydna, battle of, 163. Pyrrhus, king of Epiras, 105 ; invited by the Tarentiuea to assist them against the Romans, 105 ; gains a victory at Hera- cles, 105 ; at Aseuiiim, 106 ; crosses to Sicily, 107; returns to Tarentum, 108; defeated at Beneveutuni, 108 ; departs to Greece, 108. Quastioperpefua, 258, n. 5, 291, n. 1 and 2 ; inter xecarios, 289, n. 3. Qucestdres cerarii, 53, u. 4; urMnl, 74, n. 2 ; parrici/lii, 53, n. 4. Quaestore:;, 53 ; elected by the people, 71 ; number increased, 257, 337, n. 4. Quintilian. the rhetorician, 474. Quintius, P., defended by Cicero, 289. Quiiites, 15, u. 4. R. Rabirius defended by Cicero, 292. Ramnes, 14. Rasennae, 11. Regia, 386. Regia, ijotestas, 19, n. 2, Regillus, Lake, battle of, 48. Regium concilium, 19, n. 5; imperium, 19, n. 3. Regfllus, M. Atilius, invades Africa, 123 ; defeated, 123 ; sent to Rome with an embassy to negotiate a treaty, 125, n. 1 : returns and is put to death, 125, n. 1. Religio, 33, 91, n. 1 ; state religion, 35. Remus, 27. /,'?ilvia, 26. Riclmer, Count, 495. Ri7, n. 3 ; in time of Diocletian, 473, n. 1 ; in the time of Sevenif, 407, n. 3. Romulus, the legend of, 26. Romulus Augustulus, 495. Rvrarii, 113, 368. Roscius, 288. Rostra vetS r a, 17, 386, n. 1. Rubicon (river), northern boundary of Italy, 257, n. 4. Ruflnus, 492. Rnpilius, P., in the Servile war, 180. Rutilius, Lupus, P., consul, 236, n. S. Sabellians, 5, 10. Sabine virgins, rape of, 27. Sablni, 5. Sacred mount, 57. Sacred spring, 93, n. 8. Saguntum, 133. Salii, 36. Sallust, 218, n. 1. SalOna, 487. Salvius, leader of the slaves, 226. Samnites, origin of, 5 ; their migrations into Campania, 93; attack Teamim, 95; war with the Romans, 95 ; second war with the Romans, 97 ; G. Pontius defeats the Romans, 98; treaty rejected by the Roman senate, 99 ; peace. 100 ; third war, 100 ; defeat, 101 ; peace, 102. Sammum, 5. Sardinia, geography of, 8 ; taken from Car- thage, 128. Saturnalia, 33, n. 1. Saturnian metre, 400. Saturninus, tribune, 227 ; his laws, 227 ; re- elected tribune, 228 ; declared a public enemy, 229 ; his death, 229. Scanras, ^Emilius, president of the senate, 217, 238. Scipio, Guseus, sent to Spain, 185; his death, 147. Scipio AfricSnus Major, P. Cornelius takes command in Spain. 147 ; his success, 148 ; crosses to Africa. 148; consul, 152 lands in Africa, 153 ; defeats Hannibal, 154 ; his triumph, 154 ; prosecuted, 190 ; his death, 190. Scipio AfricSnus Minor, elected consul, 170; takes Carthage, 171 ; sent to Spain, 177 ; takes Nnmantia, 178 ; favorable to reform, 201 : takes up the cause of the Italians, 207 ; his death, 207. Scipio Asiatlcus, L. Cornelius, defeats An- tiochus, 162: prosecuted. IdO. Scipio Barbatus, L. Cornelius, 101, n. Scipio Naslca opposes Tiberius Gracchus, 205. Scipionic circle, 193. iSH/iim, 64, n. 2. Scrip/ am. 61, n. 4 ; 182, n. 8. Sejamis, ^Elius, 442. Semitic, 9, n. 3. Sempronian laws, 209. Sempronius, consul, 136. Senate, its origin, 19 ; its number, 88 ; vacancies, 88; filled by censors, 88; ex-magistrates admitted to the senate, 514 INDEX. 88, n. ; place of meeting, 88, n. ; how summoned, 88, n. ; how business \vu- brpnght before the senate, 88, n. ; its original powers, MI ; it- \eio power, 85, n. ; the centre for the new nobility, s!) ; it rules the republic, 8!l ; its nuuiber in- creased, 418, n. 4. Senators, how chosen in the rei'al period, 19 ; selected by the censors, 8* : their in- signia, 88, n. ; how they ranked, 88, n. ; seats at the public gaine* reserved for them, 88, n.; how senators were notified of a meeting of the senate, 88, n. Senatdre* pedaril, 88, n. SenHtus consultum, 83, n. 5. Seneca, 418. Senidrt*, 22. Septimitis SevSrns, emperor, 480. Sertorius, victories in Spain, 264 ; assassi- nated by Paperna, 261. Servile war in Sicily, first 180 ; second 226. Servili'is, Gajus, 985. Servius Tullius, king of Rome, 30 ; his re- form of the constitution, 22. Sesterces, p. 210, n. 6 ; 262, n. 8 and 5. Seven hills of Rome, 15, n. a Sev6rus, Alexander, 481. , SevCrus, deptimius, 480. Sextius, L., first plebeian consul 81. Sibyl, 38 ; Sibylline books, :M. Sicily, geography of, 8 ; invaded by the Romans, 120 ; province, except the terri- tory of Syracuse, 128 ; governed by a pas- tor, 128 ; all Sicily a province, 147 and 181,11.:!. Sicinius Dentatus, 69. Sidiclni. 95. Silo Q. Pompadiua, 235, 236. Slaves 180, n., 225. Slavery, incre:ie of, 179. SooU, 110,311, KL Solarium, 18o, n. Soleae, 405. Soli, afterwards Poinpejop61is, 275, n. 3. Spain, two provinces in, 181. Spanish wars, 114 ff. Sparta, 158. Spartacus, leader of the gladiators, 265 ; lays Italy waste, 266 ; his defeat and death. 266. .^/Ill/ill <:/,l'lltt, 28. stiitciio. i'.i2, r.i;. Stipendivm, 171, n. 6 ; 183, n. Stola, 406. Sulla, O. Cornelius, his life, 211 : pra-tor, 241 : serves as quaestor in the Jiigurthine war, 221 ; serves in the Social war, .':); : consul, ill; cotite-t witti Marius 21 >: his legislation, 243 : leave- Koine for the East. 213: his vic'orie- in Q makes peace with Mithridates 250: his return to Italy. 251; defeats his oppo- nents, 253; annihilates the Sminites 253; proscribes his opponents, .>:,; pointed dictator, 2.VJ ; his legislation, 257 f.; date of 259. n. 4 : his death, -jt; P. Sulpicius, P., tribune, 242 ; his laws, 242. Summaries. 90. 114, 195, 361, 602. Sundav. 502. n. 1. ftwoetavrWa, 24 n. 4. Syphax and Scipio, 148. Syracuse captured, 145 ; a Roman province, 283, n. 3. Syria, condition of, 150 ; becomes a Roman 'province, 282. Syiio-.Etolian war, 161. T. Tabella, 402, n. 4. Tabulaiivm, 199, n. 1. Tacitus emperor, 482. Tacitus, historian, 8, n. Tarentia, wife of Cicero, 287, n. 1. Tarentum, 104 ; falls into the hands of the Romans, 108 ; captured by Hannibal, 149 ; recaptured by the Romans, 150 ; treaty of Tarentum, 353. Tarquinius Priscus. 21. Taxation on public land, 61 ; evaded by patricians, 61 ; Romans exempt from taxes, 145: in the provinces, 182, 8, 209; em under Cje.-ar, 338, n. 1 ; under Augustus, 420. and n. 5 : under Cotistan- tine. 4s'j ; taxes remitted. 407. Tarquinius Superbus, 30, 45, n. 1 Teaching, method of, 401. TclSmon, battle near, 131. Temple of Diana, 18 ; of Jupiter Capitoll- nus, 18 ; history of, 300, n. 1. Teutftnes. ail, 222. Thapsus, 334. Theatre, 413. Theodosius emperor, 492, 497. Thurii, l.">5. n. 1. Tiberiw, 17, n. ii ; 386. n. 1. Tiberius, 440 ; death of. 443. TheodOric. king of the Ostrogoths, 4%, n. 3. Ticlnus, skirmish on. 136. TicrS lies. kiiiL; of Armenia, 277: defeated by Lucullus, 27s : Mil'inits to Pompejus, TigrSnes the Younger, 282. Tirocinium, 289, n. 1. Titles, 15. Titus I'Mperor, 454. Tiv51i. 3. Thernue. 407.. Toga, 404; pic/a, 181, n. 2 ; jrralexta, 288, n. 2 ; fin, -a, 288. n. 2 ; pitrpurea, 181, n. 2 ; ririlix. 288. n Tolfi-a (captured 1 , '. > -.'2. Traces, 398. TrajSnus, M. Ulpius, emperor, 458. 81, n. 5. TrasimCnus. Lake. Romans defeated, 137. Trebia, battle of, 136. Trdves 480 n. 2. :Vn IT. Triariu Tribes, meaning of the word, 15, 18, n. 8; aibly of, 58, n. 3 ; 64 ; number of, 97, 100. Tribunes, their original powers, 58 : how elected, 58. n. 3 ; elected in the plebeian mbly of tribe-. f>4 : number increased, ff< : degraded by the laws of Sulla, 257 : their powers re-tored. 268. Tribunes, military. 370, and n. 10. TribUftun, 56, n. 3 ; 76, n. 1. INDEX. 