r REESE LIBRARY OK THK UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA. . Class No. .-Accession No. 3 INDIAN CUERENCY A. P. BLUNPELL, TAYLOR & Co., Printers, 173, Upper Thames Street. London. E.G. INDIAN CUKEENCY BY HENRY DUNNING MACLEOD, M.A. OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE, AND THE INNER TEMPLE, BARRISTER-AT-LAW SELECTED BY THE ROYAL COMMISSIONERS FOR THE DIGEST OF THE LAW TO PREPARE THE DIGEST OF THE LAW OF BILLS OF EXCHANGE. NOTES, ETC. HONORARY MEMBER OF THE JURIDICAL SOCIETY OF PALERMO, AND OF THE SICILIAN SOCIETY OF POLITICAL ECONOMY CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE SOCIETE D'ECONOMIE POLITIQUE OF PARIS, AND OF THE ROYAL ACADEMY OF JURISPRUDENCE AND LEGISLATION OF MADRID LONDON LONGMANS, GREEN AND 00. LONDON, NEW YORK & BOMBAY 1898 WORKS ON ECONOMICS By the AUTHOR Elements of Political Economy. 1 Vol. 1858 Dictionary of Political Economy. Yol. I. 1862 The Principles of Economical Philosophy. Being the Second Edition of the Elements. Two Yols. 1872-75 Lectures on Credit and Banking. Delivered at the Request of the Council of the Institute of Bankers in. Scotland. 1882 %* The above Works are out of Print The Theory and Practice of Banking. Two Yols. Fifth Edition. Yol. I. Price 12/-. Yol. II. Price 14/- The Elements of Economics. Being the Third Edition of the Elements of Political Economy. Two Yols. Price 7/6 each The Elements of Banking. Thirteenth Edition. Price 3/6 Economics for Beginners. Fifth Edition. Price 2/6 The Theory of Credit. Two Yols. Second Edition. Yol. I. Price 10/- net. Yol. II. Part I. Price 10/- net. Yol. II. Part II. Price 10/- net. Or bound in one Yolume. Price 30/- net Bimetalism. 1 Yol. Second Edition. Price 5/- net The History of Economics. 1 Yol. Price 16/- PBEFACE A MONETARY CRISIS of the most momentous gravity has arrived in the affairs of India. It has been brought on by a series of measures showing the grossest ignorance of the rudiments of Economics, by successive Governments both Company's and Imperial, which have brought India to the verge of bankruptcy. The Government themselves describe the state of the country as "intolerable." Now as the errors of these measures are as glaring and blazing as the Sun of Calcutta at mid-day, it is perfectly possible for the present generation to undo the unwisdom of its predecessors The present Tract is an endeavor to show how it can be done The present Monetary System of England is founded on the experience of centuries, and the unanimous arguments of the greatest Economists for 500 years It is the most perfect Monetary System ever de- vised by the ingenuity of man. It is now being adopted, with perhaps some slight modifications of detail, by the most powerful and civilised Govern- ments in the world The obvious thing to be done, therefore, is to bring the Monetary System of India into harmony with' that of England and other civilised Govern- ments, and so to improve its commercial relations with the majority of other nations VI This Tract is divided into two parts The first treats of the means of restoring its ancient and immense Gold Currency to India which it possessed for thousands of years before the fatal 1st of January, 1853, when it was demonetised at a moment's notice by Lord Dalhousie, the most astounding coup de finance in the history of the world, and establishing it on solid and permanent foundations for ever The second treats of the extension of Banking and Paper Currency. But these need not be brought into operation together, because the Gold Currency must first be firmly established before the measures of Banking I suggest can be carried into effect There are but three courses that can be suggested in the present unfortunate state of the Monetary System of India 1. To introduce Bimetalism 2. To reopen the Mints to the free coinage of Silver 3. To comply with the unanimous desire of India in 1864 that the Sovereign should be made the Standard Unit throughout the British Dominions in India After coquetting with Bimetalism for 30 years, in defiance of the weighty and unanswerable Minute of the Governor-General in Council in 1806, 'the Government have now finally abandoned the vain chimera of introducing Bimetalism into India either Vll by an Act of their own, or by International Agree- ment They also absolutely reject the proposal to reopen the Mints to the free coinage of Silver as that would bring instant bankruptcy on the country There remains, then, only the third and last course to restore the ancient Gold Currency which the Government have now declared their resolve to do A cry has been raised by some persons who are not altogether disinterested, that the Government policy is " tampering with the Currency." But all the Monetary troubles of India have been brought about by unscientific "tamperings with the Currency" When the East India Company in 1818 changed the ratio of their Coins, and violently forced the Silver Rupee as unlimited Legal Tender on Southern India, whose Currency had been nothing but Gold from the earliest antiquity, they most decidedly " tampered with the Currency " When in 1835 they gave up the attempt to main- S tain Bimetalism as hopeless, and made the Silver Rupee the sole unlimited Legal Tender throughout India, and made the Gold Coins receivable at their market value in Silver, they again " tampered with the Currency " When on the fatal 1st January, 1853, Lord Dalhousie at a moment's notice and with a stroke of his pen demonetised the whole of the immense Gold Vlll Currency, he " tampered with the Currency " with a vengeance As few of the public are well informed about Indian Currency, I have given in Chapter I. a history of the causes which have led to the present perilous condition of Indian Finance, which will enable them to diagnose the disease Some persons have been frightened at the supposed vast sum required for restoring a Gold Currency to India, but I have shown that it is very greatly inferior to what may have been anticipated, and that it may be obtained many times over in India itself without resorting to any other market for a single ounce It is imagined by a not inconsiderable number of persons that Silver only has been the currency of India from time immemorial and that the natives are attached to it. This is, however, entirely erroneous. Silver was first forced upon the entire native popula- tion by the Company in 1818, and it was only in 1853 that Silver has been the exclusive currency of India in consequence of Lord Dalhousie demonetising Gold. The natives themselves greatly prefer their ancient standard, Gold As then the consequences of preceding Govern- ments having forced an exclusive Silver Currency on India have been found to be most injurious to the best interests of the country, it only remains for the present Government to undo the errors of their pre- decessors, and to restore the ancient Gold Currency IX and to make the Sovereign the standard unit in accordance with the universal demand of 1864. I venture to hope that I have shown that it can be done with great facility if undertaken with a resolute will and a firm determination. There can be no Monetary peace in India until it is accomplished. It will be one of the most momentous Economical events of the nineteenth century, and it will start India on a new career of prosperity INDIAN CURRENCY CHAPTER I CAUSES OF THE PRESENT MONETARY CRISIS IN INDIA Bimetalism 1. Medieval princes conceived that it was part of their inalienable Divine Right to alter the weight and name, and debase the purity of their Coin as much as they pleased, and to compel their subjects to receive the diminished and degraded and debased Coin at the same value as good full-weighted Coin. This was termed morbus numericus Charlemagne established the system of Coinage which was adopted by all the States in Western Europe. For some centuries the Kings of France preserved the original purity and weight of their Coins. But about the beginning of the llth century they greatly diminished their weight and also debased their purity. This for several hundred years produced the most terrible distress and com- motions and political disturbances, and drove away foreign trade from the country. In 1366 Charles V., surnamed the Wise, saw that the only way to restore prosperity to France was to restore the Coinage to its ancient weight and purity. He referred the whole matter to Nicholas Oresme, one of his wisest arid most trusted councillors, afterwards Count Bishop of Lisieux, who, in answer to the request of his Sove- reign, drew up his now famous treatise " Traictie de la premiere invention des Monnoies" This is the first great treatise on a question of Economics, and has only been brought to the notice of Economists in comparatively recent years. It now stands at the head of modern Economic literature 2. Poland, which then comprehended the modern Prussia, was afflicted with the same evils. Copernicus, who was a member of the Prussian Diet, had long been complaining of the evils brought upon the country by the degradation and debasement of the Coinage. Sigismund I., King of Poland, determined to redress these evils, and applied to Copernicus to aid him. At the instance of Sigismund, Copernicus drew up in 1526 a masterly treatise on Money, which he entitled "Ratio Monetce Cudendce" which has only been discovered in the present century, and is included in the magnificent edition of his works published at Warsaw in 1854. Copernicus had no knowledge of the work of Oresme, written 160 years before his time, but the principles he laid down were absolutely the same 3. The early English Sovereigns did not diminish or debase their Coinage, but they suffered vast quantities of base and degraded Coins to remain in circulation, and consequently all the good and full- weighted Coin disappeared as soon as it was issued from the Mint. Edward I. was the first to dimmish the weight of the Coin. He coined 243 pennies out of the pound weight of Silver, and by successive- diminutions the pound weight of silver was coined into 744 pennies by Elizabeth. The instant dis- appearance of the good Coin as soon as it was issued from the Mint was the subject of repeated debates in Parliament for several centuries. It was an inscrut- able puzzle to the Financiers and Statesmen of those days. They conceived that the people were inspired by the Evil One to prefer the bad Coin and to reject the good. But they had no Oresme or Copernicus to- explain it to them, and the only remedy they could devise was to enact severe penalties of mutilation and death against those who exported good Coin, whick penalties were wholly ineffectual At last Sir Thomas Gresham explained to Queen Elizabeth that good and bad coin cannot circulate together, but that the good coin disappears and the bad coin alone remains current. As Sir Thomas Gresham was the first person in the country to explain that permitting bad coin to circulate was the cause of the disappearance of the good coin, I suggested in my Elements of Political Economy, pub- lished in 1857, that it should be called " Gresham's Law," and this name has now been accepted through- out the whole world. The treatises of Oresme and Copernicus were not made popularly known by my friend M. Wolowski till 1864. Oresme, Copernicus and Gresham independently made it known to their respective Sovereigns, and therefore it ought to be called the Law of Oresme, Copernicus and Gresham Gresham's Law. 4. The principles laid down by Oresme, Coper- nicus and Gresham may be summarised as follows : (1) That the Sovereign has no right to diminish the weight, or change the denom- ination, or debase the purity of the coin. To do this is robbery (2) That the Sovereign can in no case fix the Value or Purchasing Power of the Coins. If he could do so he could fix the value of all other commodities which was indeed the idea of medieval princes (3) That all that the Sovereign can do is to maintain the coins at their full legal weight and purity and denomination (4) That the legal ratio of the coins must strictly conform to the relative market value of the metals (5) That if the fixed legal ratio of the coins differs from the natural or market value of the metals, the coin which is under-rated entirely disappears from circulation, and the coin which is over-rated alone remains current (6) That if degraded and debased coin is- allowed to circulate along with good and full weighted coin, all the good coin dis- appears from circulation, and the degraded and debased coin alone remains current to the rain of commerce (7) That there cannot be two measures of value in the same country, any more than there can be two measures of lengthy weight or capacity (8) That if good full weighted coin and base and degraded coin are allowed to circulate together, all the good coin is either (1) hoarded away ; or (2) melted down into bullion : or (3) exported (9) That when good coins are issued from the Mint, all the base and degraded coin must be withdrawn from circulation, or else all the good coins will disappear, to the ruin of Commerce 5. This great fundamental law of the Coinage soon became common knowledge. It is thus stated in a pamphlet of 1696 " When two sorts of Coin are current in the same nation of like value by denomination, but not intrinsic- ally [i.e., in market value] that which has the least value will be current and the other as much as possible will be hoarded'' : or melted down into bullion; or ^exported, we may add Or it may be expressed thus " The worst form of Currency in circulation regulates the value of the whole Currency, and drives y this unfortunate action Gold was totally demone- tised throughout India. By this astounding coup de finance, utterly without precedent in the history of the world, it was estimated that 120,000,000 of Gold Coin at once disappeared from circulation and was hoarded away. Then for the first time India became solely a Silver using country, and not from time immemorial as many ill-informed persons sup- pose. This act of Lord Dalhousie has been the origin of all our present monetary troubles in India, and for forty-five years we have been repenting at leisure C 18 Powerful Movement throughout India in 1864 to have the Sovereign declared the Standard Unit 14. The demonetisation of Gold by Lord Dal- housie was soon felt to be a disastrous error, and a strong feeling grew up in favor of the restoration of a Gold Currency. Some minor movements were made, but in 1864 a most powerful and unanimous effort was made through India for the restoration of a Gold currency. By this time the British Sovereign had acquired an immense circulation throughout the whole of India The Chambers of Commerce of Bengal, Bombay and Madras took the lead, the Bombay Association and others and many high officials and bankers joined in it The Bengal Chamber of Commerce stated that the introduction of a Gold Currency into India was almost universally admitted to be a positive necessity demanded by various circumstances which had been developed within the last few years ; and the time had arrived when that necessity should at once be recognised by the State, and measures promptly adopted which should gradually, but surely, lead to the adoption of Gold as the general metallic cur- rency of the country, with Silver as the auxiliary The Bombay Association urged the introduction of a Gold Currency into India, as the existing Silver Currency was no longer adequate for the wants of 19 commerce, which was seriously crippled by its in- efficiency. From time immemorial until within the last few years India had an extensive Gold Currency, and the superior convenience of it was fully appre- ciated by the Natives. The measures taken by the Government had suppressed the Gold Currency, but had by no means extinguished its popularity. The Gold Coins in circulation commanded a considerable premium in the market, and the Natives made an attempt to remedy the deficiency by circulating Gold Bars bearing the stamp of the Bombay Banks. That large quantities of Gold had been discovered in neigh- boring countries, which would greatly facilitate the introduction of Gold. That the direct trade with Australia was prohibited by the exclusive Silver standard, and the expansion of the commerce of India seriously impeded. That a Silver Currency might have been suitable to the country when its commerce was limited, and payments in the main extremely small, but was very inconvenient when wealth was largely diffused throughout the country and the operations of commerce had become so enormous. The transport of this bulky and cumbersome currency entailed heavy and useless expense 011 the country, and was a serious impediment to trade. The in- sufficiency of the existing currency had already caused severe financial embarrassment, and threatened the commerce of India with periodical and fatal vicis- situdes. The restoration of a Gold Currency would c 2 be most popularly received in India, both from ancient associations and present convenience The Bombay Chamber of Commerce said that the monetary condition of India was in the most unsound and unsatisfactory condition, and its exclusive Silver Currency was no longer adequate for its vast popula- tion. The trade of Bombay had trebled within the last ten years, and last year the aggregate import and export trade alone of Calcutta, Bombay and Madras had amounted to 1,060 millions of Rupees. (How much is it now ?) The resources of India were only then beginning to be developed, and were rapidly extending in all directions. That the special demand of India for Silver did not arise from any predilection for that metal, but was compulsory, and due only to their exclusive and inconvenient Silver Currency. That while Silver was transported from a great distance at heavy cost, Gold might be cheaply obtained from neighboring countries (and now from India itself). Thus the heavy charges on Silver prevented its re-exportation, and thus it lost its reproductive power, and was a serious and un- necessary loss to India. That the exclusive Silver standard and Currency of India rendered direct trade with Australia and other Gold producing districts impossible, and forced a country with abundance of Gold to traverse half the globe in search for Silver before she could pay for our commodities. The superiority of Gold would secure an immediate and 21 intelligent welcome for it in India. The importation of Gold into India had steadily increased for many years, though it was not legal tender. The Natives- themselves had devised a rude remedy for the de- ficiency of the existing Silver Currency by using Gold bars stamped by the Bombay Banks as a Circu- lating Medium. The exclusion of Gold from the Currency of India could not be justified or be considered other than barbarous, irrational, and un- natural. The only remedy was to introduce a well-regulated Gold Currency into India The Madras Chamber of Commerce expressed exactly the same opinions as those of Bengal and Bombay, strongly urging the introduction of a Gold Currency, and also a well-regulated Paper Currency Sir William Mansfield (afterwards Lord Sand- hurst) presented a long memorial urging the same views Several officials, under the instructions of the Government, held meetings in important cities of the merchants, bankers, and city notables. They were unanimous in their approval of the scheme, and had no doubt of its success. They testified