515 Triumph, 181, n. 2. Triumvirate, first, 304 ; second, 348. Triumviri sent to Athens. <>7. Tullianum, 18, and n. 1 ; 221, n. 2. Tullus Hostilius, king of Rom. 30. Turmce, 372. Twelve tables, 67. TyndSris, battle of, 122. Tyrants, thirty, 482. IT. Ulpian, the jurist, 481. "Jmbria, geography of, 4. TJmbrians, 10. Umbo-Sabellians, 10. Utlca, defended by Cato, 334. Vada Sabata, 155. Vadlmo, Lake, defeat of the Etruscans, 99; defeat of the Gauls, 103. Valens emperor, 481. Valentiniau emperor, 491. Valerio-Horatian laws, 70. Valerian emperor, xxvii. Valerius, M', 57. Valerius Corvus,78, n. Valerius PoplicOla. 51 ; his laws, 52. Vattu Jfurcia. 18. n. 2. Vandals plunder Rome, 494, 495. Vandalusia, 493. Varian prosecutions, 238. Varius, Q., tribune, 238. Varronan era, 27, n. 1. Varus, Q., defeated by Arminius, 430. Vatia, P. Servilius, carries on war in Isau- ria, 272. Vecflyal, 61, n. 6; 182, 8. Veji, conquest or, 75. VeRtf*, 369, 372. Veneti defeated by Caesar. 310. Ventidius, 355, n. i. Ver sacrum, 93, n. 3. Vercellse, battle of, 234. Vercinget6rix defeated by Caesar, 312 f. Vergil, 400. Verres, 261 ; praetor in Sicily, 268 ; his exactions, 270 ; his trial, 271 ; value of plunder, 862, n. Vespasian, 452. Vestal virgins, 36. Vesta, 34 : temple of, 44. Vestinian.s, 5. Vesuvius, Mount, eruption of, 4, n. 4 ; 455 battle of, 96. Veto of the tribunes, 59. ViaAppia, 111 : Emilia, 111 : Cassia, Hi Flaminia, 102, 111, 129, n. 3. Via sacra. 17 and n. 4 Vicarii, 489. Vtci, 14, n. 1. Visigoths, 402 and n. 1. View Scderdtus, 45, n. 1 ; Tuscus. 21, n. 4 Viriathus, 176. Virgil, see Vergil. Vjrginius, 69. Vitellius emperor, 451. W. Wallia, 493. War, declaration of, 86, n. 1. Weapons, defensive and offensiye, 870 Westgoths, 492. Writing, materials for, 401. Z. Zama, battle at. 154. Zanthippus, 123. Zeno, Eastern emperor, 495. Zenobia, queen of Palmyra, 4ft? Zeugma, 319. Ziela, battle at, 332. XoaOras, 116/j. \ 17280 AText-Book on English Literature, With copious extracts from the leading authors, English and Ameri- can. With full Instructions as to the Method in which these are to be studied. Adapted for use in Colleges, High Schools, Academies, etc. By BRAIXERD KELLOGO, A.M., Professor of the English Language and Literature in the Brooklyn Collegiate and Polytechnic Institute, Author of a " Text-Book on l.het- oric," and one of the Authors of Reed & Kellogg's " Graded Lessons in English," and "Higher Lessons in English." Handsomely printed. 12mo, 478 pp. The Book is divided into the following Periods : Period I. Before the Norman Conquest, 670-10GG. Period II. From the Conquest to Chaucer's death, 1066-1400. Period Hi. From Chaucer's death to Elizabeth, 1400-1558. Period IV. Eliza- beth's reign, 1558-1603. Period V. From Elizabeth's death to tho Restoration, 1603-3660. Period VI. From the Restoration to Swift's death, 1660-1745. Period VII. From Swift's death to the French Revolution, 1745-1789. Period VIII. From the French Revolution, 1789, onwards. h Period is preceded by a Lesson containing 1 a brief rosume of the crrcat historical events that have had somewhat to do in shaping or in color- lug the literature of that peril 1. The author aims in this book to furnish the pupil that which ho onnnot help himself to. It groups tin 1 authors so th:it their plauesin the line and their relations to each other can be seen by the pupil; it throws light upon : hors" times and surroundings, and notes the ^reat influences at work, to make their writings what they are; it points out such of these as should lie studied. racts, as many and as ample as tho limits of a text-book would allow, have been made from the principal writers of each J'erind. ^uch are 1 as contain the characteristic, traits of their authors, both in thoughtand ..and but lew of these extracts have ever seen the liirht in tiooks of selections none of them have