that Sovereigns in immense quantities circulated in their districts : that the natives bought them in large quantities. A witness said that the introduction of Sovereigns into Rangoon would be highly beneficial. They were very popular in Burmah, and should be the only coin. A large number of the collectors in Southern India reported that large quantities of Sovereigns were in circulation in their districts ; and that the natives bitterly complained of the losses ,and inconveniences they suffered from their not being received at the public treasuries The bankers of Lahore were unhesitatingly in favour of the Sovereign, because it was the Coin most familiar to them, being most abundant, and almost the only one used for equalising the Exchanges ; and if a Gold Currency were introduced the cash balances would become much more available, and it would facilitate the adoption of a Paper Currency But the Lahore bankers were incredulous as to the possibility of maintaining the relative value of Gold and Silver at an absolutely uniform rate by the fiat of authority, instancing as a proof to the contrary the fact that although we issue copper at the rate of 64 copper pice for the Rupee, their money-changers invariably realise batta (premium) on giving change for a Rupee, and the amount of this batta varies with the abundance, or otherwise, of copper current Coin available in the market at the time. The same they conceived must take place when change is given for a current Gold Coin Wise bankers of Lahore! the proposal of the Government was afterwards wrecked on this very point ! Thus at this time the universal demand was that the Sovereign should be adopted as the Standard 23 Unit throughout India, because there were immense quantities of it in circulation throughout the whole country, and the natives were perfectly familiar with it Such is a very slight epitome of the immense mass of evidence collected from all parts of India of the unanimous desire of the people to have the Sovereign made the standard unit. Some persons indeed pretend that it is an impossible chimera to restore a Gold Currency to India. But what can persons sitting in their studies in England know about the matter if they will not read the unanimous opinion of the people of India themselves which was published as a Parliamentary paper in February, 1865 ? Proposal of the Indian Government 15. In consequence of this powerful and extensive movement the Indian Government, on the 14th July, 1864, addressed a despatch to the Home Government requesting them to authorise them to declare that British and Australian Sovereigns and Half-Sove- reigns should be made Legal Tender throughout the British Dominions in India at the fixed rate of 10 Rupees to the Sovereign ! Such a proposal was foredoomed to failure, because it was pure and unadulterated Bimetalism, a revival of the lowest and most barbarous Economic ignorance of the fourteenth century. It showed that its authors were ignorant of the fundamental principles of Petty, Locke, Harris, Lord Liverpool, the Minute of the Governor-General of India in 1806 ; and the prin- ciples upon which the British Coinage was established in 1816 that One metal alone should be adopted as the standard and coins of other metals should only be subsidiary and Legal Tender to a small limited amount In answer to this despatch Sir Charles Wood, Secretary of State for India, replied on the 26th September, 1864 He said that their practical proposal was to make the Sovereign and Half- Sovereign Legal Tender in India for 10 rupees and 5 rupees respectively, and ultimately to establish a Gold standard and Currency to India as in England and Australia, with a sub- sidiary Coinage of Silver, the Silver Coins not possessing the intrinsic (market) value they repre- sent, and being Legal Tender only to a certain amount. It appeared from the evidence that there was a general desire for the introduction of a Gold Currency into India, that the people were well acquainted with the Sovereign, and that its introduction would be well received, that it would circulate freely at 10 rupees, and that it would be a great advantage to have the Sovereign as the common currency of India, England and Australia But he pointed out that where Coins of two metals, Gold and Silver, are equally Legal Tender, those of the metal which at the relative rating of the two metals is cheapest at any period are thereby consti- tuted the currency, and the metal of which they are made becomes practically the standard at the time ; and further a very slight difference in the relative value of the two metals may change the standard and the whole Currency of a country This was exemplified in the recent change in the Circulation of France. In that country Gold and Silver were equally Legal Tender. Gold Coins con- taining one ounce of Gold were Legal Tender for the same sum as Silver Coins containing 15 J ounces Before the recent discoveries of Gold an ounce of Gold was worth in the markets of Europe nearly lof ounces of Silver. It was, therefore, according to the relative legal rating of Gold and Silver, more advantageous to pay in Silver than in Gold. Silver Coin, therefore, for many years formed the Currency of France, the Gold Coin bearing a premium. Since the recent discoveries of Gold the value of Gold relatively to Silver has fallen to about 15J. This difference has rendered it more advantageous to pay in Gold. Gold has displaced Silver, and now forms the Currency and standard in France [This very slight change in the relative value of Gold and Silver sufficed to drive 150,000,000 of Silver out of France, and to substitute an equal 26 quantity of Gold in place of it. So much for the theories of Bimetalists. Since then another change in the ratio of Gold and Silver has sufficed to drive out the Gold and to replace Silver] The very same principle applied to India. How was it possible to imagine that the Sovereign could have been a fixed ratio to the Rupee throughout India. Such a measure would be totally inoperative Sir Charles Wood accordingly quashed this fatuous proposal, which was nothing but the most melancholy ignorance of the rudiments of Economics Mr. Hollingbery's Report to the Government of India, 1875 16. In 1875 Mr. Hollingbery, assistant Secre- tary to the Government in the Financial Department, addressed a most able Report to the Government on the consequences which the fall in the value of Sil\ 7 er had then produced on the finances and material pro- gress of India At that date the price of Silver had fallen to 57 ^d. per ounce. The local value of Silver had not fallen from what it was before the great fall of it abroad. But in the course of time it must fall to its value abroad, though it would take a considerable time to do so. He shows that what was wanted in India was not the withdrawal of Silver as a bullion opera- tion, but the substitution of Gold for Silver in future 27 importation of bullion to settle any balance of trade. The question was, therefore, not what a difference in value between Gold and Silver would suffice to expel Silver, but what would be sufficient to make the importation of Gold into India for Coinage more profitable than the importation of Silver He estimated the quantity of Silver in circulation in India at 130 millions sterling : and that 60 millions of Gold would be far more than sufficient to restore a Gold Currency He shows that with a Gold Currency the cost of remitting 15 millions sterling for home charges would never exceed the cost of sending Gold from India to England that is f or 1 per cent. But owing to the balance of trade being always in favor of India, the Council Bills would always be at a premium, so that instead of a loss there would always be a profit He shows that countries which have a Silver Currency which have an adverse balance of trade or borrow in Gold using countries experience a heavy loss in making remittances for the latter countries : for which reason they find it necessary to adopt a Gold Standard, and every new country which adopts a Gold Standard makes the necessity more urgent for the remaining Silver countries to conform to the general custom of the world, and adopt Gold as the sole legal standard. And the effects of this fall will be disastrous to India because it will be the only country in the East which will offer a fixed price for 28 Silver irrespective of its depreciation abroad, and so it will be flooded with depreciated Silver By persisting in retaining Silver as the standard of India, the finances and the progress of India would be irremediably injured ; on the other hand great financial advantages nnd commercial good to that country would follow from the adoption of a Gold Currency in India. And it was not a mere fanciful desire of change, but stern necessity which compelled the European States to adopt a Gold Standard. The same principles which apply to European States also apply to India. The postpone- ment of a change to a Gold Standard will not arrest the evils which were in progress from the fall in the value of Silver, while the longer the change to a Gold Standard was delayed the more difficult and ex- pensive, but not the less inevitable, will it be in the end. This most able report, written in 1875, deserves the most careful study, as every one of its prog- nostications has been fully verified and inten>ih'ed. Country after country has adopted a Gold Standard, and even Japan, which was long considered as the fortress of Silver, has been obliged to give up 13i- rnetalism and adopt Gold. When this report was written the price of Silver was 57^/., and the loss on Exchange in remitting for the payment of the Council charges was a million and a half ; at the present time the price of silver oscillates about and the loss on Exchange is eight millions 29 In 1876 the Bengal Chamber of Commerce, as the rupee continued to fall, addressed a memorial to Lord Lytton to suspend the coinage of Silver. The Government replied that it would be impossible to suspend the coinage of Silver without at the same time opening the Mints to the free coinage of Gold as unlimited Legal Tender Correspondence of 1886. 17. The India Office then took up new ground with the Treasury. The difficulties of Indian finance were constantly increasing, and the Indian Government demanded that a determined effort should be made to settle the Silver question by International agreement. They repeatedly pressed this demand, persistently alleging that the ratio between Gold and Silver might be fixed by Inter- national agreement. The Treasury has persistently denied this. Nevertheless, several fatuous Inter- national conferences were held to see if anything could be done, but they all ended in smoke, as they were bound to do. Every sound Economist knows that it is just as chimerical to secure a fixed ratio between Gold and Silver by International agreement as for any single State to do so. It would be just as rational to appoint an International conference to square the circle, or to discover perpetual motion- Both of these are known impossibilities. In Eco- nomics it is equally a known impossibility to fix by 30 law a ratio between any two quantities which are produced without limitation. It would be just as rational to suppose that because no single State could abolish the law of gravitation, an International agreement might do so At last in 1893, when the value of Silver con- tinued to fall, and it was expected that the Bland and Sherman Acts would be repealed, which was done, the Indian Government found itself on the verge of bankruptcy, and that India would form the dumping ground for all the depreciated Silver in the world. It then closed the Mints to the free coinage of Silver, and declared its intention to restore a Gold Currency. But just five years have passed away, and it has never hitherto taken any steps to carry its purpose into effect, and of course it has found itself surrounded with constantly increasing difficulties. The whole of this unhappy India business is an everlasting stigma on British Economic and Financial statesman- o ship of the nineteenth century I will now show what this lack of Financial statesmanship has cost India. In 1864 the universal demand of India was that the Sovereign should be made the standard for all India. If this had been done India and England would have had a common standard unit, which is the sole means by which a fixed Ratio of Exchange can be established between the two countries, subject of course to the usual fluctuations of commerce. By closing the Mints to 81 the free coinage of Silver, as has been done in England since 1816, and as is now done by the majority of countries, Silver Rupees might have been coined by the Government for internal circulation at the rate of 10 to the Sovereign. But the Governments, Indian and Home, having let that opportunity pass away, the Rupee has been con- tinually falling until it now rests somewhere about Is. 4d. It is a fact perfectly recognised by the Indian Government that a fall of a penny in the Rupee necessitates taxation to the amount of 1,000,000 on the people of India to meet her home charges in London. Thus the fall of the Rupee from 2s. to Is. 4d. costs the people of India 8,000,000 yearly in taxation for the sole purpose of meeting her home charges. Such is the penalty which the people of India have paid for the ig- norance of her Governments of the rudiments of Economics The Government has now put its foot down firmly for the restoration of a Gold Currency, and in the two following chapters I venture to offer the outlines of a scheme by which I think it can be done 32 CHAPTER II PROPOSED SCHEME FOR RESTORING A GOLD CURRENCY TO INDIA Preliminary Considerations 1. The Indian Government has finally abandoned all attempts to introduce Bimetal! sm, either national or international, into India The principle that " it is impossible for Coins of Gold and Silver to circulate together in unlimited quanti- ties at a fixed Legal Ratio different from the relative market value of the metals," was the first great principle of modern Economics established in the fourteenth century by Oresme. It has been proved to be true by 500 years of experience, and the argu- ments of a series of illustrious writers. It is now called " Gresham's Law." It is now recognised by the great majority of the powerful and civilised Governments in the world. The contrary doctrine which is " Bimetalism " is now entirely exploded, and the attempt to revive it is like attempting to revive the Mosaic Cosmogony 2. It absolutely rejects the proposal to reopen the Indian Mints to the free coinage of Silver. Such a proceeding would probably reduce the value of the Rupee to sixpence, perhaps even lower : and would produce consequences too terrible to con- template 33 Ifc is acknowledged that every Id. in the fall of the Rupee- necessitates taxation to the amount of 1,000,000' on the people of India to meet its home charges in London. The fall of the Rupee from 2s. to Is. 4d. has necessitated taxation to the amount of 8,000,000 to meet the home charges. If the Mints were re-opened to the free coinage of Silver the Rupee would prob- ably fall to sixpence, which would necessitate further taxation of 10,000,000, which India would be wholly unable to support, besides the most disastrous, consequences in all its internal affairs 3. There is no possible way of establishing a stable Ratio of Exchange between England and India, barring the usual fluctuation of trade, except by having a Common Standard Unit between the two countries which can only be the Sovereign This is the direct consequence of Gresham's Law 4. The State of the Exchanges depends ex- clusively on the State of the Coin in which they are settled, and the usual fluctuations of Commerce 5. If the Coin in which the Exchanges are settled be always maintained at its full legal weight and fineness, they are riot in any way affected by the state of any other forms of Currency in a country, however depreciated they may be 6. From time immemorial, up to 1st January y 1853, India had an immense Gold Currency in circulation 34 About 1100 B.C. the Phoenicians imported vast quantities of Silver from Tartessus into Northern India to purchase Gold which was cheaper there than anywhere else Sir Alexander Cunningham the highest authority on this subject, conjectures that Silver was coined in India about 1000 B.C. But this Silver Currency never extended to Southern India where the Currency was exclusively Gold until 1818, when the East India Company for the first time forced the Silver Rupee as unlimited Legal Tender upon Southern India In 1835 the East India Company abandoned the attempt to maintain Bimetalism in India which they had introduced in 1766 with the most disastrous consequences They then coined Gold Rupees and Silver Rupees of the same weight and fineness. The Silver Rupee was declared unlimited Legal Tender, but Gold Rupees were received at the Public Treasuries at their market price in Silver In the last week of 1852 Lord Dalhousie issued a notification that after the 1st January, 1853, no Gold Coin of any sort would be received at the Public Treasuries. This notification totally demonetised Gold in India. An immense mass of Gold Coin estimated by high authorities at 120,000,000- disappeared from circulation and was hoarded away. Thenceforth the Currency of India has been ex- clusively silver OF THE UNIVERSITY 35 7. In 1864 a powerful and unanimous move- ment was made throughout India for the restoration of a Gold Currency. At this time the Sovereign had attained a very large circulation throughout India, and the demand from all India was that the Sovereign should be adopted as the Gold Standard Unit throughout the country In consequence of this the Indian Government memorialised the Home Government to authorise them to declare British and Australian Gold Sove- reigns and Half- Sovereigns to be unlimited Legal Tender throughout the British Dominions at the fixed ratio of 10 Eupees to the Sovereign This was pure Bimetalism, and the Government of 1864 was evidently unaware of the strong Minute of the Governor-General in Council in 1806 utterly condemning Bimetalism after the experience of its disastrous consequences for 40 years Sir Charles Wood, Secretary of State for India, pointed out to the Indian Government that such a scheme was absolutely impossible, and refused his consent to it 8. In 1893, the Indian Government being alarmed at the continuous fall in the value of Silver, and the expected repeal of the Bland and Sherman Acts by the United States, which was done, closed the Indian Mints to the free coinage of Silver and declared their resolve to restore a Gold Currency to D 2 3G India as the only possible method of putting an end to the Monetary disturbances which have so long afflicted that country Possible Impediments to the Scheme There are only two possible impediments to establishing a Gold Currency in India or any other country 1. A large amount of depreciated Inconvertible Paper Money There is no Inconvertible Paper Money in India 2, A permanently unfavorable state of the Exchanges But the Exchanges have been continuously favor- able to India for thousands of years ; except perhaps in recent years since the demonetisation of Gold. It is therefore impossible to imagine a country more favorably circumstanced for the restoration of a Gold Currency Quantity of Gold