been worn threadbare t y have lost their freshness by the pupil's familiarity with them in the school readers. It i. -aches the pupil how the selections are to be studied, soliciting and oxaetiiitr his judgment at every step of the way which leads Irom tl.e author's diction up through his style and thought to the author himself, and in many other ways it places the pupil on the best possible footing with the authors whose acquaintance itis his business, as well us his pleasure, to make. Short estimates of the leading authors, made by the best English and Ameri< have been inseried, most of them contemporary with us. The author has endeavored to make a practical, common-sense text- book: one that would so educate the student that he would know aud enjoy good literature. __ " I find the book in its treatment of English liteniture cnperior to any other I have examined. Its main feature, which should he the lending one of all >-imilur :- that it, is a means to au end, simply a guide-hook to the study of En^li-h ire. Too many students in the pa* t nave studied, not the literature of the . language, but some author's opinion of that literature. I know from ex- < that your method of treatment will prove an eminently successful oue." Joints n. Shults, Prin. qf the Weft High School, Cleveland, 0. CLARK & MAYNARD, Publishers, New York, A^-j"* w-^ Mil II I 111 III II II III II I I I II I I I I II TEXT-BOOK A 000 676299 1 SUPPLEMENTING THE DEVELOPMENT OP THE SCIENCE WITH EXHAUSTIVE PRACTICE IN COMPOSITION. A Conrse of Practical Lessons Adapted for use in High Schools and Academies, and in the Lower Classes of Colleges. BY BRAINERD KELLOGG, A.M., Professor of the English Language and Literature in the Brooklyn Collegiate and Polytechnic Institute, and one of the authors of Heed & Kettogg's " Graded Lessons in English " and " Higher Lessons in English." In preparing this work upon Rhetoric, the author's aim has been to write a practical text-book for High Schools, Academies, and the lower s of Colleges, based upon the science rather than an exhaustive treatise upon the science itself. This work has grown up out of the belief that the rhetoric which the pupil needs is not that which lodges finally in the memory, but that whioh has worked its way down into his tongue and fingers, enabling him to speak and write the better for having studied it. The author \es that the aim of the study should be to put the pupil in posses- >t' an art, and that this can be done not by forcing the science into him through eye and ear, but by drawing it out of him, in products, through tongue and pen. Hence all explanations of principles are fol- lowed by exhaustive practice in Composition to this everything is made tributary. "This is jnst the work to take the place of the much-stilted 'Sentential Analysis' that is beini; waded through to little purpose by the Grammar ami Hiirli School pupils, of our country. This \voik not only teaches i he discipline of analyz- ing fbOMght. but leads the student to feel that it is /ii, ihoutrht that is being dealt with, dissected, and unfolded, to efficient expression." /Vo/". U. S. Alfce, Pregt. if Stale Sornml tic/tool, OstJcoth, . RHETORIC is evidently the fruit of scholarship and larire experience. The author has collected his own mate- rials, and disposed of them wiih the skill of a master : his -tatcinents are precise, lucid, and sufficiently copious. Nothing; is sacrificed to show ; the book is intended for use. and the abundance of examples will constitute one of its chief merits in of the thorough teacher.'' .Pw/. >ok, Johns Hopkins I'niittniii/, Baltimore, Md. 276 pages, 12mo, attractively bound in cloth. CLARK & MAYNARD, Publishers, New York.