necessary The first consideration necessary is the Quantity of Gold required for the purpose Mr. Hollingbery, a most able and experienced official Assistant Secretary to the Government in the Financial Department, addressed a Eeport to the Government of India in 1875, in which he said that 37 in his opinion 60,000,000 of Gold would be far more than sufficient to restore a Gold Currency. Whether this estimate is correct or not I cannot say. The Indian Government in its recent proposals seems to agree in this estimate. But I shall presently show that even if it should be largely exceeded the Gold can be acquired Avith perfect facility Draft Tentative Scheme for restoring a Gold Currency to India I therefore beg to submit the following sugges- tions as a Draft Scheme for carrying this purpose into effect 1. That in accordance with the universal de- mand in 1864, in as short a time as can be done, the Gold Sovereign be declared to be the Standard Gold Unit throughout the British Dominions in India 2. That the Indian Mints be at once authorised to coin Sovereigns and Half- Sovereigns of exactly the same weight and fineness as British Sovereigns and Half- Sovereigns 3. That in terms of the Act of 1870 the Indian Mints be declared to be branches of the Royal Mint of London as the Australian Mints are That the Indian Sovereigns and Half- Sovereigns should have free circulation, and be unlimited Leo-al Tender throughout the British Empire, to the same extent that British and Australian Sovereigns and Half- Sovereigns are That if this proposal be accepted it should be notified at once to the Mints, so that they may make preparations to carry the resolution into effect as soon as possible 4. That every person who brings Gold to the Mint should be entitled to have it coined into Sovereigns or Half- Sovereigns as he may prefer, free of any cost or charge, at the Mint Price of 3 175. !(%/. per ounce 5. That the Government should keep the coinage of Silver entirely in its own hands. The Gold Sovereign being made the Standard for settling the Exchanges, the value of the Silver Rupee can have no effect on them, and the Government can extend or restrict the issue of Silver as it may deem neces- sary and expedient for the wants of the people 6. That after a fixed date, of which due notice should be given, allowing ample time to make pre- paration, all Mercantile Bills of Exchange and other Debts of all kinds above a certain small amount should be made payable in Gold alone as unlimited Legal Tender That Legal Tender in Silver should be limited to a certain small amount. In England the limit is 2. 39 Bat from the circumstances of India it would pro- bably be expedient to extend this limit say to o r or 10 or such figure as the Government on con- sideration may deem expedient Means of Procuring a Supply of Gold As a means of procuring the necessary supply of Gold I 1. That after a fixed date, giving ample time to importers to make preparation, all Customs' Duties in India should be paid in Gold This would insure a constant supply of Gold to the Government 2. Considerable quantities of Gold are pro- duced from Indian Mines If the Gold Mining Companies wish to dispose of their Gold raised they must send it to London,, thus causing great delay and expense from freight, insurance, and loss of interest It is a fact that a large part of the Gold at present exported from India consists of the exports of the Gold Mining Companies sent to London The principal Indian Gold Mines have made great progress within the last few years. Since 1892 they have quadrupled their output. Many new mines have been started within the last year or two, and I am informed that there are known to be extensive gold bearing tracts which have not yet been touched 40 If the Mints were authorised to coin Gold the Companies would send their Gold to it to be 'Coined, at a great saving of expense and time, and it would get into general circulation in the country 3. The ancients got great supplies of Gold from the lower Indus. I am informed that these supplies do riot continue at the present day 4. It is a notorious fact that for thousands of years the Precious Metals have been continuously pouring into India. The natives have a fanatical passion for Gold and Silver. But instead of con- verting them into Currency and employing them in promoting industrial operations, they either hoard them away or convert them into personal ornaments It is an official fact that from 1835 to 1885 131,000,000 in Gold were imported into India, and this import has continued ever since It is known that the exports of Gold from India have been comparatively insignificant to the imports. I conjecture that a large part of the Gold exported from India consists of new Gold raised from the mines and sent to London to be coined, No person could be so fatuous as to pretend to give any exact computation of the amount of Gold hoarded away or worn as personal ornaments by the natives. But it is something enormous. Persons of the highest authority estimate it at 300,000,000 and upwards 41 Some persons allege that one of the hardships inflicted upon the natives by closing the Mints to the free coinage of Silver is that they are not now .able to convert their hoarded Silver and personal ornaments into Rupees in case of necessity But the natives prefer to have the greater part of their hoardings and personal ornaments in Gold rather than in Silver ; and the hoarding of Gold has been greatly promoted by the increasing premium on it as compared with Silver If the Mints were opened to the free coinage of Gold, the alleged hardship caused by closing them to Silver would be entirely obviated I think that the Government might greatly en- courage the natives to bring their hoarded Gold and personal ornaments to the Mint to be coined by offering them a slight advantage for doing so I cannot doubt that if the natives could have their hoarded Gold and personal ornaments coined into Sovereigns and Half- Sovereigns they would greatly prefer them to their equivalent in Rupees, -and thus a great Gold Currency would be restored to India as of old 5. It is known that since the great fluctuations in the Exchanges the flow of British capital into India has been greatly arrested if not entirely stopped, because Capitalists may lose all the profits of their investments by a sudden change in the Rate of Exchange 42 If the Exchanges were rectified by adopting a Gold Currency the flow of Capital from this country would be resumed, industrial enterprises would be undertaken promoting the wealth and prosperity of the country. The remittances from England would counteract any unfavorable Exchange to India The indirect losses to India from the stoppage of the flow of Capital to India for so long a period must have been immense, probably not less than the direct losses from the fluctuations of the Exchange Without going too minutely into the calculation I conjecture that the direct losses to India by Exchange since 1861 when the rupee was at 2s* cannot have been less than 100,000,000 As Mr. Hollingbery showed, if a Gold Currency were restored to India the Exchanges would be uniformly favorable to her, and instead of making heavy losses on her home remittances she would make constant profits 6. For thousands of years until 1st January,. 1853, India possessed an immense Gold Currency. At the latter date it consisted of a vast variety of Native Gold Coins and the Company's Gold Rupees. It was then suddenly demonetised by Lord Dalhousie, and it has been estimated that 120,000,000 imme- diately disappeared from circulation Every Economist knows that under such circum- stances the demonetised Coin is hoarded away. There 43 must be vast quantities of this Gold Currency still in existence and hoarded away by the Natives Up till 1st January, 1853, all this Gold Currency was received at the Public Treasuries, and in payment of Taxes at its market value in Silver Rupees I suggest that all this Gold Currency should at once be restored to circulation at its exact equivalent value in Sovereigns I suggest that the Indian Government should publish a Tariff stnting the exact value of each of these Gold Coins in relation to the Sovereign : and that they should all be received at the Public Trea- suries, and in payment of Taxes and Private Debts at their Government valuation I suggest that all such sums received at the Public Treasuries, and in payment of Taxes, should at once be sent to the Mints to be coined into Sove- reigns and Half- Sovereigns By this means these Gold coins will gradually disappear from circulation and be replaced by Sove- reigns and Half- Sovereigns, and it would be a great convenience to the Indian community to have a uni- form Coinage instead of a vast multiplicity of native coins of different weights and fineness From these several sources an abundant supply of Gold could be obtained to restore a Gold Currency to India without going to any Foreign Market for a single ounce 7. It is well known that the difference between the Standards has greatly impeded the growing com- merce between India and Australia. If the Gold Currency were restored to India it would give an immense impetus to its commerce with Australia, and would doubtless bring a large amount of Australian Sovereigns into circulation in India and increase its Gold Currency Advantages of these Proposals. In my opinion the proposals I suggest would have these advantages : 1. They would leave the present Rupee Currency absolutely untouched 2. They would supply a mass of Gold many times exceeding the quantity necessary to restore the Gold Currency from the Gold already existing in India itself, without the necessity of seeking an ounce from any foreign market 3. They would greatly facilitate the commerce between India and all other departments of the Empire 4. They will retrieve the lamentable error of Lord Dalhousie in demonetising the Gold Currency of India and the lamentable error of the Indian Government in 1864 of meeting the universal 45 demand of India, by proposing to declare Sovereigns universally exchangeable at the fixed ratio of a Sovereign for 10 rupees which have been the cause of these Monetary troubles which have so long afflicted the country 5. They would establish a solid and permanent Monetary System in India for ever. 6. They would greatly tend to consolidate the: Empire On Fixing the Ratio between the Sovereign and the Rupee The importance then comes as to fixing the Ratio- between the Sovereign and the Rupee So far as Economics is concerned, the amount of Silver being strictly limited, the Government may fix the Ratio between the Sovereign and the Rupee at any figure they please They might fix it at 10 Rupees to the Sovereign if they pleased. But whether it is desirable to do so is another question It has been alleged that the restoration of a Gold Currency would be injurious to the interests of the Ryots. But I am informed by a high Indian official that throughout the greater part of India the rents- are collected from the landlords or proprietors : and that it is only in a small part of India that the rents- are collected directly from the Ryots. Besides I 46 cannot see how my proposals can be injurious to the Ryots, because I suggest that the existing Silver Currency should be left entirely untouched : and only to add a Gold Currency to it The fixing of the Ratio between the Sovereign and the Rupee is so profoundly complex a question that I do not offer any suggestion respecting it. It must be left to the decision of the Government after full consideration of all the circumstances of the case. There seems to be a consensus of opinion among experts that the most advantageous ratio would be to make the Rupee equal to Is. 4d. and 15 Rupees to the Sovereign My friend Mr. Stewart Keith Douglas, formerly a prominent member of the Calcutta Chamber of Commerce and the Indian Currency Association, and .a very keen supporter of the restoration of a Gold Currency and making the Sovereign the standard Unit, shows the advantage of this rating. If it were .adopted we should then have One anna = one penny \ anna = one halfpenny \ anna = one farthing 240 annas = l which would tend to assimilate the English and Indian Monetary Systems 47 Change o" Monetary System by Government. When Governments make changes in the Mone- tary System of a country which they presume to be for the general benefit of the State, they never consider their effects on the interests of private persons. It would be impossible for them to do so I suggest that the Indian Government should enter into negotiations with the Native Princes and endeavor to persuade them to adopt the Sovereign as their Standard Unit. I am persuaded that they would soon be brought to perceive its advantages. It would unify the Monetary System of India, and greatly .facilitate commerce between the Native States and the British dominions I am of course aware that strenuous opposition will be made to these proposals, but I have not thought it necessary to examine any of the loose statements in the papers. When objections are formulated by responsible parties in definite terms I shall hope to be able to show that all objections to them are untenable 48 CHAPTP:R III ON THE EXTENSION OF BANKING AND PAPER CURRENCY IN INDIA Intimately connected with the establishment of a solid and permanent Gold Currency in India is the extension of Banking and Paper Currency It is too much the habit of persons who write on the subject to maintain that Gold and Silver are the only means of .ultimately discharging 1 and liquidating Debts This, however, is an entire error. We have long passed through the ages of Gold and Silver in this country. We are now in the age of Paper or Credit All Mercantile and Trading operations in this country with the most infinitesimal exceptions, are now carried on by means of Rights of action, Credits or Debts, and the whole mass of Credits in every form both written and unwritten, constitutes a portion of the Circulating Medium or Currency infinitely ex- ceeding Gold and Silver, and acts upon Production and Prices exactly in the same way as an equal quantity of (3 old and Silver " Credit," says the great American Jurist and Statesman, Daniel Webster, " has done more, a thousand times, to enrich nations than all the mines of all the world " The great System of Credit is, however, too vast a subject to be exhibited at full length here. I have set forth the whole of the great Juridical Theory of Credit and its practical operations in Mercantile Credit, the colossal system of Banking in its various forms, and the Theory of the Foreign Exchanges, in my Theory of Credit, and I must refer readers who wish to study it in its full extent to that work. I will merely say that the future progress and pro- sperity of India greatly depends on the cautious and gradual development of a solid system of Banking But there is one small part of it which I must just touch upon here In the English Mint Gold is coined free of all charge or cost. But as considerable delay may take place before this can be done this involves a loss of interest The Bank Charter Act of 1844 provides that any person may bring Gold to the Bank, and shall be entitled to demand Bank Notes in exchange for it at the rate of 3 17s. 9d per ounce I suggest that the Indian Government might enter into arrangements with the Government Banks at Calcutta, Bombay, and Madras to adopt an analogous plan I suggest that the Indian Government might 50 have Notes prepared from its own designs, with the names of the respective Presidencies stamped on them from 1 and upwards That the Government should supply these Notes to the Presidency Banks at the same cost as they pay for their own private Notes That the Presidency Banks should issue these Notes solely and exclusively in exchange for Gold at the rate of 3 17s. 9d. per ounce That the several Banks should be bound to pay these Notes in Gold on demand as the Bank of England is That these Notes should be made unlimited Legal Tender in their several Presidencies of Issue That they should be the first charge on the assets of the Bank These Notes would I think quickly obtain the confidence of the community and diminish the demand for actual Gold Thus the people of India would enjoy the same advantage that the people of England do. They w^ould be able to convert their Gold at once into active Currency at the cost of 1 Jc/. per ounce The Government would be under no responsibility for the payment of these notes I have thus endeavoured to adapt the really valuable parts of the Bank Charter Act to the proposed Indian Paper Currency and to avoid its. fatal error 51 It is an entirely exploded fallacy to suppose that Credit can be controlled by imposing fixed limits on the issues of Banks It is a maxim well known to Bankers that in a great Commercial Crisis " An excessive Restriction of Credit causes and produces a Run for Gold" We have had a long series of Commercial Crises since 1793, and in each of them it was proved that an excessive restriction of Notes brought on a Monetary Panic The Bank Charter Act is founded on the fatal error that Credit can be controlled by imposing a fixed limit on the issue of Notes by the Bank In 1847, 1857, and 1866 it is notorious that the Commercial Crises were deepened into Monetary Panics by the legal limitation of the Bank's power of issuing Notes As soon as the Bank was given unlimited powers of issuing Notes at a very high rate of Discount the panics vanished in a few minutes In 1856 I was in the Directorate of a Bank, and saw all the operations of Banking going on before my own eyes I then investigated the whole history of Monetary Panics, and from circumstances that came to my knowledge, which had never appeared to my know- ledge in any book, I brought to mathematical demonstration that the true supreme method of controlling Credit and the Paper Currency was by adjusting the Rate of Discount to the state of the- Bullion in the Bank and to the state of the Foreign Exchanges This principle is now universally acknowledged to be the true one. One day at the Political Economy Club Sir John Lubbock observed to me that it was the greatest discovery of the age I trust that in organising a Paper Currency for India it may be founded on this principle and not upon the fatal error of the Bank Charter Act of imposing a fixed limit on the issue of Notes by the Bank Many persons connected with various Indian industries contend that it is an advantage to have a constantly " depreciating Currency." This however in the long run is quite fallacious. Such ideas would lead to increasing issues of Inconvertible Paper Money, which always bring on ruin. Some individuals may reap temporary profits from a depreciating Currency because they pay their laborers in the depreciating Currency and sell their products for Gold. But a depreciating Currency is always- attended by a general rise of prices. The consequence of the fall in the value of the Rupee has been a corresponding rise in the prices of all European commodities, which has been a most severe tax on our officials. In a general rise of prices the wages of labor are always the last to rise, and during this period the heads of these industries may make large profits. But in process of time this rise reaches the wages of labour, and then these profits vanish. Then a fresh depreciation of the Currency is called for, and so on What is wanted for the advantage of the country is not a depreciating Currency, but an ample supply of Currency equal in value to the standard at low rates. This can only be done by the extension of Banking. There are still ill-informed persons who suppose that Banking advances are made in solid Cash. But bankers never make their advances in Cash. All banking advances are made in Credit- but in Credit convertible into Cash if required, and therefore of the Value of Cash. And it is the stupendous powers of the great Banks in this country, together with the admirable organisation of the System of Credit, which have brought down the Rate of Discount for a considerable period to 1 per cent., and even lower than that. All commercial and trading operations in this country are now effected by Banking Credits and not by Cash It is by the cautious and gradual extension of Banking and the development of Banking habits among the people that the future progress of India in wealth and prosperity is to be promoted. The current works on Economics are utterly defective in the exposition of the Juridical principles and the organisation of the System of Credit and their application in practice in Mercantile Credit, the colossal business of Banking and the Foreign Exchanges It would, of course, be quite impossible to exhibit the juridical Theory of Credit and its practical appli- cation in this Tract. But I have given the complete exposition of the subject in my " Theory of Credit." This I may observe is not the work of a private irresponsible writer. Having been trained in Mer- cantile Law by Mr. Edward Bullen, one of the most able and accomplished lawyers of his day, I was selected, after a competitive examination among the members of the Bar by the Law Digest Commis- sioners, to prepare the Digest of the Law of Credit. The Law Digest Commissioners entirely approved of the Principles of Credit I set forth, and they were afterwards affirmed by the unanimous judgment of the Court of Exchequer in the case of Goodwin v. Robarts, and recommended to be put in a form adapted for popular circulation, and shortly after that by Statute became the Law of the land. Side by side with the juridical Theory of Credit I have exhibited its practical application in Mercantile Credit, the mechanism of the various kinds of Banking and the Foreign Exchanges, and shown how the prosperity and wealth of Scotland have been acclerated by her admirable system of Banking. Of course it is only in the very distant future that such a system can be extensively developed in India. 55 But it is as well to set before the administration of the country the principles and eifects of the system so that they may promote its gradual and cautious progress in India. OF THE UNIVERSITY WORKS IN ECONOMICS By the AUTHOR SECOND EDITION THE THEORY OF CREDIT Vol. I. ; Vol. II., Part I. ; Vol. II., Part II. Price of each Volume, los. net. Or bound in One Volume, price 305. net An Index has been added to this Edition Each Volume is sold separately Contents of Vol. I. The fundamental Concepts of Economics necessary for the Theory of Credit The Theory of Value The Theory of Credit Self-contradictions of J. B. Say and J. S. Mill on Credit Instruments of Credit Contents of Vol. II., Part I. Theory of the Coinage Bi- rnetalism On Commercial Credit Theory of Banking Theory of the Foreign Exchanges Nature of the Funds Influence of Money and Credit on Prices and the Rate of Interest Contents of Vol. II., Part II. Origin of Banking in England Foundation and History of the Bank of England Banking in Scotland Banking in Ireland Lord Overstone's Definition of Currency John Law's Theory of Paper Money The Bank Acts of 1844 and 1845 Differences of Principle between the Bullion Report and the supporters of the Bank Act of 1844 On Commercial Crises On Monetary Panics Conclusions from the preceding results General Conclusion LONGMANS, GREEN & CO., London, New York and Bombay TESTIMONIALS Judgment of the Court of Exchequer Chamber in the case of Goodwin v. Robarts delivered by Lord Chief Justice Cockburn. (L. R. 10 Exch. 337): 11 We find it stated in a Law Tract by Mr. MacLeod, entitled ' Specimen of a Digest of the Law of Bills of Exchange,' printed, as we believe, as a Report to the Government, but which from its research and ability, deserves to be produced in a form calculated to ensure a wider circulation," &c. %* The above judgment declares the principles of Credit set forth by the Author to be strictly accurate in every particular, and they are now by Statute the Law of the land Lord Hatherley. Mr. H. D. MacLeod was selected by the Commissioners for the Digest of the Law to prepare a Digest of the Law in relation to Bills of Exchange. He performed his task in a manner which shewed that he had an extensive and very intelligent knowledge of the Law Lord Westbury. The papers you prepared for the Law Digest Commission, proved that you had a profound and comprehensive know- ledge of a most important part of Mercantile Law Lord Selborne. You are entirely at liberty to state my belief, founded upon the Specimen Digest of the Law of Bills of Exchange prepared by you for the English Law Digest Commissioners, that you are well qualified for the Professorship in Edinburgh which you seek to obtain Lord Penzance. I can truly say that I was very much struck by the ability and learning evinced in the work you did for the Law Digest Commission Mr. Justice Stephen. I read your book before I left town and I admire it very greatly Adopted by M. Michel Chevalier as his Text Book Recommended by Lord Justice Bowen and Mr. Justice Stephen to the Council of Legal Education for the Training of Students at Law THE ELEMENTS OF ECONOMICS Being the Third Edition of the Elements of Political Economy Two Vols. ; price 75. 6d. each ; American Price PARIS, Feb. 22, 1875 MY DEAR MR. MACLEOD, I have received by the post your second Volume of the Principles of Economical Philosophy (the preceding edition of this work). I immediately set myself to read it with the attention I give to your works, and with the lively interest which resulted from the profound impression which the first had made on me. I congratulate you sincerely on this excellent work. Of all the works on Political Economy published within the last fifty years none surpasses this in importance. You have advanced the Science more than anyone, by the severe and judicious analysis to which you have subjected all the fundamental conceptions and definitions. You have removed a considerable number of errors, even blunders, committed by the Physiocrates, Adam Smith, J. B. Say, Mill, M'Culloch, &c., &c. : you have thus freed the field of the Science from a great number of thickets which encumbered it : you have simpli- fied the Science, and at the same time enlarged it. It was a work of the greatest difficulty As a proof of the conviction which I have on the subject of the extent of the services which you have rendered Political Economy, I add that it is this work which henceforth shall serve as the guide in my teaching in the College de France for the Philosophy of the Science. No other Work can be compared to yours for the correction of philo- sophic errors Yours truly, MICHEL CHEVALIER 27, AVENUE DE L'!MPERATRICE Law Magazine and Review. We have on more than one occasion expressed our high sense of the value of the several works which Mr. H. Dunning MacLeod has devoted to the exposition of that Science of Economics of which he is undoubtedly a master It is well calculated for use in the higher forms of Schools, and at the Universities. It is full of life, and even of picturesqueness. . . . Time after time, indeed, the learned Author cites definitions from the Digest to enforce his views on the Science of Economics. We do not know of any other text-books on this Science which so vividly illustrate the value of Roman Law as an authentic source of interpretation for Economical terms Westminster Review. The very model of a student's text-book. LONGMANS, GREEN & CO., London, New York and Bombay FIFTH EDITION. THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF BANKING Vol. I., price I2/- Vol. II., price i/j./- American Price An Index is added to this Edition Journal des Debats. An Economist of the first order Law Magazine and Review. 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Of special value are his statements on Money, Credit, Debt, Currency, Discount, Interest, sundry phases of Banking, Rents, Property, Labor, Value and Wealth Bullionist. We have no hesitation in describing " The History of Economics " as the most masterly exposition of Economic Theory that has appeared within recent years. . . . Mr. MacLeod in the volume before us undertakes the task of correcting the errors of his predecessors and of placing Economic Science on a solid basis. For the accomplish- ment of that object he possesses those qualifications which he himself characterises as indispensable in anyone who wishes to comprehend thoroughly the whole subject. He knows his classics, and is therefore able to study Aristotle, Demosthenes and the other classical writers in whose works many of the fundamental concepts of Economics are to be found. He is deeply read in the Roman Jurists, who it should be remembered are responsible for the most vital conceptions of modern law BLISS, SANDS & CO., London G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS New York H Classtfteb Catalogue OF WORKS IN GENERAL LITERATURE PUBLISHED BY LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO. 39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON, E.G. 91 AND 93 FIFTH AVENUE NEW YORK, AND 32 HORNBY ROAD, BOMBAY. CONTENTS. PAGE PAGE BADMINTON LIBRARY (THE). - 10 MANUALS OF CATHOLIC PHIL- BIOGRAPHY, PERSONAL ME- OSOPHY 16 MOIRS, &c. 7 MENTAL, MORAL, AND POLITICAL CHILDREN'S BOOKS - 26 PHILOSOPHY 14 CLASSICAL LITERATURE TRANS- MISCELLANEOUS AND CRITICAL LATIONS, ETC. - 18 WORKS 29 COOKERY, DOMESTIC MANAGE- MISCELLANEOUS THEOLOGICAL MENT, &c. 28 WORKS 31 EVOLUTION, ANTHROPOLOGY, POETRY AND THE DRAMA - - 18 &C -------17 POLITICAL ECONOMY AND ECO- FICTION, HUMOUR, &c. - - - 21 NOMICS - - - 16 FUR, FEATHER AND FIN SERIES 12 POPULAR SCIENCE - - 24 HISTORY, POLITICS, POLITY, SILVER LIBRARY (THE) - - 27 POLITICAL MEMOIRS, &c. - - 3 SPORT AND PASTIME - 10 LANGUAGE, HISTORY AND TRAVEL AND ADVENTURE, THE SCIENCE OF 16 COLONIES, &c. .... 8 LONGMANS' SERIES OF BOOKS VETERINARY MEDICINE, &c. - 10 FOR GIRLS 26 WORKS OF REFERENCE- - - 25 INDEX OF AUTHORS AND EDITORS. Page Page Page Page Abbott (Evelyn) - 3, 18 Baker (Sir S. W.) - 8, 10 Brogger (W. C.) - 8 Corbett (Julian S.) - 3 (T. K.) - - 14 Baldwin (C. S.) - 14 Brookings (W.) - 29 Corder (Annie) - 19 (E. A.) - - 14 Balfour (A. J.) - 11,31 Browning (H. Ellen) 9 Coventry (A.) - - n Acland (A. H. D.) - 3 Acton (Eliza) - - 28 Ball (John) - - 9 (J.T.) - - 3 Buck (H. A.) - - ii Buckle (H. T.)- - 3 Cox (Harding) - 10 Crake (Rev. A. D.) - 26 Adeane(J. H.) - - 7 Baring-Gould (Rev. Buckton (C. M.) . 28 Creiehton (Bishop)- 3,4 ^Eschylus - - 18 Ainger (A. C.) - - n S.) ... 27, 29 Barnett (Rev. S. A. & Bull(T.) --- 2 8 Burke (U. R.) - - 3 Crozier (J. B.) - - 14 Cuningham (G. C.) - 3 Albemarle (Earl of) - n Mrs.) - - - 16 Burrows (Montagu) 4 Curzon (Hon. G. N.) 3 Allen (Grant) - - 24 Baynes (T. S.) - - 29 Butler (E. A.) - - 24 Cutts (Rev. E. L.) - 4 Allingham (W.) - 18, 29 (F.) 21 Andre (R.) - - 12 Anstey (F.) - - 21 Archer (W.) - - 8 Aristophanes - - 18 Aristotle - - 14, 18 Armstrong (G. F. Savage) - - 19 (E.T. Savage) 7,19,29 Arnold (Sir Edwin) - 8, 19 Beaconsfield (Earl of) 21 Beaufort (Duke of) - 10, n Becker (Prof.) - - 18 Beesly (A. H.) - - 19 Bell (Mrs. Hugh) - 19 (Mrs. Arthur) - 7 Bent (J. Theodore) - 8 Besant (Sir Walter)- 3 Bickerdyke(J.) - n Bicknell (A. C.) - 8 Bird (R.) - - - 31 (Samuel) - - 29 Cameron of Lochiel 12 Camperdown (Earl of) 7 Cannan (E.) - - 17 (F. Laura) . 13 Chesney (Sir G.) - 3 Chisholm (G. G.) - 25 Cholmondeley-Pennell (H.) - ii Churchill (W. Spencer) 9 Dallinger (F. W.) - 4 Davidson (W. L.) 14, 16, 32 Davies (J. F.) - - 18 Deland (Mrs ) - - 21, 26 Dent (C. T.) - n Deploige - - - 17 De Salis (Mrs.) - 28, 29 De Tocqueville (A.) - 3 Devas (C. S.) - - 16 Dickinson (G. L.) - 4 Diderot - 21 (Dr. T.) - 3 Ashley (W.J.)- - 16 A telier du Lys (A uthor of)- - - - 26 Ayre (Rev. J.) - - 25 Bacon - - - 7. *4 Baden-Powell (B. H.) 3 Bagehot (W.) - 7, 16, 29 Blackwell (Elizabeth) 7 Bland (Mrs. Hubert) 20 Boase (Rev. C. W.) - 4 Boedder (Rev. B.) - 16 Bosanquet (B.) - 14 Boyd (Rev. A. K. H.) 29, 31 Brassey (Lady) - 9 (Lord) 3, 8, u, 16 Bray (C. and Mrs.) - 14 Cicero - - - 18 Clarke (Rev. R. F.) - 16 Clodd (Edward) - 17 Clutterbuck (W. J.)- 9 Cochrane (A.) - - 19 Coleridge (S. T.) - 20 Comyn (L. N.) - 26 Conington (John) - 18 Conybeare (Rev. W. J.) Dougall (L.) - - 21 Douglas (Sir G.) - 19 Dowell (S.) - - 16, 30 Doyle (A. Conan) - 21 Dreyfus (Irma) - 30 Du Bois (W. E. B.).- 4 Dufferin (Marquis of) ii Dunbar (Mary F.) - 20 Bagwell (R.) - - 3 Bain (Alexander) - 14 Bright (Rev. J. F.) - 3 Broadfoot (Major W.) 10 & Howson (Dean) 27 Eardley-Wilmot (Capt. Coolidge (W. A. B.) 9 S.) - - 8 INDEX OF AUTHORS AND "EDITORS continued. Page Page Page Page Ebrington (Viscount) 12 Egbert (J.C.) - - 18 . enery-Shee (R.) - 17 Morgan (C. Lloyd) - 17 Jerome (Jerome K.) - 22 Morris (W.) - 20, 22, 31 Soulsby (Lucy H.) 26,31 Spedding (J.) - - 7, 14 Eggleston (E.) - - 4 Johnson (J. & J. H.) 30 (Mowbray) - 11 Sprigge (S. Squire) - 8 Ellis (J. H.) - - 12 Jones (H. Bence) - 25 Mulhall (M. G.) - 17 Stanley (Bishop) - 24 (R. L.) - - 14 Jordan (W. L.) - 16 Munk (W.) - - 7 Steel (A. G.) - - 10 Evans (Sir John) - 30 Jowett (Dr. B.) - 17 (J.H.) - - 10 Joyce (P. W.) - 5, 22, 30 Nansen (F.) - - 9 Stephen (Leslie) - 9 Farrar (Dean) - - 16, 21 Justinian - - - 14 Nesbit (E.) - - 20 Stephens (H. Morse) 6 Fitzwygram (Sir F.) 10 Folkard (H. C.) 12 Kalisch (M. M.) - 32 Nettleship (R. L.) - 14 Newdigate - Newde- Stevens (R. W.) - 31 Stevenson (R. L.) - 23, 26 Ford (H.) 12 Kant (I.) - - - 14 gate (Lady) - 8 Stock (St. George) - 15 Fowler (Edith H.) - 21 Kaye (Sir J. W.) - 5 Newman (Cardinal) - 22 'Stonehenge' - - 10 Foxcroft (H. C.) - 7 Kerr (Rev. J.) - - n Storr (F.) - - - 14 Francis (Francis) - 12 Killick (Rev. A. H.) - 14 Ogle(W.)- - - 18 Stuart- Wortley (A. J.) 11,12 Freeman (Edward A.) 4 Kitchin (Dr. G. W.) 4 Oliphant (Mrs.) - 22 Stubbs (J. W.) - 6 Froude (James A.) 4, 7, 9, 21 Knight (E. F.) - - 9, 11 Oliver (W. D.) - 9 Sturdy (E. T.) - - 30 Furneaux (W.) - 24 Kostlin (J.) - - 7 Onslow (Earl of) - n Suffolk & Berkshire Orchard (T. N.) - 31 (Earl of) - - ii Galton (W. F.) - 17 Ladd (G. T.) - - 15 Osbourne (L) - - 23 Sullivan (Sir E.) - n Gardiner (Samuel R.) 4 Lang (Andrew) 5, 10, n, 13, Park (\V \ - - 13 (J- F.) 26 Gathorne-Hardy (Hon. A. E.) - - 12 Gerard (Dorothea) - 26 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, 26, 30, 32 Lascelles (Hon. G.) IO, II, 12 Parr (Louisa) - - 26 Payne-Gallwey (Sir Sully (James) - - 15 Sutherland (A. and G.) 6 (Alex.) - - 15, 31 Gibbons (J. S.) - n, 12 Gibson (Hon. H.) - 13 (C. H.) - - 14 (Hon. W.) - 32 Gilkes (A. H.) - - 21 Gill(H. J.) - - 22 Gleig (Rev. G. R.) - 8 Goethe - - - 19 Graham (P. A.) - 13, 21 (G. F.) - - 16 Granby (Marquis of) 12 Grant (Sir A.) - - 14 Graves (R. P.) - - 7 Green (T. Hill) - 14 Laughton (J. K.) - 8 Laurie (S. S.) - - 5 Layard (Nina F.) - 19 Leaf (Walter) - - 31 Lear (H. L. Sidney) - 29 Lecky (W. E. H.) - 5,19 Lees (J. A.) - - 9 Lejeune (Baron) - 7 Leslie (T. E. Cliffe) - 16 Lester (L. V.) - - 7 Levett-Yeats (S.) - 22 Lewes (G. H.) - - 15 Lillie (A.) 13 Lindley(J.) - - 25 R.) - - - n, 13 Peek (Hedley) - - 11 Pembroke (Earl of) - n Phillipps-Wolley(C.) 10,22 Pleydell-Bouverie (E. O.) n Pole(W.)- - - 13 Pollock (W. H.) - ii Poole(W. H. and Mrs.) 29 Poore (G. V.) - - 31 Potter (J.) - - 16 Praeger (S. Rosamond) 26 Prevost (C.) - - ii Pritchett (R. T.) - n Proctor (R. A.) 13,24, 28, 31 Suttner (B. von) - 23 Swinburne (A. J.) - 15 Symes (J. E.) - - 17 Tacitus - - - 18 Tavlor (Col. Meadows) 17 (Una) - - 23 Tebbutt (C. G.) - ii Thompson (N. G.) - 13 Thornhill (W.T.) - 18 Thornton (T. H.) - 8 Todd (A.) - - - 6 Toynbee (A.) - - 17 Trevelyan(SirG.O.) 7 //"* p \ T ~ Greville (C. C. F.) - 4 Grey (Maria) - 26 Grose (T. H.) - - 14 Grove (F. C.) - - n (Mrs. Lilly) - n Gurdon (Lady Camilla) 21 Lodge (H. C.) - - 4 Loftie (Rev. W. J.) - 4 Longman (C. J.) 10, 13, 30 (F. W.) - - 13 (G. H.) - - 11, 12 Lubbock (Sir John) - 17 Quill (A. W.) - - 18 Quintana (A.) 22 Raine (Rev. James) - 4 Ransome (Cyril) - 3 Rawlinson (Rev. Canon) - 8 ((^. F.) - 17 Trollope (Anthony) - 23 Tupper (J. L.) - - 20 Turner (H. G.) - 31 Tyndall(J.) - - 9 Tyrrell (R. Y.) - - 18 Gurney (Rev. A.) - 19 Gwilt (J.) - - - 25 Haggard (H. Rider) 21, 22 Hake (O.) n Halliwell-Phillipps(J.) 8 Hamlin (A. D. F.) - 30 Hammond (Mrs. J. H.) 4 Hampton (Lady Laura) 30 Harding (S. B.) - 4 Harte (Bret) - - 22 Lucan - - - 18 Lutoslawski (W.) - 15 Lyall (Edna) - - 22 Lyttelton (Hon. R. H.) 10 (Hon. A.) - - n Lytton (Earl of) - 19 MacArthur (Miss E. A.) 17 Macaulay (Lord) 5, 6, 20 MacColl (Canon) - 6 Macdonald (G.) - 9 Rhoades(J.) - - 18 Rhoscomyl (O.) - 23 Ribblesdale (Lord) - 13 Rich (A.) - - - 18 Richardson (C.) - 12 Richman (I. B.) - 6 Richmond (Ennis) - 31 Rickaby (Rev. John) 16 (Rev. Joseph) - 16 Ridley (Annie E.) - 7 /ci- T? \ ,o Upton (F. K. and Bertha) - - 26 Vaughan (Cardinal) - 17 Verney (Frances P. and Margaret M.) 8 Virgil 18 Vivekananda (Swami) 32 Vivian (Herbert) - 9 Wakeman (H. O.) - 6 Walford (L. B.) - 23 Harting(J.E.)- - 12 Hartwig (G.) - - 24 Hassall(A.) - - 6 Haweis (Rev. H. R.) 7, 30 Heath (D. D.) - 14 (Dr. G.) - - 20, 32 Macfarren (Sir G. A.) 30 Mackail (J. W.) - 18 Mackinnon (J.) - 6 Macleod (H. D.) 16 (oir ii.) ~ io Riley (J. W.) - - 20 Roget (Peter M.) - 16, 25 Rolfsen (N.) - - 8 Romanes (G. J.) Walker (Jane H.) - 29 Wallas (Graham) - 8 Walpole (Sir Spencer) 6 Walrond (Col. H.) - 10 Walsingham(Lord)- n HeathcoteQ. M.and C. G.) - - ii Macpherson (Rev. H. A.)i2 Madden (D. H.) - 13 8, 15, 17) 20, 32 (Mrs.) - - 8 Walter (J.) 8 Warwick (Countess of) 31 Helmholtz (Hermann Maher (Rev. M.) - 16 Ronalds (A.) - - 13 Watson (A. E. T.) von) - 24 Henderson (Lieut- Malleson (Col. G.B.) 5 Mandello(J.) - - 17 Roosevelt (T.) 4 Rossetti (Maria Fran- 10, 11,12, 23 Waylen (H. S. H.) - 30 Col. G. F.) - 7 Marbot (Baron de) - 7 cesca) - - 3^- (\\T -\f \ _,, Webb (Mr. and Mrs. Henry (W.) - - n Herbert (Col. Kenney) 12 Hewins (W. A. S.) - 17 Marshman (J. C.) - 7 Martineau (Dr. James) 32 Maskelyne (J. N.) - 13 (W. iVL.) - 20 Rowe (R. P. P.) - ii Russell (Bertrand) - 17 Sidney) - - 17 (T. E.) - - 19 Weber (A.) - - 15 Hill (Sylvia M.) - 21 Hillier (G. Lacy) - 10 Maunder (S.) - - 25 Max Miiller (F.) (Alys) - - 17 (Rev. M.) - - 20 Weir (Capt. R.) - n Weyman (Stanley) - 23 Hime (Lieut.-Col. H. 7, 15, 16, 30, 32 Saintsbury (G.) - 12 Whately(Archbishop) 14, 15 W. L.) - - 30 (Mrs.) - - Q Sandars (T. C.) - 14 (E. lane) - - 16 Hodgson (ShadworthH.) 14 May (Sir T. Erskine) 6 Schreiner (S. C. Cron- Whishaw (F. J.) - 23 Holroyd (Maria J.) - 7 Meade (L. T.) - - 26 wright) - - 10 White (W. Hale) - 20 Hope (Anthony) - 22 Melville (G.J.Whyte) 22 Seebohm (F.) - - 6, 8 White'aw (R.) - - 18 Horace - - - 18 Merivab (Dean) - 6 Selous (F. C.) - - 10 Wilcocks (J. C.) - 13 Hornung (E. W.) - 22 Merrm: .1 'H. S.) - 22 Selss (A. M.) - - 19 Wilkins (G.) - - 18 Houston (D. F.) - 4 Mill (James) - - 15 Sewell (Elizabeth M.) 23 Willich (C. 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